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           Title: NPNF1-02. St. Augustine's City of God and Christian Doctrine
      Creator(s):
                  Schaff, Philip (1819-1893) (Editor)
     Print Basis: New York: The Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1890
          Rights: Public Domain
   CCEL Subjects: Proofed;Early Church; All; Classic
      LC Call no: BR60
     LC Subjects:

                  Christianity

                  Early Christian Literature. Fathers of the Church, etc.
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   A SELECT LIBRARY

   OF THE

   NICENE AND

   POST-NICENE FATHERS

   OF

   THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

   EDITED BY

   PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D., LL.D.,

   PROFESSOR IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK.

   IN CONNECTION WITH A NUMBER OF PATRISTIC SCHOLARS OF EUROPE AND
   AMERICA.

   VOLUME II

   ST. AUGUSTIN'S:

   CITY OF GOD and CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE

   T&T CLARK

   EDINBURGH

   ________________________________________________

   WM. B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

   GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
     __________________________________________________________________

   Contents.

   __________

   Editor's Preface

   st. augustin's city of god:

   Translated by the Rev. Marcus Dods, D.D., of Glasgow

   Translator's Preface

   Table of Contents

   The City of God

   st. augustin's christian doctrine:

   Translated by Rev. Professor J.F. Shaw, of Londonderry

   Introductory Note

   Table of Contents

   Christian Doctrine

   Index to City of God

   Index to Christian Doctrine
     __________________________________________________________________

   Editor's Preface

   ------------------------

   The "City of God" is the masterpiece of the greatest genius among the
   Latin Fathers, and the best known and most read of his works, except
   the "Confessions."  It embodies the results of thirteen years of
   intellectual labor and study (from A.D. 413-426).  It is a vindication
   of Christianity against the attacks of the heathen in view of the
   sacking of the city of Rome by the barbarians, at a time when the old
   Græco-Roman civilization was approaching its downfall, and a new
   Christian civilization was beginning to rise on its ruins.  It is the
   first attempt at a philosophy of history, under the aspect of two rival
   cities or communities,--the eternal city of God and the perishing city
   of the world.

   This was the only philosophy of history known throughout Europe during
   the middle ages; it was adopted and reproduced in its essential
   features by Bossuet, Ozanam, Frederick Schlegel, and other Catholic
   writers, and has recently been officially endorsed, as it were, by the
   scholarly Pope Leo XIII. in his encyclical letter on the Christian
   Constitution of States (Immortale Dei, Nov. 1, 1885); for the Pope says
   that Augustin in his De Civitate Dei, "set forth so clearly the
   efficacy of Christian wisdom and the way in which it is bound up with
   the well-being of States, that he seems not only to have pleaded the
   cause of the Christians of his own time, but to have triumphantly
   refuted the false charges [against Christianity] for ever." [1]

   "The City of God" is also highly appreciated by Protestant writers as
   Waterland, Milman, Neander, Bindemann, Pressensé, Flint (The Philosophy
   of History, 1874, pp. 17 sqq.) and Fairbairn, (The City of God, London,
   2nd ed., 1886, pp. 348 sqq.).  Even the skeptical Gibbon, who had no
   sympathy whatever with the religion and theology of Augustin, concedes
   to this work at least "the merit of a magnificent design, vigorously,
   and not unskillfully executed."  (Decline and Fall, Ch. xxviii. note,
   in Harper's ed., vol. III., 271.)

   It would be unfair to judge "The City of God" by the standard of modern
   exegetical and historical scholarship.  Augustin's interpretations of
   Scripture, although usually ingenious and often profound, are as often
   fanciful, and lack the sure foundation of a knowledge of the original
   languages; for he knew very little Greek and no Hebrew, and had to
   depend on the Latin version; he was even prejudiced at first against
   Jerome's revision of the very defective Itala, fearing, in his
   solicitude for the weak and timid brethren, that more harm than good
   might be the result of this great and necessary improvement.  His
   learning was confined to biblical and Roman literature and the systems
   of Greek philosophy.  He often wastes arguments on absurd opinions, and
   some of his own opinions strike us as childish and obsolete.  He
   confines the Kingdom of God to the narrow limits of the Jewish
   theocracy and the visible Catholic Church.  He could, indeed, not deny
   the truths in Greek philosophy; but he derived them from the Jewish
   Scriptures, and adopted the impossible hypothesis of Ambrose that Plato
   became acquainted with the prophet Jeremiah in Egypt (comp. De Doctr.
   Christ. II. 28), though afterwards he corrected it (Retract. II. 4).
   He does not sufficiently appreciate the natural virtues, the ways of
   Divine providence and the working of His Spirit outside of the chosen
   race; and under the influence of the ascetic spirit which then
   prevailed in the Church, in justifiable opposition to the surrounding
   moral corruption of heathenism, he even degrades secular history and
   secular life, in the state and the family, which are likewise ordained
   of God.  In some respects he forms the opposite extreme to Origen, the
   greatest genius among the Greek fathers.  Both assume a universal fall
   from original holiness.  But Augustin dates it from one act of
   disobedience,--the historic fall of Adam, in whom the whole race was
   germinally included; while Origen goes back to a pre-historic fall of
   each individual soul, making each responsible for the abuse of
   freedom.  Augustin proceeds to a special election of a people of God
   from the corrupt and condemned mass; he follows their history in two
   antagonistic lines, and ends in the dualistic contrast of an eternal
   heaven for the elect and an eternal hell for the reprobate, including
   among the latter even unbaptized infants (horribile dictu!), who never
   committed an actual transgression; while Origen leads all fallen
   creatures, men and angels, by a slow and gradual process of amendment
   and correction, under the ever-widening influence of redeeming mercy,
   during the lapse of countless ages, back to God, some outstripping
   others and tending by a swifter course towards perfection, until the
   last enemy is finally reached and death itself is destroyed, that "God
   may be all in all."  Within the limits of the Jewish theocracy and
   Catholic Christianity Augustin admits the idea of historical
   development or a gradual progress from a lower to higher grades of
   knowledge, yet always in harmony with Catholic truth.  He would not
   allow revolutions and radical changes or different types of
   Christianity.  "The best thinking" (says Dr. Flint, in his Philosophy
   of History in Europe, I. 40), "at once the most judicious and liberal,
   among those who are called the Christian fathers, on the subject of the
   progress of Christianity as an organization and system, is that of St.
   Augustin, as elaborated and applied by Vincent of Lerins in his
   Commonitorium,' where we find substantially the same conception of the
   development of the Church and Christian doctrine, which, within the
   present century, De Maistre has made celebrated in France, Möhler in
   Germany, and Newman in England.  Its main defect is that it places in
   the Church an authority other than, and virtually higher than,
   Scripture and reason, to determine what is true and false in the
   development of doctrine."

   With all its defects the candid reader will be much instructed and
   edified by "the City of God," and find more to admire than to censure
   in this immortal work of sanctified genius and learning.

   The present translation, the first accurate and readable one in the
   English language, was prepared by the accomplished editor of the Works
   of Aurelius Augustin, published by T. and T. Clark of Edinburgh. [2]
   I urged Dr. Dods by letter and in person to re-edit it for this
   Patristic Series with such changes and additions as he might wish to
   make, but he declined, partly from want of leisure, and partly for a
   reason which I must state in his own language.  "I thought," he writes
   in a letter to me of Nov. 23, 1886, that "the book could not fail to be
   improved by passing under your own supervision.  In editing it for
   Clark's Series, I translated the greater part of it with my own hand
   and carefully revised the parts translated by others.  I was very much
   gratified to hear that you meant to adopt it into your Series; and the
   best reward of my labor on it is that now with your additional notes
   and improvements, it is likely to find a wider circulation than it
   could otherwise have had."

   But in this expectation the reader will be disappointed.  The
   translation is far better than I could have made it, and it would have
   been presumption on my part to attempt to improve it.  The notes, too,
   are all to the point and leave little to be desired.  I have only added
   a few.  Besides the Latin original, I have compared also the German
   translation of Ulrich Uhl (Des heiligen Kirchenvaters Augustinus zwei
   und zwanzig Bücher über den Gottesstaat) in the Catholic "Bibliothek
   der Kirchenväter," edited by Dr. Thalhofer, but I found nothing in the
   occasional foot-notes which is better than those of Dr. Dods.  The
   present edition, therefore, is little more than a careful reproduction
   of that of my esteemed Scotch friend, who deserves the undivided credit
   of making this famous work of the Bishop of Hippo accessible to the
   English reader.

   I have included in this volume the four books of St. Augustin On
   Christian Doctrine. [3]   It is the first and best patristic work on
   biblical Hermeneutics, and continued for a thousand years, together
   with the Prefaces of Jerome, to be the chief exegetical guide.
   Although it is superseded as a scientific work by modern Hermeneutics
   and Critical Introductions to the Old and New Testaments, it is not
   surpassed for originality, depth and spiritual insight.

   The translation was prepared by the Rev. Professor J. F.Shaw, of
   Londonderry, and is likewise all that can be desired.  I have enlarged
   the introductory note and added a table of contents.

   Philip Schaff.

   New York, December 10, 1886.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1] "Augustinus præsertim in Civitate Dei'virtutem Christianæ
   sapientiæ, qua parte necessitudinem habet cum republica, tanto in
   lumine collocavit, ut non tam pro Christianis sui temporis dixisse
   caussam quam de criminibus falsis perpetuum triumphum egisse
   videatur."  I quote from the Paris edition of the Acta Leonis
   PapæXIII., 1886, p. 284.

   [2] An older translation appeared under the title:  Of the citie of
   God, with the learned comments of Jo. Lodovicus Vives, Englished first
   by J. H., and now in this second edition compared with the Latin
   original, and in very many places corrected and amended, London, 1620.
   The Oxford Library of the Fathers does not include the City of God nor
   Christian Doctrine.  In French there are, it seems, no less than eight
   independent translations of the Civitas Dei, the best by Emile Saisset,
   with introduction and notes, Paris, 1855, 4 vols. gr. in 18.  Moreau's
   translation includes the Latin original, Paris, 1846 and 1854, in 3
   vols.  The Latin text alone is found in the 7th vol. of the Benedictine
   edition (1685).  A handy (stereotyped) edition was published by C.
   Tauchnitz, Lipsiæ, 1825, in 2 vols.; another by Jos. Strange, Coloniæ,
   1850, in 2 vols.

   [3] "De Doctrina Christiana libri quatuor", included in the third vol.
   (1680) of the Benedictine edition at the head of the exegetical works.
   A separate edition was published by Car. Herm. Bruder, ed. stereotypa,
   Lips. (Tauchnitz), 1838.  A German translation (Vier Bücher über die
   christliche Lehre) by Remigius Storf was published at Kempten, 1877, in
   Thalhofer's "Bibliothek der Kirchenväter."
     __________________________________________________________________

   The City of God

   translated by

   Rev. Marcus Dods, D.D.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Translator's Preface.

   ------------------------

   "Rome having been stormed and sacked by the Goths under Alaric their
   king, [4] the worshippers of false gods, or pagans, as we commonly call
   them, made an attempt to attribute this calamity to the Christian
   religion, and began to blaspheme the true God with even more than their
   wonted bitterness and acerbity.  It was this which kindled my zeal for
   the house of God, and prompted me to undertake the defence of the city
   of God against the charges and misrepresentations of its assailants.
   This work was in my hands for several years, owing to the interruptions
   occasioned by many other affairs which had a prior claim on my
   attention, and which I could not defer.  However, this great
   undertaking was at last completed in twenty-two books.  Of these, the
   first five refute those who fancy that the polytheistic worship is
   necessary in order to secure worldly prosperity, and that all these
   overwhelming calamities have befallen us in consequence of its
   prohibition.  In the following five books I address myself to those who
   admit that such calamities have at all times attended, and will at all
   times attend, the human race, and that they constantly recur in forms
   more or less disastrous, varying only in the scenes, occasions, and
   persons on whom they light, but, while admitting this, maintain that
   the worship of the gods is advantageous for the life to come.  In these
   ten books, then, I refute these two opinions, which are as groundless
   as they are antagonistic to the Christian religion.

   "But that no one might have occasion to say, that though I had refuted
   the tenets of other men, I had omitted to establish my own, I devote to
   this object the second part of this work, which comprises twelve books,
   although I have not scrupled, as occasion offered, either to advance my
   own opinions in the first ten books, or to demolish the arguments of my
   opponents in the last twelve.  Of these twelve books, the first four
   contain an account of the origin of these two cities--the city of God,
   and the city of the world.  The second four treat of their history or
   progress; the third and last four, of their deserved destinies.  And
   so, though all these twenty-two books refer to both cities, yet I have
   named them after the better city, and called them The City of God."

   Such is the account given by Augustin himself [5] of the occasion and
   plan of this his greatest work.  But in addition to this explicit
   information, we learn from the correspondence [6] of Augustin, that it
   was due to the importunity of his friend Marcellinus that this defence
   of Christianity extended beyond the limits of a few letters.  Shortly
   before the fall of Rome, Marcellinus had been sent to Africa by the
   Emperor Honorius to arrange a settlement of the differences between the
   Donatists and the Catholics.  This brought him into contact not only
   with Augustin, but with Volusian, the proconsul of Africa, and a man of
   rare intelligence and candor.  Finding that Volusian, though as yet a
   pagan, took an interest in the Christian religion, Marcellinus set his
   heart on converting him to the true faith.  The details of the
   subsequent significant intercourse between the learned and courtly
   bishop and the two imperial statesmen, are unfortunately almost
   entirely lost to us; but the impression conveyed by the extant
   correspondence is, that Marcellinus was the means of bringing his two
   friends into communication with one another.  The first overture was on
   Augustin's part, in the shape of a simple and manly request that
   Volusian would carefully peruse the Scriptures, accompanied by a frank
   offer to do his best to solve any difficulties that might arise from
   such a course of inquiry.  Volusian accordingly enters into
   correspondence with Augustin; and in order to illustrate the kind of
   difficulties experienced by men in his position, he gives some graphic
   notes of a conversation in which he had recently taken part at a
   gathering of some of his friends.  The difficulty to which most weight
   is attached in this letter, is the apparent impossibility of believing
   in the Incarnation.  But a letter which Marcellinus immediately
   despatched to Augustin, urging him to reply to Volusian at large,
   brought the intelligence that the difficulties and objections to
   Christianity were thus limited merely out of a courteous regard to the
   preciousness of the bishop's time, and the vast number of his
   engagements.  This letter, in short, brought out the important fact,
   that a removal of speculative doubts would not suffice for the
   conversion of such men as Volusian, whose life was one with the life of
   the empire.  Their difficulties were rather political, historical, and
   social.  They could not see how the reception of the Christian rule of
   life was compatible with the interests of Rome as the mistress of the
   world. [7]   And thus Augustin was led to take a more distinct and
   wider view of the whole relation which Christianity bore to the old
   state of things,--moral, political, philosophical, and religious,--and
   was gradually drawn on to undertake the elaborate work now presented to
   the English reader, and which may more appropriately than any other of
   his writings be called his masterpiece [8] or life-work.  It was begun
   the very year of Marcellinus' death, a.d. 413, and was issued in
   detached portions from time to time, until its completion in the year
   426.  It thus occupied the maturest years of Augustin's life--from his
   fifty-ninth to his seventy-second year. [9]

   From this brief sketch, it will be seen that though the accompanying
   work is essentially an Apology, the Apologetic of Augustin can be no
   mere rehabilitation of the somewhat threadbare, if not effete,
   arguments of Justin and Tertullian. [10]   In fact, as Augustin
   considered what was required of him,--to expound the Christian faith,
   and justify it to enlightened men:  to distinguish it from, and show
   its superiority to, all those forms of truth, philosophical or popular,
   which were then striving for the mastery, or at least for
   standing-room; to set before the world's eye a vision of glory that
   might win the regard even of men who were dazzled by the fascinating
   splendor of a world-wide empire,--he recognized that a task was laid
   before him to which even his powers might prove unequal,--a task
   certainly which would afford ample scope for his learning, dialectic,
   philosophical grasp and acumen, eloquence, and faculty of exposition.

   But it is the occasion of this great Apology which invests it at once
   with grandeur and vitality.  After more than eleven hundred years of
   steady and triumphant progress, Rome had been taken and sacked.  It is
   difficult for us to appreciate, impossible to overestimate, the shock
   which was thus communicated from centre to circumference of the whole
   known world.  It was generally believed, not only by the heathen, but
   also by many of the most liberal-minded of the Christians, that the
   destruction of Rome would be the prelude to the destruction of the
   world. [11]   Even Jerome, who might have been supposed to be
   embittered against the proud mistress of the world by her inhospitality
   to himself, cannot conceal his profound emotion on hearing of her
   fall.  "A terrible rumor," he says, "reaches me from the West telling
   of Rome besieged, bought for gold, besieged again, life and property
   perishing together.  My voice falters, sobs stifle the words I dictate;
   for she is a captive, that city which enthralled the world." [12]
   Augustin is never so theatrical as Jerome in the expression of his
   feeling, but he is equally explicit in lamenting the fall of Rome as a
   great calamity:  and while he does not scruple to ascribe her recent
   disgrace to the profligate manners, the effeminacy, and the pride of
   her citizens, he is not without hope that, by a return to the simple,
   hardy, and honorable mode of life which characterized the early Romans,
   she may still be restored to much of her former prosperity. [13]   But
   as Augustin contemplates the ruins of Rome's greatness, and feels in
   common with all the world at this crisis, the instability of the
   strongest governments, the insufficiency of the most authoritative
   statesmanship, there hovers over these ruins the splendid vision of the
   city of God "coming down out of heaven, adorned as a bride for her
   husband."  The old social system is crumbling away on all sides, but in
   its place he seems to see a pure Christendom arising.  He sees that
   human history and human destiny are not wholly identified with the
   history of any earthly power--not though it be as cosmopolitan as the
   empire of Rome. [14]   He directs the attention of men to the fact that
   there is another kingdom on earth,--a city which hath foundations,
   whose builder and maker is God.  He teaches men to take profounder
   views of history, and shows them how from the first the city of God, or
   community of God's people, has lived alongside of the kingdoms of this
   world and their glory, and has been silently increasing, "crescit
   occulto velut arbor ævo."  He demonstrates that the superior morality,
   the true doctrine, the heavenly origin of this city, ensure it success;
   and over against this, he depicts the silly or contradictory
   theorizings of the pagan philosophers, and the unhinged morals of the
   people, and puts it to all candid men to say, whether in the presence
   of so manifestly sufficient a cause for Rome's downfall, there is room
   for imputing it to the spread of Christianity.  He traces the
   antagonism of these two grand communities of rational creatures back to
   their first divergence in the fall of the angels, and down to the
   consummation of all things in the last judgment and eternal destination
   of the good and evil.  In other words, the city of God is "the first
   real effort to produce a philosophy of history," [15] to exhibit
   historical events in connection with their true causes, and in their
   real sequence.  This plan of the work is not only a great conception,
   but it is accompanied with many practical advantages; the chief of
   which is, that it admits, and even requires, a full treatment of those
   doctrines of our faith that are more directly historical,--the
   doctrines of creation, the fall, the incarnation, the connection
   between the Old and New Testaments, and the doctrine of "the last
   things." [16]

   The effect produced by this great work it is impossible to determine
   with accuracy.  Beugnot, with an absoluteness which we should condemn
   as presumption in any less competent authority, declares that its
   effect can only have been very slight. [17]   Probably its effect would
   be silent and slow; telling first upon cultivated minds, and only
   indirectly upon the people.  Certainly its effect must have been
   weakened by the interrupted manner of its publication.  It is an easier
   task to estimate its intrinsic value.  But on this also patristic and
   literary authorities widely differ.  Dupin admits that it is very
   pleasant reading, owing to the surprising variety of matters which are
   introduced to illustrate and forward the argument, but censures the
   author for discussing very useless questions, and for adducing reasons
   which could satisfy no one who was not already convinced. [18]   Huet
   also speaks of the book as "un amas confus d'excellents materiaux;
   c'est de l'or en barre et en lingots." [19]   L'Abbé Flottes censures
   these opinions as unjust, and cites with approbation the unqualified
   eulogy of Pressensé. [20]   But probably the popularity of the book is
   its best justification.  This popularity may be measured by the
   circumstance that, between the year 1467 and the end of the fifteenth
   century, no fewer than twenty editions were called for, that is to say,
   a fresh edition every eighteen months. [21]   And in the interesting
   series of letters that passed between Ludovicus Vives and Erasmus, who
   had engaged him to write a commentary on the City of God for his
   edition of Augustin's works, we find Vives pleading for a separate
   edition of this work, on the plea that, of all the writings of
   Augustin, it was almost the only one read by patristic students, and
   might therefore naturally be expected to have a much wider circulation.
   [22]

   If it were asked to what this popularity is due, we should be disposed
   to attribute it mainly to the great variety of ideas, opinions, and
   facts that are here brought before the reader's mind.  Its importance
   as a contribution to the history of opinion cannot be overrated.  We
   find in it not only indications or explicit enouncement of the author's
   own views upon almost every important topic which occupied his
   thoughts, but also a compendious exhibition of the ideas which most
   powerfully influenced the life at that age.  It thus becomes, as
   Poujoulat says, "comme l'encyclopédie du cinquième siècle."  All that
   is valuable, together with much indeed that is not so, in the religion
   and philosophy of the classical nations of antiquity, is reviewed.  And
   on some branches of these subjects it has, in the judgment of one well
   qualified to judge, "preserved more than the whole surviving Latin
   literature."  It is true we are sometimes wearied by the too elaborate
   refutation of opinions which to a modern mind seem self-evident
   absurdities; but if these opinions were actually prevalent in the fifth
   century, the historical inquirer will not quarrel with the form in
   which his information is conveyed, nor will commit the absurdity of
   attributing to Augustin the foolishness of these opinions, but rather
   the credit of exploding them.  That Augustin is a well-informed and
   impartial critic, is evinced by the courteousness and candor which he
   uniformly displays to his opponents, by the respect he won from the
   heathen themselves, and by his own early life.  The most rigorous
   criticism has found him at fault regarding matters of fact only in some
   very rare instances, which can be easily accounted for.  His learning
   would not indeed stand comparison with what is accounted such in our
   day:  his life was too busy, and too devoted to the poor and to the
   spiritually necessitous, to admit of any extraordinary acquisition.  He
   had access to no literature but the Latin; or at least he had only
   sufficient Greek to enable him to refer to Greek authors on points of
   importance, and not enough to enable him to read their writings with
   ease and pleasure. [23]   But he had a profound knowledge of his own
   time, and a familiar acquaintance not only with the Latin poets, but
   with many other authors, some of whose writings are now lost to us,
   save the fragments preserved through his quotations.

   But the interest attaching to the City of God is not merely
   historical.  It is the earnestness and ability with which he develops
   his own philosophical and theological views which gradually fascinate
   the reader, and make him see why the world has set this among the few
   greatest books of all time.  The fundamental lines of the Augustinian
   theology are here laid down in a comprehensive and interesting form.
   Never was thought so abstract expressed in language so popular.  He
   handles metaphysical problems with the unembarrassed ease of Plato,
   with all Cicero's accuracy and acuteness, and more than Cicero's
   profundity.  He is never more at home than when exposing the
   incompetency of Neoplatonism, or demonstrating the harmony of Christian
   doctrine and true philosophy.  And though there are in the City of God,
   as in all ancient books, things that seem to us childish and barren,
   there are also the most surprising anticipations of modern
   speculation.  There is an earnest grappling with those problems which
   are continually re-opened because they underlie man's relation to God
   and the spiritual world,--the problems which are not peculiar to any
   one century.  As we read these animated discussions,

   "The fourteen centuries fall away

   Between us and the Afric saint,

   And at his side we urge, to-day,

   The immemorial quest and old complaint.

   No outward sign to us is given,

   From sea or earth comes no reply;

   Hushed as the warm Numidian heaven,

   He vainly questioned bends our frozen sky."

   It is true, the style of the book is not all that could be desired:
   there are passages which can possess an interest only to the
   antiquarian; there are others with nothing to redeem them but the glow
   of their eloquence; there are many repetitions; there is an occasional
   use of arguments "plus ingenieux que solides," as M. Saisset says.
   Augustin's great admirer, Erasmus, does not scruple to call him a
   writer "obscuræ, subtilitatis et parum amoenæ prolixitatis; [24] but
   "the toil of penetrating the apparent obscurities will be rewarded by
   finding a real wealth of insight and enlightenment."  Some who have
   read the opening chapters of the City of God, may have considered it
   would be a waste of time to proceed; but no one, we are persuaded, ever
   regretted reading it all.  The book has its faults; but it effectually
   introduces us to the most influential of theologians, and the greatest
   popular teacher; to a genius that cannot nod for many lines together;
   to a reasoner whose dialectic is more formidable, more keen and
   sifting, than that of Socrates or Aquinas; to a saint whose ardent and
   genuine devotional feeling bursts up through the severest
   argumentation; to a man whose kindliness and wit, universal sympathies
   and breadth of intelligence, lend piquancy and vitality to the most
   abstract dissertation.

   The propriety of publishing a translation of so choice a specimen of
   ancient literature needs no defence.  As Poujoulat very sensibly
   remarks, there are not a great many men now-a-days who will read a work
   in Latin of twenty-two books.  Perhaps there are fewer still who ought
   to do so.  With our busy neighbors in France, this work has been a
   prime favorite for 400 years.  There may be said to be eight
   independent translations of it into the French tongue, though some of
   these are in part merely revisions.  One of these translations has gone
   through as many as four editions.  The most recent is that which forms
   part of the Nisard series; but the best, so far as we have seen, is
   that of the accomplished Professor of Philosophy in the College of
   France, Emile Saisset.  This translation is indeed all that can be
   desired:  here and there an omission occurs, and about one or two
   renderings a difference of opinion may exist; but the exceeding
   felicity and spirit of the whole show it to have been a labor of love,
   the fond homage of a disciple proud of his master.  The preface of M.
   Saisset is one of the most valuable contributions ever made to the
   understanding of Augustin's philosophy. [25]

   Of English translations there has been an unaccountable poverty.  Only
   one exists, [26] and this so exceptionally bad, so unlike the racy
   translations of the seventeenth century in general, so inaccurate, and
   so frequently unintelligible, that it is not impossible it may have
   done something towards giving the English public a distaste for the
   book itself.  That the present translation also might be improved, we
   know; that many men were fitter for the task, on the score of
   scholarship, we are very sensible; but that any one would have executed
   it with intenser affection and veneration for the author, we are not
   prepared to admit.  A few notes have been added where it appeared to be
   necessary.  Some are original, some from the Benedictine Augustin, and
   the rest from the elaborate commentary of Vives. [27]

   Marcus Dods.

   Glasgow, 1871.

   [On the back of the title pages to vols. I. and II. of the Edinburgh
   edition, Dr. Dods indicates his associates in the work of translation
   and annotation as follows:

   "Books IV., XVII. and XVIII. have been translated by the Rev. George
   Wilson, Glenluce; Books V., VI., VII. and VIII. by the Rev. J. J.
   Smith."]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [4] A.D. 410.

   [5] Retractations, ii. 43.

   [6] Letters, 132-8.

   [7] See some admirable remarks on this subject in the useful work of
   Beugnot, Histoire de la Destruction du Paganisme, ii. 83 et sqq.

   [8] As Waterland (iv. 760) does call it, adding that it is "his most
   learned, most correct, and most elaborate work."

   [9] For proof, see the Benedictine Preface.

   [10] "Hitherto the Apologies had been framed to meet particular
   exigencies:  they were either brief and pregnant statements of the
   Christian doctrines; refutations of prevalent calumnies; invectives
   against the follies and crimes of Paganism; or confutations of
   anti-Christian works like those of Celsus, Porphyry, or Julian, closely
   following their course of argument, and rarely expanding into general
   and comprehensive views of the great conflict."--Milman, History of
   Christianity, iii. c. 10.  We are not acquainted with any more complete
   preface to the City of God than is contained in the two or three pages
   which Milman has devoted to this subject.

   [11] See the interesting remarks of Lactantius, Instit. vii. 25.

   [12] ^  "Hæret vox et singultus intercipiunt verba dictantis.  Capitur
   urbs quætotum cepit orbem."--Jerome, iv. 783.

   [13] See below, iv. 7.

   [14] This is well brought out by Merivale, Conversion of the Roman
   Empire, p. 145, etc.

   [15] Ozanam, History of Civilisation in the Fifth Century (Eng.
   trans.), ii. 160.

   [16] Abstracts of the work at greater or less length are given by
   Dupin, Bindemann, Böhringer, Poujoulat, Ozanam, and others.

   [17] His words are:  "Plus on examine la Cité de Dieu, plus on reste
   convaincu que cet ouvrage dût exercea tres-peu d'influence sur l'esprit
   des paiens" (ii. 122.); and this though he thinks one cannot but be
   struck with the grandeur of the ideas it contains.

   [18] History of Ecclesiastical Writers, i. 406.

   [19] Huetiana, p. 24.

   [20] Flottes, Etudes sur S. Augustin (Paris, 1861), pp. 154-6, one of
   the most accurate and interesting even of French monographs on
   theological writers.

   [21] These editions will be found detailed in the second volume of
   Schoenemann's Bibliotheca Pat.

   [22] His words (in Ep. vi.) are quite worth quoting:  "Cura rogo te, ut
   excudantur aliquot centena exemplarium istius operis a reliquo
   Augustini corpore separata; nam multi erunt studiosi qui Augustinum
   totum emere vel nollent, vel non poterunt, quia non egebunt, seu quia
   tantum pecuniænon habebunt.  Scio enim fere a deditis studiis istis
   elegantioribus præter hoc Augustini opus nullum fere aliud legi ejusdem
   autoris."

   [23] The fullest and fairest discussion of the very simple yet never
   settled question of Augustin's learning will be found in Nourrisson's
   Philosophie de S. Augustin, ii. 92-100.  [Comp. the first vol. of this
   Nicene Library, p. 9.--P.S.]

   [24] Erasmi Epistoloe xx. 2.

   [25] A large part of it has been translated in Saisset's Pantheism
   (Clark, Edinburgh).

   [26] By J. H., published in 1610, and again in 1620, with Vives'
   commentary.

   [27] As the letters of Vives are not in every library, we give his
   comico-pathetic account of the result of his Augustinian labors on his
   health:  "Ex quo Augustinum perfeci, nunquam valui ex sententia;
   proximâ vero hebdomade et hac, fracto corpore cuncto, et nervis
   lassitudine quadam et debilitate dejectis, in caput decem turres
   incumbere mihi videntur incidendo pondere, ac mole intolerabili; isti
   sunt fructus studiorum, et merces pulcherrimi laboris; quid labor et
   benefacta juvant?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   The City of God.

   Book I.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Augustin censures the pagans, who attributed the calamities
   of the world, and especially the recent sack of Rome by the Goths, to
   the Christian religion, and its prohibition of the worship of the
   gods.  He speaks of the blessings and ills of life, which then, as
   always, happened to good and bad men alike.  Finally, he rebukes the
   shamelessness of those who cast up to the Christians that their women
   had been violated by the soldiers.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface, Explaining His Design in Undertaking This Work.

   The glorious city of God [28] is my theme in this work, which you, my
   dearest son Marcellinus, [29] suggested, and which is due to you by my
   promise.  I have undertaken its defence against those who prefer their
   own gods to the Founder of this city,--a city surpassingly glorious,
   whether we view it as it still lives by faith in this fleeting course
   of time, and sojourns as a stranger in the midst of the ungodly, or as
   it shall dwell in the fixed stability of its eternal seat, which it now
   with patience waits for, expecting until "righteousness shall return
   unto judgment," [30] and it obtain, by virtue of its excellence, final
   victory and perfect peace.  A great work this, and an arduous; but God
   is my helper.  For I am aware what ability is requisite to persuade the
   proud how great is the virtue of humility, which raises us, not by a
   quite human arrogance, but by a divine grace, above all earthly
   dignities that totter on this shifting scene.  For the King and Founder
   of this city of which we speak, has in Scripture uttered to His people
   a dictum of the divine law in these words:  "God resisteth the proud,
   but giveth grace unto the humble." [31]   But this, which is God's
   prerogative, the inflated ambition of a proud spirit also affects, and
   dearly loves that this be numbered among its attributes, to

   "Show pity to the humbled soul,

   And crush the sons of pride." [32]

   And therefore, as the plan of this work we have undertaken requires,
   and as occasion offers, we must speak also of the earthly city, which,
   though it be mistress of the nations, is itself ruled by its lust of
   rule.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [28] [Augustin uses the term civitas Dei (polis theou) of the church
   universal as a commonwealth and community founded and governed by God.
   It is applied in the Bible to Jerusalem or the church of the Old
   Covenant (Ps. xl. 6, 4; xlviii. 1, 8; lxxxvii. 3), and to the heavenly
   Jerusalem or the church perfect (Heb. xi. 10, 16; xii. 22; Rev. iii.
   12; xxi. 2; xxii. 14, 19).  Augustin comprehends under the term the
   whole Kingdom of God under the Jewish and Christian dispensation both
   in its militant and triumphant state, and contrasts it with the
   perishing kingdoms of this world.  His work treats of both, but he
   calls it, a meliore, The City of God.--P.S.]

   [29] [Marcellinus was a friend of Augustin, and urged him to write this
   work.  He was commissioned by the Emperior Honorius to convene a
   conference of Catholic and schismatic Donatist bishops in the summer of
   411, and conceded the victory to the Catholics; but on account of his
   rigor in executing the laws against the Donatists, he fell a victim to
   their revenge, and was honored by a place among the martyrs.  See the
   Letters of Augustin, 133, 136, 138, 139, 143, 151, the notes in this
   ed., vol. I., 470 and 505, and the Translator's Preface --P.S.]

   [30] Ps. xciv. 15, rendered otherwise in Eng. ver. [In the Revised
   Vers.:  "Judgment shall return unto righteousness."  In Old Testament
   quotations, Augustin, being ignorant of Hebrew, had to rely on the
   imperfect Latin version of his day, and was at first even opposed to
   the revision of Jerome.--P.S.]

   [31] Jas. iv. 6 and 1 Pet. v. 5.

   [32] Virgil, Æneid, vi. 854.  [Parcere subjectis et debellare
   superbos.--P.S.]
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Adversaries of the Name of Christ, Whom the
   Barbarians for Christ's Sake Spared When They Stormed the City.

   For to this earthly city belong the enemies against whom I have to
   defend the city of God.  Many of them, indeed, being reclaimed from
   their ungodly error, have become sufficiently creditable citizens of
   this city; but many are so inflamed with hatred against it, and are so
   ungrateful to its Redeemer for His signal benefits, as to forget that
   they would now be unable to utter a single word to its prejudice, had
   they not found in its sacred places, as they fled from the enemy's
   steel, that life in which they now boast themselves. [33]   Are not
   those very Romans, who were spared by the barbarians through their
   respect for Christ, become enemies to the name of Christ?  The
   reliquaries of the martyrs and the churches of the apostles bear
   witness to this; for in the sack of the city they were open sanctuary
   for all who fled to them, whether Christian or Pagan.  To their very
   threshold the blood-thirsty enemy raged; there his murderous fury owned
   a limit.  Thither did such of the enemy as had any pity convey those to
   whom they had given quarter, lest any less mercifully disposed might
   fall upon them.  And, indeed, when even those murderers who everywhere
   else showed themselves pitiless came to those spots where that was
   forbidden which the license of war permitted in every other place,
   their furious rage for slaughter was bridled, and their eagerness to
   take prisoners was quenched.  Thus escaped multitudes who now reproach
   the Christian religion, and impute to Christ the ills that have
   befallen their city; but the preservation of their own life--a boon
   which they owe to the respect entertained for Christ by the
   barbarians--they attribute not to our Christ, but to their own good
   luck.  They ought rather, had they any right perceptions, to attribute
   the severities and hardships inflicted by their enemies, to that divine
   providence which is wont to reform the depraved manners of men by
   chastisement, and which exercises with similar afflictions the
   righteous and praiseworthy,--either translating them, when they have
   passed through the trial, to a better world, or detaining them still on
   earth for ulterior purposes.  And they ought to attribute it to the
   spirit of these Christian times, that, contrary to the custom of war,
   these bloodthirsty barbarians spared them, and spared them for Christ's
   sake, whether this mercy was actually shown in promiscuous places, or
   in those places specially dedicated to Christ's name, and of which the
   very largest were selected as sanctuaries, that full scope might thus
   be given to the expansive compassion which desired that a large
   multitude might find shelter there.  Therefore ought they to give God
   thanks, and with sincere confession flee for refuge to His name, that
   so they may escape the punishment of eternal fire--they who with lying
   lips took upon them this name, that they might escape the punishment of
   present destruction.  For of those whom you see insolently and
   shamelessly insulting the servants of Christ, there are numbers who
   would not have escaped that destruction and slaughter had they not
   pretended that they themselves were Christ's servants.  Yet now, in
   ungrateful pride and most impious madness, and at the risk of being
   punished in everlasting darkness, they perversely oppose that name
   under which they fraudulently protected themselves for the sake of
   enjoying the light of this brief life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [33] [Aug. refers to the sacking of the city of Rome by the West-Gothic
   King Alaric, 410.  He was the most humane of the barbaric invaders and
   conquerors of Rome, and had embraced Arian Christianity (probably from
   the teaching of Ulphilas, the Arian bishop and translator of the
   Bible).  He spared the Catholic Christians.--For particulars see
   Gibbon's Decline and Fall, and Millman's Latin Christianity.--P.S.]
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--That It is Quite Contrary to the Usage of War, that the
   Victors Should Spare the Vanquished for the Sake of Their Gods.

   There are histories of numberless wars, both before the building of
   Rome and since its rise and the extension of its dominion; let these be
   read, and let one instance be cited in which, when a city had been
   taken by foreigners, the victors spared those who were found to have
   fled for sanctuary to the temples of their gods; [34] or one instance
   in which a barbarian general gave orders that none should be put to the
   sword who had been found in this or that temple.  Did not Æneas see

   "Dying Priam at the shrine,

   Staining the hearth he made divine?" [35]

   Did not Diomede and Ulysses

   "Drag with red hands, the sentry slain,

   Her fateful image from your fane,

   Her chaste locks touch, and stain with gore

   The virgin coronal she wore?" [36]

   Neither is that true which follows, that

   "Thenceforth the tide of fortune changed,

   And Greece grew weak." [37]

   For after this they conquered and destroyed Troy with fire and sword;
   after this they beheaded Priam as he fled to the altars.  Neither did
   Troy perish because it lost Minerva.  For what had Minerva herself
   first lost, that she should perish?  Her guards perhaps?  No doubt;
   just her guards.  For as soon as they were slain, she could be stolen.
   It was not, in fact, the men who were preserved by the image, but the
   image by the men.  How, then, was she invoked to defend the city and
   the citizens, she who could not defend her own defenders?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [34] The Benedictines remind us that Alexander and Xenophon, at least
   on some occasions, did so.

   [35] Virgil, Æneid, ii. 501-2.  The renderings of Virgil are from
   Conington.

   [36] Ibid.. ii. 166.

   [37] Ibid.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--That the Romans Did Not Show Their Usual Sagacity When They
   Trusted that They Would Be Benefited by the Gods Who Had Been Unable to
   Defend Troy.

   And these be the gods to whose protecting care the Romans were
   delighted to entrust their city!  O too, too piteous mistake!  And they
   are enraged at us when we speak thus about their gods, though, so far
   from being enraged at their own writers, they part with money to learn
   what they say; and, indeed, the very teachers of these authors are
   reckoned worthy of a salary from the public purse, and of other
   honors.  There is Virgil, who is read by boys, in order that this great
   poet, this most famous and approved of all poets, may impregnate their
   virgin minds, and may not readily be forgotten by them, according to
   that saying of Horace,

   "The fresh cask long keeps its first tang." [38]

   Well, in this Virgil, I say, Juno is introduced as hostile to the
   Trojans, and stirring up Æolus, the king of the winds, against them in
   the words,

   "A race I hate now ploughs the sea,

   Transporting Troy to Italy,

   And home-gods conquered" [39] ...

   And ought prudent men to have entrusted the defence of Rome to these
   conquered gods?  But it will be said, this was only the saying of Juno,
   who, like an angry woman, did not know what she was saying.  What,
   then, says Æneas himself,--Æneas who is so often designated "pious?"
   Does he not say,

   "Lo! Panthus, 'scaped from death by flight,

   Priest of Apollo on the height,

   His conquered gods with trembling hands

   He bears, and shelter swift demands?" [40]

   Is it not clear that the gods (whom he does not scruple to call
   "conquered") were rather entrusted to Æneas than he to them, when it is
   said to him,

   "The gods of her domestic shrines

   Your country to your care consigns?" [41]

   If, then, Virgil says that the gods were such as these, and were
   conquered, and that when conquered they could not escape except under
   the protection of a man, what a madness is it to suppose that Rome had
   been wisely entrusted to these guardians, and could not have been taken
   unless it had lost them!  Indeed, to worship conquered gods as
   protectors and champions, what is this but to worship, not good
   divinities, but evil omens? [42]   Would it not be wiser to believe,
   not that Rome would never have fallen into so great a calamity had not
   they first perished, but rather that they would have perished long
   since had not Rome preserved them as long as she could?  For who does
   not see, when he thinks of it, what a foolish assumption it is that
   they could not be vanquished under vanquished defenders, and that they
   only perished because they had lost their guardian gods, when, indeed,
   the only cause of their perishing was that they chose for their
   protectors gods condemned to perish?  The poets, therefore, when they
   composed and sang these things about the conquered gods, had no
   intention to invent falsehoods, but uttered, as honest men, what the
   truth extorted from them.  This, however, will be carefully and
   copiously discussed in another and more fitting place.  Meanwhile I
   will briefly, and to the best of my ability, explain what I meant to
   say about these ungrateful men who blasphemously impute to Christ the
   calamities which they deservedly suffer in consequence of their own
   wicked ways, while that which is for Christ's sake spared them in spite
   of their wickedness they do not even take the trouble to notice; and in
   their mad and blasphemous insolence, they use against His name those
   very lips wherewith they falsely claimed that same name that their
   lives might be spared.  In the places consecrated to Christ, where for
   His sake no enemy would injure them, they restrained their tongues that
   they might be safe and protected; but no sooner do they emerge from
   these sanctuaries, than they unbridle these tongues to hurl against Him
   curses full of hate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [38] Horace, Ep. I. ii. 69.

   [39] Æneid, i. 71.

   [40] Ibid, ii. 319.

   [41] Ibid. 293.

   [42] Non numina bona, sed omina mala.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Of the Asylum of Juno in Troy, Which Saved No One from the
   Greeks; And of the Churches of the Apostles, Which Protected from the
   Barbarians All Who Fled to Them.

   Troy itself, the mother of the Roman people, was not able, as I have
   said, to protect its own citizens in the sacred places of their gods
   from the fire and sword of the Greeks, though the Greeks worshipped the
   same gods.  Not only so, but

   "Phoenix and Ulysses fell

   In the void courts by Juno's cell

   Were set the spoils to keep;

   Snatched from the burning shrines away,

   There Ilium's mighty treasure lay,

   Rich altars, bowls of massy gold,

   And captive raiment, rudely rolled

   In one promiscuous heap;

   While boys and matrons, wild with fear,

   In long array were standing near." [43]

    In other words, the place consecrated to so great a goddess was
   chosen, not that from it none might be led out a captive, but that in
   it all the captives might be immured.  Compare now this "asylum"--the
   asylum not of an ordinary god, not of one of the rank and file of gods,
   but of Jove's own sister and wife, the queen of all the gods--with the
   churches built in memory of the apostles.  Into it were collected the
   spoils rescued from the blazing temples and snatched from the gods, not
   that they might be restored to the vanquished, but divided among the
   victors; while into these was carried back, with the most religious
   observance and respect, everything which belonged to them, even though
   found elsewhere.  There liberty was lost; here preserved.  There
   bondage was strict; here strictly excluded.  Into that temple men were
   driven to become the chattels of their enemies, now lording it over
   them; into these churches men were led by their relenting foes, that
   they might be at liberty.  In fine, the gentle [44] Greeks appropriated
   that temple of Juno to the purposes of their own avarice and pride;
   while these churches of Christ were chosen even by the savage
   barbarians as the fit scenes for humility and mercy.  But perhaps,
   after all, the Greeks did in that victory of theirs spare the temples
   of those gods whom they worshipped in common with the Trojans, and did
   not dare to put to the sword or make captive the wretched and
   vanquished Trojans who fled thither; and perhaps Virgil, in the manner
   of poets, has depicted what never really happened?  But there is no
   question that he depicted the usual custom of an enemy when sacking a
   city.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [43] Virgil, Æneid. ii. 761.

   [44] Though levis was the word usually employed to signify the
   inconstancy of the Greeks, it is evidently here used, in opposition to
   immanis of the following clause, to indicate that the Greeks were more
   civilized than the barbarians, and not relentless, but, as we say,
   easily moved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Cæsar's Statement Regarding the Universal Custom of an
   Enemy When Sacking a City.

   Even Cæsar himself gives us positive testimony regarding this custom;
   for, in his deliverance in the senate about the conspirators, he says
   (as Sallust, a historian of distinguished veracity, writes [45] ) "that
   virgins and boys are violated, children torn from the embrace of their
   parents, matrons subjected to whatever should be the pleasure of the
   conquerors, temples and houses plundered, slaughter and burning rife;
   in fine, all things filled with arms, corpses, blood, and wailing."  If
   he had not mentioned temples here, we might suppose that enemies were
   in the habit of sparing the dwellings of the gods.  And the Roman
   temples were in danger of these disasters, not from foreign foes, but
   from Catiline and his associates, the most noble senators and citizens
   of Rome.  But these, it may be said, were abandoned men, and the
   parricides of their fatherland.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [45] De Conj. Cat. c. 51.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--That Not Even the Romans, When They Took Cities, Spared the
   Conquered in Their Temples.

   Why, then, need our argument take note of the many nations who have
   waged wars with one another, and have nowhere spared the conquered in
   the temples of their gods?  Let us look at the practice of the Romans
   themselves; let us, I say, recall and review the Romans, whose chief
   praise it has been "to spare the vanquished and subdue the proud," and
   that they preferred "rather to forgive than to revenge an injury;" [46]
   and among so many and great cities which they have stormed, taken, and
   overthrown for the extension of their dominion, let us be told what
   temples they were accustomed to exempt, so that whoever took refuge in
   them was free.  Or have they really done this, and has the fact been
   suppressed by the historians of these events?  Is it to be believed,
   that men who sought out with the greatest eagerness points they could
   praise, would omit those which, in their own estimation, are the most
   signal proofs of piety?  Marcus Marcellus, a distinguished Roman, who
   took Syracuse, a most splendidly adorned city, is reported to have
   bewailed its coming ruin, and to have shed his own tears over it before
   he spilt its blood.  He took steps also to preserve the chastity even
   of his enemy.  For before he gave orders for the storming of the city,
   he issued an edict forbidding the violation of any free person.  Yet
   the city was sacked according to the custom of war; nor do we anywhere
   read, that even by so chaste and gentle a commander orders were given
   that no one should be injured who had fled to this or that temple.  And
   this certainly would by no means have been omitted, when neither his
   weeping nor his edict preservative of chastity could be passed in
   silence.  Fabius, the conqueror of the city of Tarentum, is praised for
   abstaining from making booty of the images.  For when his secretary
   proposed the question to him, what he wished done with the statues of
   the gods, which had been taken in large numbers, he veiled his
   moderation under a joke.  For he asked of what sort they were; and when
   they reported to him that there were not only many large images, but
   some of them armed, "Oh," says he, "let us leave with the Tarentines
   their angry gods."  Seeing, then, that the writers of Roman history
   could not pass in silence, neither the weeping of the one general nor
   the laughing of the other, neither the chaste pity of the one nor the
   facetious moderation of the other, on what occasion would it be
   omitted, if, for the honor of any of their enemy's gods, they had shown
   this particular form of leniency, that in any temple slaughter or
   captivity was prohibited?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [46] Sallust, Cat. Conj. ix.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--That the Cruelties Which Occurred in the Sack of Rome Were
   in Accordance with the Custom of War, Whereas the Acts of Clemency
   Resulted from the Influence of Christ's Name.

   All the spoiling, then, which Rome was exposed to in the recent
   calamity--all the slaughter, plundering, burning, and misery--was the
   result of the custom of war.  But what was novel, was that savage
   barbarians showed themselves in so gentle a guise, that the largest
   churches were chosen and set apart for the purpose of being filled with
   the people to whom quarter was given, and that in them none were slain,
   from them none forcibly dragged; that into them many were led by their
   relenting enemies to be set at liberty, and that from them none were
   led into slavery by merciless foes.  Whoever does not see that this is
   to be attributed to the name of Christ, and to the Christian temper, is
   blind; whoever sees this, and gives no praise, is ungrateful; whoever
   hinders any one from praising it, is mad.  Far be it from any prudent
   man to impute this clemency to the barbarians.  Their fierce and bloody
   minds were awed, and bridled, and marvellously tempered by Him who so
   long before said by His prophet, "I will visit their transgression with
   the rod, and their iniquities with stripes; nevertheless my
   loving-kindness will I not utterly take from them." [47]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [47] Ps. lxxxix. 32.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Of the Advantages and Disadvantages Which Often
   Indiscriminately Accrue to Good and Wicked Men.

   Will some one say, Why, then, was this divine compassion extended even
   to the ungodly and ungrateful?  Why, but because it was the mercy of
   Him who daily "maketh His sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and
   sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust." [48]   For though some of
   these men, taking thought of this, repent of their wickedness and
   reform, some, as the apostle says, "despising the riches of His
   goodness and long-suffering, after their hardness and impenitent heart,
   treasure up unto themselves wrath against the day of wrath and
   revelation of the righteous judgment of God, who will render to every
   man according to his deeds:" [49] nevertheless does the patience of God
   still invite the wicked to repentance, even as the scourge of God
   educates the good to patience.  And so, too, does the mercy of God
   embrace the good that it may cherish them, as the severity of God
   arrests the wicked to punish them.  To the divine providence it has
   seemed good to prepare in the world to come for the righteous good
   things, which the unrighteous shall not enjoy; and for the wicked evil
   things, by which the good shall not be tormented.  But as for the good
   things of this life, and its ills, God has willed that these should be
   common to both; that we might not too eagerly covet the things which
   wicked men are seen equally to enjoy, nor shrink with an unseemly fear
   from the ills which even good men often suffer.

   There is, too, a very great difference in the purpose served both by
   those events which we call adverse and those called prosperous.  For
   the good man is neither uplifted with the good things of time, nor
   broken by its ills; but the wicked man, because he is corrupted by this
   world's happiness, feels himself punished by its unhappiness. [50]
   Yet often, even in the present distribution of temporal things, does
   God plainly evince His own interference.  For if every sin were now
   visited with manifest punishment, nothing would seem to be reserved for
   the final judgment; on the other hand, if no sin received now a plainly
   divine punishment, it would be concluded that there is no divine
   providence at all.  And so of the good things of this life:  if God did
   not by a very visible liberality confer these on some of those persons
   who ask for them, we should say that these good things were not at His
   disposal; and if He gave them to all who sought them, we should suppose
   that such were the only rewards of His service; and such a service
   would make us not godly, but greedy rather, and covetous.  Wherefore,
   though good and bad men suffer alike, we must not suppose that there is
   no difference between the men themselves, because there is no
   difference in what they both suffer.  For even in the likeness of the
   sufferings, there remains an unlikeness in the sufferers; and though
   exposed to the same anguish, virtue and vice are not the same thing.
   For as the same fire causes gold to glow brightly, and chaff to smoke;
   and under the same flail the straw is beaten small, while the grain is
   cleansed; and as the lees are not mixed with the oil, though squeezed
   out of the vat by the same pressure, so the same violence of affliction
   proves, purges, clarifies the good, but damns, ruins, exterminates the
   wicked.  And thus it is that in the same affliction the wicked detest
   God and blaspheme, while the good pray and praise.  So material a
   difference does it make, not what ills are suffered, but what kind of
   man suffers them.  For, stirred up with the same movement, mud exhales
   a horrible stench, and ointment emits a fragrant odor.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [48] Matt. v. 45.

   [49] Rom. ii. 4.

   [50] So Cyprian (Contra Demetrianum) says:  Pænam de adversis mundi
   ille sentit, cui et loetitia et gloria omnis in mundo est.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Of the Reasons for Administering Correction to Bad and Good
   Together.

   What, then, have the Christians suffered in that calamitous period,
   which would not profit every one who duly and faithfully considered the
   following circumstances?  First of all, they must humbly consider those
   very sins which have provoked God to fill the world with such terrible
   disasters; for although they be far from the excesses of wicked,
   immoral, and ungodly men, yet they do not judge themselves so clean
   removed from all faults as to be too good to suffer for these even
   temporal ills.  For every man, however laudably he lives, yet yields in
   some points to the lust of the flesh.  Though he do not fall into gross
   enormity of wickedness, and abandoned viciousness, and abominable
   profanity, yet he slips into some sins, either rarely or so much the
   more frequently as the sins seem of less account.  But not to mention
   this, where can we readily find a man who holds in fit and just
   estimation those persons on account of whose revolting pride, luxury,
   and avarice, and cursed iniquities and impiety, God now smites the
   earth as His predictions threatened?  Where is the man who lives with
   them in the style in which it becomes us to live with them?  For often
   we wickedly blind ourselves to the occasions of teaching and
   admonishing them, sometimes even of reprimanding and chiding them,
   either because we shrink from the labor or are ashamed to offend them,
   or because we fear to lose good friendships, lest this should stand in
   the way of our advancement, or injure us in some worldly matter, which
   either our covetous disposition desires to obtain, or our weakness
   shrinks from losing.  So that, although the conduct of wicked men is
   distasteful to the good, and therefore they do not fall with them into
   that damnation which in the next life awaits such persons, yet, because
   they spare their damnable sins through fear, therefore, even though
   their own sins be slight and venial, they are justly scourged with the
   wicked in this world, though in eternity they quite escape punishment.
   Justly, when God afflicts them in common with the wicked, do they find
   this life bitter, through love of whose sweetness they declined to be
   bitter to these sinners.

   If any one forbears to reprove and find fault with those who are doing
   wrong, because he seeks a more seasonable opportunity, or because he
   fears they may be made worse by his rebuke, or that other weak persons
   may be disheartened from endeavoring to lead a good and pious life, and
   may be driven from the faith; this man's omission seems to be
   occasioned not by covetousness, but by a charitable consideration.  But
   what is blame-worthy is, that they who themselves revolt from the
   conduct of the wicked, and live in quite another fashion, yet spare
   those faults in other men which they ought to reprehend and wean them
   from; and spare them because they fear to give offence, lest they
   should injure their interests in those things which good men may
   innocently and legitimately use,--though they use them more greedily
   than becomes persons who are strangers in this world, and profess the
   hope of a heavenly country.  For not only the weaker brethren who enjoy
   married life, and have children (or desire to have them), and own
   houses and establishments, whom the apostle addresses in the churches,
   warning and instructing them how they should live, both the wives with
   their husbands, and the husbands with their wives, the children with
   their parents, and parents with their children, and servants with their
   masters, and masters with their servants,--not only do these weaker
   brethren gladly obtain and grudgingly lose many earthly and temporal
   things on account of which they dare not offend men whose polluted and
   wicked life greatly displeases them; but those also who live at a
   higher level, who are not entangled in the meshes of married life, but
   use meagre food and raiment, do often take thought of their own safety
   and good name, and abstain from finding fault with the wicked, because
   they fear their wiles and violence.  And although they do not fear them
   to such an extent as to be drawn to the commission of like iniquities,
   nay, not by any threats or violence soever; yet those very deeds which
   they refuse to share in the commission of, they often decline to find
   fault with (when possibly they might) by finding fault prevent their
   commission.  They abstain from interference, because they fear that, if
   it fail of good effect, their own safety or reputation may be damaged
   or destroyed; not because they see that their preservation and good
   name are needful, that they may be able to influence those who need
   their instruction, but rather because they weakly relish the flattery
   and respect of men, and fear the judgments of the people, and the pain
   or death of the body; that is to say, their non-intervention is the
   result of selfishness, and not of love.

   Accordingly this seems to me to be one principal reason why the good
   are chastised along with the wicked, when God is pleased to visit with
   temporal punishments the profligate manners of a community.  They are
   punished together, not because they have spent an equally corrupt life,
   but because the good as well as the wicked, though not equally with
   them, love this present life; while they ought to hold it cheap, that
   the wicked, being admonished and reformed by their example, might lay
   hold of life eternal.  And if they will not be the companions of the
   good in seeking life everlasting, they should be loved as enemies, and
   be dealt with patiently.  For so long as they live, it remains
   uncertain whether they may not come to a better mind.  These selfish
   persons have more cause to fear than those to whom it was said through
   the prophet, "He is taken away in his iniquity, but his blood will I
   require at the watchman's hand." [51]   For watchmen or overseers of
   the people are appointed in churches, that they may unsparingly rebuke
   sin.  Nor is that man guiltless of the sin we speak of, who, though he
   be not a watchman, yet sees in the conduct of those with whom the
   relationships of this life bring him into contact, many things that
   should be blamed, and yet overlooks them, fearing to give offence, and
   lose such worldly blessings as may legitimately be desired, but which
   he too eagerly grasps.  Then, lastly, there is another reason why the
   good are afflicted with temporal calamities--the reason which Job's
   case exemplifies:  that the human spirit may be proved, and that it may
   be manifested with what fortitude of pious trust, and with how
   unmercenary a love, it cleaves to God. [52]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [51] Ezek. xxxiii. 6.

   [52] Compare with this chapter the first homily of Chrysostom to the
   people of Antioch.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--That the Saints Lose Nothing in Losing Temporal Goods.

   These are the considerations which one must keep in view, that he may
   answer the question whether any evil happens to the faithful and godly
   which cannot be turned to profit.  Or shall we say that the question is
   needless, and that the apostle is vaporing when he says, "We know that
   all things work together for good to them that love God?" [53]

   They lost all they had.  Their faith?  Their godliness?  The
   possessions of the hidden man of the heart, which in the sight of God
   are of great price? [54]   Did they lose these?  For these are the
   wealth of Christians, to whom the wealthy apostle said, "Godliness with
   contentment is great gain.  For we brought nothing into this world, and
   it is certain we can carry nothing out.  And having food and raiment,
   let us be therewith content.  But they that will be rich fall into
   temptation and a snare, and into many foolish and hurtful lusts, which
   drown men in destruction and perdition.  For the love of money is the
   root of all evil; which, while some coveted after, they have erred from
   the faith, and pierced themselves through with many sorrows." [55]

   They, then, who lost their worldly all in the sack of Rome, if they
   owned their possessions as they had been taught by the apostle, who
   himself was poor without, but rich within,--that is to say, if they
   used the world as not using it,--could say in the words of Job, heavily
   tried, but not overcome:  "Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and
   naked shall I return thither:  the Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken
   away; as it pleased the Lord, so has it come to pass:  blessed be the
   name of the Lord." [56]   Like a good servant, Job counted the will of
   his Lord his great possession, by obedience to which his soul was
   enriched; nor did it grieve him to lose, while yet living, those goods
   which he must shortly leave at his death.  But as to those feebler
   spirits who, though they cannot be said to prefer earthly possessions
   to Christ, do yet cleave to them with a somewhat immoderate attachment,
   they have discovered by the pain of losing these things how much they
   were sinning in loving them.  For their grief is of their own making;
   in the words of the apostle quoted above, "they have pierced themselves
   through with many sorrows."  For it was well that they who had so long
   despised these verbal admonitions should receive the teaching of
   experience.  For when the apostle says, "They that will be rich fall
   into temptation," and so on, what he blames in riches is not the
   possession of them, but the desire of them.  For elsewhere he says,
   "Charge them that are rich in this world, that they be not high-minded,
   nor trust in uncertain riches, but in the living God, who giveth us
   richly all things to enjoy; that they do good, that they be rich in
   good works, ready to distribute, willing to communicate; laying up in
   store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come, that
   they may lay hold on eternal life." [57]   They who were making such a
   use of their property have been consoled for light losses by great
   gains, and have had more pleasure in those possessions which they have
   securely laid past, by freely giving them away, than grief in those
   which they entirely lost by an anxious and selfish hoarding of them.
   For nothing could perish on earth save what they would be ashamed to
   carry away from earth.  Our Lord's injunction runs, "Lay not up for
   yourselves treasures upon earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and
   where thieves break through and steal; but lay up for yourselves
   treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, and
   where thieves do not break through nor steal:  for where your treasure
   is, there will your heart be also." [58]   And they who have listened
   to this injunction have proved in the time of tribulation how well they
   were advised in not despising this most trustworthy teacher, and most
   faithful and mighty guardian of their treasure.  For if many were glad
   that their treasure was stored in places which the enemy chanced not to
   light upon, how much better founded was the joy of those who, by the
   counsel of their God, had fled with their treasure to a citadel which
   no enemy can possibly reach!  Thus our Paulinus, bishop of Nola, [59]
   who voluntarily abandoned vast wealth and became quite poor, though
   abundantly rich in holiness, when the barbarians sacked Nola, and took
   him prisoner, used silently to pray, as he afterwards told me, "O Lord,
   let me not be troubled for gold and silver, for where all my treasure
   is Thou knowest."  For all his treasure was where he had been taught to
   hide and store it by Him who had also foretold that these calamities
   would happen in the world.  Consequently those persons who obeyed their
   Lord when He warned them where and how to lay up treasure, did not lose
   even their earthly possessions in the invasion of the barbarians; while
   those who are now repenting that they did not obey Him have learnt the
   right use of earthly goods, if not by the wisdom which would have
   prevented their loss, at least by the experience which follows it.

   But some good and Christian men have been put to the torture, that they
   might be forced to deliver up their goods to the enemy.  They could
   indeed neither deliver nor lose that good which made themselves good.
   If, however, they preferred torture to the surrender of the mammon of
   iniquity, then I say they were not good men.  Rather they should have
   been reminded that, if they suffered so severely for the sake of money,
   they should endure all torment, if need be, for Christ's sake; that
   they might be taught to love Him rather who enriches with eternal
   felicity all who suffer for Him, and not silver and gold, for which it
   was pitiable to suffer, whether they preserved it by telling a lie or
   lost it by telling the truth.  For under these tortures no one lost
   Christ by confessing Him, no one preserved wealth save by denying its
   existence.  So that possibly the torture which taught them that they
   should set their affections on a possession they could not lose, was
   more useful than those possessions which, without any useful fruit at
   all, disquieted and tormented their anxious owners.  But then we are
   reminded that some were tortured who had no wealth to surrender, but
   who were not believed when they said so.  These too, however, had
   perhaps some craving for wealth, and were not willingly poor with a
   holy resignation; and to such it had to be made plain, that not the
   actual possession alone, but also the desire of wealth, deserved such
   excruciating pains.  And even if they were destitute of any hidden
   stores of gold and silver, because they were living in hopes of a
   better life,--I know not indeed if any such person was tortured on the
   supposition that he had wealth; but if so, then certainly in
   confessing, when put to the question, a holy poverty, he confessed
   Christ.  And though it was scarcely to be expected that the barbarians
   should believe him, yet no confessor of a holy poverty could be
   tortured without receiving a heavenly reward.

   Again, they say that the long famine laid many a Christian low.  But
   this, too, the faithful turned to good uses by a pious endurance of
   it.  For those whom famine killed outright it rescued from the ills of
   this life, as a kindly disease would have done; and those who were only
   hunger-bitten were taught to live more sparingly, and inured to longer
   fasts.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [53] Rom. viii. 28.

   [54] 1 Pet. iii. 4.

   [55] l Tim. vi. 6-10.

   [56] Job i. 21.

   [57] 1 Tim. vi. 17-19.

   [58] Matt. vi. 19-21.

   [59] Paulinus was a native of Bordeaux, and both by inheritance and
   marriage acquired great wealth, which, after his conversion in his
   thirty-sixth year, he distributed to the poor.  He became bishop of
   Nola in A.D. 409, being then in his fifty-sixth year.  Nola was taken
   by Alaric shortly after the sack of Rome.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of the End of This Life, Whether It is Material that It Be
   Long Delayed.

   But, it is added, many Christians were slaughtered, and were put to
   death in a hideous variety of cruel ways.  Well, if this be hard to
   bear, it is assuredly the common lot of all who are born into this
   life.  Of this at least I am certain, that no one has ever died who was
   not destined to die some time.  Now the end of life puts the longest
   life on a par with the shortest.  For of two things which have alike
   ceased to be, the one is not better, the other worse--the one greater,
   the other less. [60]   And of what consequence is it what kind of death
   puts an end to life, since he who has died once is not forced to go
   through the same ordeal a second time?  And as in the daily casualties
   of life every man is, as it were, threatened with numberless deaths, so
   long as it remains uncertain which of them is his fate, I would ask
   whether it is not better to suffer one and die, than to live in fear of
   all?  I am not unaware of the poor-spirited fear which prompts us to
   choose rather to live long in fear of so many deaths, than to die once
   and so escape them all; but the weak and cowardly shrinking of the
   flesh is one thing, and the well-considered and reasonable persuasion
   of the soul quite another.  That death is not to be judged an evil
   which is the end of a good life; for death becomes evil only by the
   retribution which follows it.  They, then, who are destined to die,
   need not be careful to inquire what death they are to die, but into
   what place death will usher them.  And since Christians are well aware
   that the death of the godly pauper whose sores the dogs licked was far
   better than of the wicked rich man who lay in purple and fine linen,
   what harm could these terrific deaths do to the dead who had lived
   well?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [60] Much of a kindred nature might be gathered from the Stoics.
   Antoninus says (ii. 14):  "Though thou shouldest be going to live 3000
   years, and as many times 10,000 years, still remember that no man loses
   any other life than this which he now lives, nor lives any other than
   this which he now loses.  The longest and the shortest are thus brought
   to the same."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Of the Burial of the Dead:  that the Denial of It to
   Christians Does Them No Injury. [61]

   Further still, we are reminded that in such a carnage as then occurred,
   the bodies could not even be buried.  But godly confidence is not
   appalled by so ill-omened a circumstance; for the faithful bear in mind
   that assurance has been given that not a hair of their head shall
   perish, and that, therefore, though they even be devoured by beasts,
   their blessed resurrection will not hereby be hindered.  The Truth
   would nowise have said, "Fear not them which kill the body, but are not
   able to kill the soul," [62] if anything whatever that an enemy could
   do to the body of the slain could be detrimental to the future life.
   Or will some one perhaps take so absurd a position as to contend that
   those who kill the body are not to be feared before death, and lest
   they kill the body, but after death, lest they deprive it of burial?
   If this be so, then that is false which Christ says, "Be not afraid of
   them that kill the body, and after that have no more that they can do;"
   [63] for it seems they can do great injury to the dead body.  Far be it
   from us to suppose that the Truth can be thus false.  They who kill the
   body are said "to do something," because the deathblow is felt, the
   body still having sensation; but after that, they have no more that
   they can do, for in the slain body there is no sensation.  And so there
   are indeed many bodies of Christians lying unburied; but no one has
   separated them from heaven, nor from that earth which is all filled
   with the presence of Him who knows whence He will raise again what He
   created.  It is said, indeed, in the Psalm:  "The dead bodies of Thy
   servants have they given to be meat unto the fowls of the heaven, the
   flesh of Thy saints unto the beasts of the earth.  Their blood have
   they shed like water round about Jerusalem; and there was none to bury
   them." [64]   But this was said rather to exhibit the cruelty of those
   who did these things, than the misery of those who suffered them.  To
   the eyes of men this appears a harsh and doleful lot, yet "precious in
   the sight of the Lord is the death of His saints." [65]   Wherefore all
   these last offices and ceremonies that concern the dead, the careful
   funeral arrangements, and the equipment of the tomb, and the pomp of
   obsequies, are rather the solace of the living than the comfort of the
   dead.  If a costly burial does any good to a wicked man, a squalid
   burial, or none at all, may harm the godly.  His crowd of domestics
   furnished the purple-clad Dives with a funeral gorgeous in the eye of
   man; but in the sight of God that was a more sumptuous funeral which
   the ulcerous pauper received at the hands of the angels, who did not
   carry him out to a marble tomb, but bore him aloft to Abraham's bosom.

   The men against whom I have undertaken to defend the city of God laugh
   at all this.  But even their own philosophers [66] have despised a
   careful burial; and often whole armies have fought and fallen for their
   earthly country without caring to inquire whether they would be left
   exposed on the field of battle, or become the food of wild beasts.  Of
   this noble disregard of sepulture poetry has well said:  "He who has no
   tomb has the sky for his vault." [67]   How much less ought they to
   insult over the unburied bodies of Christians, to whom it has been
   promised that the flesh itself shall be restored, and the body formed
   anew, all the members of it being gathered not only from the earth, but
   from the most secret recesses of any other of the elements in which the
   dead bodies of men have lain hid!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [61] Augustin expresses himself more fully on this subject in his
   tract, De cura pro mortuis gerenda.

   [62] Matt. x. 28.

   [63] Luke xii. 4.

   [64] Ps. lxxix. 2, 3.

   [65] Ps. cxvi. 15.

   [66] Diogenes especially, and his followers.  See also Seneca, De
   Tranq. c. 14, and Epist. 92; and in Cicero's Tusc. Disp. i. 43, the
   answer of Theodorus, the Cyrenian philosopher, to Lysimachus, who
   threatened him with the cross:  "Threaten that to your courtiers; it is
   of no consequence to Theodorus whether he rot in the earth or in the
   air."

   [67] Lucan, Pharsalia, vii. 819, of those whom Cæsar forbade to be
   buried after the battle of Pharsalia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Reasons for Burying the Bodies of the Saints.

   Nevertheless the bodies of the dead are not on this account to be
   despised and left unburied; least of all the bodies of the righteous
   and faithful, which have been used by the Holy Spirit as His organs and
   instruments for all good works.  For if the dress of a father, or his
   ring, or anything he wore, be precious to his children, in proportion
   to the love they bore him, with how much more reason ought we to care
   for the bodies of those we love, which they wore far more closely and
   intimately than any clothing!  For the body is not an extraneous
   ornament or aid, but a part of man's very nature.  And therefore to the
   righteous of ancient times the last offices were piously rendered, and
   sepulchres provided for them, and obsequies celebrated; [68] and they
   themselves, while yet alive, gave commandment to their sons about the
   burial, and, on occasion, even about the removal of their bodies to
   some favorite place. [69]   And Tobit, according to the angel's
   testimony, is commended, and is said to have pleased God by burying the
   dead. [70]   Our Lord Himself, too, though He was to rise again the
   third day, applauds, and commends to our applause, the good work of the
   religious woman who poured precious ointment over His limbs, and did it
   against His burial. [71]   And the Gospel speaks with commendation of
   those who were careful to take down His body from the cross, and wrap
   it lovingly in costly cerements, and see to its burial. [72]   These
   instances certainly do not prove that corpses have any feeling; but
   they show that God's providence extends even to the bodies of the dead,
   and that such pious offices are pleasing to Him, as cherishing faith in
   the resurrection.  And we may also draw from them this wholesome
   lesson, that if God does not forget even any kind office which loving
   care pays to the unconscious dead, much more does He reward the charity
   we exercise towards the living.  Other things, indeed, which the holy
   patriarchs said of the burial and removal of their bodies, they meant
   to be taken in a prophetic sense; but of these we need not here speak
   at large, what we have already said being sufficient.  But if the want
   of those things which are necessary for the support of the living, as
   food and clothing, though painful and trying, does not break down the
   fortitude and virtuous endurance of good men, nor eradicate piety from
   their souls, but rather renders it more fruitful, how much less can the
   absence of the funeral, and of the other customary attentions paid to
   the dead, render those wretched who are already reposing in the hidden
   abodes of the blessed!  Consequently, though in the sack of Rome and of
   other towns the dead bodies of the Christians were deprived of these
   last offices, this is neither the fault of the living, for they could
   not render them; nor an infliction to the dead, for they cannot feel
   the loss.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [68] Gen. xxv. 9, xxxv. 29, etc.

   [69] Gen. xlvii. 29, l. 24.

   [70] Tob. xii. 12.

   [71] Matt. xxvi. 10-13.

   [72] John xix. 38.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Captivity of the Saints, and that Divine
   Consolation Never Failed Them Therein.

   But, say they, many Christians were even led away captive.  This indeed
   were a most pitiable fate, if they could be led away to any place where
   they could not find their God.  But for this calamity also sacred
   Scripture affords great consolation.  The three youths [73] were
   captives; Daniel was a captive; so were other prophets:  and God, the
   comforter, did not fail them.  And in like manner He has not failed His
   own people in the power of a nation which, though barbarous, is yet
   human,--He who did not abandon the prophet [74] in the belly of a
   monster.  These things, indeed, are turned to ridicule rather than
   credited by those with whom we are debating; though they believe what
   they read in their own books, that Arion of Methymna, the famous
   lyrist, [75] when he was thrown overboard, was received on a dolphin's
   back and carried to land.  But that story of ours about the prophet
   Jonah is far more incredible,--more incredible because more marvellous,
   and more marvellous because a greater exhibition of power.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [73] Dan. iii.

   [74] Jonah.

   [75] "Second to none," as he is called by Herodotus, who first of all
   tells his well-known story (Clio. 23, 24).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Of Regulus, in Whom We Have an Example of the Voluntary
   Endurance of Captivity for the Sake of Religion; Which Yet Did Not
   Profit Him, Though He Was a Worshipper of the Gods.

   But among their own famous men they have a very noble example of the
   voluntary endurance of captivity in obedience to a religious scruple.
   Marcus Attilius Regulus, a Roman general, was a prisoner in the hands
   of the Carthaginians.  But they, being more anxious to exchange their
   prisoners with the Romans than to keep them, sent Regulus as a special
   envoy with their own embassadors to negotiate this exchange, but bound
   him first with an oath, that if he failed to accomplish their wish, he
   would return to Carthage.  He went and persuaded the senate to the
   opposite course, because he believed it was not for the advantage of
   the Roman republic to make an exchange of prisoners.  After he had thus
   exerted his influence, the Romans did not compel him to return to the
   enemy; but what he had sworn he voluntarily performed.  But the
   Carthaginians put him to death with refined, elaborate, and horrible
   tortures.  They shut him up in a narrow box, in which he was compelled
   to stand, and in which finely sharpened nails were fixed all round
   about him, so that he could not lean upon any part of it without
   intense pain; and so they killed him by depriving him of sleep. [76]
   With justice, indeed, do they applaud the virtue which rose superior to
   so frightful a fate.  However, the gods he swore by were those who are
   now supposed to avenge the prohibition of their worship, by inflicting
   these present calamities on the human race.  But if these gods, who
   were worshipped specially in this behalf, that they might confer
   happiness in this life, either willed or permitted these punishments to
   be inflicted on one who kept his oath to them, what more cruel
   punishment could they in their anger have inflicted on a perjured
   person?  But why may I not draw from my reasoning a double inference?
   Regulus certainly had such reverence for the gods, that for his oath's
   sake he would neither remain in his own land nor go elsewhere, but
   without hesitation returned to his bitterest enemies.  If he thought
   that this course would be advantageous with respect to this present
   life, he was certainly much deceived, for it brought his life to a
   frightful termination.  By his own example, in fact, he taught that the
   gods do not secure the temporal happiness of their worshippers; since
   he himself, who was devoted to their worship, as both conquered in
   battle and taken prisoner, and then, because he refused to act in
   violation of the oath he had sworn by them, was tortured and put to
   death by a new, and hitherto unheard of, and all too horrible kind of
   punishment.  And on the supposition that the worshippers of the gods
   are rewarded by felicity in the life to come, why, then, do they
   calumniate the influence of Christianity? why do they assert that this
   disaster has overtaken the city because it has ceased to worship its
   gods, since, worship them as assiduously as it may, it may yet be as
   unfortunate as Regulus was?  Or will some one carry so wonderful a
   blindness to the extent of wildly attempting, in the face of the
   evident truth, to contend that though one man might be unfortunate,
   though a worshipper of the gods, yet a whole city could not be so?
   That is to say, the power of their gods is better adapted to preserve
   multitudes than individuals,--as if a multitude were not composed of
   individuals.

   But if they say that M. Regulus, even while a prisoner and enduring
   these bodily torments, might yet enjoy the blessedness of a virtuous
   soul, [77] then let them recognize that true virtue by which a city
   also may be blessed.  For the blessedness of a community and of an
   individual flow from the same source; for a community is nothing else
   than a harmonious collection of individuals.  So that I am not
   concerned meantime to discuss what kind of virtue Regulus possessed;
   enough, that by his very noble example they are forced to own that the
   gods are to be worshipped not for the sake of bodily comforts or
   external advantages; for he preferred to lose all such things rather
   than offend the gods by whom he had sworn.  But what can we make of men
   who glory in having such a citizen, but dread having a city like him?
   If they do not dread this, then let them acknowledge that some such
   calamity as befell Regulus may also befall a community, though they be
   worshipping their gods as diligently as he; and let them no longer
   throw the blame of their misfortunes on Christianity.  But as our
   present concern is with those Christians who were taken prisoners, let
   those who take occasion from this calamity to revile our most wholesome
   religion in a fashion not less imprudent than impudent, consider this
   and hold their peace; for if it was no reproach to their gods that a
   most punctilious worshipper of theirs should, for the sake of keeping
   his oath to them, be deprived of his native land without hope of
   finding another, and fall into the hands of his enemies, and be put to
   death by a long-drawn and exquisite torture, much less ought the
   Christian name to be charged with the captivity of those who believe in
   its power, since they, in confident expectation of a heavenly country,
   know that they are pilgrims even in their own homes.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [76] Augustin here uses the words of Cicero ("vigilando peremerunt"),
   who refers to Regulus, in Pisonem. c 19.  Aulus Gellius, quoting Tubero
   and Tuditanus (vi. 4), adds some further particulars regarding these
   tortures.

   [77] As the Stoics generally would affirm.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of the Violation of the Consecrated and Other Christian
   Virgins, to Which They Were Subjected in Captivity and to Which Their
   Own Will Gave No Consent; And Whether This Contaminated Their Souls.

   But they fancy they bring a conclusive charge against Christianity,
   when they aggravate the horror of captivity by adding that not only
   wives and unmarried maidens, but even consecrated virgins, were
   violated.  But truly, with respect to this, it is not Christian faith,
   nor piety, nor even the virtue of chastity, which is hemmed into any
   difficulty; the only difficulty is so to treat the subject as to
   satisfy at once modesty and reason.  And in discussing it we shall not
   be so careful to reply to our accusers as to comfort our friends.  Let
   this, therefore, in the first place, be laid down as an unassailable
   position, that the virtue which makes the life good has its throne in
   the soul, and thence rules the members of the body, which becomes holy
   in virtue of the holiness of the will; and that while the will remains
   firm and unshaken, nothing that another person does with the body, or
   upon the body, is any fault of the person who suffers it, so long as he
   cannot escape it without sin.  But as not only pain may be inflicted,
   but lust gratified on the body of another, whenever anything of this
   latter kind takes place, shame invades even a thoroughly pure spirit
   from which modesty has not departed,--shame, lest that act which could
   not be suffered without some sensual pleasure, should be believed to
   have been committed also with some assent of the will.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of Suicide Committed Through Fear of Punishment or
   Dishonor.

   And consequently, even if some of these virgins killed themselves to
   avoid such disgrace, who that has any human feeling would refuse to
   forgive them?  And as for those who would not put an end to their
   lives, lest they might seem to escape the crime of another by a sin of
   their own, he who lays this to their charge as a great wickedness is
   himself not guiltless of the fault of folly.  For if it is not lawful
   to take the law into our own hands, and slay even a guilty person,
   whose death no public sentence has warranted, then certainly he who
   kills himself is a homicide, and so much the guiltier of his own death,
   as he was more innocent of that offence for which he doomed himself to
   die.  Do we justly execrate the deed of Judas, and does truth itself
   pronounce that by hanging himself he rather aggravated than expiated
   the guilt of that most iniquitous betrayal, since, by despairing of
   God's mercy in his sorrow that wrought death, he left to himself no
   place for a healing penitence?  How much more ought he to abstain from
   laying violent hands on himself who has done nothing worthy of such a
   punishment!  For Judas, when he killed himself, killed a wicked man;
   but he passed from this life chargeable not only with the death of
   Christ, but with his own:  for though he killed himself on account of
   his crime, his killing himself was another crime.  Why, then, should a
   man who has done no ill do ill to himself, and by killing himself kill
   the innocent to escape another's guilty act, and perpetrate upon
   himself a sin of his own, that the sin of another may not be
   perpetrated on him?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Of the Violence Which May Be Done to the Body by Another's
   Lust, While the Mind Remains Inviolate.

   But is there a fear that even another's lust may pollute the violated?
   It will not pollute, if it be another's:  if it pollute, it is not
   another's, but is shared also by the polluted.  But since purity is a
   virtue of the soul, and has for its companion virtue, the fortitude
   which will rather endure all ills than consent to evil; and since no
   one, however magnanimous and pure, has always the disposal of his own
   body, but can control only the consent and refusal of his will, what
   sane man can suppose that, if his body be seized and forcibly made use
   of to satisfy the lust of another, he thereby loses his purity?  For if
   purity can be thus destroyed, then assuredly purity is no virtue of the
   soul; nor can it be numbered among those good things by which the life
   is made good, but among the good things of the body, in the same
   category as strength, beauty, sound and unbroken health, and, in short,
   all such good things as may be diminished without at all diminishing
   the goodness and rectitude of our life.  But if purity be nothing
   better than these, why should the body be perilled that it may be
   preserved?  If, on the other hand, it belongs to the soul, then not
   even when the body is violated is it lost.  Nay more, the virtue of
   holy continence, when it resists the uncleanness of carnal lust,
   sanctifies even the body, and therefore when this continence remains
   unsubdued, even the sanctity of the body is preserved, because the will
   to use it holily remains, and, so far as lies in the body itself, the
   power also.

   For the sanctity of the body does not consist in the integrity of its
   members, nor in their exemption from all touch; for they are exposed to
   various accidents which do violence to and wound them, and the surgeons
   who administer relief often perform operations that sicken the
   spectator.  A midwife, suppose, has (whether maliciously or
   accidentally, or through unskillfulness) destroyed the virginity of
   some girl, while endeavoring to ascertain it:  I suppose no one is so
   foolish as to believe that, by this destruction of the integrity of one
   organ, the virgin has lost anything even of her bodily sanctity.  And
   thus, so long as the soul keeps this firmness of purpose which
   sanctifies even the body, the violence done by another's lust makes no
   impression on this bodily sanctity, which is preserved intact by one's
   own persistent continence.  Suppose a virgin violates the oath she has
   sworn to God, and goes to meet her seducer with the intention of
   yielding to him, shall we say that as she goes she is possessed even of
   bodily sanctity, when already she has lost and destroyed that sanctity
   of soul which sanctifies the body?  Far be it from us to so misapply
   words.  Let us rather draw this conclusion, that while the sanctity of
   the soul remains even when the body is violated, the sanctity of the
   body is not lost; and that, in like manner, the sanctity of the body is
   lost when the sanctity of the soul is violated, though the body itself
   remains intact.  And therefore a woman who has been violated by the sin
   of another, and without any consent of her own, has no cause to put
   herself to death; much less has she cause to commit suicide in order to
   avoid such violation, for in that case she commits certain homicide to
   prevent a crime which is uncertain as yet, and not her own.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of Lucretia, Who Put an End to Her Life Because of the
   Outrage Done Her.

   This, then, is our position, and it seems sufficiently lucid.  We
   maintain that when a woman is violated while her soul admits no consent
   to the iniquity, but remains inviolably chaste, the sin is not hers,
   but his who violates her.  But do they against whom we have to defend
   not only the souls, but the sacred bodies too of these outraged
   Christian captives,--do they, perhaps, dare to dispute our position?
   But all know how loudly they extol the purity of Lucretia, that noble
   matron of ancient Rome.  When King Tarquin's son had violated her body,
   she made known the wickedness of this young profligate to her husband
   Collatinus, and to Brutus her kinsman, men of high rank and full of
   courage, and bound them by an oath to avenge it.  Then, heart-sick, and
   unable to bear the shame, she put an end to her life.  What shall we
   call her?  An adulteress, or chaste?  There is no question which she
   was.  Not more happily than truly did a declaimer say of this sad
   occurrence:  "Here was a marvel:  there were two, and only one
   committed adultery."  Most forcibly and truly spoken.  For this
   declaimer, seeing in the union of the two bodies the foul lust of the
   one, and the chaste will of the other, and giving heed not to the
   contact of the bodily members, but to the wide diversity of their
   souls, says:  "There were two, but the adultery was committed only by
   one."

   But how is it, that she who was no partner to the crime bears the
   heavier punishment of the two?  For the adulterer was only banished
   along with his father; she suffered the extreme penalty.  If that was
   not impurity by which she was unwillingly ravished, then this is not
   justice by which she, being chaste, is punished.  To you I appeal, ye
   laws and judges of Rome.  Even after the perpetration of great
   enormities, you do not suffer the criminal to be slain untried.  If,
   then, one were to bring to your bar this case, and were to prove to you
   that a woman not only untried, but chaste and innocent, had been
   killed, would you not visit the murderer with punishment proportionably
   severe?  This crime was committed by Lucretia; that Lucretia so
   celebrated and lauded slew the innocent, chaste, outraged Lucretia.
   Pronounce sentence.  But if you cannot, because there does not appear
   any one whom you can punish, why do you extol with such unmeasured
   laudation her who slew an innocent and chaste woman?  Assuredly you
   will find it impossible to defend her before the judges of the realms
   below, if they be such as your poets are fond of representing them; for
   she is among those

   "Who guiltless sent themselves to doom,

   And all for loathing of the day,

   In madness threw their lives away."

   And if she with the others wishes to return,

   "Fate bars the way:  around their keep

   The slow unlovely waters creep,

   And bind with ninefold chain." [78]

   Or perhaps she is not there, because she slew herself conscious of
   guilt, not of innocence?  She herself alone knows her reason; but what
   if she was betrayed by the pleasure of the act, and gave some consent
   to Sextus, though so violently abusing her, and then was so affected
   with remorse, that she thought death alone could expiate her sin?  Even
   though this were the case, she ought still to have held her hand from
   suicide, if she could with her false gods have accomplished a fruitful
   repentance.  However, if such were the state of the case, and if it
   were false that there were two, but one only committed adultery; if the
   truth were that both were involved in it, one by open assault, the
   other by secret consent, then she did not kill an innocent woman; and
   therefore her erudite defenders may maintain that she is not among that
   class of the dwellers below "who guiltless sent themselves to doom."
   But this case of Lucretia is in such a dilemma, that if you extenuate
   the homicide, you confirm the adultery:  if you acquit her of adultery,
   you make the charge of homicide heavier; and there is no way out of the
   dilemma, when one asks, If she was adulterous, why praise her? if
   chaste, why slay her?

   Nevertheless, for our purpose of refuting those who are unable to
   comprehend what true sanctity is, and who therefore insult over our
   outraged Christian women, it is enough that in the instance of this
   noble Roman matron it was said in her praise, "There were two, but the
   adultery was the crime of only one."  For Lucretia was confidently
   believed to be superior to the contamination of any consenting thought
   to the adultery.  And accordingly, since she killed herself for being
   subjected to an outrage in which she had no guilty part, it is obvious
   that this act of hers was prompted not by the love of purity, but by
   the overwhelming burden of her shame.  She was ashamed that so foul a
   crime had been perpetrated upon her, though without her abetting; and
   this matron, with the Roman love of glory in her veins, was seized with
   a proud dread that, if she continued to live, it would be supposed she
   willingly did not resent the wrong that had been done her.  She could
   not exhibit to men her conscience but she judged that her
   self-inflicted punishment would testify her state of mind; and she
   burned with shame at the thought that her patient endurance of the foul
   affront that another had done her, should be construed into complicity
   with him.  Not such was the decision of the Christian women who
   suffered as she did, and yet survive.  They declined to avenge upon
   themselves the guilt of others, and so add crimes of their own to those
   crimes in which they had no share.  For this they would have done had
   their shame driven them to homicide, as the lust of their enemies had
   driven them to adultery.  Within their own souls, in the witness of
   their own conscience, they enjoy the glory of chastity.  In the sight
   of God, too, they are esteemed pure, and this contents them; they ask
   no more:  it suffices them to have opportunity of doing good, and they
   decline to evade the distress of human suspicion, lest they thereby
   deviate from the divine law.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [78] Virgil, Æneid, vi. 434.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--That Christians Have No Authority for Committing Suicide
   in Any Circumstances Whatever.

   It is not without significance, that in no passage of the holy
   canonical books there can be found either divine precept or permission
   to take away our own life, whether for the sake of entering on the
   enjoyment of immortality, or of shunning, or ridding ourselves of
   anything whatever.  Nay, the law, rightly interpreted, even prohibits
   suicide, where it says, "Thou shalt not kill."  This is proved
   especially by the omission of the words "thy neighbor," which are
   inserted when false witness is forbidden:  "Thou shalt not bear false
   witness against thy neighbor."  Nor yet should any one on this account
   suppose he has not broken this commandment if he has borne false
   witness only against himself.  For the love of our neighbor is
   regulated by the love of ourselves, as it is written, "Thou shalt love
   thy neighbor as thyself."  If, then, he who makes false statements
   about himself is not less guilty of bearing false witness than if he
   had made them to the injury of his neighbor; although in the
   commandment prohibiting false witness only his neighbor is mentioned,
   and persons taking no pains to understand it might suppose that a man
   was allowed to be a false witness to his own hurt; how much greater
   reason have we to understand that a man may not kill himself, since in
   the commandment, "Thou shalt not kill," there is no limitation added
   nor any exception made in favor of any one, and least of all in favor
   of him on whom the command is laid!  And so some attempt to extend this
   command even to beasts and cattle, as if it forbade us to take life
   from any creature.  But if so, why not extend it also to the plants,
   and all that is rooted in and nourished by the earth?  For though this
   class of creatures have no sensation, yet they also are said to live,
   and consequently they can die; and therefore, if violence be done them,
   can be killed.  So, too, the apostle, when speaking of the seeds of
   such things as these, says, "That which thou sowest is not quickened
   except it die;" and in the Psalm it is said, "He killed their vines
   with hail."  Must we therefore reckon it a breaking of this
   commandment, "Thou shalt not kill," to pull a flower?  Are we thus
   insanely to countenance the foolish error of the Manichæans?  Putting
   aside, then, these ravings, if, when we say, Thou shalt not kill, we do
   not understand this of the plants, since they have no sensation, nor of
   the irrational animals that fly, swim, walk, or creep, since they are
   dissociated from us by their want of reason, and are therefore by the
   just appointment of the Creator subjected to us to kill or keep alive
   for our own uses; if so, then it remains that we understand that
   commandment simply of man.  The commandment is, "Thou shall not kill
   man;" therefore neither another nor yourself, for he who kills himself
   still kills nothing else than man.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of the Cases in Which We May Put Men to Death Without
   Incurring the Guilt of Murder.

   However, there are some exceptions made by the divine authority to its
   own law, that men may not be put to death.  These exceptions are of two
   kinds, being justified either by a general law, or by a special
   commission granted for a time to some individual.  And in this latter
   case, he to whom authority is delegated, and who is but the sword in
   the hand of him who uses it, is not himself responsible for the death
   he deals.  And, accordingly, they who have waged war in obedience to
   the divine command, or in conformity with His laws, have represented in
   their persons the public justice or the wisdom of government, and in
   this capacity have put to death wicked men; such persons have by no
   means violated the commandment, "Thou shalt not kill."  Abraham indeed
   was not merely deemed guiltless of cruelty, but was even applauded for
   his piety, because he was ready to slay his son in obedience to God,
   not to his own passion.  And it is reasonably enough made a question,
   whether we are to esteem it to have been in compliance with a command
   of God that Jephthah killed his daughter, because she met him when he
   had vowed that he would sacrifice to God whatever first met him as he
   returned victorious from battle.  Samson, too, who drew down the house
   on himself and his foes together, is justified only on this ground,
   that the Spirit who wrought wonders by him had given him secret
   instructions to do this.  With the exception, then, of these two
   classes of cases, which are justified either by a just law that applies
   generally, or by a special intimation from God Himself, the fountain of
   all justice, whoever kills a man, either himself or another, is
   implicated in the guilt of murder.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--That Suicide Can Never Be Prompted by Magnanimity.

   But they who have laid violent hands on themselves are perhaps to be
   admired for their greatness of soul, though they cannot be applauded
   for the soundness of their judgment.  However, if you look at the
   matter more closely, you will scarcely call it greatness of soul, which
   prompts a man to kill himself rather than bear up against some
   hardships of fortune, or sins in which he is not implicated.  Is it not
   rather proof of a feeble mind, to be unable to bear either the pains of
   bodily servitude or the foolish opinion of the vulgar?  And is not that
   to be pronounced the greater mind, which rather faces than flees the
   ills of life, and which, in comparison of the light and purity of
   conscience, holds in small esteem the judgment of men, and specially of
   the vulgar, which is frequently involved in a mist of error?  And,
   therefore, if suicide is to be esteemed a magnanimous act, none can
   take higher rank for magnanimity than that Cleombrotus, who (as the
   story goes), when he had read Plato's book in which he treats of the
   immortality of the soul, threw himself from a wall, and so passed from
   this life to that which he believed to be better.  For he was not hard
   pressed by calamity, nor by any accusation, false or true, which he
   could not very well have lived down; there was, in short, no motive but
   only magnanimity urging him to seek death, and break away from the
   sweet detention of this life.  And yet that this was a magnanimous
   rather than a justifiable action, Plato himself, whom he had read,
   would have told him; for he would certainly have been forward to
   commit, or at least to recommend suicide, had not the same bright
   intellect which saw that the soul was immortal, discerned also that to
   seek immortality by suicide was to be prohibited rather than
   encouraged.

   Again, it is said many have killed themselves to prevent an enemy doing
   so.  But we are not inquiring whether it has been done, but whether it
   ought to have been done.  Sound judgment is to be preferred even to
   examples, and indeed examples harmonize with the voice of reason; but
   not all examples, but those only which are distinguished by their
   piety, and are proportionately worthy of imitation.  For suicide we
   cannot cite the example of patriarchs, prophets, or apostles; though
   our Lord Jesus Christ, when He admonished them to flee from city to
   city if they were persecuted, might very well have taken that occasion
   to advise them to lay violent hands on themselves, and so escape their
   persecutors.  But seeing He did not do this, nor proposed this mode of
   departing this life, though He were addressing His own friends for whom
   He had promised to prepare everlasting mansions, it is obvious that
   such examples as are produced from the "nations that forget God," give
   no warrant of imitation to the worshippers of the one true God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--What We are to Think of the Example of Cato, Who Slew
   Himself Because Unable to Endure Cæsar's Victory.

   Besides Lucretia, of whom enough has already been said, our advocates
   of suicide have some difficulty in finding any other prescriptive
   example, unless it be that of Cato, who killed himself at Utica.  His
   example is appealed to, not because he was the only man who did so, but
   because he was so esteemed as a learned and excellent man, that it
   could plausibly be maintained that what he did was and is a good thing
   to do.  But of this action of his, what can I say but that his own
   friends, enlightened men as he, prudently dissuaded him, and therefore
   judged his act to be that of a feeble rather than a strong spirit, and
   dictated not by honorable feeling forestalling shame, but by weakness
   shrinking from hardships?  Indeed, Cato condemns himself by the advice
   he gave to his dearly loved son.  For if it was a disgrace to live
   under Cæsar's rule, why did the father urge the son to this disgrace,
   by encouraging him to trust absolutely to Cæsar's generosity?  Why did
   he not persuade him to die along with himself?  If Torquatus was
   applauded for putting his son to death, when contrary to orders he had
   engaged, and engaged successfully, with the enemy, why did conquered
   Cato spare his conquered son, though he did not spare himself?  Was it
   more disgraceful to be a victor contrary to orders, than to submit to a
   victor contrary to the received ideas of honor?  Cato, then, cannot
   have deemed it to be shameful to live under Cæsar's rule; for had he
   done so, the father's sword would have delivered his son from this
   disgrace.  The truth is, that his son, whom he both hoped and desired
   would be spared by Cæsar, was not more loved by him than Cæsar was
   envied the glory of pardoning him (as indeed Cæsar himself is reported
   to have said [79] ); or if envy is too strong a word, let us say he was
   ashamed that this glory should be his.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [79] Plutarch's Life of Cato, 72.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--That in that Virtue in Which Regulus Excels Cato,
   Christians are Pre-Eminently Distinguished.

   Our opponents are offended at our preferring to Cato the saintly Job,
   who endured dreadful evils in his body rather than deliver himself from
   all torment by self-inflicted death; or other saints, of whom it is
   recorded in our authoritative and trustworthy books that they bore
   captivity and the oppression of their enemies rather than commit
   suicide.  But their own books authorize us to prefer to Marcus Cato,
   Marcus Regulus.  For Cato had never conquered Cæsar; and when conquered
   by him, disdained to submit himself to him, and that he might escape
   this submission put himself to death.  Regulus, on the contrary, had
   formerly conquered the Carthaginians, and in command of the army of
   Rome had won for the Roman republic a victory which no citizen could
   bewail, and which the enemy himself was constrained to admire; yet
   afterwards, when he in his turn was defeated by them, he preferred to
   be their captive rather than to put himself beyond their reach by
   suicide.  Patient under the domination of the Carthaginians, and
   constant in his love of the Romans, he neither deprived the one of his
   conquered body, nor the other of his unconquered spirit.  Neither was
   it love of life that prevented him from killing himself.  This was
   plainly enough indicated by his unhesitatingly returning, on account of
   his promise and oath, to the same enemies whom he had more grievously
   provoked by his words in the senate than even by his arms in battle.
   Having such a contempt of life, and preferring to end it by whatever
   torments excited enemies might contrive, rather than terminate it by
   his own hand, he could not more distinctly have declared how great a
   crime he judged suicide to be.  Among all their famous and remarkable
   citizens, the Romans have no better man to boast of than this, who was
   neither corrupted by prosperity, for he remained a very poor man after
   winning such victories; nor broken by adversity, for he returned
   intrepidly to the most miserable end.  But if the bravest and most
   renowned heroes, who had but an earthly country to defend, and who,
   though they had but false gods, yet rendered them a true worship, and
   carefully kept their oath to them; if these men, who by the custom and
   right of war put conquered enemies to the sword, yet shrank from
   putting an end to their own lives even when conquered by their enemies;
   if, though they had no fear at all of death, they would yet rather
   suffer slavery than commit suicide, how much rather must Christians,
   the worshippers of the true God, the aspirants to a heavenly
   citizenship, shrink from this act, if in God's providence they have
   been for a season delivered into the hands of their enemies to prove or
   to correct them!  And certainly, Christians subjected to this
   humiliating condition will not be deserted by the Most High, who for
   their sakes humbled Himself.  Neither should they forget that they are
   bound by no laws of war, nor military orders, to put even a conquered
   enemy to the sword; and if a man may not put to death the enemy who has
   sinned, or may yet sin against him, who is so infatuated as to maintain
   that he may kill himself because an enemy has sinned, or is going to
   sin, against him?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--That We Should Not Endeavor By Sin to Obviate Sin.

   But, we are told, there is ground to fear that, when the body is
   subjected to the enemy's lust, the insidious pleasure of sense may
   entice the soul to consent to the sin, and steps must be taken to
   prevent so disastrous a result.  And is not suicide the proper mode of
   preventing not only the enemy's sin, but the sin of the Christian so
   allured?  Now, in the first place, the soul which is led by God and His
   wisdom, rather than by bodily concupiscence, will certainly never
   consent to the desire aroused in its own flesh by another's lust.  And,
   at all events, if it be true, as the truth plainly declares, that
   suicide is a detestable and damnable wickedness, who is such a fool as
   to say, Let us sin now, that we may obviate a possible future sin; let
   us now commit murder, lest we perhaps afterwards should commit
   adultery?  If we are so controlled by iniquity that innocence is out of
   the question, and we can at best but make a choice of sins, is not a
   future and uncertain adultery preferable to a present and certain
   murder?  Is it not better to commit a wickedness which penitence may
   heal, than a crime which leaves no place for healing contrition?  I say
   this for the sake of those men or women who fear they may be enticed
   into consenting to their violator's lust, and think they should lay
   violent hands on themselves, and so prevent, not another's sin, but
   their own.  But far be it from the mind of a Christian confiding in
   God, and resting in the hope of His aid; far be it, I say, from such a
   mind to yield a shameful consent to pleasures of the flesh, howsoever
   presented.  And if that lustful disobedience, which still dwells in our
   mortal members, follows its own law irrespective of our will, surely
   its motions in the body of one who rebels against them are as blameless
   as its motions in the body of one who sleeps.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--That in Certain Peculiar Cases the Examples of the Saints
   are Not to Be Followed.

   But, they say, in the time of persecution some holy women escaped those
   who menaced them with outrage, by casting themselves into rivers which
   they knew would drown them; and having died in this manner, they are
   venerated in the church catholic as martyrs.  Of such persons I do not
   presume to speak rashly.  I cannot tell whether there may not have been
   vouchsafed to the church some divine authority, proved by trustworthy
   evidences, for so honoring their memory:  it may be that it is so.  It
   may be they were not deceived by human judgment, but prompted by divine
   wisdom, to their act of self-destruction.  We know that this was the
   case with Samson.  And when God enjoins any act, and intimates by plain
   evidence that He has enjoined it, who will call obedience criminal?
   Who will accuse so religious a submission?  But then every man is not
   justified in sacrificing his son to God, because Abraham was
   commendable in so doing.  The soldier who has slain a man in obedience
   to the authority under which he is lawfully commissioned, is not
   accused of murder by any law of his state; nay, if he has not slain
   him, it is then he is accused of treason to the state, and of despising
   the law.  But if he has been acting on his own authority, and at his
   own impulse, he has in this case incurred the crime of shedding human
   blood.  And thus he is punished for doing without orders the very thing
   he is punished for neglecting to do when he has been ordered.  If the
   commands of a general make so great a difference, shall the commands of
   God make none?  He, then, who knows it is unlawful to kill himself, may
   nevertheless do so if he is ordered by Him whose commands we may not
   neglect.  Only let him be very sure that the divine command has been
   signified.  As for us, we can become privy to the secrets of conscience
   only in so far as these are disclosed to us, and so far only do we
   judge:  "No one knoweth the things of a man, save the spirit of man
   which is in him." [80]   But this we affirm, this we maintain, this we
   every way pronounce to be right, that no man ought to inflict on
   himself voluntary death, for this is to escape the ills of time by
   plunging into those of eternity; that no man ought to do so on account
   of another man's sins, for this were to escape a guilt which could not
   pollute him, by incurring great guilt of his own; that no man ought to
   do so on account of his own past sins, for he has all the more need of
   this life that these sins may be healed by repentance; that no man
   should put an end to this life to obtain that better life we look for
   after death, for those who die by their own hand have no better life
   after death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [80] 1 Cor. ii. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Whether Voluntary Death Should Be Sought in Order to Avoid
   Sin.

   There remains one reason for suicide which I mentioned before, and
   which is thought a sound one,--namely, to prevent one's falling into
   sin either through the blandishments of pleasure or the violence of
   pain.  If this reason were a good one, then we should be impelled to
   exhort men at once to destroy themselves, as soon as they have been
   washed in the laver of regeneration, and have received the forgiveness
   of all sin.  Then is the time to escape all future sin, when all past
   sin is blotted out.  And if this escape be lawfully secured by suicide,
   why not then specially?  Why does any baptized person hold his hand
   from taking his own life?  Why does any person who is freed from the
   hazards of this life again expose himself to them, when he has power so
   easily to rid himself of them all, and when it is written, "He who
   loveth danger shall fall into it?" [81]   Why does he love, or at least
   face, so many serious dangers, by remaining in this life from which he
   may legitimately depart?  But is any one so blinded and twisted in his
   moral nature, and so far astray from the truth, as to think that,
   though a man ought to make away with himself for fear of being led into
   sin by the oppression of one man, his master, he ought yet to live, and
   so expose himself to the hourly temptations of this world, both to all
   those evils which the oppression of one master involves, and to
   numberless other miseries in which this life inevitably implicates us?
   What reason, then, is there for our consuming time in those
   exhortations by which we seek to animate the baptized, either to
   virginal chastity, or vidual continence, or matrimonial fidelity, when
   we have so much more simple and compendious a method of deliverance
   from sin, by persuading those who are fresh from baptism to put an end
   to their lives, and so pass to their Lord pure and well-conditioned?
   If any one thinks that such persuasion should be attempted, I say not
   he is foolish, but mad.  With what face, then, can he say to any man,
   "Kill yourself, lest to your small sins you add a heinous sin, while
   you live under an unchaste master, whose conduct is that of a
   barbarian?"  How can he say this, if he cannot without wickedness say,
   "Kill yourself, now that you are washed from all your sins, lest you
   fall again into similar or even aggravated sins, while you live in a
   world which has such power to allure by its unclean pleasures, to
   torment by its horrible cruelties, to overcome by its errors and
   terrors?"  It is wicked to say this; it is therefore wicked to kill
   oneself.  For if there could be any just cause of suicide, this were
   so.  And since not even this is so, there is none.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [81] Ecclus. iii. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--By What Judgment of God the Enemy Was Permitted to Indulge
   His Lust on the Bodies of Continent Christians.

   Let not your life, then, be a burden to you, ye faithful servants of
   Christ, though your chastity was made the sport of your enemies.  You
   have a grand and true consolation, if you maintain a good conscience,
   and know that you did not consent to the sins of those who were
   permitted to commit sinful outrage upon you.  And if you should ask why
   this permission was granted, indeed it is a deep providence of the
   Creator and Governor of the world; and "unsearchable are His judgments,
   and His ways past finding out." [82]   Nevertheless, faithfully
   interrogate your own souls, whether ye have not been unduly puffed up
   by your integrity, and continence, and chastity; and whether ye have
   not been so desirous of the human praise that is accorded to these
   virtues, that ye have envied some who possessed them.  I, for my part,
   do not know your hearts, and therefore I make no accusation; I do not
   even hear what your hearts answer when you question them.  And yet, if
   they answer that it is as I have supposed it might be, do not marvel
   that you have lost that by which you can win men's praise, and retain
   that which cannot be exhibited to men.  If you did not consent to sin,
   it was because God added His aid to His grace that it might not be
   lost, and because shame before men succeeded to human glory that it
   might not be loved.  But in both respects even the faint-hearted among
   you have a consolation, approved by the one experience, chastened by
   the other; justified by the one, corrected by the other.  As to those
   whose hearts, when interrogated, reply that they have never been proud
   of the virtue of virginity, widowhood, or matrimonial chastity, but,
   condescending to those of low estate, rejoiced with trembling in these
   gifts of God, and that they have never envied any one the like
   excellences of sanctity and purity, but rose superior to human
   applause, which is wont to be abundant in proportion to the rarity of
   the virtue applauded, and rather desired that their own number be
   increased, than that by the smallness of their numbers each of them
   should be conspicuous;--even such faithful women, I say, must not
   complain that permission was given to the barbarians so grossly to
   outrage them; nor must they allow themselves to believe that God
   overlooked their character when He permitted acts which no one with
   impunity commits.  For some most flagrant and wicked desires are
   allowed free play at present by the secret judgment of God, and are
   reserved to the public and final judgment.  Moreover, it is possible
   that those Christian women, who are unconscious of any undue pride on
   account of their virtuous chastity, whereby they sinlessly suffered the
   violence of their captors, had yet some lurking infirmity which might
   have betrayed them into a proud and contemptuous bearing, had they not
   been subjected to the humiliation that befell them in the taking of the
   city.  As, therefore, some men were removed by death, that no
   wickedness might change their disposition, so these women were outraged
   lest prosperity should corrupt their modesty.  Neither those women
   then, who were already puffed up by the circumstance that they were
   still virgins, nor those who might have been so puffed up had they not
   been exposed to the violence of the enemy, lost their chastity, but
   rather gained humility; the former were saved from pride already
   cherished, the latter from pride that would shortly have grown upon
   them.

   We must further notice that some of those sufferers may have conceived
   that continence is a bodily good, and abides so long as the body is
   inviolate, and did not understand that the purity both of the body and
   the soul rests on the steadfastness of the will strengthened by God's
   grace, and cannot be forcibly taken from an unwilling person.  From
   this error they are probably now delivered.  For when they reflect how
   conscientiously they served God, and when they settle again to the firm
   persuasion that He can in nowise desert those who so serve Him, and so
   invoke His aid and when they consider, what they cannot doubt, how
   pleasing to Him is chastity, they are shut up to the conclusion that He
   could never have permitted these disasters to befall His saints, if by
   them that saintliness could be destroyed which He Himself had bestowed
   upon them, and delights to see in them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [82] Rom. xi. 33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--What the Servants of Christ Should Say in Reply to the
   Unbelievers Who Cast in Their Teeth that Christ Did Not Rescue Them
   from the Fury of Their Enemies.

   The whole family of God, most high and most true, has therefore a
   consolation of its own,--a consolation which cannot deceive, and which
   has in it a surer hope than the tottering and falling affairs of earth
   can afford.  They will not refuse the discipline of this temporal life,
   in which they are schooled for life eternal; nor will they lament their
   experience of it, for the good things of earth they use as pilgrims who
   are not detained by them, and its ills either prove or improve them.
   As for those who insult over them in their trials, and when ills befall
   them say, "Where is thy God?" [83] we may ask them where their gods are
   when they suffer the very calamities for the sake of avoiding which
   they worship their gods, or maintain they ought to be worshipped; for
   the family of Christ is furnished with its reply:  our God is
   everywhere present, wholly everywhere; not confined to any place.  He
   can be present unperceived, and be absent without moving; when He
   exposes us to adversities, it is either to prove our perfections or
   correct our imperfections; and in return for our patient endurance of
   the sufferings of time, He reserves for us an everlasting reward.  But
   who are you, that we should deign to speak with you even about your own
   gods, much less about our God, who is "to be feared above all gods?
   For all the gods of the nations are idols; but the Lord made the
   heavens." [84]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [83] Ps. xlii. 10.

   [84] Ps. xcvi. 4, 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--That Those Who Complain of Christianity Really Desire to
   Live Without Restraint in Shameful Luxury.

   If the famous Scipio Nasica were now alive, who was once your pontiff,
   and was unanimously chosen by the senate, when, in the panic created by
   the Punic war, they sought for the best citizen to entertain the
   Phrygian goddess, he would curb this shamelessness of yours, though you
   would perhaps scarcely dare to look upon the countenance of such a
   man.  For why in your calamities do you complain of Christianity,
   unless because you desire to enjoy your luxurious license unrestrained,
   and to lead an abandoned and profligate life without the interruption
   of any uneasiness or disaster?  For certainly your desire for peace,
   and prosperity, and plenty is not prompted by any purpose of using
   these blessings honestly, that is to say, with moderation, sobriety,
   temperance, and piety; for your purpose rather is to run riot in an
   endless variety of sottish pleasures, and thus to generate from your
   prosperity a moral pestilence which will prove a thousandfold more
   disastrous than the fiercest enemies.  It was such a calamity as this
   that Scipio, your chief pontiff, your best man in the judgment of the
   whole senate, feared when he refused to agree to the destruction of
   Carthage, Rome's rival and opposed Cato, who advised its destruction.
   He feared security, that enemy of weak minds, and he perceived that a
   wholesome fear would be a fit guardian for the citizens.  And he was
   not mistaken; the event proved how wisely he had spoken.  For when
   Carthage was destroyed, and the Roman republic delivered from its great
   cause of anxiety, a crowd of disastrous evils forthwith resulted from
   the prosperous condition of things.  First concord was weakened, and
   destroyed by fierce and bloody seditions; then followed, by a
   concatenation of baleful causes, civil wars, which brought in their
   train such massacres, such bloodshed, such lawless and cruel
   proscription and plunder, that those Romans who, in the days of their
   virtue, had expected injury only at the hands of their enemies, now
   that their virtue was lost, suffered greater cruelties at the hands of
   their fellow-citizens.  The lust of rule, which with other vices
   existed among the Romans in more unmitigated intensity than among any
   other people, after it had taken possession of the more powerful few,
   subdued under its yoke the rest, worn and wearied.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--By What Steps the Passion for Governing Increased Among
   the Romans.

   For at what stage would that passion rest when once it has lodged in a
   proud spirit, until by a succession of advances it has reached even the
   throne.  And to obtain such advances nothing avails but unscrupulous
   ambition.  But unscrupulous ambition has nothing to work upon, save in
   a nation corrupted by avarice and luxury.  Moreover, a people becomes
   avaricious and luxurious by prosperity; and it was this which that very
   prudent man Nasica was endeavouring to avoid when he opposed the
   destruction of the greatest, strongest, wealthiest city of Rome's
   enemy.  He thought that thus fear would act as a curb on lust, and that
   lust being curbed would not run riot in luxury, and that luxury being
   prevented avarice would be at an end; and that these vices being
   banished, virtue would flourish and increase the great profit of the
   state; and liberty, the fit companion of virtue, would abide
   unfettered.  For similar reasons, and animated by the same considerate
   patriotism, that same chief pontiff of yours--I still refer to him who
   was adjudged Rome's best man without one dissentient voice--threw cold
   water on the proposal of the senate to build a circle of seats round
   the theatre, and in a very weighty speech warned them against allowing
   the luxurious manners of Greece to sap the Roman manliness, and
   persuaded them not to yield to the enervating and emasculating
   influence of foreign licentiousness.  So authoritative and forcible
   were his words, that the senate was moved to prohibit the use even of
   those benches which hitherto had been customarily brought to the
   theatre for the temporary use of the citizens. [85]   How eagerly would
   such a man as this have banished from Rome the scenic exhibitions
   themselves, had he dared to oppose the authority of those whom he
   supposed to be gods!  For he did not know that they were malicious
   devils; or if he did, he supposed they should rather be propitiated
   than despised.  For there had not yet been revealed to the Gentiles the
   heavenly doctrine which should purify their hearts by faith, and
   transform their natural disposition by humble godliness, and turn them
   from the service of proud devils to seek the things that are in heaven,
   or even above the heavens.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [85] Originally the spectators had to stand, and now (according to
   Livy, Ep.. xlviii.) the old custom was restored.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--Of the Establishment of Scenic Entertainments.

   Know then, ye who are ignorant of this, and ye who feign ignorance be
   reminded, while you murmur against Him who has freed you from such
   rulers, that the scenic games, exhibitions of shameless folly and
   license, were established at Rome, not by men's vicious cravings, but
   by the appointment of your gods.  Much more pardonably might you have
   rendered divine honors to Scipio than to such gods as these.  The gods
   were not so moral as their pontiff.  But give me now your attention, if
   your mind, inebriated by its deep potations of error, can take in any
   sober truth.  The gods enjoined that games be exhibited in their honor
   to stay a physical pestilence; their pontiff prohibited the theatre
   from being constructed, to prevent a moral pestilence.  If, then, there
   remains in you sufficient mental enlightenment to prefer the soul to
   the body, choose whom you will worship.  Besides, though the pestilence
   was stayed, this was not because the voluptuous madness of stage-plays
   had taken possession of a warlike people hitherto accustomed only to
   the games of the circus; but these astute and wicked spirits,
   foreseeing that in due course the pestilence would shortly cease, took
   occasion to infect, not the bodies, but the morals of their
   worshippers, with a far more serious disease.  And in this pestilence
   these gods find great enjoyment, because it benighted the minds of men
   with so gross a darkness and dishonored them with so foul a deformity,
   that even quite recently (will posterity be able to credit it?) some of
   those who fled from the sack of Rome and found refuge in Carthage, were
   so infected with this disease, that day after day they seemed to
   contend with one another who should most madly run after the actors in
   the theatres.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--That the Overthrow of Rome Has Not Corrected the Vices of
   the Romans.

   Oh infatuated men, what is this blindness, or rather madness, which
   possesses you?  How is it that while, as we hear, even the eastern
   nations are bewailing your ruin, and while powerful states in the most
   remote parts of the earth are mourning your fall as a public calamity,
   ye yourselves should be crowding to the theatres, should be pouring
   into them and filling them; and, in short, be playing a madder part now
   than ever before?  This was the foul plague-spot, this the wreck of
   virtue and honor that Scipio sought to preserve you from when he
   prohibited the construction of theatres; this was his reason for
   desiring that you might still have an enemy to fear, seeing as he did
   how easily prosperity would corrupt and destroy you.  He did not
   consider that republic flourishing whose walls stand, but whose morals
   are in ruins.  But the seductions of evil-minded devils had more
   influence with you than the precautions of prudent men.  Hence the
   injuries you do, you will not permit to be imputed to you:  but the
   injuries you suffer, you impute to Christianity.  Depraved by good
   fortune, and not chastened by adversity, what you desire in the
   restoration of a peaceful and secure state, is not the tranquillity of
   the commonwealth, but the impunity of your own vicious luxury.  Scipio
   wished you to be hard pressed by an enemy, that you might not abandon
   yourselves to luxurious manners; but so abandoned are you, that not
   even when crushed by the enemy is your luxury repressed.  You have
   missed the profit of your calamity; you have been made most wretched,
   and have remained most profligate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--Of God's Clemency in Moderating the Ruin of the City.

   And that you are yet alive is due to God, who spares you that you may
   be admonished to repent and reform your lives.  It is He who has
   permitted you, ungrateful as you are, to escape the sword of the enemy,
   by calling yourselves His servants, or by finding asylum in the sacred
   places of the martyrs.

   It is said that Romulus and Remus, in order to increase the population
   of the city they founded, opened a sanctuary in which every man might
   find asylum and absolution of all crime,--a remarkable foreshadowing of
   what has recently occurred in honor of Christ.  The destroyers of Rome
   followed the example of its founders.  But it was not greatly to their
   credit that the latter, for the sake of increasing the number of their
   citizens, did that which the former have done, lest the number of their
   enemies should be diminished.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 35.--Of the Sons of the Church Who are Hidden Among the Wicked,
   and of False Christians Within the Church.

   Let these and similar answers (if any fuller and fitter answers can be
   found) be given to their enemies by the redeemed family of the Lord
   Christ, and by the pilgrim city of King Christ.  But let this city bear
   in mind, that among her enemies lie hid those who are destined to be
   fellow-citizens, that she may not think it a fruitless labor to bear
   what they inflict as enemies until they become confessors of the
   faith.  So, too, as long as she is a stranger in the world, the city of
   God has in her communion, and bound to her by the sacraments, some who
   shall not eternally dwell in the lot of the saints.  Of these, some are
   not now recognized; others declare themselves, and do not hesitate to
   make common cause with our enemies in murmuring against God, whose
   sacramental badge they wear.  These men you may to-day see thronging
   the churches with us, to-morrow crowding the theatres with the
   godless.  But we have the less reason to despair of the reclamation
   even of such persons, if among our most declared enemies there are now
   some, unknown to themselves, who are destined to become our friends.
   In truth, these two cities are entangled together in this world, and
   intermixed until the last judgment effects their separation.  I now
   proceed to speak, as God shall help me, of the rise, progress, and end
   of these two cities; and what I write, I write for the glory of the
   city of God, that, being placed in comparison with the other, it may
   shine with a brighter lustre.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 36.--What Subjects are to Be Handled in the Following
   Discourse.

   But I have still some things to say in confutation of those who refer
   the disasters of the Roman republic to our religion, because it
   prohibits the offering of sacrifices to the gods.  For this end I must
   recount all, or as many as may seem sufficient, of the disasters which
   befell that city and its subject provinces, before these sacrifices
   were prohibited; for all these disasters they would doubtless have
   attributed to us, if at that time our religion had shed its light upon
   them, and had prohibited their sacrifices.  I must then go on to show
   what social well-being the true God, in whose hand are all kingdoms,
   vouchsafed to grant to them that their empire might increase.  I must
   show why He did so, and how their false gods, instead of at all aiding
   them, greatly injured them by guile and deceit.  And, lastly, I must
   meet those who, when on this point convinced and confuted by
   irrefragable proofs, endeavor to maintain that they worship the gods,
   not hoping for the present advantages of this life, but for those which
   are to be enjoyed after death.  And this, if I am not mistaken, will be
   the most difficult part of my task, and will be worthy of the loftiest
   argument; for we must then enter the lists with the philosophers, not
   the mere common herd of philosophers, but the most renowned, who in
   many points agree with ourselves, as regarding the immortality of the
   soul, and that the true God created the world, and by His providence
   rules all He has created.  But as they differ from us on other points,
   we must not shrink from the task of exposing their errors, that, having
   refuted the gainsaying of the wicked with such ability as God may
   vouchsafe, we may assert the city of God, and true piety, and the
   worship of God, to which alone the promise of true and everlasting
   felicity is attached.  Here, then, let us conclude, that we may enter
   on these subjects in a fresh book.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book II.

   ------------------------

   Argument--In this book Augustin reviews those calamities which the
   Romans suffered before the time of Christ, and while the worship of the
   false gods was universally practised; and demonstrates that, far from
   being preserved from misfortune by the gods, the Romans have been by
   them overwhelmed with the only, or at least the greatest, of all
   calamities--the corruption of manners, and the vices of the soul.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Limits Which Must Be Put to the Necessity of
   Replying to an Adversary.

   If the feeble mind of man did not presume to resist the clear evidence
   of truth, but yielded its infirmity to wholesome doctrines, as to a
   health-giving medicine, until it obtained from God, by its faith and
   piety, the grace needed to heal it, they who have just ideas, and
   express them in suitable language, would need to use no long discourse
   to refute the errors of empty conjecture.  But this mental infirmity is
   now more prevalent and hurtful than ever, to such an extent that even
   after the truth has been as fully demonstrated as man can prove it to
   man, they hold for the very truth their own unreasonable fancies,
   either on account of their great blindness, which prevents them from
   seeing what is plainly set before them, or on account of their
   opinionative obstinacy, which prevents them from acknowledging the
   force of what they do see.  There therefore frequently arises a
   necessity of speaking more fully on those points which are already
   clear, that we may, as it were, present them not to the eye, but even
   to the touch, so that they may be felt even by those who close their
   eyes against them.  And yet to what end shall we ever bring our
   discussions, or what bounds can be set to our discourse, if we proceed
   on the principle that we must always reply to those who reply to us?
   For those who are either unable to understand our arguments, or are so
   hardened by the habit of contradiction, that though they understand
   they cannot yield to them, reply to us, and, as it is written, "speak
   hard things," [86] and are incorrigibly vain.  Now, if we were to
   propose to confute their objections as often as they with brazen face
   chose to disregard our arguments, and so often as they could by any
   means contradict our statements, you see how endless, and fruitless,
   and painful a task we should be undertaking.  And therefore I do not
   wish my writings to be judged even by you, my son Marcellinus, nor by
   any of those others at whose service this work of mine is freely and in
   all Christian charity put, if at least you intend always to require a
   reply to every exception which you hear taken to what you read in it;
   for so you would become like those silly women of whom the apostle says
   that they are "always learning, and never able to come to the knowledge
   of the truth." [87]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [86] Ps. xciv. 4.

   [87] 2 Tim. iii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Recapitulation of the Contents of the First Book.

   In the foregoing book, having begun to speak of the city of God, to
   which I have resolved, Heaven helping me, to consecrate the whole of
   this work, it was my first endeavor to reply to those who attribute the
   wars by which the world is being devastated, and especially the recent
   sack of Rome by the barbarians, to the religion of Christ, which
   prohibits the offering of abominable sacrifices to devils.  I have
   shown that they ought rather to attribute it to Christ, that for His
   name's sake the barbarians, in contravention of all custom and law of
   war, threw open as sanctuaries the largest churches, and in many
   instances showed such reverence to Christ, that not only His genuine
   servants, but even those who in their terror feigned themselves to be
   so, were exempted from all those hardships which by the custom of war
   may lawfully be inflicted.  Then out of this there arose the question,
   why wicked and ungrateful men were permitted to share in these
   benefits; and why, too, the hardships and calamities of war were
   inflicted on the godly as well as on the ungodly.  And in giving a
   suitably full answer to this large question, I occupied some
   considerable space, partly that I might relieve the anxieties which
   disturb many when they observe that the blessings of God, and the
   common and daily human casualties, fall to the lot of bad men and good
   without distinction; but mainly that I might minister some consolation
   to those holy and chaste women who were outraged by the enemy, in such
   a way as to shock their modesty, though not to sully their purity, and
   that I might preserve them from being ashamed of life, though they have
   no guilt to be ashamed of.  And then I briefly spoke against those who
   with a most shameless wantonness insult over those poor Christians who
   were subjected to those calamities, and especially over those
   broken-hearted and humiliated, though chaste and holy women; these
   fellows themselves being most depraved and unmanly profligates, quite
   degenerate from the genuine Romans, whose famous deeds are abundantly
   recorded in history, and everywhere celebrated, but who have found in
   their descendants the greatest enemies of their glory.  In truth, Rome,
   which was founded and increased by the labors of these ancient heroes,
   was more shamefully ruined by their descendants, while its walls were
   still standing, than it is now by the razing of them.  For in this ruin
   there fell stones and timbers; but in the ruin those profligates
   effected, there fell, not the mural, but the moral bulwarks and
   ornaments of the city, and their hearts burned with passions more
   destructive than the flames which consumed their houses.  Thus I
   brought my first book to a close.  And now I go on to speak of those
   calamities which that city itself, or its subject provinces, have
   suffered since its foundation; all of which they would equally have
   attributed to the Christian religion, if at that early period the
   doctrine of the gospel against their false and deceiving gods had been
   as largely and freely proclaimed as now.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--That We Need Only to Read History in Order to See What
   Calamities the Romans Suffered Before the Religion of Christ Began to
   Compete with the Worship of the Gods.

   But remember that, in recounting these things, I have still to address
   myself to ignorant men; so ignorant, indeed, as to give birth to the
   common saying, "Drought and Christianity go hand in hand." [88]   There
   are indeed some among them who are thoroughly well-educated men, and
   have a taste for history, in which the things I speak of are open to
   their observation; but in order to irritate the uneducated masses
   against us, they feign ignorance of these events, and do what they can
   to make the vulgar believe that those disasters, which in certain
   places and at certain times uniformly befall mankind, are the result of
   Christianity, which is being everywhere diffused, and is possessed of a
   renown and brilliancy which quite eclipse their own gods. [89]   Let
   them then, along with us, call to mind with what various and repeated
   disasters the prosperity of Rome was blighted, before ever Christ had
   come in the flesh, and before His name had been blazoned among the
   nations with that glory which they vainly grudge.  Let them, if they
   can, defend their gods in this article, since they maintain that they
   worship them in order to be preserved from these disasters, which they
   now impute to us if they suffer in the least degree.  For why did these
   gods permit the disasters I am to speak of to fall on their worshippers
   before the preaching of Christ's name offended them, and put an end to
   their sacrifices?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [88] Pluvia defit, causa Christiani.  Similar accusations and similar
   replies may be seen in the celebrated passage of Tertullian's Apol. c.
   40, and in the eloquent exordium of Arnobius, C. Gentes.

   [89] Augustin is supposed to refer to Symmachus, who similarly accused
   the Christians in his address to the Emperor Valentinianus in the year
   384.  At Augustin's request, Paulus Orosius wrote his history in
   confutation of Symmachus' charges.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--That the Worshippers of the Gods Never Received from Them
   Any Healthy Moral Precepts, and that in Celebrating Their Worship All
   Sorts of Impurities Were Practiced.

   First of all, we would ask why their gods took no steps to improve the
   morals of their worshippers.  That the true God should neglect those
   who did not seek His help, that was but justice; but why did those
   gods, from whose worship ungrateful men are now complaining that they
   are prohibited, issue no laws which might have guided their devotees to
   a virtuous life?  Surely it was but just, that such care as men showed
   to the worship of the gods, the gods on their part should have to the
   conduct of men.  But, it is replied, it is by his own will a man goes
   astray.  Who denies it?  But none the less was it incumbent on these
   gods, who were men's guardians, to publish in plain terms the laws of a
   good life, and not to conceal them from their worshippers.  It was
   their part to send prophets to reach and convict such as broke these
   laws, and publicly to proclaim the punishments which await evil-doers,
   and the rewards which may be looked for by those that do well.  Did
   ever the walls of any of their temples echo to any such warning voice?
   I myself, when I was a young man, used sometimes to go to the
   sacrilegious entertainments and spectacles; I saw the priests raving in
   religious excitement, and heard the choristers; I took pleasure in the
   shameful games which were celebrated in honor of gods and goddesses, of
   the virgin Coelestis, [90] and Berecynthia, [91] the mother of all the
   gods.  And on the holy day consecrated to her purification, there were
   sung before her couch productions so obscene and filthy for the ear--I
   do not say of the mother of the gods, but of the mother of any senator
   or honest man--nay, so impure, that not even the mother of the
   foul-mouthed players themselves could have formed one of the audience.
   For natural reverence for parents is a bond which the most abandoned
   cannot ignore.  And, accordingly, the lewd actions and filthy words
   with which these players honored the mother of the gods, in presence of
   a vast assemblage and audience of both sexes, they could not for very
   shame have rehearsed at home in presence of their own mothers.  And the
   crowds that were gathered from all quarters by curiosity, offended
   modesty must, I should suppose, have scattered in the confusion of
   shame.  If these are sacred rites, what is sacrilege?  If this is
   purification, what is pollution?  This festivity was called the Tables,
   [92] as if a banquet were being given at which unclean devils might
   find suitable refreshment.  For it is not difficult to see what kind of
   spirits they must be who are delighted with such obscenities, unless,
   indeed, a man be blinded by these evil spirits passing themselves off
   under the name of gods, and either disbelieves in their existence, or
   leads such a life as prompts him rather to propitiate and fear them
   than the true God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [90] Tertullian (Apol. c. 24) mentions Coelestis as specially
   worshipped in Africa.  Augustin mentions her again in the 26th chapter
   of this book, and in other parts of his works.

   [91] Berecynthia is one of the many names of Rhea or Cybele.  Livy
   (xxix. 11) relates that the image of Cybele was brought to Rome the day
   before the ides of April, which was accordingly dedicated as her
   feast-day.  The image, it seems, had to be washed in the stream Almon,
   a tributary of the Tiber, before being placed in the temple of Victory;
   and each year, as the festival returned, the washing was repeated with
   much pomp at the same spot.  Hence Lucan's line (i. 600), Et lotam
   parvo revocant Almone Cybelen, and the elegant verses of Ovid. Fast.
   iv. 337 et seq.

   [92] Fercula, dishes or courses.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of the Obscenities Practiced in Honor of the Mother of the
   Gods.

   In this matter I would prefer to have as my assessors in judgment, not
   those men who rather take pleasure in these infamous customs than take
   pains to put an end to them, but that same Scipio Nasica who was chosen
   by the senate as the citizen most worthy to receive in his hands the
   image of that demon Cybele, and convey it into the city.  He would tell
   us whether he would be proud to see his own mother so highly esteemed
   by the state as to have divine honors adjudged to her; as the Greeks
   and Romans and other nations have decreed divine honors to men who had
   been of material service to them, and have believed that their mortal
   benefactors were thus made immortal, and enrolled among the gods. [93]
     Surely he would desire that his mother should enjoy such felicity
   were it possible.  But if we proceeded to ask him whether, among the
   honors paid to her, he would wish such shameful rites as these to be
   celebrated, would he not at once exclaim that he would rather his
   mother lay stone-dead, than survive as a goddess to lend her ear to
   these obscenities?  Is it possible that he who was of so severe a
   morality, that he used his influence as a Roman senator to prevent the
   building of a theatre in that city dedicated to the manly virtues,
   would wish his mother to be propitiated as a goddess with words which
   would have brought the blush to her cheek when a Roman matron?  Could
   he possibly believe that the modesty of an estimable woman would be so
   transformed by her promotion to divinity, that she would suffer herself
   to be invoked and celebrated in terms so gross and immodest, that if
   she had heard the like while alive upon earth, and had listened without
   stopping her ears and hurrying from the spot, her relatives, her
   husband, and her children would have blushed for her?  Therefore, the
   mother of the gods being such a character as the most profligate man
   would be ashamed to have for his mother, and meaning to enthral the
   minds of the Romans, demanded for her service their best citizen, not
   to ripen him still more in virtue by her helpful counsel, but to
   entangle him by her deceit, like her of whom it is written, "The
   adulteress will hunt for the precious soul." [94]   Her intent was to
   puff up this high- souled man by an apparently divine testimony to his
   excellence, in order that he might rely upon his own eminence in
   virtue, and make no further efforts after true piety and religion,
   without which natural genius, however brilliant, vapors into pride and
   comes to nothing.  For what but a guileful purpose could that goddess
   demand the best man seeing that in her own sacred festivals she
   requires such obscenities as the best men would be covered with shame
   to hear at their own tables?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [93] See Cicero, De Nat. Deor, ii. 24.

   [94] Prov. vi. 26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--That the Gods of the Pagans Never Inculcated Holiness of
   Life.

   This is the reason why those divinities quite neglected the lives and
   morals of the cities and nations who worshipped them, and threw no
   dreadful prohibition in their way to hinder them from becoming utterly
   corrupt, and to preserve them from those terrible and detestable evils
   which visit not harvests and vintages, not house and possessions, not
   the body which is subject to the soul, but the soul itself, the spirit
   that rules the whole man.  If there was any such prohibition, let it be
   produced, let it be proved.  They will tell us that purity and probity
   were inculcated upon those who were initiated in the mysteries of
   religion, and that secret incitements to virtue were whispered in the
   ear of the élite; but this is an idle boast.  Let them show or name to
   us the places which were at any time consecrated to assemblages in
   which, instead of the obscene songs and licentious acting of players,
   instead of the celebration of those most filthy and shameless Fugalia
   [95] (well called Fugalia, since they banish modesty and right
   feeling), the people were commanded in the name of the gods to restrain
   avarice, bridle impurity, and conquer ambition; where, in short, they
   might learn in that school which Persius vehemently lashes them to,
   when he says:  "Be taught, ye abandoned creatures, and ascertain the
   causes of things; what we are, and for what end we are born; what is
   the law of our success in life; and by what art we may turn the goal
   without making shipwreck; what limit we should put to our wealth, what
   we may lawfully desire, and what uses filthy lucre serves; how much we
   should bestow upon our country and our family; learn, in short, what
   God meant thee to be, and what place He has ordered you to fill." [96]
     Let them name to us the places where such instructions were wont to
   be communicated from the gods, and where the people who worshipped them
   were accustomed to resort to hear them, as we can point to our churches
   built for this purpose in every land where the Christian religion is
   received.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [95] Fugalia.  Vives is uncertain to what feast Augustin refers.
   Censorinus understands him to refer to a feast celebrating the
   expulsion of the kings from Rome.  This feast, however (celebrated on
   the 24th of February), was commonly called Regifugium.

   [96] Persius, Sat. iii. 66-72.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--That the Suggestions of Philosophers are Precluded from
   Having Any Moral Effect, Because They Have Not the Authority Which
   Belongs to Divine Instruction, and Because Man's Natural Bias to Evil
   Induces Him Rather to Follow the Examples of the Gods Than to Obey the
   Precepts of Men.

   But will they perhaps remind us of the schools of the philosophers, and
   their disputations?  In the first place, these belong not to Rome, but
   to Greece; and even if we yield to them that they are now Roman,
   because Greece itself has become a Roman province, still the teachings
   of the philosophers are not the commandments of the gods, but the
   discoveries of men, who, at the prompting of their own speculative
   ability, made efforts to discover the hidden laws of nature, and the
   right and wrong in ethics, and in dialectic what was consequent
   according to the rules of logic, and what was inconsequent and
   erroneous.  And some of them, by God's help, made great discoveries;
   but when left to themselves they were betrayed by human infirmity, and
   fell into mistakes.  And this was ordered by divine providence, that
   their pride might be restrained, and that by their example it might be
   pointed out that it is humility which has access to the highest
   regions.  But of this we shall have more to say, if the Lord God of
   truth permit, in its own place. [97]   However, if the philosophers
   have made any discoveries which are sufficient to guide men to virtue
   and blessedness, would it not have been greater justice to vote divine
   honors to them?  Were it not more accordant with every virtuous
   sentiment to read Plato's writings in a "Temple of Plato," than to be
   present in the temples of devils to witness the priests of Cybele [98]
   mutilating themselves, the effeminate being consecrated, the raving
   fanatics cutting themselves, and whatever other cruel or shameful, or
   shamefully cruel or cruelly shameful, ceremony is enjoined by the
   ritual of such gods as these?  Were it not a more suitable education,
   and more likely to prompt the youth to virtue, if they heard public
   recitals of the laws of the gods, instead of the vain laudation of the
   customs and laws of their ancestors?  Certainly all the worshippers of
   the Roman gods, when once they are possessed by what Persius calls "the
   burning poison of lust," [99] prefer to witness the deeds of Jupiter
   rather than to hear what Plato taught or Cato censured.  Hence the
   young profligate in Terence, when he sees on the wall a fresco
   representing the fabled descent of Jupiter into the lap of Danaë in the
   form of a golden shower, accepts this as authoritative precedent for
   his own licentiousness, and boasts that he is an imitator of God.  "And
   what God?" he says.  "He who with His thunder shakes the loftiest
   temples.  And was I, a poor creature compared to Him, to make bones of
   it?  No; I did it, and with all my heart." [100]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [97] See below, books viii.-xii.

   [98] ^  "Galli," the castrated priests of Cybele, who were named after
   the river Gallus, in Phrygia, the water of which was supposed to
   intoxicate or madden those who drank it.  According to Vitruvius (viii.
   3), there was a similar fountain in Paphlagonia.  Apuleius (Golden Ass,
   viii.) gives a graphic and humorous description of the dress, dancing
   and imposture of these priests; mentioning, among other things, that
   they lashed themselves with whips and cut themselves with knives till
   the ground was wet with blood.

   [99] Persius, Sat. iii. 37.

   [100] Ter. Eun. iii. 5. 36; and cf. the similar allusion in Aristoph.
   Clouds, 1033-4.  It may be added that the argument of this chapter was
   largely used by the wiser of the heathen themselves.  Dionysius Hal.
   (ii. 20) and Seneca (De Brev Vit. c. xvi.) make the very same
   complaint; and it will be remembered that his adoption of this
   reasoning was one of the grounds on which Euripides was suspected of
   atheism.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--That the Theatrical Exhibitions Publishing the Shameful
   Actions of the Gods, Propitiated Rather Than Offended Them.

   But, some one will interpose, these are the fables of poets, not the
   deliverances of the gods themselves.  Well, I have no mind to arbitrate
   between the lewdness of theatrical entertainments and of mystic rites;
   only this I say, and history bears me out in making the assertion, that
   those same entertainments, in which the fictions of poets are the main
   attraction, were not introduced in the festivals of the gods by the
   ignorant devotion of the Romans, but that the gods themselves gave the
   most urgent commands to this effect, and indeed extorted from the
   Romans these solemnities and celebrations in their honor.  I touched on
   this in the preceding book, and mentioned that dramatic entertainments
   were first inaugurated at Rome on occasion of a pestilence, and by
   authority of the pontiff.  And what man is there who is not more likely
   to adopt, for the regulation of his own life, the examples that are
   represented in plays which have a divine sanction, rather than the
   precepts written and promulgated with no more than human authority?  If
   the poets gave a false representation of Jove in describing him as
   adulterous, then it were to be expected that the chaste gods should in
   anger avenge so wicked a fiction, in place of encouraging the games
   which circulated it.  Of these plays, the most inoffensive are comedies
   and tragedies, that is to say, the dramas which poets write for the
   stage, and which, though they often handle impure subjects, yet do so
   without the filthiness of language which characterizes many other
   performances; and it is these dramas which boys are obliged by their
   seniors to read and learn as a part of what is called a liberal and
   gentlemanly education. [101]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [101] This sentence recalls Augustin's own experience as a boy, which
   he bewails in his Confessions.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--That the Poetical License Which the Greeks, in Obedience to
   Their Gods, Allowed, Was Restrained by the Ancient Romans.

   The opinion of the ancient Romans on this matter is attested by Cicero
   in his work De Republica, in which Scipio, one of the interlocutors,
   says, "The lewdness of comedy could never have been suffered by
   audiences, unless the customs of society had previously sanctioned the
   same lewdness."  And in the earlier days the Greeks preserved a certain
   reasonableness in their license, and made it a law, that whatever
   comedy wished to say of any one, it must say it of him by name.  And so
   in the same work of Cicero's, Scipio says, "Whom has it not aspersed?
   Nay, whom has it not worried?  Whom has it spared?  Allow that it may
   assail demagogues and factions, men injurious to the commonwealth--a
   Cleon, a Cleophon, a Hyperbolus.  That is tolerable, though it had been
   more seemly for the public censor to brand such men, than for a poet to
   lampoon them; but to blacken the fame of Pericles with scurrilous
   verse, after he had with the utmost dignity presided over their state
   alike in war and in peace, was as unworthy of a poet, as if our own
   Plautus or Nævius were to bring Publius and Cneius Scipio on the comic
   stage, or as if Cæcilius were to caricature Cato."  And then a little
   after he goes on:  "Though our Twelve Tables attached the penalty of
   death only to a very few offences, yet among these few this was one:
   if any man should have sung a pasquinade, or have composed a satire
   calculated to bring infamy or disgrace on another person.  Wisely
   decreed.  For it is by the decisions of magistrates, and by a
   well-informed justice, that our lives ought to be judged, and not by
   the flighty fancies of poets; neither ought we to be exposed to hear
   calumnies, save where we have the liberty of replying, and defending
   ourselves before an adequate tribunal."  This much I have judged it
   advisable to quote from the fourth book of Cicero's De Republica; and I
   have made the quotation word for word, with the exception of some words
   omitted, and some slightly transposed, for the sake of giving the sense
   more readily.  And certainly the extract is pertinent to the matter I
   am endeavoring to explain.  Cicero makes some further remarks, and
   concludes the passage by showing that the ancient Romans did not permit
   any living man to be either praised or blamed on the stage.  But the
   Greeks, as I said, though not so moral, were more logical in allowing
   this license which the Romans forbade; for they saw that their gods
   approved and enjoyed the scurrilous language of low comedy when
   directed not only against men, but even against themselves; and this,
   whether the infamous actions imputed to them were the fictions of
   poets, or were their actual iniquities commemorated and acted in the
   theatres.  And would that the spectators had judged them worthy only of
   laughter, and not of imitation!  Manifestly it had been a stretch of
   pride to spare the good name of the leading men and the common
   citizens, when the very deities did not grudge that their own
   reputation should be blemished.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--That the Devils, in Suffering Either False or True Crimes
   to Be Laid to Their Charge, Meant to Do Men a Mischief.

   It is alleged, in excuse of this practice, that the stories told of the
   gods are not true, but false, and mere inventions, but this only makes
   matters worse, if we form our estimate by the morality our religion
   teaches; and if we consider the malice of the devils, what more wily
   and astute artifice could they practise upon men?  When a slander is
   uttered against a leading statesman of upright and useful life, is it
   not reprehensible in proportion to its untruth and groundlessness?
   What punishment, then, shall be sufficient when the gods are the
   objects of so wicked and outrageous an injustice?  But the devils, whom
   these men repute gods, are content that even iniquities they are
   guiltless of should be ascribed to them, so long as they may entangle
   men's minds in the meshes of these opinions, and draw them on along
   with themselves to their predestinated punishment:  whether such things
   were actually committed by the men whom these devils, delighting in
   human infatuation, cause to be worshipped as gods, and in whose stead
   they, by a thousand malign and deceitful artifices, substitute
   themselves, and so receive worship; or whether, though they were really
   the crimes of men, these wicked spirits gladly allowed them to be
   attributed to higher beings, that there might seem to be conveyed from
   heaven itself a sufficient sanction for the perpetration of shameful
   wickedness.  The Greeks, therefore, seeing the character of the gods
   they served, thought that the poets should certainly not refrain from
   showing up human vices on the stage, either because they desired to be
   like their gods in this, or because they were afraid that, if they
   required for themselves a more unblemished reputation than they
   asserted for the gods, they might provoke them to anger.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--That the Greeks Admitted Players to Offices of State, on
   the Ground that Men Who Pleased the Gods Should Not Be Contemptuously
   Treated by Their Fellows.

   It was a part of this same reasonableness of the Greeks which induced
   them to bestow upon the actors of these same plays no inconsiderable
   civic honors.  In the above-mentioned book of the De Republica, it is
   mentioned that Aeschines, a very eloquent Athenian, who had been a
   tragic actor in his youth, became a statesman, and that the Athenians
   again and again sent another tragedian, Aristodemus, as their
   plenipotentiary to Philip.  For they judged it unbecoming to condemn
   and treat as infamous persons those who were the chief actors in the
   scenic entertainments which they saw to be so pleasing to the gods.  No
   doubt this was immoral of the Greeks, but there can be as little doubt
   they acted in conformity with the character of their gods; for how
   could they have presumed to protect the conduct of the citizens from
   being cut to pieces by the tongues of poets and players, who were
   allowed, and even enjoined by the gods, to tear their divine reputation
   to tatters?  And how could they hold in contempt the men who acted in
   the theatres those dramas which, as they had ascertained, gave pleasure
   to the gods whom they worshipped?  Nay, how could they but grant to
   them the highest civic honors?  On what plea could they honor the
   priests who offered for them acceptable sacrifices to the gods, if they
   branded with infamy the actors who in behalf of the people gave to the
   gods that pleasure or honour which they demanded, and which, according
   to the account of the priests, they were angry at not receiving.
   Labeo, [102] whose learning makes him an authority on such points, is
   of opinion that the distinction between good and evil deities should
   find expression in a difference of worship; that the evil should be
   propitiated by bloody sacrifices and doleful rites, but the good with a
   joyful and pleasant observance, as, e.g. (as he says himself), with
   plays, festivals, and banquets. [103]   All this we shall, with God's
   help, hereafter discuss.  At present, and speaking to the subject on
   hand, whether all kinds of offerings are made indiscriminately to all
   the gods, as if all were good (and it is an unseemly thing to conceive
   that there are evil gods; but these gods of the pagans are all evil,
   because they are not gods, but evil spirits), or whether, as Labeo
   thinks, a distinction is made between the offerings presented to the
   different gods the Greeks are equally justified in honoring alike the
   priests by whom the sacrifices are offered, and the players by whom the
   dramas are acted, that they may not be open to the charge of doing an
   injury to all their gods, if the plays are pleasing to all of them, or
   (which were still worse) to their good gods, if the plays are relished
   only by them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [102] Labeo, a jurist of the time of Augustus, learned in law and
   antiquities, and the author of several works much prized by his own and
   some succeeding ages.  The two articles in Smith's Dictionary on
   Antistius and Cornelius Labeo should be read.

   [103] Lectisternia, feasts in which the images of the gods were laid on
   pillows in the streets, and all kinds of food set before them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--That the Romans, by Refusing to the Poets the Same License
   in Respect of Men Which They Allowed Them in the Case of the Gods,
   Showed a More Delicate Sensitiveness Regarding Themselves than
   Regarding the Gods.

   The Romans, however, as Scipio boasts in that same discussion, declined
   having their conduct and good name subjected to the assaults and
   slanders of the poets, and went so far as to make it a capital crime if
   any one should dare to compose such verses.  This was a very honorable
   course to pursue, so far as they themselves were concerned, but in
   respect of the gods it was proud and irreligious:  for they knew that
   the gods not only tolerated, but relished, being lashed by the
   injurious expressions of the poets, and yet they themselves would not
   suffer this same handling; and what their ritual prescribed as
   acceptable to the gods, their law prohibited as injurious to
   themselves.  How then, Scipio, do you praise the Romans for refusing
   this license to the poets, so that no citizen could be calumniated,
   while you know that the gods were not included under this protection?
   Do you count your senate-house worthy of so much higher a regard than
   the Capitol?  Is the one city of Rome more valuable in your eyes than
   the whole heaven of gods, that you prohibit your poets from uttering
   any injurious words against a citizen, though they may with impunity
   cast what imputations they please upon the gods, without the
   interference of senator, censor, prince, or pontiff?  It was, forsooth,
   intolerable that Plautus or Nævus should attack Publius and Cneius
   Scipio, insufferable that Cæcilius should lampoon Cato; but quite
   proper that your Terence should encourage youthful lust by the wicked
   example of supreme Jove.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--That the Romans Should Have Understood that Gods Who
   Desired to Be Worshipped in Licentious Entertainments Were Unworthy of
   Divine Honor.

   But Scipio, were he alive, would possibly reply:  "How could we attach
   a penalty to that which the gods themselves have consecrated?  For the
   theatrical entertainments in which such things are said, and acted, and
   performed, were introduced into Roman society by the gods, who ordered
   that they should be dedicated and exhibited in their honor."  But was
   not this, then, the plainest proof that they were no true gods, nor in
   any respect worthy of receiving divine honours from the republic?
   Suppose they had required that in their honor the citizens of Rome
   should be held up to ridicule, every Roman would have resented the
   hateful proposal.  How then, I would ask, can they be esteemed worthy
   of worship, when they propose that their own crimes be used as material
   for celebrating their praises?  Does not this artifice expose them, and
   prove that they are detestable devils?  Thus the Romans, though they
   were superstitious enough to serve as gods those who made no secret of
   their desire to be worshipped in licentious plays, yet had sufficient
   regard to their hereditary dignity and virtue, to prompt them to refuse
   to players any such rewards as the Greeks accorded them.  On this point
   we have this testimony of Scipio, recorded in Cicero:  "They [the
   Romans] considered comedy and all theatrical performances as
   disgraceful, and therefore not only debarred players from offices and
   honors open to ordinary citizens, but also decreed that their names
   should be branded by the censor, and erased from the roll of their
   tribe."  An excellent decree, and another testimony to the sagacity of
   Rome; but I could wish their prudence had been more thorough-going and
   consistent.  For when I hear that if any Roman citizen chose the stage
   as his profession, he not only closed to himself every laudable career,
   but even became an outcast from his own tribe, I cannot but exclaim:
   This is the true Roman spirit, this is worthy of a state jealous of its
   reputation.  But then some one interrupts my rapture, by inquiring with
   what consistency players are debarred from all honors, while plays are
   counted among the honors due to the gods?  For a long while the virtue
   of Rome was uncontaminated by theatrical exhibitions; [104] and if they
   had been adopted for the sake of gratifying the taste of the citizens,
   they would have been introduced hand in hand with the relaxation of
   manners.  But the fact is, that it was the gods who demanded that they
   should be exhibited to gratify them.  With what justice, then, is the
   player excommunicated by whom God is worshipped?  On what pretext can
   you at once adore him who exacts, and brand him who acts these plays?
   This, then, is the controversy in which the Greeks and Romans are
   engaged.  The Greeks think they justly honor players, because they
   worship the gods who demand plays; the Romans, on the other hand, do
   not suffer an actor to disgrace by his name his own plebeian tribe, far
   less the senatorial order.  And the whole of this discussion may be
   summed up in the following syllogism.  The Greeks give us the major
   premise:  If such gods are to be worshipped, then certainly such men
   may be honored.  The Romans add the minor:  But such men must by no
   means be honoured.  The Christians draw the conclusion:  Therefore such
   gods must by no means be worshipped.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [104] According to Livy (vii. 2), theatrical exhibitions were
   introduced in the year 392 a.u.c.  Before that time, he says, there had
   only been the games of the circus.  The Romans sent to Etruria for
   players, who were called histriones, hister being the Tuscan word for a
   player.  Other particulars are added by Livy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--That Plato, Who Excluded Poets from a Well-Ordered City,
   Was Better Than These Gods Who Desire to Be Honoured by Theatrical
   Plays.

   We have still to inquire why the poets who write the plays, and who by
   the law of the twelve tables are prohibited from injuring the good name
   of the citizens, are reckoned more estimable than the actors, though
   they so shamefully asperse the character of the gods?  Is it right that
   the actors of these poetical and God-dishonoring effusions be branded,
   while their authors are honored?  Must we not here award the palm to a
   Greek, Plato, who, in framing his ideal republic, [105] conceived that
   poets should be banished from the city as enemies of the state?  He
   could not brook that the gods be brought into disrepute, nor that the
   minds of the citizens be depraved and besotted, by the fictions of the
   poets.  Compare now human nature as you see it in Plato, expelling
   poets from the city that the citizens be uninjured, with the divine
   nature as you see it in these gods exacting plays in their own honor.
   Plato strove, though unsuccessfully, to persuade the light-minded and
   lascivious Greeks to abstain from so much as writing such plays; the
   gods used their authority to extort the acting of the same from the
   dignified and sober-minded Romans.  And not content with having them
   acted, they had them dedicated to themselves, consecrated to
   themselves, solemnly celebrated in their own honor.  To which, then,
   would it be more becoming in a state to decree divine honors,--to
   Plato, who prohibited these wicked and licentious plays, or to the
   demons who delighted in blinding men to the truth of what Plato
   unsuccessfully sought to inculcate?

   This philosopher, Plato, has been elevated by Labeo to the rank of a
   demigod, and set thus upon a level with such as Hercules and Romulus.
   Labeo ranks demigods higher than heroes, but both he counts among the
   deities.  But I have no doubt that he thinks this man whom he reckons a
   demigod worthy of greater respect not only than the heroes, but also
   than the gods themselves.  The laws of the Romans and the speculations
   of Plato have this resemblance, that the latter pronounce a wholesale
   condemnation of poetical fictions, while the former restrain the
   license of satire, at least so far as men are the objects of it.  Plato
   will not suffer poets even to dwell in his city:  the laws of Rome
   prohibit actors from being enrolled as citizens; and if they had not
   feared to offend the gods who had asked the services of the players,
   they would in all likelihood have banished them altogether.  It is
   obvious, therefore, that the Romans could not receive, nor reasonably
   expect to receive, laws for the regulation of their conduct from their
   gods, since the laws they themselves enacted far surpassed and put to
   shame the morality of the gods.  The gods demand stageplays in their
   own honor; the Romans exclude the players from all civic honors; [106]
   the former commanded that they should be celebrated by the scenic
   representation of their own disgrace; the latter commanded that no poet
   should dare to blemish the reputation of any citizen.  But that demigod
   Plato resisted the lust of such gods as these, and showed the Romans
   what their genius had left incomplete; for he absolutely excluded poets
   from his ideal state, whether they composed fictions with no regard to
   truth, or set the worst possible examples before wretched men under the
   guise of divine actions.  We for our part, indeed, reckon Plato neither
   a god nor a demigod; we would not even compare him to any of God's holy
   angels; nor to the truth-speaking prophets, nor to any of the apostles
   or martyrs of Christ, nay, not to any faithful Christian man.  The
   reason of this opinion of ours we will, God prospering us, render in
   its own place.  Nevertheless, since they wish him to be considered a
   demigod, we think he certainly is more entitled to that rank, and is
   every way superior, if not to Hercules and Romulus (though no historian
   could ever narrate nor any poet sing of him that he had killed his
   brother, or committed any crime), yet certainly to Priapus, or a
   Cynocephalus, [107] or the Fever, [108] --divinities whom the Romans
   have partly received from foreigners, and partly consecrated by
   home-grown rites.  How, then, could gods such as these be expected to
   promulgate good and wholesome laws, either for the prevention of moral
   and social evils, or for their eradication where they had already
   sprung up?--gods who used their influence even to sow and cherish
   profligacy, by appointing that deeds truly or falsely ascribed to them
   should be published to the people by means of theatrical exhibitions,
   and by thus gratuitously fanning the flame of human lust with the
   breath of a seemingly divine approbation.  In vain does Cicero,
   speaking of poets, exclaim against this state of things in these
   words:  "When the plaudits and acclamation of the people, who sit as
   infallible judges, are won by the poets, what darkness benights the
   mind, what fears invade, what passions inflame it!" [109]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [105] See the Republic, book iii.

   [106] Comp. Tertullian, De Spectac. c. 22.

   [107] The Egyptian gods represented with dogs' heads, called by Lucan
   (viii. 832) semicanes deos.

   [108] The Fever had, according to Vives, three altars in Rome.  See
   Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii. 25, and Ælian, Var. Hist. xii. 11.

   [109] Cicero, De Republica, v.  Compare the third Tusculan Quæst. c.
   ii.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--That It Was Vanity, Not Reason, Which Created Some of the
   Roman Gods.

   But is it not manifest that vanity rather than reason regulated the
   choice of some of their false gods?  This Plato, whom they reckon a
   demigod, and who used all his eloquence to preserve men from the most
   dangerous spiritual calamities, has yet not been counted worthy even of
   a little shrine; but Romulus, because they can call him their own, they
   have esteemed more highly than many gods, though their secret doctrine
   can allow him the rank only of a demigod.  To him they allotted a
   flamen, that is to say, a priest of a class so highly esteemed in their
   religion (distinguished, too, by their conical mitres), that for only
   three of their gods were flamens appointed,--the Flamen Dialis for
   Jupiter, Martialis for Mars, and Quirinalis for Romulus (for when the
   ardor of his fellow-citizens had given Romulus a seat among the gods,
   they gave him this new name Quirinus).  And thus by this honor Romulus
   has been preferred to Neptune and Pluto, Jupiter's brothers, and to
   Saturn himself, their father.  They have assigned the same priesthood
   to serve him as to serve Jove; and in giving Mars (the reputed father
   of Romulus) the same honor, is this not rather for Romulus' sake than
   to honor Mars?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--That If the Gods Had Really Possessed Any Regard for
   Righteousness, the Romans Should Have Received Good Laws from Them,
   Instead of Having to Borrow Them from Other Nations.

   Moreover, if the Romans had been able to receive a rule of life from
   their gods, they would not have borrowed Solon's laws from the
   Athenians, as they did some years after Rome was founded; and yet they
   did not keep them as they received them, but endeavored to improve and
   amend them. [110]   Although Lycurgus pretended that he was authorized
   by Apollo to give laws to the Lacedemonians, the sensible Romans did
   not choose to believe this, and were not induced to borrow laws from
   Sparta.  Numa Pompilius, who succeeded Romulus in the kingdom, is said
   to have framed some laws, which, however, were not sufficient for the
   regulation of civic affairs.  Among these regulations were many
   pertaining to religious observances, and yet he is not reported to have
   received even these from the gods.  With respect, then, to moral evils,
   evils of life and conduct,--evils which are so mighty, that, according
   to the wisest pagans, [111] by them states are ruined while their
   cities stand uninjured,--their gods made not the smallest provision for
   preserving their worshippers from these evils, but, on the contrary,
   took special pains to increase them, as we have previously endeavored
   to prove.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [110] In the year a.u. 299, three ambassadors were sent from Rome to
   Athens to copy Solon's laws, and acquire information about the
   institutions of Greece.  On their return the Decemviri were appointed
   to draw up a code; and finally, after some tragic interruptions, the
   celebrated twelve tables were accepted as the fundamental statutes of
   Roman law (fons universi publici privatique juris).  These were graven
   on brass, and hung up for public information.  Livy, iii. 31-34.

   [111] Possibly he refers to Plautus' Persa, iv. 4. 11-14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of the Rape of the Sabine Women, and Other Iniquities
   Perpetrated in Rome's Palmiest Days.

   But possibly we are to find the reason for this neglect of the Romans
   by their gods, in the saying of Sallust, that "equity and virtue
   prevailed among the Romans not more by force of laws than of nature."
   [112]   I presume it is to this inborn equity and goodness of
   disposition we are to ascribe the rape of the Sabine women.  What,
   indeed, could be more equitable and virtuous, than to carry off by
   force, as each man was fit, and without their parents' consent, girls
   who were strangers and guests, and who had been decoyed and entrapped
   by the pretence of a spectacle!  If the Sabines were wrong to deny
   their daughters when the Romans asked for them, was it not a greater
   wrong in the Romans to carry them off after that denial?  The Romans
   might more justly have waged war against the neighboring nation for
   having refused their daughters in marriage when they first sought them,
   than for having demanded them back when they had stolen them.  War
   should have been proclaimed at first; it was then that Mars should have
   helped his warlike son, that he might by force of arms avenge the
   injury done him by the refusal of marriage, and might also thus win the
   women he desired.  There might have been some appearance of "right of
   war" in a victor carrying off, in virtue of this right, the virgins who
   had been without any show of right denied him; whereas there was no
   "right of peace" entitling him to carry off those who were not given to
   him, and to wage an unjust war with their justly enraged parents.  One
   happy circumstance was indeed connected with this act of violence,
   viz., that though it was commemorated by the games of the circus, yet
   even this did not constitute it a precedent in the city or realm of
   Rome.  If one would find fault with the results of this act, it must
   rather be on the ground that the Romans made Romulus a god in spite of
   his perpetrating this iniquity; for one cannot reproach them with
   making this deed any kind of precedent for the rape of women.

   Again, I presume it was due to this natural equity and virtue, that
   after the expulsion of King Tarquin, whose son had violated Lucretia,
   Junius Brutus the consul forced Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus,
   Lucretia's husband and his own colleague, a good and innocent man, to
   resign his office and go into banishment, on the one sole charge that
   he was of the name and blood of the Tarquins.  This injustice was
   perpetrated with the approval, or at least connivance, of the people,
   who had themselves raised to the consular office both Collatinus and
   Brutus.  Another instance of this equity and virtue is found in their
   treatment of Marcus Camillus.  This eminent man, after he had rapidly
   conquered the Veians, at that time the most formidable of Rome's
   enemies, and who had maintained a ten years' war, in which the Roman
   army had suffered the usual calamities attendant on bad generalship,
   after he had restored security to Rome, which had begun to tremble for
   its safety, and after he had taken the wealthiest city of the enemy,
   had charges brought against him by the malice of those that envied his
   success, and by the insolence of the tribunes of the people; and seeing
   that the city bore him no gratitude for preserving it, and that he
   would certainly be condemned, he went into exile, and even in his
   absence was fined 10,000 asses.  Shortly after, however, his ungrateful
   country had again to seek his protection from the Gauls.  But I cannot
   now mention all the shameful and iniquitous acts with which Rome was
   agitated, when the aristocracy attempted to subject the people, and the
   people resented their encroachments, and the advocates of either party
   were actuated rather by the love of victory than by any equitable or
   virtuous consideration.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [112] Sallust, Cat. Con. ix.  Compare the similar saying of Tacitus
   regarding the chastity of the Germans:  Plusque ibi boni mores valent,
   quam alibi bonæ leges  (Germ. xix.).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--What the History of Sallust Reveals Regarding the Life of
   the Romans, Either When Straitened by Anxiety or Relaxed in Security.

   I will therefore pause, and adduce the testimony of Sallust himself,
   whose words in praise of the Romans (that "equity and virtue prevailed
   among them not more by force of laws than of nature") have given
   occasion to this discussion.  He was referring to that period
   immediately after the expulsion of the kings, in which the city became
   great in an incredibly short space of time.  And yet this same writer
   acknowledges in the first book of his history, in the very exordium of
   his work, that even at that time, when a very brief interval had
   elapsed after the government had passed from kings to consuls, the more
   powerful men began to act unjustly, and occasioned the defection of the
   people from the patricians, and other disorders in the city.  For after
   Sallust had stated that the Romans enjoyed greater harmony and a purer
   state of society between the second and third Punic wars than at any
   other time, and that the cause of this was not their love of good
   order, but their fear lest the peace they had with Carthage might be
   broken (this also, as we mentioned, Nasica contemplated when he opposed
   the destruction of Carthage, for he supposed that fear would tend to
   repress wickedness, and to preserve wholesome ways of living), he then
   goes on to say:  "Yet, after the destruction of Carthage, discord,
   avarice, ambition, and the other vices which are commonly generated by
   prosperity, more than ever increased."  If they "increased," and that
   "more than ever," then already they had appeared, and had been
   increasing.  And so Sallust adds this reason for what he said.  "For,"
   he says, "the oppressive measures of the powerful, and the consequent
   secessions of the plebs from the patricians, and other civil
   dissensions, had existed from the first, and affairs were administered
   with equity and well-tempered justice for no longer a period than the
   short time after the expulsion of the kings, while the city was
   occupied with the serious Tuscan war and Tarquin's vengeance."  You see
   how, even in that brief period after the expulsion of the kings, fear,
   he acknowledges, was the cause of the interval of equity and good
   order.  They were afraid, in fact, of the war which Tarquin waged
   against them, after he had been driven from the throne and the city,
   and had allied himself with the Tuscans.  But observe what he adds:
   "After that, the patricians treated the people as their slaves,
   ordering them to be scourged or beheaded just as the kings had done,
   driving them from their holdings, and harshly tyrannizing over those
   who had no property to lose.  The people, overwhelmed by these
   oppressive measures, and most of all by exorbitant usury, and obliged
   to contribute both money and personal service to the constant wars, at
   length took arms and seceded to Mount Aventine and Mount Sacer, and
   thus obtained for themselves tribunes and protective laws.  But it was
   only the second Punic war that put an end on both sides to discord and
   strife."  You see what kind of men the Romans were, even so early as a
   few years after the expulsion of the kings; and it is of these men he
   says, that "equity and virtue prevailed among them not more by force of
   law than of nature."

   Now, if these were the days in which the Roman republic shows fairest
   and best, what are we to say or think of the succeeding age, when, to
   use the words of the same historian, "changing little by little from
   the fair and virtuous city it was, it became utterly wicked and
   dissolute?"  This was, as he mentions, after the destruction of
   Carthage.  Sallust's brief sum and sketch of this period may be read in
   his own history, in which he shows how the profligate manners which
   were propagated by prosperity resulted at last even in civil wars.  He
   says:  "And from this time the primitive manners, instead of undergoing
   an insensible alteration as hitherto they had done, were swept away as
   by a torrent:  the young men were so depraved by luxury and avarice,
   that it may justly be said that no father had a son who could either
   preserve his own patrimony, or keep his hands off other men's."
   Sallust adds a number of particulars about the vices of Sylla, and the
   debased condition of the republic in general; and other writers make
   similar observations, though in much less striking language.

   However, I suppose you now see, or at least any one who gives his
   attention has the means of seeing, in what a sink of iniquity that city
   was plunged before the advent of our heavenly King.  For these things
   happened not only before Christ had begun to teach, but before He was
   even born of the Virgin.  If, then, they dare not impute to their gods
   the grievous evils of those former times, more tolerable before the
   destruction of Carthage, but intolerable and dreadful after it,
   although it was the gods who by their malign craft instilled into the
   minds of men the conceptions from which such dreadful vices branched
   out on all sides, why do they impute these present calamities to
   Christ, who teaches life-giving truth, and forbids us to worship false
   and deceitful gods, and who, abominating and condemning with His divine
   authority those wicked and hurtful lusts of men, gradually withdraws
   His own people from a world that is corrupted by these vices, and is
   falling into ruins, to make of them an eternal city, whose glory rests
   not on the acclamations of vanity, but on the judgment of truth?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of the Corruption Which Had Grown Upon the Roman Republic
   Before Christ Abolished the Worship of the Gods.

   Here, then, is this Roman republic, "which has changed little by little
   from the fair and virtuous city it was, and has become utterly wicked
   and dissolute."  It is not I who am the first to say this, but their
   own authors, from whom we learned it for a fee, and who wrote it long
   before the coming of Christ.  You see how, before the coming of Christ,
   and after the destruction of Carthage, "the primitive manners, instead
   of undergoing insensible alteration, as hitherto they had done, were
   swept away as by a torrent; and how depraved by luxury and avarice the
   youth were."  Let them now, on their part, read to us any laws given by
   their gods to the Roman people, and directed against luxury and
   avarice.  And would that they had only been silent on the subjects of
   chastity and modesty, and had not demanded from the people indecent and
   shameful practices, to which they lent a pernicious patronage by their
   so-called divinity.  Let them read our commandments in the Prophets,
   Gospels, Acts of the Apostles or Epistles; let them peruse the large
   number of precepts against avarice and luxury which are everywhere read
   to the congregations that meet for this purpose, and which strike the
   ear, not with the uncertain sound of a philosophical discussion, but
   with the thunder of God's own oracle pealing from the clouds.  And yet
   they do not impute to their gods the luxury and avarice, the cruel and
   dissolute manners, that had rendered the republic utterly wicked and
   corrupt, even before the coming of Christ; but whatever affliction
   their pride and effeminacy have exposed them to in these latter days,
   they furiously impute to our religion.  If the kings of the earth and
   all their subjects, if all princes and judges of the earth, if young
   men and maidens, old and young, every age, and both sexes; if they whom
   the Baptist addressed, the publicans and the soldiers, were all
   together to hearken to and observe the precepts of the Christian
   religion regarding a just and virtuous life, then should the republic
   adorn the whole earth with its own felicity, and attain in life
   everlasting to the pinnacle of kingly glory.  But because this man
   listens and that man scoffs, and most are enamored of the blandishments
   of vice rather than the wholesome severity of virtue, the people of
   Christ, whatever be their condition--whether they be kings, princes,
   judges, soldiers, or provincials, rich or poor, bond or free, male or
   female--are enjoined to endure this earthly republic, wicked and
   dissolute as it is, that so they may by this endurance win for
   themselves an eminent place in that most holy and august assembly of
   angels and republic of heaven, in which the will of God is the law.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Kind of Happiness and Life Truly Delighted in by
   Those Who Inveigh Against the Christian Religion.

   But the worshippers and admirers of these gods delight in imitating
   their scandalous iniquities, and are nowise concerned that the republic
   be less depraved and licentious.  Only let it remain undefeated, they
   say, only let it flourish and abound in resources; let it be glorious
   by its victories, or still better, secure in peace; and what matters it
   to us?  This is our concern, that every man be able to increase his
   wealth so as to supply his daily prodigalities, and so that the
   powerful may subject the weak for their own purposes.  Let the poor
   court the rich for a living, and that under their protection they may
   enjoy a sluggish tranquillity; and let the rich abuse the poor as their
   dependants, to minister to their pride.  Let the people applaud not
   those who protect their interests, but those who provide them with
   pleasure.  Let no severe duty be commanded, no impurity forbidden.  Let
   kings estimate their prosperity, not by the righteousness, but by the
   servility of their subjects.  Let the provinces stand loyal to the
   kings, not as moral guides, but as lords of their possessions and
   purveyors of their pleasures; not with a hearty reverence, but a
   crooked and servile fear.  Let the laws take cognizance rather of the
   injury done to another man's property, than of that done to one's own
   person.  If a man be a nuisance to his neighbor, or injure his
   property, family, or person, let him be actionable; but in his own
   affairs let everyone with impunity do what he will in company with his
   own family, and with those who willingly join him.  Let there be a
   plentiful supply of public prostitutes for every one who wishes to use
   them, but specially for those who are too poor to keep one for their
   private use.  Let there be erected houses of the largest and most
   ornate description:  in these let there be provided the most sumptuous
   banquets, where every one who pleases may, by day or night, play,
   drink, vomit, [113] dissipate.  Let there be everywhere heard the
   rustling of dancers, the loud, immodest laughter of the theatre; let a
   succession of the most cruel and the most voluptuous pleasures maintain
   a perpetual excitement.  If such happiness is distasteful to any, let
   him be branded as a public enemy; and if any attempt to modify or put
   an end to it let him be silenced, banished, put an end to.  Let these
   be reckoned the true gods, who procure for the people this condition of
   things, and preserve it when once possessed.  Let them be worshipped as
   they wish; let them demand whatever games they please, from or with
   their own worshippers; only let them secure that such felicity be not
   imperilled by foe, plague, or disaster of any kind.  What sane man
   would compare a republic such as this, I will not say to the Roman
   empire, but to the palace of Sardanapalus, the ancient king who was so
   abandoned to pleasures, that he caused it to be inscribed on his tomb,
   that now that he was dead, he possessed only those things which he had
   swallowed and consumed by his appetites while alive?  If these men had
   such a king as this, who, while self-indulgent, should lay no severe
   restraint on them, they would more enthusiastically consecrate to him a
   temple and a flamen than the ancient Romans did to Romulus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [113] The same collocation of words is used by Cicero with reference to
   the well-known mode of renewing the appetite in use among the Romans.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Cicero's Opinion of the Roman Republic.

   But if our adversaries do not care how foully and disgracefully the
   Roman republic be stained by corrupt practices, so long only as it
   holds together and continues in being, and if they therefore pooh-pooh
   the testimony of Sallust to its "utterly wicked and profligate"
   condition, what will they make of Cicero's statement, that even in his
   time it had become entirely extinct, and that there remained extant no
   Roman republic at all?  He introduces Scipio (the Scipio who had
   destroyed Carthage) discussing the republic, at a time when already
   there were presentiments of its speedy ruin by that corruption which
   Sallust describes.  In fact, at the time when the discussion took
   place, one of the Gracchi, who, according to Sallust, was the first
   great instigator of seditions, had already been put to death.  His
   death, indeed, is mentioned in the same book.  Now Scipio, at the end
   of the second book, says:  "As among the different sounds which proceed
   from lyres, flutes, and the human voice, there must be maintained a
   certain harmony which a cultivated ear cannot endure to hear disturbed
   or jarring, but which may be elicited in full and absolute concord by
   the modulation even of voices very unlike one another; so, where reason
   is allowed to modulate the diverse elements of the state, there is
   obtained a perfect concord from the upper, lower, and middle classes as
   from various sounds; and what musicians call harmony in singing, is
   concord in matters of state, which is the strictest bond and best
   security of any republic, and which by no ingenuity can be retained
   where justice has become extinct."  Then, when he had expatiated
   somewhat more fully, and had more copiously illustrated the benefits of
   its presence and the ruinous effects of its absence upon a state,
   Pilus, one of the company present at the discussion, struck in and
   demanded that the question should be more thoroughly sifted, and that
   the subject of justice should be freely discussed for the sake of
   ascertaining what truth there was in the maxim which was then becoming
   daily more current, that "the republic cannot be governed without
   injustice."  Scipio expressed his willingness to have this maxim
   discussed and sifted, and gave it as his opinion that it was baseless,
   and that no progress could be made in discussing the republic unless it
   was established, not only that this maxim, that "the republic cannot be
   governed without injustice," was false, but also that the truth is,
   that it cannot be governed without the most absolute justice.  And the
   discussion of this question, being deferred till the next day, is
   carried on in the third book with great animation.  For Pilus himself
   undertook to defend the position that the republic cannot be governed
   without injustice, at the same time being at special pains to clear
   himself of any real participation in that opinion.  He advocated with
   great keenness the cause of injustice against justice, and endeavored
   by plausible reasons and examples to demonstrate that the former is
   beneficial, the latter useless, to the republic.  Then, at the request
   of the company, Lælius attempted to defend justice, and strained every
   nerve to prove that nothing is so hurtful to a state as injustice; and
   that without justice a republic can neither be governed, nor even
   continue to exist.

   When this question has been handled to the satisfaction of the company,
   Scipio reverts to the original thread of discourse, and repeats with
   commendation his own brief definition of a republic, that it is the
   weal of the people.  "The people" he defines as being not every
   assemblage or mob, but an assemblage associated by a common
   acknowledgment of law, and by a community of interests.  Then he shows
   the use of definition in debate; and from these definitions of his own
   he gathers that a republic, or "weal of the people," then exists only
   when it is well and justly governed, whether by a monarch, or an
   aristocracy, or by the whole people.  But when the monarch is unjust,
   or, as the Greeks say, a tyrant; or the aristocrats are unjust, and
   form a faction; or the people themselves are unjust, and become, as
   Scipio for want of a better name calls them, themselves the tyrant,
   then the republic is not only blemished (as had been proved the day
   before), but by legitimate deduction from those definitions, it
   altogether ceases to be.  For it could not be the people's weal when a
   tyrant factiously lorded it over the state; neither would the people be
   any longer a people if it were unjust, since it would no longer answer
   the definition of a people--"an assemblage associated by a common
   acknowledgment of law, and by a community of interests."

   When, therefore, the Roman republic was such as Sallust described it,
   it was not "utterly wicked and profligate," as he says, but had
   altogether ceased to exist, if we are to admit the reasoning of that
   debate maintained on the subject of the republic by its best
   representatives.  Tully himself, too, speaking not in the person of
   Scipio or any one else, but uttering his own sentiments, uses the
   following language in the beginning of the fifth book, after quoting a
   line from the poet Ennius, in which he said, "Rome's severe morality
   and her citizens are her safeguard."  "This verse," says Cicero, "seems
   to me to have all the sententious truthfulness of an oracle.  For
   neither would the citizens have availed without the morality of the
   community, nor would the morality of the commons without outstanding
   men have availed either to establish or so long to maintain in vigor so
   grand a republic with so wide and just an empire.  Accordingly, before
   our day, the hereditary usages formed our foremost men, and they on
   their part retained the usages and institutions of their fathers.  But
   our age, receiving the republic as a chef-d'oeuvre of another age which
   has already begun to grow old, has not merely neglected to restore the
   colors of the original, but has not even been at the pains to preserve
   so much as the general outline and most outstanding features.  For what
   survives of that primitive morality which the poet called Rome's
   safeguard?  It is so obsolete and forgotten, that, far from practising
   it, one does not even know it.  And of the citizens what shall I say?
   Morality has perished through poverty of great men; a poverty for which
   we must not only assign a reason, but for the guilt of which we must
   answer as criminals charged with a capital crime.  For it is through
   our vices, and not by any mishap, that we retain only the name of a
   republic, and have long since lost the reality."

   This is the confession of Cicero, long indeed after the death of
   Africanus, whom he introduced as an interlocutor in his work De
   Republica, but still before the coming of Christ.  Yet, if the
   disasters he bewails had been lamented after the Christian religion had
   been diffused, and had begun to prevail, is there a man of our
   adversaries who would not have thought that they were to be imputed to
   the Christians?  Why, then, did their gods not take steps then to
   prevent the decay and extinction of that republic, over the loss of
   which Cicero, long before Christ had come in the flesh, sings so
   lugubrious a dirge?  Its admirers have need to inquire whether, even in
   the days of primitive men and morals, true justice flourished in it; or
   was it not perhaps even then, to use the casual expression of Cicero,
   rather a colored painting than the living reality?  But, if God will,
   we shall consider this elsewhere.  For I mean in its own place to show
   that--according to the definitions in which Cicero himself, using
   Scipio as his mouthpiece, briefly propounded what a republic is, and
   what a people is, and according to many testimonies, both of his own
   lips and of those who took part in that same debate--Rome never was a
   republic, because true justice had never a place in it.  But accepting
   the more feasible definitions of a republic, I grant there was a
   republic of a certain kind, and certainly much better administered by
   the more ancient Romans than by their modern representatives.  But the
   fact is, true justice has no existence save in that republic whose
   founder and ruler is Christ, if at least any choose to call this a
   republic; and indeed we cannot deny that it is the people's weal.  But
   if perchance this name, which has become familiar in other connections,
   be considered alien to our common parlance, we may at all events say
   that in this city is true justice; the city of which Holy Scripture
   says, "Glorious things are said of thee, O city of God."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--That the Roman Gods Never Took Any Steps to Prevent the
   Republic from Being Ruined by Immorality.

   But what is relevant to the present question is this, that however
   admirable our adversaries say the republic was or is, it is certain
   that by the testimony of their own most learned writers it had become,
   long before the coming of Christ, utterly wicked and dissolute, and
   indeed had no existence, but had been destroyed by profligacy.  To
   prevent this, surely these guardian gods ought to have given precepts
   of morals and a rule of life to the people by whom they were worshipped
   in so many temples, with so great a variety of priests and sacrifices,
   with such numberless and diverse rites, so many festal solemnities, so
   many celebrations of magnificent games.  But in all this the demons
   only looked after their own interest, and cared not at all how their
   worshippers lived, or rather were at pains to induce them to lead an
   abandoned life, so long as they paid these tributes to their honor, and
   regarded them with fear.  If any one denies this, let him produce, let
   him point to, let him read the laws which the gods had given against
   sedition, and which the Gracchi transgressed when they threw everything
   into confusion; or those Marius, and Cinna, and Carbo broke when they
   involved their country in civil wars, most iniquitous and unjustifiable
   in their causes, cruelly conducted, and yet more cruelly terminated; or
   those which Sylla scorned, whose life, character, and deeds, as
   described by Sallust and other historians, are the abhorrence of all
   mankind.  Who will deny that at that time the republic had become
   extinct?

   Possibly they will be bold enough to suggest in defence of the gods,
   that they abandoned the city on account of the profligacy of the
   citizens, according to the lines of Virgil:

   "Gone from each fane, each sacred shrine,

   Are those who made this realm divine." [114]

   But, firstly, if it be so, then they cannot complain against the
   Christian religion, as if it were that which gave offence to the gods
   and caused them to abandon Rome, since the Roman immorality had long
   ago driven from the altars of the city a cloud of little gods, like as
   many flies.  And yet where was this host of divinities, when, long
   before the corruption of the primitive morality, Rome was taken and
   burnt by the Gauls?  Perhaps they were present, but asleep?  For at
   that time the whole city fell into the hands of the enemy, with the
   single exception of the Capitoline hill; and this too would have been
   taken, had not--the watchful geese aroused the sleeping gods!  And this
   gave occasion to the festival of the goose, in which Rome sank nearly
   to the superstition of the Egyptians, who worship beasts and birds.
   But of these adventitious evils which are inflicted by hostile armies
   or by some disaster, and which attach rather to the body than the soul,
   I am not meanwhile disputing.  At present I speak of the decay of
   morality, which at first almost imperceptibly lost its brilliant hue,
   but afterwards was wholly obliterated, was swept away as by a torrent,
   and involved the republic in such disastrous ruin, that though the
   houses and walls remained standing the leading writers do not scruple
   to say that the republic was destroyed.  Now, the departure of the gods
   "from each fane, each sacred shrine," and their abandonment of the city
   to destruction, was an act of justice, if their laws inculcating
   justice and a moral life had been held in contempt by that city.  But
   what kind of gods were these, pray, who declined to live with a people
   who worshipped them, and whose corrupt life they had done nothing to
   reform?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [114] Æneid, ii. 351-2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--That the Vicissitudes of This Life are Dependent Not on
   the Favor or Hostility of Demons, But on the Will of the True God.

   But, further, is it not obvious that the gods have abetted the
   fulfilment of men's desires, instead of authoritatively bridling them?
   For Marius, a low-born and self-made man, who ruthlessly provoked and
   conducted civil wars, was so effectually aided by them, that he was
   seven times consul, and died full of years in his seventh consulship,
   escaping the hands of Sylla, who immediately afterwards came into
   power.  Why, then, did they not also aid him, so as to restrain him
   from so many enormities?  For if it is said that the gods had no hand
   in his success, this is no trivial admission that a man can attain the
   dearly coveted felicity of this life even though his own gods be not
   propitious; that men can be loaded with the gifts of fortune as Marius
   was, can enjoy health, power, wealth, honours, dignity, length of days,
   though the gods be hostile to him; and that, on the other hand, men can
   be tormented as Regulus was, with captivity, bondage, destitution,
   watchings, pain, and cruel death, though the gods be his friends.  To
   concede this is to make a compendious confession that the gods are
   useless, and their worship superfluous.  If the gods have taught the
   people rather what goes clean counter to the virtues of the soul, and
   that integrity of life which meets a reward after death; if even in
   respect of temporal and transitory blessings they neither hurt those
   whom they hate nor profit whom they love, why are they worshipped, why
   are they invoked with such eager homage?  Why do men murmur in
   difficult and sad emergencies, as if the gods had retired in anger? and
   why, on their account, is the Christian religion injured by the most
   unworthy calumnies?  If in temporal matters they have power either for
   good or for evil, why did they stand by Marius, the worst of Rome's
   citizens, and abandon Regulus, the best?  Does this not prove
   themselves to be most unjust and wicked?  And even if it be supposed
   that for this very reason they are the rather to be feared and
   worshipped, this is a mistake; for we do not read that Regulus
   worshipped them less assiduously than Marius.  Neither is it apparent
   that a wicked life is to be chosen, on the ground that the gods are
   supposed to have favored Marius more than Regulus.  For Metellus, the
   most highly esteemed of all the Romans, who had five sons in the
   consulship, was prosperous even in this life; and Catiline, the worst
   of men, reduced to poverty and defeated in the war his own guilt had
   aroused, lived and perished miserably.  Real and secure felicity is the
   peculiar possession of those who worship that God by whom alone it can
   be conferred.

   It is thus apparent, that when the republic was being destroyed by
   profligate manners, its gods did nothing to hinder its destruction by
   the direction or correction of its manners, but rather accelerated its
   destruction by increasing the demoralization and corruption that
   already existed.  They need not pretend that their goodness was shocked
   by the iniquity of the city, and that they withdrew in anger. For they
   were there, sure enough; they are detected, convicted:  they were
   equally unable to break silence so as to guide others, and to keep
   silence so as to conceal themselves.  I do not dwell on the fact that
   the inhabitants of Minturnæ took pity on Marius, and commended him to
   the goddess Marica in her grove, that she might give him success in all
   things, and that from the abyss of despair in which he then lay he
   forthwith returned unhurt to Rome, and entered the city the ruthless
   leader of a ruthless army; and they who wish to know how bloody was his
   victory, how unlike a citizen, and how much more relentlessly than any
   foreign foe he acted, let them read the histories.  But this, as I
   said, I do not dwell upon; nor do I attribute the bloody bliss of
   Marius to, I know not what Minturnian goddess [Marica], but rather to
   the secret providence of God, that the mouths of our adversaries might
   be shut, and that they who are not led by passion, but by prudent
   consideration of events, might be delivered from error.  And even if
   the demons have any power in these matters, they have only that power
   which the secret decree of the Almighty allots to them, in order that
   we may not set too great store by earthly prosperity, seeing it is
   oftentimes vouchsafed even to wicked men like Marius; and that we may
   not, on the other hand, regard it as an evil, since we see that many
   good and pious worshippers of the one true God are, in spite of the
   demons pre-eminently successful; and, finally, that we may not suppose
   that these unclean spirits are either to be propitiated or feared for
   the sake of earthly blessings or calamities:  for as wicked men on
   earth cannot do all they would, so neither can these demons, but only
   in so far as they are permitted by the decree of Him whose judgments
   are fully comprehensible, justly reprehensible by none.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Of the Deeds of Sylla, in Which the Demons Boasted that He
   Had Their Help.

   It is certain that Sylla--whose rule was so cruel that, in comparison
   with it, the preceding state of things which he came to avenge was
   regretted--when first he advanced towards Rome to give battle to
   Marius, found the auspices so favourable when he sacrificed, that,
   according to Livy's account, the augur Postumius expressed his
   willingness to lose his head if Sylla did not, with the help of the
   gods, accomplish what he designed.  The gods, you see, had not departed
   from "every fane and sacred shrine," since they were still predicting
   the issue of these affairs, and yet were taking no steps to correct
   Sylla himself.  Their presages promised him great prosperity but no
   threatenings of theirs subdued his evil passions.  And then, when he
   was in Asia conducting the war against Mithridates, a message from
   Jupiter was delivered to him by Lucius Titius, to the effect that he
   would conquer Mithridates; and so it came to pass.  And afterwards,
   when he was meditating a return to Rome for the purpose of avenging in
   the blood of the citizens injuries done to himself and his friends, a
   second message from Jupiter was delivered to him by a soldier of the
   sixth legion, to the effect that it was he who had predicted the
   victory over Mithridates, and that now he promised to give him power to
   recover the republic from his enemies, though with great bloodshed.
   Sylla at once inquired of the soldier what form had appeared to him;
   and, on his reply, recognized that it was the same as Jupiter had
   formerly employed to convey to him the assurance regarding the victory
   over Mithridates.  How, then, can the gods be justified in this matter
   for the care they took to predict these shadowy successes, and for
   their negligence in correcting Sylla, and restraining him from stirring
   up a civil war so lamentable and atrocious, that it not merely
   disfigured, but extinguished, the republic?  The truth is, as I have
   often said, and as Scripture informs us, and as the facts themselves
   sufficiently indicate, the demons are found to look after their own
   ends only, that they may be regarded and worshipped as gods, and that
   men may be induced to offer to them a worship which associates them
   with their crimes, and involves them in one common wickedness and
   judgment of God.

   Afterwards, when Sylla had come to Tarentum, and had sacrificed there,
   he saw on the head of the victim's liver the likeness of a golden
   crown.  Thereupon the same soothsayer Postumius interpreted this to
   signify a signal victory, and ordered that he only should eat of the
   entrails.  A little afterwards, the slave of a certain Lucius Pontius
   cried out, "I am Bellona's messenger; the victory is yours, Sylla!"
   Then he added that the Capitol should be burned.  As soon as he had
   uttered this prediction he left the camp, but returned the following
   day more excited than ever, and shouted, "The Capitol is fired!"  And
   fired indeed it was.  This it was easy for a demon both to foresee and
   quickly to announce.  But observe, as relevant to our subject, what
   kind of gods they are under whom these men desire to live, who
   blaspheme the Saviour that delivers the wills of the faithful from the
   dominion of devils.  The man cried out in prophetic rapture, "The
   victory is yours, Sylla!"  And to certify that he spoke by a divine
   spirit, he predicted also an event which was shortly to happen, and
   which indeed did fall out, in a place from which he in whom this spirit
   was speaking was far distant.  But he never cried, "Forbear thy
   villanies, Sylla!"--the villanies which were committed at Rome by that
   victor to whom a golden crown on the calf's liver had been shown as the
   divine evidence of his victory.  If such signs as this were customarily
   sent by just gods, and not by wicked demons, then certainly the
   entrails he consulted should rather have given Sylla intimation of the
   cruel disasters that were to befall the city and himself.  For that
   victory was not so conducive to his exaltation to power, as it was
   fatal to his ambition; for by it he became so insatiable in his
   desires, and was rendered so arrogant and reckless by prosperity, that
   he may be said rather to have inflicted a moral destruction on himself
   than corporal destruction on his enemies.  But these truely woeful and
   deplorable calamities the gods gave him no previous hint of, neither by
   entrails, augury, dream, nor prediction.  For they feared his amendment
   more than his defeat.  Yea, they took good care that this glorious
   conqueror of his own fellow-citizens should be conquered and led
   captive by his own infamous vices, and should thus be the more
   submissive slave of the demons themselves.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--How Powerfully the Evil Spirits Incite Men to Wicked
   Actions, by Giving Them the Quasi-Divine Authority of Their Example.

   Now, who does not hereby comprehend,--unless he has preferred to
   imitate such gods rather than by divine grace to withdraw himself from
   their fellowship,--who does not see how eagerly these evil spirits
   strive by their example to lend, as it were, divine authority to
   crime?  Is not this proved by the fact that they were seen in a wide
   plain in Campania rehearsing among themselves the battle which shortly
   after took place there with great bloodshed between the armies of
   Rome?  For at first there were heard loud crashing noises, and
   afterwards many reported that they had seen for some days together two
   armies engaged.  And when this battle ceased, they found the ground all
   indented with just such footprints of men and horses as a great
   conflict would leave.  If, then, the deities were veritably fighting
   with one another, the civil wars of men are sufficiently justified;
   yet, by the way, let it be observed that such pugnacious gods must be
   very wicked or very wretched.  If, however, it was but a sham-fight,
   what did they intend by this, but that the civil wars of the Romans
   should seem no wickedness, but an imitation of the gods?  For already
   the civil wars had begun; and before this, some lamentable battles and
   execrable massacres had occurred.  Already many had been moved by the
   story of the soldier, who, on stripping the spoils of his slain foe,
   recognized in the stripped corpse his own brother, and, with deep
   curses on civil wars, slew himself there and then on his brother's
   body.  To disguise the bitterness of such tragedies, and kindle
   increasing ardor in this monstrous warfare, these malign demons, who
   were reputed and worshipped as gods, fell upon this plan of revealing
   themselves in a state of civil war, that no compunction for
   fellow-citizens might cause the Romans to shrink from such battles, but
   that the human criminality might be justified by the divine example.
   By a like craft, too, did these evil spirits command that scenic
   entertainments, of which I have already spoken, should be instituted
   and dedicated to them.  And in these entertainments the poetical
   compositions and actions of the drama ascribed such iniquities to the
   gods, that every one might safely imitate them, whether he believed the
   gods had actually done such things, or, not believing this, yet
   perceived that they most eagerly desired to be represented as having
   done them.  And that no one might suppose, that in representing the
   gods as fighting with one another, the poets had slandered them, and
   imputed to them unworthy actions, the gods themselves, to complete the
   deception, confirmed the compositions of the poets by exhibiting their
   own battles to the eyes of men, not only through actions in the
   theatres, but in their own persons on the actual field.

   We have been forced to bring forward these facts, because their authors
   have not scrupled to say and to write that the Roman republic had
   already been ruined by the depraved moral habits of the citizens, and
   had ceased to exist before the advent of our Lord Jesus Christ.  Now
   this ruin they do not impute to their own gods, though they impute to
   our Christ the evils of this life, which cannot ruin good men, be they
   alive or dead.  And this they do, though our Christ has issued so many
   precepts inculcating virtue and restraining vice; while their own gods
   have done nothing whatever to preserve that republic that served them,
   and to restrain it from ruin by such precepts, but have rather hastened
   its destruction, by corrupting its morality through their pestilent
   example.  No one, I fancy, will now be bold enough to say that the
   republic was then ruined because of the departure of the gods "from
   each fane, each sacred shrine," as if they were the friends of virtue,
   and were offended by the vices of men.  No, there are too many presages
   from entrails, auguries, soothsayings, whereby they boastingly
   proclaimed themselves prescient of future events and controllers of the
   fortune of war,--all which prove them to have been present.  And had
   they been indeed absent the Romans would never in these civil wars have
   been so far transported by their own passions as they were by the
   instigations of these gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--That the Demons Gave in Secret Certain Obscure
   Instructions in Morals, While in Public Their Own Solemnities
   Inculcated All Wickedness.

   Seeing that this is so,--seeing that the filthy and cruel deeds, the
   disgraceful and criminal actions of the gods, whether real or feigned,
   were at their own request published, and were consecrated, and
   dedicated in their honor as sacred and stated solemnities; seeing they
   vowed vengeance on those who refused to exhibit them to the eyes of
   all, that they might be proposed as deeds worthy of imitation, why is
   it that these same demons, who by taking pleasure in such obscenities,
   acknowledge themselves to be unclean spirits, and by delighting in
   their own villanies and iniquities, real or imaginary, and by
   requesting from the immodest, and extorting from the modest, the
   celebration of these licentious acts, proclaim themselves instigators
   to a criminal and lewd life;--why, I ask, are they represented as
   giving some good moral precepts to a few of their own elect, initiated
   in the secrecy of their shrines?  If it be so, this very thing only
   serves further to demonstrate the malicious craft of these pestilent
   spirits.  For so great is the influence of probity and chastity, that
   all men, or almost all men, are moved by the praise of these virtues;
   nor is any man so depraved by vice, but he hath some feeling of honor
   left in him.  So that, unless the devil sometimes transformed himself,
   as Scripture says, into an angel of light, [115] he could not compass
   his deceitful purpose.  Accordingly, in public, a bold impurity fills
   the ear of the people with noisy clamor; in private, a feigned chastity
   speaks in scarce audible whispers to a few:  an open stage is provided
   for shameful things, but on the praiseworthy the curtain falls:  grace
   hides disgrace flaunts:  a wicked deed draws an overflowing house, a
   virtuous speech finds scarce a hearer, as though purity were to be
   blushed at, impurity boasted of.  Where else can such confusion reign,
   but in devils' temples?  Where, but in the haunts of deceit?  For the
   secret precepts are given as a sop to the virtuous, who are few in
   number; the wicked examples are exhibited to encourage the vicious, who
   are countless.

   Where and when those initiated in the mysteries of Coelestis received
   any good instructions, we know not.  What we do know is, that before
   her shrine, in which her image is set, and amidst a vast crowd
   gathering from all quarters, and standing closely packed together, we
   were intensely interested spectators of the games which were going on,
   and saw, as we pleased to turn the eye, on this side a grand display of
   harlots, on the other the virgin goddess; we saw this virgin worshipped
   with prayer and with obscene rites.  There we saw no shame-faced mimes,
   no actress over-burdened with modesty; all that the obscene rites
   demanded was fully complied with.  We were plainly shown what was
   pleasing to the virgin deity, and the matron who witnessed the
   spectacle returned home from the temple a wiser woman.  Some, indeed,
   of the more prudent women turned their faces from the immodest
   movements of the players, and learned the art of wickedness by a
   furtive regard.  For they were restrained, by the modest demeanor due
   to men, from looking boldly at the immodest gestures; but much more
   were they restrained from condemning with chaste heart the sacred rites
   of her whom they adored.  And yet this licentiousness--which, if
   practised in one's home, could only be done there in secret--was
   practised as a public lesson in the temple; and if any modesty remained
   in men, it was occupied in marvelling that wickedness which men could
   not unrestrainedly commit should be part of the religious teaching of
   the gods, and that to omit its exhibition should incur the anger of the
   gods.  What spirit can that be, which by a hidden inspiration stirs
   men's corruption, and goads them to adultery, and feeds on the
   full-fledged iniquity, unless it be the same that finds pleasure in
   such religious ceremonies, sets in the temples images of devils, and
   loves to see in play the images of vices; that whispers in secret some
   righteous sayings to deceive the few who are good, and scatters in
   public invitations to profligacy, to gain possession of the millions
   who are wicked?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [115] 2 Cor. xi. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--That the Obscenities of Those Plays Which the Romans
   Consecrated in Order to Propitiate Their Gods, Contributed Largely to
   the Overthrow of Public Order.

   Cicero, a weighty man, and a philosopher in his way, when about to be
   made edile, wished the citizens to understand [116] that, among the
   other duties of his magistracy, he must propitiate Flora by the
   celebration of games.  And these games are reckoned devout in
   proportion to their lewdness.  In another place, [117] and when he was
   now consul, and the state in great peril, he says that games had been
   celebrated for ten days together, and that nothing had been omitted
   which could pacify the gods:  as if it had not been more satisfactory
   to irritate the gods by temperance, than to pacify them by debauchery;
   and to provoke their hate by honest living, than soothe it by such
   unseemly grossness.  For no matter how cruel was the ferocity of those
   men who were threatening the state, and on whose account the gods were
   being propitiated, it could not have been more hurtful than the
   alliance of gods who were won with the foulest vices.  To avert the
   danger which threatened men's bodies, the gods were conciliated in a
   fashion that drove virtue from their spirits; and the gods did not
   enrol themselves as defenders of the battlements against the besiegers,
   until they had first stormed and sacked the morality of the citizens.
   This propitiation of such divinities,--a propitiation so wanton, so
   impure, so immodest, so wicked, so filthy, whose actors the innate and
   praiseworthy virtue of the Romans disabled from civic honors, erased
   from their tribe, recognized as polluted and made infamous;--this
   propitiation, I say, so foul, so detestable, and alien from every
   religious feeling, these fabulous and ensnaring accounts of the
   criminal actions of the gods, these scandalous actions which they
   either shamefully and wickedly committed, or more shamefully and
   wickedly feigned, all this the whole city learned in public both by the
   words and gestures of the actors.  They saw that the gods delighted in
   the commission of these things, and therefore believed that they wished
   them not only to be exhibited to them, but to be imitated by
   themselves.  But as for that good and honest instruction which they
   speak of, it was given in such secrecy, and to so few (if indeed given
   at all), that they seemed rather to fear it might be divulged, than
   that it might not be practised.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [116] Cicero, C. Verrem, vi. 8.

   [117] Cicero, C. Catilinam, iii. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--That the Christian Religion is Health-Giving.

   They, then, are but abandoned and ungrateful wretches, in deep and fast
   bondage to that malign spirit, who complain and murmur that men are
   rescued by the name of Christ from the hellish thraldom of these
   unclean spirits, and from a participation in their punishment, and are
   brought out of the night of pestilential ungodliness into the light of
   most healthful piety.  Only such men could murmur that the masses flock
   to the churches and their chaste acts of worship, where a seemly
   separation of the sexes is observed; where they learn how they may so
   spend this earthly life, as to merit a blessed eternity hereafter;
   where Holy Scripture and instruction in righteousness are proclaimed
   from a raised platform in presence of all, that both they who do the
   word may hear to their salvation, and they who do it not may hear to
   judgment.  And though some enter who scoff at such precepts, all their
   petulance is either quenched by a sudden change, or is restrained
   through fear or shame.  For no filthy and wicked action is there set
   forth to be gazed at or to be imitated; but either the precepts of the
   true God are recommended, His miracles narrated, His gifts praised, or
   His benefits implored.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--An Exhortation to the Romans to Renounce Paganism.

   This, rather, is the religion worthy of your desires, O admirable Roman
   race,--the progeny of your Scævolas and Scipios, of Regulus, and of
   Fabricius.  This rather covet, this distinguish from that foul vanity
   and crafty malice of the devils.  If there is in your nature any
   eminent virtue, only by true piety is it purged and perfected, while by
   impiety it is wrecked and punished.  Choose now what you will pursue,
   that your praise may be not in yourself, but in the true God, in whom
   is no error.  For of popular glory you have had your share; but by the
   secret providence of God, the true religion was not offered to your
   choice.  Awake, it is now day; as you have already awaked in the
   persons of some in whose perfect virtue and sufferings for the true
   faith we glory:  for they, contending on all sides with hostile powers,
   and conquering them all by bravely dying, have purchased for us this
   country of ours with their blood; to which country we invite you, and
   exhort you to add yourselves to the number of the citizens of this
   city, which also has a sanctuary [118] of its own in the true remission
   of sins. Do not listen to those degenerate sons of thine who slander
   Christ and Christians, and impute to them these disastrous times,
   though they desire times in which they may enjoy rather impunity for
   their wickedness than a peaceful life.  Such has never been Rome's
   ambition even in regard to her earthly country.  Lay hold now on the
   celestial country, which is easily won, and in which you will reign
   truly and for ever.  For there shall thou find no vestal fire, no
   Capitoline stone, but the one true God.

   "No date, no goal will here ordain:

   But grant an endless, boundless reign." [119]

   No longer, then, follow after false and deceitful gods; abjure them
   rather, and despise them, bursting forth into true liberty.  Gods they
   are not, but malignant spirits, to whom your eternal happiness will be
   a sore punishment.  Juno, from whom you deduce your origin according to
   the flesh, did not so bitterly grudge Rome's citadels to the Trojans,
   as these devils whom yet ye repute gods, grudge an everlasting seat to
   the race of mankind.  And thou thyself hast in no wavering voice passed
   judgment on them, when thou didst pacify them with games, and yet didst
   account as infamous the men by whom the plays were acted.  Suffer us,
   then, to assert thy freedom against the unclean spirits who had imposed
   on thy neck the yoke of celebrating their own shame and filthiness.
   The actors of these divine crimes thou hast removed from offices of
   honor; supplicate the true God, that He may remove from thee those gods
   who delight in their crimes,--a most disgraceful thing if the crimes
   are really theirs, and a most malicious invention if the crimes are
   feigned.  Well done, in that thou hast spontaneously banished from the
   number of your citizens all actors and players.  Awake more fully:  the
   majesty of God cannot be propitiated by that which defiles the dignity
   of man.  How, then, can you believe that gods who take pleasure in such
   lewd plays, belong to the number of the holy powers of heaven, when the
   men by whom these plays are acted are by yourselves refused admission
   into the number of Roman citizens even of the lowest grade?
   Incomparably more glorious than Rome, is that heavenly city in which
   for victory you have truth; for dignity, holiness; for peace, felicity;
   for life, eternity.  Much less does it admit into its society such
   gods, if thou dost blush to admit into thine such men.  Wherefore, if
   thou wouldst attain to the blessed city, shun the society of devils.
   They who are propitiated by deeds of shame, are unworthy of the worship
   of right-hearted men.  Let these, then, be obliterated from your
   worship by the cleansing of the Christian religion, as those men were
   blotted from your citizenship by the censor's mark.

   But, so far as regards carnal benefits, which are the only blessings
   the wicked desire to enjoy, and carnal miseries, which alone they
   shrink from enduring, we will show in the following book that the
   demons have not the power they are supposed to have; and although they
   had it, we ought rather on that account to despise these blessings,
   than for the sake of them to worship those gods, and by worshipping
   them to miss the attainment of these blessings they grudge us.  But
   that they have not even this power which is ascribed to them by those
   who worship them for the sake of temporal advantages, this, I say, I
   will prove in the following book; so let us here close the present
   argument.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [118] Alluding to the sanctuary given to all who fled to Rome in its
   early days.

   [119] Virgil, Æneid, i. 278.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book III.

   ------------------------

   Argument--As in the foregoing book Augustin has proved regarding moral
   and spiritual calamities, so in this book he proves regarding external
   and bodily disasters, that since the foundation of the city the Romans
   have been continually subject to them; and that even when the false
   gods were worshipped without a rival, before the advent of Christ, they
   afforded no relief from such calamities.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Ills Which Alone the Wicked Fear, and Which the
   World Continually Suffered, Even When the Gods Were Worshipped.

   Of moral and spiritual evils, which are above all others to be
   deprecated, I think enough has already been said to show that the false
   gods took no steps to prevent the people who worshipped them from being
   overwhelmed by such calamities, but rather aggravated the ruin.  I see
   I must now speak of those evils which alone are dreaded by the
   heathen--famine, pestilence, war, pillage, captivity, massacre, and the
   like calamities, already enumerated in the first book.  For evil men
   account those things alone evil which do not make men evil; neither do
   they blush to praise good things, and yet to remain evil among the good
   things they praise.  It grieves them more to own a bad house than a bad
   life, as if it were man's greatest good to have everything good but
   himself.  But not even such evils as were alone dreaded by the heathen
   were warded off by their gods, even when they were most unrestrictedly
   worshipped.  For in various times and places before the advent of our
   Redeemer, the human race was crushed with numberless and sometimes
   incredible calamities; and at that time what gods but those did the
   world worship, if you except the one nation of the Hebrews, and, beyond
   them, such individuals as the most secret and most just judgment of God
   counted worthy of divine grace? [120]   But that I may not be prolix, I
   will be silent regarding the heavy calamities that have been suffered
   by any other nations, and will speak only of what happened to Rome and
   the Roman empire, by which I mean Rome properly so called, and those
   lands which already, before the coming of Christ, had by alliance or
   conquest become, as it were, members of the body of the state.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [120] Compare Aug. Epist. ad Deogratias, 102, 13; and De Præd. Sanct.,
   19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Whether the Gods, Whom the Greeks and Romans Worshipped in
   Common, Were Justified in Permitting the Destruction of Ilium.

   First, then, why was Troy or Ilium, the cradle of the Roman people (for
   I must not overlook nor disguise what I touched upon in the first book
   [121] ), conquered, taken and destroyed by the Greeks, though it
   esteemed and worshipped the same gods as they?  Priam, some answer,
   paid the penalty of the perjury of his father Laomedon. [122]   Then it
   is true that Laomedon hired Apollo and Neptune as his workmen.  For the
   story goes that he promised them wages, and then broke his bargain.  I
   wonder that famous diviner Apollo toiled at so huge a work, and never
   suspected Laomedon was going to cheat him of his pay.  And Neptune too,
   his uncle, brother of Jupiter, king of the sea, it really was not
   seemly that he should be ignorant of what was to happen.  For he is
   introduced by Homer [123] (who lived and wrote before the building of
   Rome) as predicting something great of the posterity of Æneas, who in
   fact founded Rome.  And as Homer says, Nep tune also rescued Æneas in a
   cloud from the wrath of Achilles, though (according to Virgil [124] )

   "All his will was to destroy

   His own creation, perjured Troy."

   Gods, then, so great as Apollo and Neptune, in ignorance of the cheat
   that was to defraud them of their wages, built the walls of Troy for
   nothing but thanks and thankless people. [125]   There may be some
   doubt whether it is not a worse crime to believe such persons to be
   gods, than to cheat such gods.  Even Homer himself did not give full
   credence to the story for while he represents Neptune, indeed, as
   hostile to the Trojans, he introduces Apollo as their champion, though
   the story implies that both were offended by that fraud.  If,
   therefore, they believe their fables, let them blush to worship such
   gods; if they discredit the fables, let no more be said of the "Trojan
   perjury;" or let them explain how the gods hated Trojan, but loved
   Roman perjury.  For how did the conspiracy of Catiline, even in so
   large and corrupt a city, find so abundant a supply of men whose hands
   and tongues found them a living by perjury and civic broils?  What else
   but perjury corrupted the judgments pronounced by so many of the
   senators?  What else corrupted the people's votes and decisions of all
   causes tried before them?  For it seems that the ancient practice of
   taking oaths has been preserved even in the midst of the greatest
   corruption, not for the sake of restraining wickedness by religious
   fear, but to complete the tale of crimes by adding that of perjury.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [121] Ch. 4.

   [122] Virg, Georg. i. 502, Laomedonteæ luimus perjuria Trojæ.

   [123] Iliad, xx. 293 et seqq.

   [124] Æneid. v. 810, 811.

   [125] Gratis et ingratis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--That the Gods Could Not Be Offended by the Adultery of
   Paris, This Crime Being So Common Among Themselves.

   There is no ground, then, for representing the gods (by whom, as they
   say, that empire stood, though they are proved to have been conquered
   by the Greeks) as being enraged at the Trojan perjury.  Neither, as
   others again plead in their defence, was it indignation at the adultery
   of Paris that caused them to withdraw their protection from Troy.  For
   their habit is to be instigators and instructors in vice, not its
   avengers.  "The city of Rome," says Sallust, "was first built and
   inhabited, as I have heard, by the Trojans, who, flying their country,
   under the conduct of Æneas, wandered about without making any
   settlement." [126]   If, then, the gods were of opinion that the
   adultery of Paris should be punished, it was chiefly the Romans, or at
   least the Romans also, who should have suffered; for the adultery was
   brought about by Æneas' mother.  But how could they hate in Paris a
   crime which they made no objection to in their own sister Venus, who
   (not to mention any other instance) committed adultery with Anchises,
   and so became the mother of Æneas?  Is it because in the one case
   Menelaus [127] was aggrieved, while in the other Vulcan [128] connived
   at the crime?  For the gods, I fancy, are so little jealous of their
   wives, that they make no scruple of sharing them with men.  But perhaps
   I may be suspected of turning the myths into ridicule, and not handling
   so weighty a subject with sufficient gravity.  Well, then, let us say
   that Æneas is not the son of Venus.  I am willing to admit it; but is
   Romulus any more the son of Mars?  For why not the one as well as the
   other?  Or is it lawful for gods to have intercourse with women,
   unlawful for men to have intercourse with goddesses?  A hard, or rather
   an incredible condition, that what was allowed to Mars by the law of
   Venus, should not be allowed to Venus herself by her own law.  However,
   both cases have the authority of Rome; for Cæsar in modern times
   believed no less that he was descended from Venus, [129] than the
   ancient Romulus believed himself the son of Mars.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [126] De Conj. Cat.vi.

   [127] Helen's husband.

   [128] Venus' husband.

   [129] Suetonius, in his Life of Julius Cæsar (c. 6), relates that, in
   pronouncing a funeral oration in praise of his aunt Julia, Cæsar
   claimed for the Julian gens to which his family belonged a descent from
   Venus, through Iulus, son of Eneas.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Of Varro's Opinion, that It is Useful for Men to Feign
   Themselves the Offspring of the Gods.

   Some one will say, But do you believe all this?  Not I indeed.  For
   even Varro, a very learned heathen, all but admits that these stories
   are false, though he does not boldly and confidently say so.  But he
   maintains it is useful for states that brave men believe, though
   falsely, that they are descended from the gods; for that thus the human
   spirit, cherishing the belief of its divine descent, will both more
   boldly venture into great enterprises, and will carry them out more
   energetically, and will therefore by its very confidence secure more
   abundant success.  You see how wide a field is opened to falsehood by
   this opinion of Varro's, which I have expressed as well as I could in
   my own words; and how comprehensible it is, that many of the religions
   and sacred legends should be feigned in a community in which it was
   judged profitable for the citizens that lies should be told even about
   the gods themselves.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--That It is Not Credible that the Gods Should Have Punished
   the Adultery of Paris, Seeing They Showed No Indignation at the
   Adultery of the Mother of Romulus.

   But whether Venus could bear Æneas to a human father Anchises, or Mars
   beget Romulus of the daughter of Numitor, we leave as unsettled
   questions.  For our own Scriptures suggest the very similar question,
   whether the fallen angels had sexual intercourse with the daughters of
   men, by which the earth was at that time filled with giants, that is,
   with enormously large and strong men.  At present, then, I will limit
   my discussion to this dilemma:  If that which their books relate about
   the mother of Æneas and the father of Romulus be true, how can the gods
   be displeased with men for adulteries which, when committed by
   themselves, excite no displeasure?  If it is false, not even in this
   case can the gods be angry that men should really commit adulteries,
   which, even when falsely attributed to the gods, they delight in.
   Moreover, if the adultery of Mars be discredited, that Venus also may
   be freed from the imputation, then the mother of Romulus is left
   unshielded by the pretext of a divine seduction.  For Sylvia was a
   vestal priestess, and the gods ought to avenge this sacrilege on the
   Romans with greater severity than Paris' adultery on the Trojans.  For
   even the Romans themselves in primitive times used to go so far as to
   bury alive any vestal who was detected in adultery, while women
   unconsecrated, though they were punished, were never punished with
   death for that crime; and thus they more earnestly vindicated the
   purity of shrines they esteemed divine, than of the human bed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--That the Gods Exacted No Penalty for the Fratricidal Act of
   Romulus.

   I add another instance:  If the sins of men so greatly incensed those
   divinities, that they abandoned Troy to fire and sword to punish the
   crime of Paris, the murder of Romulus' brother ought to have incensed
   them more against the Romans than the cajoling of a Greek husband moved
   them against the Trojans:  fratricide in a newly-born city should have
   provoked them more than adultery in a city already flourishing.  It
   makes no difference to the question we now discuss, whether Romulus
   ordered his brother to be slain, or slew him with his own hand; it is a
   crime which many shamelessly deny, many through shame doubt, many in
   grief disguise.  And we shall not pause to examine and weigh the
   testimonies of historical writers on the subject.  All agree that the
   brother of Romulus was slain, not by enemies, not by strangers.  If it
   was Romulus who either commanded or perpetrated this crime; Romulus was
   more truly the head of the Romans than Paris of the Trojans; why then
   did he who carried off another man's wife bring down the anger of the
   gods on the Trojans, while he who took his brother's life obtained the
   guardianship of those same gods?  If, on the other hand, that crime was
   not wrought either by the hand or will of Romulus, then the whole city
   is chargeable with it, because it did not see to its punishment, and
   thus committed, not fratricide, but parricide, which is worse.  For
   both brothers were the founders of that city, of which the one was by
   villainy prevented from being a ruler.  So far as I see, then, no evil
   can be ascribed to Troy which warranted the gods in abandoning it to
   destruction, nor any good to Rome which accounts for the gods visiting
   it with prosperity; unless the truth be, that they fled from Troy
   because they were vanquished, and betook themselves to Rome to practise
   their characteristic deceptions there.  Nevertheless they kept a
   footing for themselves in Troy, that they might deceive future
   inhabitants who re-peopled these lands; while at Rome, by a wider
   exercise of their malignant arts, they exulted in more abundant honors.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Of the Destruction of Ilium by Fimbria, a Lieutenant of
   Marius.

   And surely we may ask what wrong poor Ilium had done, that, in the
   first heat of the civil wars of Rome, it should suffer at the hand of
   Fimbria, the veriest villain among Marius' partisans, a more fierce and
   cruel destruction than the Grecian sack. [130]   For when the Greeks
   took it many escaped, and many who did not escape were suffered to
   live, though in captivity.  But Fimbria from the first gave orders that
   not a life should be spared, and burnt up together the city and all its
   inhabitants.  Thus was Ilium requited, not by the Greeks, whom she had
   provoked by wrong-doing; but by the Romans, who had been built out of
   her ruins; while the gods, adored alike of both sides, did simply
   nothing, or, to speak more correctly, could do nothing.  Is it then
   true, that at this time also, after Troy had repaired the damage done
   by the Grecian fire, all the gods by whose help the kingdom stood,
   "forsook each fane, each sacred shrine?"

   But if so, I ask the reason; for in my judgment, the conduct of the
   gods was as much to be reprobated as that of the townsmen to be
   applauded.  For these closed their gates against Fimbria, that they
   might preserve the city for Sylla, and were therefore burnt and
   consumed by the enraged general.  Now, up to this time, Sylla's cause
   was the more worthy of the two; for till now he used arms to restore
   the republic, and as yet his good intentions had met with no reverses.
   What better thing, then, could the Trojans have done?  What more
   honorable, what more faithful to Rome, or more worthy of her
   relationship, than to preserve their city for the better part of the
   Romans, and to shut their gates against a parricide of his country?  It
   is for the defenders of the gods to consider the ruin which this
   conduct brought on Troy.  The gods deserted an adulterous people, and
   abandoned Troy to the fires of the Greeks, that out of her ashes a
   chaster Rome might arise.  But why did they a second time abandon this
   same town, allied now to Rome, and not making war upon her noble
   daughter, but preserving a most steadfast and pious fidelity to Rome's
   most justifiable faction?  Why did they give her up to be destroyed,
   not by the Greek heroes, but by the basest of the Romans?  Or, if the
   gods did not favor Sylla's cause, for which the unhappy Trojans
   maintained their city, why did they themselves predict and promise
   Sylla such successes?  Must we call them flatterers of the fortunate,
   rather than helpers of the wretched?  Troy was not destroyed, then,
   because the gods deserted it.  For the demons, always watchful to
   deceive, did what they could.  For, when all the statues were
   overthrown and burnt together with the town, Livy tells us that only
   the image of Minerva is said to have been found standing uninjured
   amidst the ruins of her temple; not that it might be said in their
   praise, "The gods who made this realm divine," but that it might not be
   said in their defence, They are "gone from each fane, each sacred
   shrine:"  for that marvel was permitted to them, not that they might be
   proved to be powerful, but that they might be convicted of being
   present.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [130] Livy, 83, one of the lost books; and Appian, in Mithridat.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Whether Rome Ought to Have Been Entrusted to the Trojan
   Gods.

   Where, then, was the wisdom of entrusting Rome to the Trojan gods, who
   had demonstrated their weakness in the loss of Troy?  Will some one say
   that, when Fimbria stormed Troy, the gods were already resident in
   Rome?  How, then, did the image of Minerva remain standing?  Besides,
   if they were at Rome when Fimbria destroyed Troy, perhaps they were at
   Troy when Rome itself was taken and set on fire by the Gauls.  But as
   they are very acute in hearing, and very swift in their movements, they
   came quickly at the cackling of the goose to defend at least the
   Capitol, though to defend the rest of the city they were too long in
   being warned.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Whether It is Credible that the Peace During the Reign of
   Numa Was Brought About by the Gods.

   It is also believed that it was by the help of the gods that the
   successor of Romulus, Numa Pompilius, enjoyed peace during his entire
   reign, and shut the gates of Janus, which are customarily kept open
   [131] during war.  And it is supposed he was thus requited for
   appointing many religious observances among the Romans.  Certainly that
   king would have commanded our congratulations for so rare a leisure,
   had he been wise enough to spend it on wholesome pursuits, and,
   subduing a pernicious curiosity, had sought out the true God with true
   piety.  But as it was, the gods were not the authors of his leisure;
   but possibly they would have deceived him less had they found him
   busier.  For the more disengaged they found him, the more they
   themselves occupied his attention.  Varro informs us of all his
   efforts, and of the arts he employed to associate these gods with
   himself and the city; and in its own place, if God will, I shall
   discuss these matters.  Meanwhile, as we are speaking of the benefits
   conferred by the gods, I readily admit that peace is a great benefit;
   but it is a benefit of the true God, which, like the sun, the rain, and
   other supports of life, is frequently conferred on the ungrateful and
   wicked.  But if this great boon was conferred on Rome and Pompilius by
   their gods, why did they never afterwards grant it to the Roman empire
   during even more meritorious periods?  Were the sacred rites more
   efficient at their first institution than during their subsequent
   celebration?  But they had no existence in Numa's time, until he added
   them to the ritual; whereas afterwards they had already been celebrated
   and preserved, that benefit might arise from them.  How, then, is it
   that those forty-three, or as others prefer it, thirty-nine years of
   Numa's reign, were passed in unbroken peace, and yet that afterwards,
   when the worship was established, and the gods themselves, who were
   invoked by it, were the recognized guardians and pa trons of the city,
   we can with difficulty find during the whole period, from the building
   of the city to the reign of Augustus, one year--that, viz., which
   followed the close of the first Punic war--in which, for a marvel, the
   Romans were able to shut the gates of war? [132]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [131] The gates of Janus were not the gates of a temple, but the gates
   of a passage called Janus, which was used only for military purposes;
   shut therefore in peace, open in war.

   [132] The year of the Consuls T. Manlius and C. Atilius, a.u.c. 519.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Whether It Was Desirable that The Roman Empire Should Be
   Increased by Such a Furious Succession of Wars, When It Might Have Been
   Quiet and Safe by Following in the Peaceful Ways of Numa.

   Do they reply that the Roman empire could never have been so widely
   extended, nor so glorious, save by constant and unintermitting wars?  A
   fit argument, truly!  Why must a kingdom be distracted in order to be
   great?  In this little world of man's body, is it not better to have a
   moderate stature, and health with it, than to attain the huge
   dimensions of a giant by unnatural torments, and when you attain it to
   find no rest, but to be pained the more in proportion to the size of
   your members?  What evil would have resulted, or rather what good would
   not have resulted, had those times continued which Sallust sketched,
   when he says, "At first the kings (for that was the first title of
   empire in the world) were divided in their sentiments:  part cultivated
   the mind, others the body:  at that time the life of men was led
   without coveteousness; every one was sufficiently satisfied with his
   own!" [133]   Was it requisite, then, for Rome's prosperity, that the
   state of things which Virgil reprobates should succeed:

   "At length stole on a baser age

   And war's indomitable rage,

   And greedy lust of gain?" [134]

   But obviously the Romans have a plausible defence for undertaking and
   carrying on such disastrous wars,--to wit, that the pressure of their
   enemies forced them to resist, so that they were compelled to fight,
   not by any greed of human applause, but by the necessity of protecting
   life and liberty.  Well, let that pass.  Here is Sallust's account of
   the matter:  "For when their state, enriched with laws, institutions,
   territory, seemed abundantly prosperous and sufficiently powerful,
   according to the ordinary law of human nature, opulence gave birth to
   envy.  Accordingly, the neighboring kings and states took arms and
   assaulted them.  A few allies lent assistance; the rest, struck with
   fear, kept aloof from dangers.  But the Romans, watchful at home and in
   war, were active, made preparations, encouraged one another, marched to
   meet their enemies,--protected by arms their liberty, country,
   parents.  Afterwards, when they had repelled the dangers by their
   bravery, they carried help to their allies and friends, and procured
   alliances more by conferring than by receiving favors." [135]   This
   was to build up Rome's greatness by honorable means.  But, in Numa's
   reign, I would know whether the long peace was maintained in spite of
   the incursions of wicked neighbors, or if these incursions were
   discontinued that the peace might be maintained?  For if even then Rome
   was harassed by wars, and yet did not meet force with force, the same
   means she then used to quiet her enemies without conquering them in
   war, or terrifying them with the onset of battle, she might have used
   always, and have reigned in peace with the gates of Janus shut.  And if
   this was not in her power, then Rome enjoyed peace not at the will of
   her gods, but at the will of her neighbors round about, and only so
   long as they cared to provoke her with no war, unless perhaps these
   pitiful gods will dare to sell to one man as their favor what lies not
   in their power to bestow, but in the will of another man.  These
   demons, indeed, in so far as they are permitted, can terrify or incite
   the minds of wicked men by their own peculiar wickedness.  But if they
   always had this power, and if no action were taken against their
   efforts by a more secret and higher power, they would be supreme to
   give peace or the victories of war, which almost always fall out
   through some human emotion, and frequently in opposition to the will of
   the gods, as is proved not only by lying legends, which scarcely hint
   or signify any grain of truth, but even by Roman history itself.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [133] Sall. Conj. Cat. ii.

   [134] Æneid, viii. 326-7.

   [135] Sall. Cat. Conj. vi.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of the Statue of Apollo at Cumæ, Whose Tears are Supposed
   to Have Portended Disaster to the Greeks, Whom the God Was Unable to
   Succor.

   And it is still this weakness of the gods which is confessed in the
   story of the Cuman Apollo, who is said to have wept for four days
   during the war with the Achæans and King Aristonicus.  And when the
   augurs were alarmed at the portent, and had determined to cast the
   statue into the sea, the old men of Cumæ interposed, and related that a
   similar prodigy had occurred to the same image during the wars against
   Antiochus and against Perseus, and that by a decree of the senate,
   gifts had been presented to Apollo, because the event had proved
   favorable to the Romans.  Then soothsayers were summoned who were
   supposed to have greater professional skill, and they pronounced that
   the weeping of Apollo's image was propitious to the Romans, because
   Cumæ was a Greek colony, and that Apollo was bewailing (and thereby
   presaging) the grief and calamity that was about to light upon his own
   land of Greece, from which he had been brought.  Shortly afterwards it
   was reported that King Aristonicus was defeated and made prisoner,--a
   defeat certainly opposed to the will of Apollo; and this he indicated
   by even shedding tears from his marble image.  And this shows us that,
   though the verses of the poets are mythical, they are not altogether
   devoid of truth, but describe the manners of the demons in a
   sufficiently fit style.  For in Virgil, Diana mourned for Camilla,
   [136] and Hercules wept for Pallas doomed to die. [137]   This is
   perhaps the reason why Numa Pompilius, too, when, enjoying prolonged
   peace, but without knowing or inquiring from whom he received it, he
   began in his leisure to consider to what gods he should entrust the
   safe keeping and conduct of Rome, and not dreaming that the true,
   almighty, and most high God cares for earthly affairs, but recollecting
   only that the Trojan gods which Æneas had brought to Italy had been
   able to preserve neither the Trojan nor Lavinian kingdom rounded by
   Æneas himself, concluded that he must provide other gods as guardians
   of fugitives and helpers of the weak, and add them to those earlier
   divinities who had either come over to Rome with Romulus, or when Alba
   was destroyed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [136] Æneid, xi. 532.

   [137] Ibid. x. 464.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--That the Romans Added a Vast Number of Gods to Those
   Introduced by Numa, and that Their Numbers Helped Them Not at All.

   But though Pompilius introduced so ample a ritual, yet did not Rome see
   fit to be content with it.  For as yet Jupiter himself had not his
   chief temple,--it being King Tarquin who built the Capitol.  And
   Æsculapius left Epidaurus for Rome, that in this foremost city he might
   have a finer field for the exercise of his great medical skill. [138]
   The mother of the gods, too, came I know not whence from Pessinuns; it
   being unseemly that, while her son presided on the Capitoline hill, she
   herself should lie hid in obscurity.  But if she is the mother of all
   the gods, she not only followed some of her children to Rome, but left
   others to follow her.  I wonder, indeed, if she were the mother of
   Cynocephalus, who a long while afterwards came from Egypt.  Whether
   also the goddess Fever was her offspring, is a matter for her grandson
   Æsculapius [139] to decide.  But of whatever breed she be, the foreign
   gods will not presume, I trust, to call a goddess base-born who is a
   Roman citizen.  Who can number the deities to whom the guardianship of
   Rome was entrusted?  Indigenous and imported, both of heaven, earth,
   hell, seas, fountains, rivers; and, as Varro says, gods certain and
   uncertain, male and female:  for, as among animals, so among all kinds
   of gods are there these distinctions.  Rome, then, enjoying the
   protection of such a cloud of deities, might surely have been preserved
   from some of those great and horrible calamities, of which I can
   mention but a few.  For by the great smoke of her altars she summoned
   to her protection, as by a beacon-fire, a host of gods, for whom she
   appointed and maintained temples, altars, sacrifices, priests, and thus
   offended the true and most high God, to whom alone all this ceremonial
   is lawfully due.  And, indeed, she was more prosperous when she had
   fewer gods; but the greater she became, the more gods she thought she
   should have, as the larger ship needs to be manned by a larger crew.  I
   suppose she despaired of the smaller number, under whose protection she
   had spent comparatively happy days, being able to defend her
   greatness.  For even under the kings (with the exception of Numa
   Pompilius, of whom I have already spoken), how wicked a contentiousness
   must have existed to occasion the death of Romulus' brother!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [138] Livy, x. 47.

   [139] Being son of Apollo.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--By What Right or Agreement The Romans Obtained Their First
   Wives.

   How is it that neither Juno, who with her husband Jupiter even then
   cherished

   "Rome's sons, the nation of the gown," [140]

   nor Venus herself, could assist the children of the loved Æneas to find
   wives by some right and equitable means?  For the lack of this entailed
   upon the Romans the lamentable necessity of stealing their wives, and
   then waging war with their fathers-in-law; so that the wretched women,
   before they had recovered from the wrong done them by their husbands,
   were dowried with the blood of their fathers.  "But the Romans
   conquered their neighbors."  Yes; but with what wounds on both sides,
   and with what sad slaughter of relatives and neighbors!  The war of
   Cæsar and Pompey was the contest of only one father-in-law with one
   son-in-law; and before it began, the daughter of Cæsar, Pompey's wife,
   was already dead.  But with how keen and just an accent of grief does
   Lucan [141] exclaim:  "I sing that worse than civil war waged in the
   plains of Emathia, and in which the crime was justified by the
   victory!"

   The Romans, then, conquered that they might, with hands stained in the
   blood of their fathers-in-law, wrench the miserable girls from their
   embrace,--girls who dared not weep for their slain parents, for fear of
   offending their victorious husbands; and while yet the battle was
   raging, stood with their prayers on their lips, and knew not for whom
   to utter them.  Such nuptials were certainly prepared for the Roman
   people not by Venus, but Bellona; or possibly that infernal fury Alecto
   had more liberty to injure them now that Juno was aiding them, than
   when the prayers of that goddess had excited her against Æneas.
   Andromache in captivity was happier than these Roman brides.  For
   though she was a slave, yet, after she had become the wife of Pyrrhus,
   no more Trojans fell by his hand; but the Romans slew in battle the
   very fathers of the brides they fondled.  Andromache, the victor's
   captive, could only mourn, not fear, the death of her people.  The
   Sabine women, related to men still combatants, feared the death of
   their fathers when their husbands went out to battle, and mourned their
   death as they returned, while neither their grief nor their fear could
   be freely expressed.  For the victories of their husbands, involving
   the destruction of fellow-townsmen, relatives, brothers, fathers,
   caused either pious agony or cruel exultation.  Moreover, as the
   fortune of war is capricious, some of them lost their husbands by the
   sword of their parents, while others lost husband and father together
   in mutual destruction.  For the Romans by no means escaped with
   impunity, but they were driven back within their walls, and defended
   themselves behind closed gates; and when the gates were opened by
   guile, and the enemy admitted into the town, the Forum itself was the
   field of a hateful and fierce engagement of fathers-in-law and
   sons-in-law.  The ravishers were indeed quite defeated, and, flying on
   all sides to their houses, sullied with new shame their original
   shameful and lamentable triumph.  It was at this juncture that Romulus,
   hoping no more from the valor of his citizens, prayed Jupiter that they
   might stand their ground; and from this occasion the god gained the
   name of Stator.  But not even thus would the mischief have been
   finished, had not the ravished women themselves flashed out with
   dishevelled hair, and cast themselves before their parents, and thus
   disarmed their just rage, not with the arms of victory, but with the
   supplications of filial affection.  Then Romulus, who could not brook
   his own brother as a colleague, was compelled to accept Titus Tatius,
   king of the Sabines, as his partner on the throne.  But how long would
   he who misliked the fellowship of his own twin-brother endure a
   stranger?  So, Tatius being slain, Romulus remained sole king, that he
   might be the greater god.  See what rights of marriage these were that
   fomented unnatural wars.  These were the Roman leagues of kindred,
   relationship, alliance, religion.  This was the life of the city so
   abundantly protected by the gods.  You see how many severe things might
   be said on this theme; but our purpose carries us past them, and
   requires our discourse for other matters.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [140] Virgil, Æn. i. 286.

   [141] Pharsal. v. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Wickedness of the War Waged by the Romans Against
   the Albans, and of the Victories Won by the Lust of Power.

   But what happened after Numa's reign, and under the other kings, when
   the Albans were provoked into war, with sad results not to themselves
   alone, but also to the Romans?  The long peace of Numa had become
   tedious; and with what endless slaughter and detriment of both states
   did the Roman and Alban armies bring it to an end!  For Alba, which had
   been founded by Ascanius, son of Æneas, and which was more properly the
   mother of Rome than Troy herself, was provoked to battle by Tullus
   Hostilius, king of Rome, and in the conflict both inflicted and
   received such damage, that at length both parties wearied of the
   struggle.  It was then devised that the war should be decided by the
   combat of three twin-brothers from each army:  from the Romans the
   three Horatii stood forward, from the Albans the three Curiatii.  Two
   of the Horatii were overcome and disposed of by the Curiatii; but by
   the remaining Horatius the three Curiatii were slain.  Thus Rome
   remained victorious, but with such a sacrifice that only one survivor
   returned to his home.  Whose was the loss on both sides?  Whose the
   grief, but of the offspring of Æneas, the descendants of Ascanius, the
   progeny of Venus, the grandsons of Jupiter?  For this, too, was a
   "worse than civil" war, in which the belligerent states were mother and
   daughter.  And to this combat of the three twin-brothers there was
   added another atrocious and horrible catastrophe.  For as the two
   nations had formerly been friendly (being related and neighbors), the
   sister of the Horatii had been betrothed to one of the Curiatii; and
   she, when she saw her brother wearing the spoils of her betrothed,
   burst into tears, and was slain by her own brother in his anger.  To
   me, this one girl seems to have been more humane than the whole Roman
   people.  I cannot think her to blame for lamenting the man to whom
   already she had plighted her troth, or, as perhaps she was doing, for
   grieving that her brother should have slain him to whom he had promised
   his sister.  For why do we praise the grief of Æneas (in Virgil [142] )
   over the enemy cut down even by his own hand?  Why did Marcellus shed
   tears over the city of Syracuse, when he recollected, just before he
   destroyed, its magnificence and meridian glory, and thought upon the
   common lot of all things?  I demand, in the name of humanity, that if
   men are praised for tears shed over enemies conquered by themselves, a
   weak girl should not be counted criminal for bewailing her lover
   slaughtered by the hand of her brother.  While, then, that maiden was
   weeping for the death of her betrothed inflicted by her brother's hand,
   Rome was rejoicing that such devastation had been wrought on her mother
   state, and that she had purchased a victory with such an expenditure of
   the common blood of herself and the Albans.

   Why allege to me the mere names and words of "glory" and "victory?"
   Tear off the disguise of wild delusion, and look at the naked deeds:
   weigh them naked, judge them naked.  Let the charge be brought against
   Alba, as Troy was charged with adultery.  There is no such charge, none
   like it found:  the war was kindled only in order that there

   "Might sound in languid ears the cry

   Of Tullus and of victory." [143]

   This vice of restless ambition was the sole motive to that social and
   parricidal war,--a vice which Sallust brands in passing; for when he
   has spoken with brief but hearty commendation of those primitive times
   in which life was spent without covetousness, and every one was
   sufficiently satisfied with what he had, he goes on:  "But after Cyrus
   in Asia, and the Lacedemonians and Athenians in Greece, began to subdue
   cities and nations, and to account the lust of sovereignty a sufficient
   ground for war, and to reckon that the greatest glory consisted in the
   greatest empire;" [144] and so on, as I need not now quote.  This lust
   of sovereignty disturbs and consumes the human race with frightful
   ills.  By this lust Rome was overcome when she triumphed over Alba, and
   praising her own crime, called it glory.  For, as our Scriptures say,
   "the wicked boasteth of his heart's desire, and blesseth the covetous,
   whom the Lord abhorreth." [145]   Away, then, with these deceitful
   masks, these deluding whitewashes, that things may be truthfully seen
   and scrutinized.  Let no man tell me that this and the other was a
   "great" man, because he fought and conquered so and so.  Gladiators
   fight and conquer, and this barbarism has its meed of praise; but I
   think it were better to take the consequences of any sloth, than to
   seek the glory won by such arms.  And if two gladiators entered the
   arena to fight, one being father, the other his son, who would endure
   such a spectacle? who would not be revolted by it?  How, then, could
   that be a glorious war which a daughter-state waged against its
   mother?  Or did it constitute a difference, that the battlefield was
   not an arena, and that the wide plains were filled with the carcasses
   not of two gladiators, but of many of the flower of two nations; and
   that those contests were viewed not by the amphitheatre, but by the
   whole world, and furnished a profane spectacle both to those alive at
   the time, and to their posterity, so long as the fame of it is handed
   down?

   Yet those gods, guardians of the Roman empire, and, as it were,
   theatric spectators of such contests as these, were not satisfied until
   the sister of the Horatii was added by her brother's sword as a third
   victim from the Roman side, so that Rome herself, though she won the
   day, should have as many deaths to mourn.  Afterwards, as a fruit of
   the victory, Alba was destroyed, though it was there the Trojan gods
   had formed a third asylum after Ilium had been sacked by the Greeks,
   and after they had left Lavinium, where Æneas had founded a kingdom in
   a land of banishment.  But probably Alba was destroyed because from it
   too the gods had migrated, in their usual fashion, as Virgil says:

   "Gone from each fane, each sacred shrine,

   Are those who made this realm divine." [146]

   Gone, indeed, and from now their third asylum, that Rome might seem all
   the wiser in committing herself to them after they had deserted three
   other cities.  Alba, whose king Amulius had banished his brother,
   displeased them; Rome, whose king Romulus had slain his brother,
   pleased them.  But before Alba was destroyed, its population, they say,
   was amalgamated with the inhabitants of Rome so that the two cities
   were one.  Well, admitting it was so, yet the fact remains that the
   city of Ascanius, the third retreat of the Trojan gods, was destroyed
   by the daughter-city.  Besides, to effect this pitiful conglomerate of
   the war's leavings, much blood was spilt on both sides.  And how shall
   I speak in detail of the same wars, so often renewed in subsequent
   reigns, though they seemed to have been finished by great victories;
   and of wars that time after time were brought to an end by great
   slaughters, and which yet time after time were renewed by the posterity
   of those who had made peace and struck treaties?  Of this calamitous
   history we have no small proof, in the fact that no subsequent king
   closed the gates of war; and therefore with all their tutelar gods, no
   one of them reigned in peace.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [142] Æneid, x. 821, of Lausus: "But when Anchises' son surveyed The
   fair, fair face so ghastly made, He groaned, by tenderness unmanned,
   And stretched the sympathizing hand," etc.

   [143] Virgil, Æneid, vi. 813.

   [144] Sallust, Cat. Conj. ii.

   [145] Ps. x. 3.

   [146] Æneid, ii. 351-2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--What Manner of Life and Death the Roman Kings Had.

   And what was the end of the kings themselves?  Of Romulus, a flattering
   legend tells us that he was assumed into heaven.  But certain Roman
   historians relate that he was torn in pieces by the senate for his
   ferocity, and that a man, Julius Proculus, was suborned to give out
   that Romulus had appeared to him, and through him commanded the Roman
   people to worship him as a god; and that in this way the people, who
   were beginning to resent the action of the senate, were quieted and
   pacified.  For an eclipse of the sun had also happened; and this was
   attributed to the divine power of Romulus by the ignorant multitude,
   who did not know that it was brought about by the fixed laws of the
   sun's course:  though this grief of the sun might rather have been
   considered proof that Romulus had been slain, and that the crime was
   indicated by this deprivation of the sun's light; as, in truth, was the
   case when the Lord was crucified through the cruelty and impiety of the
   Jews.  For it is sufficiently demonstrated that this latter obscuration
   of the sun did not occur by the natural laws of the heavenly bodies,
   because it was then the Jewish Passover, which is held only at full
   moon, whereas natural eclipses of the sun happen only at the last
   quarter of the moon.  Cicero, too, shows plainly enough that the
   apotheosis of Romulus was imaginary rather than real, when, even while
   he is praising him in one of Scipio's remarks in the De Republica, he
   says:  "Such a reputation had he acquired, that when he suddenly
   disappeared during an eclipse of the sun, he was supposed to have been
   assumed into the number of the gods, which could be supposed of no
   mortal who had not the highest reputation for virtue." [147]   By these
   words, "he suddenly disappeared," we are to understand that he was
   mysteriously made away with by the violence either of the tempest or of
   a murderous assault.  For their other writers speak not only of an
   eclipse, but of a sudden storm also, which certainly either afforded
   opportunity for the crime, or itself made an end of Romulus.  And of
   Tullus Hostilius, who was the third king of Rome, and who was himself
   destroyed by lightning, Cicero in the same book says, that "he was not
   supposed to have been deified by this death, possibly because the
   Romans were unwilling to vulgarize the promotion they were assured or
   persuaded of in the case of Romulus, lest they should bring it into
   contempt by gratuitously assigning it to all and sundry."  In one of
   his invectives, [148] too, he says, in round terms, "The founder of
   this city, Romulus, we have raised to immortality and divinity by
   kindly celebrating his services;" implying that his deification was not
   real, but reputed, and called so by courtesy on account of his
   virtues.  In the dialogue Hortensius, too, while speaking of the
   regular eclipses of the sun, he says that they "produce the same
   darkness as covered the death of Romulus, which happened during an
   eclipse of the sun."  Here you see he does not at all shrink from
   speaking of his "death," for Cicero was more of a reasoner than an
   eulogist.

   The other kings of Rome, too, with the exception of Numa Pompilius and
   Ancus Marcius, who died natural deaths, what horrible ends they had!
   Tullus Hostilius, the conqueror and destroyer of Alba, was, as I said,
   himself and all his house consumed by lightning.  Priscus Tarquinius
   was slain by his predecessor's sons.  Servius Tullius was foully
   murdered by his son-in-law Tarquinius Superbus, who succeeded him on
   the throne.  Nor did so flagrant a parricide committed against Rome's
   best king drive from their altars and shrines those gods who were said
   to have been moved by Paris' adultery to treat poor Troy in this style,
   and abandon it to the fire and sword of the Greeks.  Nay, the very
   Tarquin who had murdered, was allowed to succeed his father-in-law.
   And this infamous parricide, during the reign he had secured by murder,
   was allowed to triumph in many victorious wars, and to build the
   Capitol from their spoils; the gods meanwhile not departing, but
   abiding, and abetting, and suffering their king Jupiter to preside and
   reign over them in that very splendid Capitol, the work of a
   parricide.  For he did not build the Capitol in the days of his
   innocence, and then suffer banishment for subsequent crimes; but to
   that reign during which he built the Capitol, he won his way by
   unnatural crime.  And when he was afterwards banished by the Romans,
   and forbidden the city, it was not for his own but his son's wickedness
   in the affair of Lucretia,--a crime perpetrated not only without his
   cognizance, but in his absence.  For at that time he was besieging
   Ardea, and fighting Rome's battles; and we cannot say what he would
   have done had he been aware of his son's crime.  Notwithstanding,
   though his opinion was neither inquired into nor ascertained, the
   people stripped him of royalty; and when he returned to Rome with his
   army, it was admitted, but he was excluded, abandoned by his troops,
   and the gates shut in his face.  And yet, after he had appealed to the
   neighboring states, and tormented the Romans with calamitous but
   unsuccessful wars, and when he was deserted by the ally on whom he most
   depended, despairing of regaining the kingdom, he lived a retired and
   quiet life for fourteen years, as it is reported, in Tusculum, a Roman
   town, where he grew old in his wife's company, and at last terminated
   his days in a much more desirable fashion than his father-in-law, who
   had perished by the hand of his son-in-law; his own daughter abetting,
   if report be true.  And this Tarquin the Romans called, not the Cruel,
   nor the Infamous, but the Proud; their own pride perhaps resenting his
   tyrannical airs.  So little did they make of his murdering their best
   king, his own father-in-law, that they elected him their own king.  I
   wonder if it was not even more criminal in them to reward so
   bountifully so great a criminal.  And yet there was no word of the gods
   abandoning the altars; unless, perhaps, some one will say in defence of
   the gods, that they remained at Rome for the purpose of punishing the
   Romans, rather than of aiding and profiting them, seducing them by
   empty victories, and wearing them out by severe wars.  Such was the
   life of the Romans under the kings during the much-praised epoch of the
   state which extends to the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus in the 243d
   year, during which all those victories, which were bought with so much
   blood and such disasters, hardly pushed Rome's dominion twenty miles
   from the city; a territory which would by no means bear comparison with
   that of any petty Gætulian state.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [147] Cicero, De Rep. ii. 10.

   [148] Contra Cat.iii. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of the First Roman Consuls, the One of Whom Drove the
   Other from the Country, and Shortly After Perished at Rome by the Hand
   of a Wounded Enemy, and So Ended a Career of Unnatural Murders.

   To this epoch let us add also that of which Sallust says, that it was
   ordered with justice and moderation, while the fear of Tarquin and of a
   war with Etruria was impending.  For so long as the Etrurians aided the
   efforts of Tarquin to regain the throne, Rome was convulsed with
   distressing war.  And therefore he says that the state was ordered with
   justice and moderation, through the pressure of fear, not through the
   influence of equity.  And in this very brief period, how calamitous a
   year was that in which consuls were first created, when the kingly
   power was abolished!  They did not fulfill their term of office.  For
   Junius Brutus deprived his colleague Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, and
   banished him from the city; and shortly after he himself fell in
   battle, at once slaying and slain, having formerly put to death his own
   sons and his brothers-in-law, because he had discovered that they were
   conspiring to restore Tarquin.  It is this deed that Virgil shudders to
   record, even while he seems to praise it; for when he says:

   "And call his own rebellious seed

   For menaced liberty to bleed,"

   he immediately exclaims,

   "Unhappy father! howsoe'er

   The deed be judged by after days;"

   that is to say, let posterity judge the deed as they please, let them
   praise and extol the father who slew his sons, he is unhappy.  And then
   he adds, as if to console so unhappy a man:

   "His country's love shall all o'erbear,

   And unextinguished thirst of praise." [149]

   In the tragic end of Brutus, who slew his own sons, and though he slew
   his enemy, Tarquin's son, yet could not survive him, but was survived
   by Tarquin the elder, does not the innocence of his colleague
   Collatinus seem to be vindicated, who, though a good citizen, suffered
   the same punishment as Tarquin himself, when that tyrant was banished?
   For Brutus himself is said to have been a relative [150] of Tarquin.
   But Collatinus had the misfortune to bear not only the blood, but the
   name of Tarquin.  To change his name, then, not his country, would have
   been his fit penalty:  to abridge his name by this word, and be called
   simply L. Collatinus.  But he was not com pelled to lose what he could
   lose without detriment, but was stripped of the honor of the first
   consulship, and was banished from the land he loved.  Is this, then,
   the glory of Brutus--this injustice, alike detestable and profitless to
   the republic?  Was it to this he was driven by "his country's love, and
   unextinguished thirst of praise?"

   When Tarquin the tyrant was expelled, L. Tarquinius Collatinus, the
   husband of Lucretia, was created consul along with Brutus.  How justly
   the people acted, in looking more to the character than the name of a
   citizen!  How unjustly Brutus acted, in depriving of honor and country
   his colleague in that new office, whom he might have deprived of his
   name, if it were so offensive to him!  Such were the ills, such the
   disasters, which fell out when the government was "ordered with justice
   and moderation."  Lucretius, too, who succeeded Brutus, was carried off
   by disease before the end of that same year.  So P. Valerius, who
   succeeded Collatinus, and M. Horatius, who filled the vacancy
   occasioned by the death of Lucretius, completed that disastrous and
   funereal year, which had five consuls.  Such was the year in which the
   Roman republic inaugurated the new honor and office of the consulship.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [149] Æneid, vi. 820, etc.

   [150] His nephew.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of the Disasters Which Vexed the Roman Republic After the
   Inauguration of the Consulship, and of the Non-Intervention of the Gods
   of Rome.

   After this, when their fears were gradually diminished,--not because
   the wars ceased, but because they were not so furious,--that period in
   which things were "ordered with justice and moderation" drew to an end,
   and there followed that state of matters which Sallust thus briefly
   sketches:  "Then began the patricians to oppress the people as slaves,
   to condemn them to death or scourging, as the kings had done, to drive
   them from their holdings, and to tyrannize over those who had no
   property to lose.  The people, overwhelmed by these oppressive
   measures, and most of all by usury, and obliged to contribute both
   money and personal service to the constant wars, at length took arms
   and seceded to Mount Aventine and Mount Sacer, and thus secured for
   themselves tribunes and protective laws.  But it was only the second
   Punic war that put an end on both sides to discord and strife." [151]
   But why should I spend time in writing such things, or make others
   spend it in reading them?  Let the terse summary of Sallust suffice to
   intimate the misery of the republic through all that long period till
   the second Punic war,--how it was distracted from without by unceasing
   wars, and torn with civil broils and dissensions.  So that those
   victories they boast were not the substantial joys of the happy, but
   the empty comforts of wretched men, and seductive incitements to
   turbulent men to concoct disasters upon disasters.  And let not the
   good and prudent Romans be angry at our saying this; and indeed we need
   neither deprecate nor denounce their anger, for we know they will
   harbor none.  For we speak no more severely than their own authors, and
   much less elaborately and strikingly; yet they diligently read these
   authors, and compel their children to learn them.  But they who are
   angry, what would they do to me were I to say what Sallust says?
   "Frequent mobs, seditions, and at last civil wars, became common, while
   a few leading men on whom the masses were dependent, affected supreme
   power under the seemly pretence of seeking the good of senate and
   people; citizens were judged good or bad without reference to their
   loyalty to the republic (for all were equally corrupt); but the wealthy
   and dangerously powerful were esteemed good citizens, because they
   maintained the existing state of things."  Now, if those historians
   judged that an honorable freedom of speech required that they should
   not be silent regarding the blemishes of their own state, which they
   have in many places loudly applauded in their ignorance of that other
   and true city in which citizenship is an everlasting dignity; what does
   it become us to do, whose liberty ought to be so much greater, as our
   hope in God is better and more assured, when they impute to our Christ
   the calamities of this age, in order that men of the less instructed
   and weaker sort may be alienated from that city in which alone eternal
   and blessed life can be enjoyed?  Nor do we utter against their gods
   anything more horrible than their own authors do, whom they read and
   circulate. For, indeed, all that we have said we have derived from
   them, and there is much more to say of a worse kind which we are unable
   to say.

   Where, then, were those gods who are supposed to be justly worshipped
   for the slender and delusive prosperity of this world, when the Romans,
   who were seduced to their service by lying wiles, were harassed by such
   calamities?  Where were they when Valerius the consul was killed while
   defending the Capitol, that had been fired by exiles and slaves?  He
   was himself better able to defend the temple of Jupiter, than that
   crowd of divinities with their most high and mighty king, whose temple
   he came to the rescue of were able to defend him.  Where were they when
   the city, worn out with unceasing seditions, was waiting in some kind
   of calm for the return of the ambassadors who had been sent to Athens
   to borrow laws, and was desolated by dreadful famine and pestilence?
   Where were they when the people, again distressed with famine, created
   for the first time a prefect of the market; and when Spurius Melius,
   who, as the famine increased, distributed corn to the famishing masses,
   was accused of aspiring to royalty, and at the instance of this same
   prefect, and on the authority of the superannuated dictator L.
   Quintius, was put to death by Quintus Servilius, master of the
   horse,--an event which occasioned a serious and dangerous riot?  Where
   were they when that very severe pestilence visited Rome, on account of
   which the people, after long and wearisome and useless supplications of
   the helpless gods, conceived the idea of celebrating Lectisternia,
   which had never been done before; that is to say, they set couches in
   honor of the gods, which accounts for the name of this sacred rite, or
   rather sacrilege? [152]   Where were they when, during ten successive
   years of reverses, the Roman army suffered frequent and great losses
   among the Veians and would have been destroyed but for the succor of
   Furius Camillus, who was afterwards banished by an ungrateful country?
   Where were they when the Gauls took, sacked, burned, and desolated
   Rome?  Where were they when that memorable pestilence wrought such
   destruction, in which Furius Camillus too perished, who first defended
   the ungrateful republic from the Veians, and afterwards saved it from
   the Gauls?  Nay, during this plague, they introduced a new pestilence
   of scenic entertainments, which spread its more fatal contagion, not to
   the bodies, but the morals of the Romans?  Where were they when another
   frightful pestilence visited the city--I mean the poisonings imputed to
   an incredible number of noble Roman matrons, whose characters were
   infected with a disease more fatal than any plague?  Or when both
   consuls at the head of the army were beset by the Samnites in the
   Caudine Forks, and forced to strike a shameful treaty, 600 Roman
   knights being kept as hostages; while the troops, having laid down
   their arms, and being stripped of everything, were made to pass under
   the yoke with one garment each?  Or when, in the midst of a serious
   pestilence, lightning struck the Roman camp and killed many?  Or when
   Rome was driven, by the violence of another intolerable plague, to send
   to Epidaurus for Æsculapius as a god of medicine; since the frequent
   adulteries of Jupiter in his youth had not perhaps left this king of
   all who so long reigned in the Capitol, any leisure for the study of
   medicine?  Or when, at one time, the Lucanians, Brutians, Samnites,
   Tuscans, and Senonian Gauls conspired against Rome, and first slew her
   ambassadors, then overthrew an army under the prætor, putting to the
   sword 13,000 men, besides the commander and seven tribunes?  Or when
   the people, after the serious and long-continued disturbances at Rome,
   at last plundered the city and withdrew to Janiculus; a danger so
   grave, that Hortensius was created dictator,--an office which they had
   recourse to only in extreme emergencies; and he, having brought back
   the people, died while yet he retained his office,--an event without
   precedent in the case of any dictator, and which was a shame to those
   gods who had now Æsculapius among them?

   At that time, indeed, so many wars were everywhere engaged in, that
   through scarcity of soldiers they enrolled for military service the
   proletarii, who received this name, because, being too poor to equip
   for military service, they had leisure to beget offspring. [153]
   Pyrrhus, king of Greece, and at that time of widespread renown, was
   invited by the Tarentines to enlist himself against Rome.  It was to
   him that Apollo, when consulted regarding the issue of his enterprise,
   uttered with some pleasantry so ambiguous an oracle, that whichever
   alternative happened, the god himself should be counted divine.  For he
   so worded the oracle [154] that whether Pyrrhus was conquered by the
   Romans, or the Romans by Pyrrhus, the soothsaying god would securely
   await the issue.  And then what frightful massacres of both armies
   ensued!  Yet Pyrrhus remained conqueror, and would have been able now
   to proclaim Apollo a true diviner, as he understood the oracle, had not
   the Romans been the conquerors in the next engagement.  And while such
   disastrous wars were being waged, a terrible disease broke out among
   the women.  For the pregnant women died before delivery.  And
   Æsculapius, I fancy, excused himself in this matter on the ground that
   he professed to be arch-physician, not midwife.  Cattle, too, similarly
   perished; so that it was believed that the whole race of animals was
   destined to become extinct.  Then what shall I say of that memorable
   winter in which the weather was so incredibly severe, that in the Forum
   frightfully deep snow lay for forty days together, and the Tiber was
   frozen?  Had such things happened in our time, what accusations we
   should have heard from our enemies!  And that other great pestilence,
   which raged so long and carried off so many; what shall I say of it?
   Spite of all the drugs of Æsculapius, it only grew worse in its second
   year, till at last recourse was had to the Sibylline books,--a kind of
   oracle which, as Cicero says in his De Divinatione, owes significance
   to its interpreters, who make doubtful conjectures as they can or as
   they wish.  In this instance, the cause of the plague was said to be
   that so many temples had been used as private residences.  And thus
   Æsculapius for the present escaped the charge of either ignominious
   negligence or want of skill.  But why were so many allowed to occupy
   sacred tenements without interference, unless because supplication had
   long been addressed in vain to such a crowd of gods, and so by degrees
   the sacred places were deserted of worshippers, and being thus vacant,
   could without offence be put at least to some human uses?  And the
   temples, which were at that time laboriously recognized and restored
   that the plague might be stayed, fell afterwards into disuse, and were
   again devoted to the same human uses.  Had they not thus lapsed into
   obscurity, it could not have been pointed to as proof of Varro's great
   erudition, that in his work on sacred places he cites so many that were
   unknown.  Meanwhile, the restoration of the temples procured no cure of
   the plague, but only a fine excuse for the gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [151] Hist. i.

   [152] Lectisternia, from lectus, and sterno, I spread.

   [153] Proletarius, from proles, offspring.

   [154] The oracle ran:  "Dico te, Pyrrhe, vincere posse Romanos."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--The Disasters Suffered by the Romans in the Punic Wars,
   Which Were Not Mitigated by the Protection of the Gods.

   In the Punic wars, again, when victory hung so long in the balance
   between the two kingdoms, when two powerful nations were straining
   every nerve and using all their resources against one another, how many
   smaller kingdoms were crushed, how many large and flourishing cities
   were demolished, how many states were overwhelmed and ruined, how many
   districts and lands far and near were desolated!  How often were the
   victors on either side vanquished!  What multitudes of men, both of
   those actually in arms and of others, were destroyed!  What huge
   navies, too, were crippled in engagements, or were sunk by every kind
   of marine disaster!  Were we to attempt to recount or mention these
   calamities, we should become writers of history.  At that period Rome
   was mightily perturbed, and resorted to vain and ludicrous expedients.
   On the authority of the Sibylline books, the secular games were
   re-appointed, which had been inaugurated a century before, but had
   faded into oblivion in happier times.  The games consecrated to the
   infernal gods were also renewed by the pontiffs; for they, too, had
   sunk into disuse in the better times.  And no wonder; for when they
   were renewed, the great abundance of dying men made all hell rejoice at
   its riches, and give itself up to sport:  for certainly the ferocious
   wars, and disastrous quarrels, and bloody victories--now on one side,
   and now on the other--though most calamitous to men, afforded great
   sport and a rich banquet to the devils.  But in the first Punic war
   there was no more disastrous event than the Roman defeat in which
   Regulus was taken.  We made mention of him in the two former books as
   an incontestably great man, who had before conquered and subdued the
   Carthaginians, and who would have put an end to the first Punic war,
   had not an inordinate appetite for praise and glory prompted him to
   impose on the worn-out Carthagians harder conditions than they could
   bear.  If the unlooked-for captivity and unseemly bondage of this man,
   his fidelity to his oath, and his surpassingly cruel death, do not
   bring a blush to the face of the gods, it is true that they are brazen
   and bloodless.

   Nor were there wanting at that time very heavy disasters within the
   city itself.  For the Tiber was extraordinarily flooded, and destroyed
   almost all the lower parts of the city; some buildings being carried
   away by the violence of the torrent, while others were soaked to
   rottenness by the water that stood round them even after the flood was
   gone.  This visitation was followed by a fire which was still more
   destructive, for it consumed some of the loftier buildings round the
   Forum, and spared not even its own proper temple, that of Vesta, in
   which virgins chosen for this honor, or rather for this punishment, had
   been employed in conferring, as it were, everlasting life on fire, by
   ceaselessly feeding it with fresh fuel.  But at the time we speak of,
   the fire in the temple was not content with being kept alive:  it
   raged.  And when the virgins, scared by its vehemence, were unable to
   save those fatal images which had already brought destruction on three
   cities [155] in which they had been received, Metellus the priest,
   forgetful of his own safety, rushed in and res cued the sacred things,
   though he was half roasted in doing so.  For either the fire did not
   recognize even him, or else the goddess of fire was there,--a goddess
   who would not have fled from the fire supposing she had been there.
   But here you see how a man could be of greater service to Vesta than
   she could be to him.  Now if these gods could not avert the fire from
   themselves, what help against flames or flood could they bring to the
   state of which they were the reputed guardians?  Facts have shown that
   they were useless.  These objections of ours would be idle if our
   adversaries maintained that their idols are consecrated rather as
   symbols of things eternal, than to secure the blessings of time; and
   that thus, though the symbols, like all material and visible things,
   might perish, no damage thereby resulted to the things for the sake of
   which they had been consecrated, while, as for the images themselves,
   they could be renewed again for the same purposes they had formerly
   served.  But with lamentable blindness, they suppose that, through the
   intervention of perishable gods, the earthly well-being and temporal
   prosperity of the state can be preserved from perishing.  And so, when
   they are reminded that even when the gods remained among them this
   well-being and prosperity were blighted, they blush to change the
   opinion they are unable to defend.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [155] Troy, Lavinia, Alba.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of the Calamity of the Second Punic War, Which Consumed
   the Strength of Both Parties.

   As to the second Punic war, it were tedious to recount the disasters it
   brought on both the nations engaged in so protracted and shifting a
   war, that (by the acknowledgment even of those writers who have made it
   their object not so much to narrate the wars as to eulogize the
   dominion of Rome) the people who remained victorious were less like
   conquerors than conquered.  For, when Hannibal poured out of Spain over
   the Pyrenees, and overran Gaul, and burst through the Alps, and during
   his whole course gathered strength by plundering and subduing as he
   went, and inundated Italy like a torrent, how bloody were the wars, and
   how continuous the engagements, that were fought!  How often were the
   Romans vanquished!  How many towns went over to the enemy, and how many
   were taken and subdued!  What fearful battles there were, and how often
   did the defeat of the Romans shed lustre on the arms of Hannibal!  And
   what shall I say of the wonderfully crushing defeat at Cannæ, where
   even Hannibal, cruel as he was, was yet sated with the blood of his
   bitterest enemies, and gave orders that they be spared?  From this
   field of battle he sent to Carthage three bushels of gold rings,
   signifying that so much of the rank of Rome had that day fallen, that
   it was easier to give an idea of it by measure than by numbers and that
   the frightful slaughter of the common rank and file whose bodies lay
   undistinguished by the ring, and who were numerous in proportion to
   their meanness, was rather to be conjectured than accurately reported.
   In fact, such was the scarcity of soldiers after this, that the Romans
   impressed their criminals on the promise of impunity, and their slaves
   by the bribe of liberty, and out of these infamous classes did not so
   much recruit as create an army.  But these slaves, or, to give them all
   their titles, these freed-men who were enlisted to do battle for the
   republic of Rome, lacked arms.  And so they took arms from the temples,
   as if the Romans were saying to their gods:  Lay down those arms you
   have held so long in vain, if by chance our slaves may be able to use
   to purpose what you, our gods, have been impotent to use.  At that
   time, too, the public treasury was too low to pay the soldiers, and
   private resources were used for public purposes; and so generously did
   individuals contribute of their property, that, saving the gold ring
   and bulla which each wore, the pitiful mark of his rank, no senator,
   and much less any of the other orders and tribes, reserved any gold for
   his own use.  But if in our day they were reduced to this poverty, who
   would be able to endure their reproaches, barely endurable as they are
   now, when more money is spent on actors for the sake of a superfluous
   gratification, than was then disbursed to the legions?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Destruction of the Saguntines, Who Received No Help
   from the Roman Gods, Though Perishing on Account of Their Fidelity to
   Rome.

   But among all the disasters of the second Punic war, there occurred
   none more lamentable, or calculated to excite deeper complaint, than
   the fate of the Saguntines.  This city of Spain, eminently friendly to
   Rome, was destroyed by its fidelity to the Roman people.  For when
   Hannibal had broken treaty with the Romans, he sought occasion for
   provoking them to war, and accordingly made a fierce assault upon
   Saguntum.  When this was reported at Rome, ambassadors were sent to
   Hannibal, urging him to raise the siege; and when this remonstrance was
   neglected, they proceeded to Carthage, lodged complaint against the
   breaking of the treaty, and returned to Rome without accomplishing
   their object.  Meanwhile the siege went on; and in the eighth or ninth
   month, this opulent but ill-fated city, dear as it was to its own state
   and to Rome, was taken, and subjected to treatment which one cannot
   read, much less narrate, without horror.  And yet, because it bears
   directly on the matter in hand, I will briefly touch upon it.  First,
   then, famine wasted the Saguntines, so that even human corpses were
   eaten by some:  so at least it is recorded.  Subsequently, when
   thoroughly worn out, that they might at least escape the ignominy of
   falling into the hands of Hannibal, they publicly erected a huge
   funeral pile, and cast themselves into its flames, while at the same
   time they slew their children and themselves with the sword.  Could
   these gods, these debauchees and gourmands, whose mouths water for fat
   sacrifices, and whose lips utter lying divinations,--could they not do
   anything in a case like this?  Could they not interfere for the
   preservation of a city closely allied to the Roman people, or prevent
   it perishing for its fidelity to that alliance of which they themselves
   had been the mediators?  Saguntum, faithfully keeping the treaty it had
   entered into before these gods, and to which it had firmly bound itself
   by an oath, was besieged, taken, and destroyed by a perjured person.
   If afterwards, when Hannibal was close to the walls of Rome, it was the
   gods who terrified him with lightning and tempest, and drove him to a
   distance, why, I ask, did they not thus interfere before?  For I make
   bold to say, that this demonstration with the tempest would have been
   more honorably made in defence of the allies of Rome--who were in
   danger on account of their reluctance to break faith with the Romans,
   and had no resources of their own--than in defence of the Romans
   themselves, who were fighting in their own cause, and had abundant
   resources to oppose Hannibal.  If, then, they had been the guardians of
   Roman prosperity and glory, they would have preserved that glory from
   the stain of this Saguntine disaster; and how silly it is to believe
   that Rome was preserved from destruction at the hands of Hannibal by
   the guardian care of those gods who were unable to rescue the city of
   Saguntum from perishing through its fidelity to the alliance of Rome.
   If the population of Saguntum had been Christian, and had suffered as
   it did for the Christian faith (though, of course, Christians would not
   have used fire and sword against their own persons), they would have
   suffered with that hope which springs from faith in Christ--the hope
   not of a brief temporal reward, but of unending and eternal bliss.
   What, then, will the advocates and apologists of these gods say in
   their defence, when charged with the blood of these Saguntines; for
   they are professedly worshipped and invoked for this very purpose of
   securing prosperity in this fleeting and transitory life?  Can anything
   be said but what was alleged in the case of Regulus' death?  For though
   there is a difference between the two cases, the one being an
   individual, the other a whole community, yet the cause of destruction
   was in both cases the keeping of their plighted troth.  For it was this
   which made Regulus willing to return to his enemies, and this which
   made the Saguntines unwilling to revolt to their enemies.  Does, then,
   the keeping of faith provoke the gods to anger?  Or is it possible that
   not only individuals, but even entire communities, perish while the
   gods are propitious to them?  Let our adversaries choose which
   alternative they will.  If, on the one hand, those gods are enraged at
   the keeping of faith, let them enlist perjured persons as their
   worshippers.  If, on the other hand, men and states can suffer great
   and terrible calamities, and at last perish while favored by the gods,
   then does their worship not produce happiness as its fruit.  Let those,
   therefore, who suppose that they have fallen into distress because
   their religious worship has been abolished, lay aside their anger; for
   it were quite possible that did the gods not only remain with them, but
   regard them with favor, they might yet be left to mourn an unhappy lot,
   or might, even like Regulus and the Saguntines, be horribly tormented,
   and at last perish miserably.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of the Ingratitude of Rome to Scipio, Its Deliverer, and
   of Its Manners During the Period Which Sallust Describes as the Best.

   Omitting many things, that I may not exceed the limits of the work I
   have proposed to myself, I come to the epoch between the second and
   last Punic wars, during which, according to Sallust, the Romans lived
   with the greatest virtue and concord.  Now, in this period of virtue
   and harmony, the great Scipio, the liberator of Rome and Italy, who had
   with surprising ability brought to a close the second Punic war--that
   horrible, destructive, dangerous contest--who had defeated Hannibal and
   subdued Carthage, and whose whole life is said to have been dedicated
   to the gods, and cherished in their temples,--this Scipio, after such a
   triumph, was obliged to yield to the accusations of his enemies, and to
   leave his country, which his valor had saved and liberated, to spend
   the remainder of his days in the town of Liternum, so indifferent to a
   recall from exile, that he is said to have given orders that not even
   his remains should lie in his ungrateful country.  It was at that time
   also that the pro-consul Cn. Manlius, after subduing the Galatians,
   introduced into Rome the luxury of Asia, more destructive than all
   hostile armies.  It was then that iron bedsteads and expensive carpets
   were first used; then, too, that female singers were admitted at
   banquets, and other licentious abominations were introduced.  But at
   present I meant to speak, not of the evils men voluntarily practise,
   but of those they suffer in spite of themselves.  So that the case of
   Scipio, who succumbed to his enemies, and died in exile from the
   country he had rescued, was mentioned by me as being pertinent to the
   present discussion; for this was the reward he received from those
   Roman gods whose temples he saved from Hannibal, and who are worshipped
   only for the sake of securing temporal happiness.  But since Sallust,
   as we have seen, declares that the manners of Rome were never better
   than at that time, I therefore judged it right to mention the Asiatic
   luxury then introduced, that it might be seen that what he says is
   true, only when that period is compared with the others during which
   the morals were certainly worse, and the factions more violent.  For at
   that time--I mean between the second and third Punic war--that
   notorious Lex Voconia was passed, which prohibited a man from making a
   woman, even an only daughter, his heir; than which law I am at a loss
   to conceive what could be more unjust.  It is true that in the interval
   between these two Punic wars the misery of Rome was somewhat less.
   Abroad, indeed, their forces were consumed by wars, yet also consoled
   by victories; while at home there were not such disturbances as at
   other times.  But when the last Punic war had terminated in the utter
   destruction of Rome's rival, which quickly succumbed to the other
   Scipio, who thus earned for himself the surname of Africanus, then the
   Roman republic was overwhelmed with such a host of ills, which sprang
   from the corrupt manners induced by prosperity and security, that the
   sudden overthrow of Carthage is seen to have injured Rome more
   seriously than her long-continued hostility.  During the whole
   subsequent period down to the time of Cæsar Augustus, who seems to have
   entirely deprived the Romans of liberty,--a liberty, indeed, which in
   their own judgment was no longer glorious, but full of broils and
   dangers, and which now was quite enervated and languishing,--and who
   submitted all things again to the will of a monarch, and infused as it
   were a new life into the sickly old age of the republic, and
   inaugurated a fresh régime;--during this whole period, I say, many
   military disasters were sustained on a variety of occasions, all of
   which I here pass by.  There was specially the treaty of Numantia,
   blotted as it was with extreme disgrace; for the sacred chickens, they
   say, flew out of the coop, and thus augured disaster to Mancinus the
   consul; just as if, during all these years in which that little city of
   Numantia had withstood the besieging army of Rome, and had become a
   terror to the republic, the other generals had all marched against it
   under unfavorable auspices.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Of the Edict of Mithridates, Commanding that All Roman
   Citizens Found in Asia Should Be Slain.

   These things, I say, I pass in silence; but I can by no means be silent
   regarding the order given by Mithridates, king of Asia, that on one day
   all Roman citizens residing anywhere in Asia (where great numbers of
   them were following their private business) should be put to death:
   and this order was executed.  How miserable a spectacle was then
   presented, when each man was suddenly and treacherously murdered
   wherever he happened to be, in the field or on the road, in the town,
   in his own home, or in the street, in market or temple, in bed or at
   table!  Think of the groans of the dying, the tears of the spectators,
   and even of the executioners themselves.  For how cruel a necessity was
   it that compelled the hosts of these victims, not only to see these
   abominable butcheries in their own houses, but even to perpetrate
   them:  to change their countenance suddenly from the bland kindliness
   of friendship, and in the midst of peace set about the business of war;
   and, shall I say, give and receive wounds, the slain being pierced in
   body, the slayer in spirit!  Had all these murdered persons, then,
   despised auguries?  Had they neither public nor household gods to
   consult when they left their homes and set out on that fatal journey?
   If they had not, our adversaries have no reason to complain of these
   Christian times in this particular, since long ago the Romans despised
   auguries as idle.  If, on the other hand, they did consult omens, let
   them tell us what good they got thereby, even when such things were not
   prohibited, but authorized, by human, if not by divine law.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Of the Internal Disasters Which Vexed the Roman Republic,
   and Followed a Portentous Madness Which Seized All the Domestic
   Animals.

   But let us now mention, as succinctly as possible, those disasters
   which were still more vexing, because nearer home; I mean those
   discords which are erroneously called civil, since they destroy civil
   interests.  The seditions had now become urban wars, in which blood was
   freely shed, and in which parties raged against one another, not with
   wrangling and verbal contention, but with physical force and arms.
   What a sea of Roman blood was shed, what desolations and devastations
   were occasioned in Italy by wars social, wars servile, wars civil!
   Before the Latins began the social war against Rome, all the animals
   used in the service of man--dogs, horses, asses, oxen, and all the rest
   that are subject to man--suddenly grew wild, and forgot their
   domesticated tameness, forsook their stalls and wandered at large, and
   could not be closely approached either by strangers or their own
   masters without danger.  If this was a portent, how serious a calamity
   must have been portended by a plague which, whether portent or no, was
   in itself a serious calamity!  Had it happened in our day, the heathen
   would have been more rabid against us than their animals were against
   them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Of the Civil Dissension Occasioned by the Sedition of the
   Gracchi.

   The civil wars originated in the seditions which the Gracchi excited
   regarding the agrarian laws; for they were minded to divide among the
   people the lands which were wrongfully possessed by the nobility.  But
   to reform an abuse of so long standing was an enterprise full of peril,
   or rather, as the event proved, of destruction.  For what disasters
   accompanied the death of the older Gracchus! what slaughter ensued
   when, shortly after, the younger brother met the same fate!  For noble
   and ignoble were indiscriminately massacred; and this not by legal
   authority and procedure, but by mobs and armed rioters.  After the
   death of the younger Gracchus, the consul Lucius Opimius, who had given
   battle to him within the city, and had defeated and put to the sword
   both himself and his confederates, and had massacred many of the
   citizens, instituted a judicial examination of others, and is reported
   to have put to death as many as 3000 men.  From this it may be gathered
   how many fell in the riotous encounters, when the result even of a
   judicial investigation was so bloody.  The assassin of Gracchus himself
   sold his head to the consul for its weight in gold, such being the
   previous agreement.  In this massacre, too, Marcus Fulvius, a man of
   consular rank, with all his children, was put to death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Of the Temple of Concord, Which Was Erected by a Decree of
   the Senate on the Scene of These Seditions and Massacres.

   A pretty decree of the senate it was, truly, by which the temple of
   Concord was built on the spot where that disastrous rising had taken
   place, and where so many citizens of every rank had fallen. [156]   I
   suppose it was that the monument of the Gracchi's punishment might
   strike the eye and affect the memory of the pleaders.  But what was
   this but to deride the gods, by building a temple to that goddess who,
   had she been in the city, would not have suffered herself to be torn by
   such dissensions?  Or was it that Concord was chargeable with that
   bloodshed because she had deserted the minds of the citizens, and was
   therefore incarcerated in that temple?  For if they had any regard to
   consistency, why did they not rather erect on that site a temple of
   Discord?  Or is there a reason for Concord being a goddess while
   Discord is none?  Does the distinction of Labeo hold here, who would
   have made the one a good, the other an evil deity?--a distinction which
   seems to have been suggested to him by the mere fact of his observing
   at Rome a temple to Fever as well as one to Health.  But, on the same
   ground, Discord as well as Concord ought to be deified.  A hazardous
   venture the Romans made in provoking so wicked a goddess, and in
   forgetting that the destruction of Troy had been occasioned by her
   taking offence.  For, being indignant that she was not invited with the
   other gods [to the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis], she created
   dissension among the three goddesses by sending in the golden apple,
   which occasioned strife in heaven, victory to Venus, the rape of Helen,
   and the destruction of Troy.  Wherefore, if she was perhaps offended
   that the Romans had not thought her worthy of a temple among the other
   gods in their city, and therefore disturbed the state with such
   tumults, to how much fiercer passion would she be roused when she saw
   the temple of her adversary erected on the scene of that massacre, or,
   in other words, on the scene of her own handiwork! Those wise and
   learned men are enraged at our laughing at these follies; and yet,
   being worshippers of good and bad divinities alike, they cannot escape
   this dilemma about Concord and Discord:  either they have neglected the
   worship of these goddesses, and preferred Fever and War, to whom there
   are shrines erected of great antiquity, or they have worshipped them,
   and after all Concord has abandoned them, and Discord has tempestuously
   hurled them into civil wars.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [156] Under the inscription on the temple some person wrote the line,
   "Vecordiæ opus ædem facit Concordiæ."--The work of discord makes the
   temple of Concord.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Of the Various Kinds of Wars Which Followed the Building
   of the Temple of Concord.

   But they supposed that, in erecting the temple of Concord within the
   view of the orators, as a memorial of the punishment and death of the
   Gracchi, they were raising an effectual obstacle to sedition.  How much
   effect it had, is indicated by the still more deplorable wars that
   followed.  For after this the orators endeavored not to avoid the
   example of the Gracchi, but to surpass their projects; as did Lucius
   Saturninus, a tribune of the people, and Caius Servilius the prætor,
   and some time after Marcus Drusus, all of whom stirred seditions which
   first of all occasioned bloodshed, and then the social wars by which
   Italy was grievously injured, and reduced to a piteously desolate and
   wasted condition.  Then followed the servile war and the civil wars;
   and in them what battles were fought, and what blood was shed, so that
   almost all the peoples of Italy, which formed the main strength of the
   Roman empire, were conquered as if they were barbarians!  Then even
   historians themselves find it difficult to explain how the servile war
   was begun by a very few, certainly less than seventy gladiators, what
   numbers of fierce and cruel men attached themselves to these, how many
   of the Roman generals this band defeated, and how it laid waste many
   districts and cities. And that was not the only servile war:  the
   province of Macedonia, and subsequently Sicily and the sea-coast, were
   also depopulated by bands of slaves.  And who can adequately describe
   either the horrible atrocities which the pirates first committed, or
   the wars they afterwards maintained against Rome?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of the Civil War Between Marius and Sylla.

   But when Marius, stained with the blood of his fellow-citizens, whom
   the rage of party had sacrificed, was in his turn vanquished and driven
   from the city, it had scarcely time to breathe freely, when, to use the
   words of Cicero, "Cinna and Marius together returned and took
   possession of it.  Then, indeed, the foremost men in the state were put
   to death, its lights quenched.  Sylla afterwards avenged this cruel
   victory; but we need not say with what loss of life, and with what ruin
   to the republic." [157]   For of this vengeance, which was more
   destructive than if the crimes which it punished had been committed
   with impunity, Lucan says:  "The cure was excessive, and too closely
   resembled the disease.  The guilty perished, but when none but the
   guilty survived:  and then private hatred and anger, unbridled by law,
   were allowed free indulgence." [158]   In that war between Marius and
   Sylla, besides those who fell in the field of battle, the city, too,
   was filled with corpses in its streets, squares, markets, theatres, and
   temples; so that it is not easy to reckon whether the victors slew more
   before or after victory, that they might be, or because they were,
   victors.  As soon as Marius triumphed, and returned from exile, besides
   the butcheries everywhere perpetrated, the head of the consul Octavius
   was exposed on the rostrum; Cæsar and Fimbria were assassinated in
   their own houses; the two Crassi, father and son, were murdered in one
   another's sight; Bebius and Numitorius were disembowelled by being
   dragged with hooks; Catulus escaped the hands of his enemies by
   drinking poison; Merula, the flamen of Jupiter, cut his veins and made
   a libation of his own blood to his god.  Moreover, every one whose
   salutation Marius did not answer by giving his hand, was at once cut
   down before his face.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [157] Cicero, in Catilin, iii. sub. fin.

   [158] Lucan, Pharsal. 142-146.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--Of the Victory of Sylla, the Avenger of the Cruelties of
   Marius.

   Then followed the victory of Sylla, the so-called avenger of the
   cruelties of Marius.  But not only was his victory purchased with great
   bloodshed; but when hostilities were finished, hostility survived, and
   the subsequent peace was bloody as the war.  To the former and still
   recent massacres of the elder Marius, the younger Marius and Carbo, who
   belonged to the same party, added greater atrocities.  For when Sylla
   approached, and they despaired not only of victory, but of life itself,
   they made a promiscuous massacre of friends and foes.  And, not
   satisfied with staining every corner of Rome with blood, they besieged
   the senate, and led forth the senators to death from the curia as from
   a prison.  Mucius Scævola the pontiff was slain at the altar of Vesta,
   which he had clung to because no spot in Rome was more sacred than her
   temple; and his blood well-nigh extinguished the fire which was kept
   alive by the constant care of the virgins.  Then Sylla entered the city
   victorious, after having slaughtered in the Villa Publica, not by
   combat, but by an order, 7000 men who had surrendered, and were
   therefore unarmed; so fierce was the rage of peace itself, even after
   the rage of war was extinct.  Moreover, throughout the whole city every
   partisan of Sylla slew whom he pleased, so that the number of deaths
   went beyond computation, till it was suggested to Sylla that he should
   allow some to survive, that the victors might not be destitute of
   subjects.  Then this furious and promiscuous licence to murder was
   checked, and much relief was expressed at the publication of the
   proscription list, containing though it did the death-warrant of two
   thousand men of the highest ranks, the senatorial and equestrian.  The
   large number was indeed saddening, but it was consolatory that a limit
   was fixed; nor was the grief at the numbers slain so great as the joy
   that the rest were secure.  But this very security, hard-hearted as it
   was, could not but bemoan the exquisite torture applied to some of
   those who had been doomed to die.  For one was torn to pieces by the
   unarmed hands of the executioners; men treating a living man more
   savagely than wild beasts are used to tear an abandoned corpse.
   Another had his eyes dug out, and his limbs cut away bit by bit, and
   was forced to live a long while, or rather to die a long while, in such
   torture.  Some celebrated cities were put up to auction, like farms;
   and one was collectively condemned to slaughter, just as an individual
   criminal would be condemned to death.  These things were done in peace
   when the war was over, not that victory might be more speedily
   obtained, but that, after being obtained, it might not be thought
   lightly of.  Peace vied with war in cruelty, and surpassed it:  for
   while war overthrew armed hosts, peace slew the defenceless.  War gave
   liberty to him who was attacked, to strike if he could; peace granted
   to the survivors not life, but an unresisting death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--A Comparison of the Disasters Which Rome Experienced
   During the Gothic and Gallic Invasions, with Those Occasioned by the
   Authors of the Civil Wars.

   What fury of foreign nations, what barbarian ferocity, can compare with
   this victory of citizens over citizens?  Which was more disastrous,
   more hideous, more bitter to Rome:  the recent Gothic and the old
   Gallic invasion, or the cruelty displayed by Marius and Sylla and their
   partisans against men who were members of the same body as themselves?
   The Gauls, indeed, massacred all the senators they found in any part of
   the city except the Capitol, which alone was defended; but they at
   least sold life to those who were in the Capitol, though they might
   have starved them out if they could not have stormed it.  The Goths,
   again, spared so many senators, that it is the more surprising that
   they killed any.  But Sylla, while Marius was still living, established
   himself as conqueror in the Capitol, which the Gauls had not violated,
   and thence issued his death-warrants; and when Marius had escaped by
   flight, though destined to return more fierce and bloodthirsty than
   ever, Sylla issued from the Capitol even decrees of the senate for the
   slaughter and confiscation of the property of many citizens.  Then,
   when Sylla left, what did the Marian faction hold sacred or spare, when
   they gave no quarter even to Mucius, a citizen, a senator, a pontiff,
   and though clasping in piteous embrace the very altar in which, they
   say, reside the destinies of Rome?  And that final proscription list of
   Sylla's, not to mention countless other massacres, despatched more
   senators than the Goths could even plunder.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--Of the Connection of the Wars Which with Great Severity
   and Frequency Followed One Another Before the Advent of Christ.

   With what effrontery, then, with what assurance, with what impudence,
   with what folly, or rather insanity, do they refuse to impute these
   disasters to their own gods, and impute the present to our Christ!
   These bloody civil wars, more distressing, by the avowal of their own
   historians, than any foreign wars, and which were pronounced to be not
   merely calamitous, but absolutely ruinous to the republic, began long
   before the coming of Christ, and gave birth to one another; so that a
   concatenation of unjustifiable causes led from the wars of Marius and
   Sylla to those of Sertorius and Cataline, of whom the one was
   proscribed, the other brought up by Sylla; from this to the war of
   Lepidus and Catulus, of whom the one wished to rescind, the other to
   defend the acts of Sylla; from this to the war of Pompey and Cæsar, of
   whom Pompey had been a partisan of Sylla, whose power he equalled or
   even surpassed, while Cæsar condemned Pompey's power because it was not
   his own, and yet exceeded it when Pompey was defeated and slain.  From
   him the chain of civil wars extended to the second Cæsar, afterwards
   called Augustus, and in whose reign Christ was born.  For even Augustus
   himself waged many civil wars; and in these wars many of the foremost
   men perished, among them that skilful manipulator of the republic,
   Cicero.  Caius [Julius] Cæsar, when he had conquered Pompey, though he
   used his victory with clemency, and granted to men of the opposite
   faction both life and honors, was suspected of aiming at royalty, and
   was assassinated in the curia by a party of noble senators, who had
   conspired to defend the liberty of the republic.  His power was then
   coveted by Antony, a man of very different character, polluted and
   debased by every kind of vice, who was strenuously resisted by Cicero
   on the same plea of defending the liberty of the republic.  At this
   juncture that other Cæsar, the adopted son of Caius, and afterwards, as
   I said, known by the name of Augustus, had made his début as a young
   man of remarkable genius.  This youthful Cæsar was favored by Cicero,
   in order that his influence might counteract that of Antony; for he
   hoped that Cæsar would overthrow and blast the power of Antony, and
   establish a free state,--so blind and unaware of the future was he:
   for that very young man, whose advancement and influence he was
   fostering, allowed Cicero to be killed as the seal of an alliance with
   Antony, and subjected to his own rule the very liberty of the republic
   in defence of which he had made so many orations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--That It is Effrontery to Impute the Present Troubles to
   Christ and the Prohibition of Polytheistic Worship Since Even When the
   Gods Were Worshipped Such Calamities Befell the People.

   Let those who have no gratitude to Christ for His great benefits, blame
   their own gods for these heavy disasters.  For certainly when these
   occurred the altars of the gods were kept blazing, and there rose the
   mingled fragrance of "Sabæan incense and fresh garlands;" [159] the
   priests were clothed with honor, the shrines were maintained in
   splendor; sacrifices, games, sacred ecstasies, were common in the
   temples; while the blood of the citizens was being so freely shed, not
   only in remote places, but among the very altars of the gods.  Cicero
   did not choose to seek sanctuary in a temple, because Mucius had sought
   it there in vain.  But they who most unpardonably calumniate this
   Christian era, are the very men who either themselves fled for asylum
   to the places specially dedicated to Christ, or were led there by the
   barbarians that they might be safe.  In short, not to recapitulate the
   many instances I have cited, and not to add to their number others
   which it were tedious to enumerate, this one thing I am persuaded of,
   and this every impartial judgment will readily acknowledge, that if the
   human race had received Christianity before the Punic wars, and if the
   same desolating calamities which these wars brought upon Europe and
   Africa had followed the introduction of Christianity, there is no one
   of those who now accuse us who would not have attributed them to our
   religion.  How intolerable would their accusations have been, at least
   so far as the Romans are concerned, if the Christian religion had been
   received and diffused prior to the invasion of the Gauls, or to the
   ruinous floods and fires which desolated Rome, or to those most
   calamitous of all events, the civil wars!  And those other disasters,
   which were of so strange a nature that they were reckoned prodigies,
   had they happened since the Christian era, to whom but to the
   Christians would they have imputed these as crimes?  I do not speak of
   those things which were rather surprising than hurtful,--oxen speaking,
   unborn infants articulating some words in their mothers' wombs,
   serpents flying, hens and women being changed into the other sex; and
   other similar prodigies which, whether true or false, are recorded not
   in their imaginative, but in their historical works, and which do not
   injure, but only astonish men.  But when it rained earth, when it
   rained chalk, when it rained stones--not hailstones, but real
   stones--this certainly was calculated to do serious damage.  We have
   read in their books that the fires of Etna, pouring down from the top
   of the mountain to the neighboring shore, caused the sea to boil, so
   that rocks were burnt up, and the pitch of ships began to run,--a
   phenomenon incredibly surprising, but at the same time no less
   hurtful.  By the same violent heat, they relate that on another
   occasion Sicily was filled with cinders, so that the houses of the city
   Catina were destroyed and buried under them,--a calamity which moved
   the Romans to pity them, and remit their tribute for that year.  One
   may also read that Africa, which had by that time become a province of
   Rome, was visited by a prodigious multitude of locusts, which, after
   consuming the fruit and foliage of the trees, were driven into the sea
   in one vast and measureless cloud; so that when they were drowned and
   cast upon the shore the air was polluted, and so serious a pestilence
   produced that in the kingdom of Masinissa alone they say there perished
   800,000 persons, besides a much greater number in the neighboring
   districts.  At Utica they assure us that, of 30,000 soldiers then
   garrisoning it, there survived only ten.  Yet which of these disasters,
   suppose they happened now, would not be attributed to the Christian
   religion by those who thus thoughtlessly accuse us, and whom we are
   compelled to answer?  And yet to their own gods they attribute none of
   these things, though they worship them for the sake of escaping lesser
   calamities of the same kind, and do not reflect that they who formerly
   worshipped them were not preserved from these serious disasters.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [159] Virgil, Æneid, i. 417.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book IV. [160]

   ------------------------

   Argument--In this book it is proved that the extent and long duration
   of the Roman empire is to be ascribed, not to Jove or the gods of the
   heathen, to whom individually scarce even single things and the very
   basest functions were believed to be entrusted, but to the one true
   God, the author of felicity, by whose power and judgment earthly
   kingdoms are founded and maintained.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Things Which Have Been Discussed in the First Book.

   Having begun to speak of the city of God, I have thought it necessary
   first of all to reply to its enemies, who, eagerly pursuing earthly
   joys and gaping after transitory things, throw the blame of all the
   sorrow they suffer in them--rather through the compassion of God in
   admonishing than His severity in punishing--on the Christian religion,
   which is the one salutary and true religion.  And since there is among
   them also an unlearned rabble, they are stirred up as by the authority
   of the learned to hate us more bitterly, thinking in their inexperience
   that things which have happened unwontedly in their days were not wont
   to happen in other times gone by; and whereas this opinion of theirs is
   confirmed even by those who know that it is false, and yet dissemble
   their knowledge in order that they may seem to have just cause for
   murmuring against us, it was necessary, from books in which their
   authors recorded and published the history of bygone times that it
   might be known, to demonstrate that it is far otherwise than they
   think; and at the same time to teach that the false gods, whom they
   openly worshipped, or still worship in secret, are most unclean
   spirits, and most malignant and deceitful demons, even to such a pitch
   that they take delight in crimes which, whether real or only
   fictitious, are yet their own, which it has been their will to have
   celebrated in honor of them at their own festivals; so that human
   infirmity cannot be called back from the perpetration of damnable
   deeds, so long as authority is furnished for imitating them that seems
   even divine.  These things we have proved, not from our own
   conjectures, but partly from recent memory, because we ourselves have
   seen such things celebrated, and to such deities, partly from the
   writings of those who have left these things on record to posterity,
   not as if in reproach but as in honor of their own gods.  Thus Varro, a
   most learned man among them, and of the weightiest authority, when he
   made separate books concerning things human and things divine,
   distributing some among the human, others among the divine, according
   to the special dignity of each, placed the scenic plays not at all
   among things human, but among things divine; though, certainly, if only
   there were good and honest men in the state, the scenic plays ought not
   to be allowed even among things human.  And this he did not on his own
   authority, but because, being born and educated at Rome, he found them
   among the divine things.  Now as we briefly stated in the end of the
   first book what we intended afterwards to discuss, and as we have
   disposed of a part of this in the next two books, we see what our
   readers will expect us now to take up.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Of Those Things Which are Contained in Books Second and
   Third.

   We had promised, then, that we would say something against those who
   attribute the calamities of the Roman republic to our religion, and
   that we would recount the evils, as many and great as we could remember
   or might deem sufficient, which that city, or the provinces belonging
   to its empire, had suffered before their sacrifices were prohibited,
   all of which would beyond doubt have been attributed to us, if our
   religion had either already shone on them, or had thus prohibited their
   sacrilegious rites.  These things we have, as we think, fully disposed
   of in the second and third books, treating in the second of evils in
   morals, which alone or chiefly are to be accounted evils; and in the
   third, of those which only fools dread to undergo--namely, those of the
   body or of outward things--which for the most part the good also
   suffer.  But those evils by which they themselves become evil, they
   take, I do not say patiently, but with pleasure.  And how few evils
   have I related concerning that one city and its empire!  Not even all
   down to the time of Cæsar Augustus.  What if I had chosen to recount
   and enlarge on those evils, not which men have inflicted on each other;
   such as the devastations and destructions of war, but which happen in
   earthly things, from the elements of the world itself.  Of such evils
   Apuleius speaks briefly in one passage of that book which he wrote, De
   Mundo, saying that all earthly things are subject to change, overthrow,
   and destruction. [161]   For, to use his own words, by excessive
   earthquakes the ground has burst asunder, and cities with their
   inhabitants have been clean destroyed:  by sudden rains whole regions
   have been washed away; those also which formerly had been continents,
   have been insulated by strange and new-come waves, and others, by the
   subsiding of the sea, have been made passable by the foot of man:  by
   winds and storms cities have been overthrown; fires have flashed forth
   from the clouds, by which regions in the East being burnt up have
   perished; and on the western coasts the like destructions have been
   caused by the bursting forth of waters and floods.  So, formerly, from
   the lofty craters of Etna, rivers of fire kindled by God have flowed
   like a torrent down the steeps.  If I had wished to collect from
   history wherever I could, these and similar instances, where should I
   have finished what happened even in those times before the name of
   Christ had put down those of their idols, so vain and hurtful to true
   salvation?  I promised that I should also point out which of their
   customs, and for what cause, the true God, in whose power all kingdoms
   are, had deigned to favor to the enlargement of their empire; and how
   those whom they think gods can have profited them nothing, but much
   rather hurt them by deceiving and beguiling them; so that it seems to
   me I must now speak of these things, and chiefly of the increase of the
   Roman empire.  For I have already said not a little, especially in the
   second book, about the many evils introduced into their manners by the
   hurtful deceits of the demons whom they worshipped as gods.  But
   throughout all the three books already completed, where it appeared
   suitable, we have set forth how much succor God, through the name of
   Christ, to whom the barbarians beyond the custom of war paid so much
   honor, has bestowed on the good and bad, according as it is written,
   "Who maketh His sun to rise on the good and the evil, and giveth rain
   to the just and the unjust." [162]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [161] Comp. Bacon's Essay on the Vicissitudes of Things.

   [162] Matt. v. 45.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Whether the Great Extent of the Empire, Which Has Been
   Acquired Only by Wars, is to Be Reckoned Among the Good Things Either
   of the Wise or the Happy.

   Now, therefore, let us see how it is that they dare to ascribe the very
   great extent and duration of the Roman empire to those gods whom they
   contend that they worship honorably, even by the obsequies of vile
   games and the ministry of vile men:  although I should like first to
   inquire for a little what reason, what prudence, there is in wishing to
   glory in the greatness and extent of the empire, when you cannot point
   out the happiness of men who are always rolling, with dark fear and
   cruel lust, in warlike slaughters and in blood, which, whether shed in
   civil or foreign war, is still human blood; so that their joy may be
   compared to glass in its fragile splendor, of which one is horribly
   afraid lest it should be suddenly broken in pieces.  That this may be
   more easily discerned, let us not come to nought by being carried away
   with empty boasting, or blunt the edge of our attention by
   loud-sounding names of things, when we hear of peoples, kingdoms,
   provinces.  But let us suppose a case of two men; for each individual
   man, like one letter in a language, is as it were the element of a city
   or kingdom, however far-spreading in its occupation of the earth.  Of
   these two men let us suppose that one is poor, or rather of middling
   circumstances; the other very rich.  But the rich man is anxious with
   fears, pining with discontent, burning with covetousness, never se
   cure, always uneasy, panting from the perpetual strife of his enemies,
   adding to his patrimony indeed by these miseries to an immense degree,
   and by these additions also heaping up most bitter cares.  But that
   other man of moderate wealth is contented with a small and compact
   estate, most dear to his own family, enjoying the sweetest peace with
   his kindred neighbors and friends, in piety religious, benignant in
   mind, healthy in body, in life frugal, in manners chaste, in conscience
   secure.  I know not whether any one can be such a fool, that he dare
   hesitate which to prefer.  As, therefore, in the case of these two men,
   so in two families, in two nations, in two kingdoms, this test of
   tranquility holds good; and if we apply it vigilantly and without
   prejudice, we shall quite easily see where the mere show of happiness
   dwells, and where real felicity.  Wherefore if the true God is
   worshipped, and if He is served with genuine rites and true virtue, it
   is advantageous that good men should long reign both far and wide.  Nor
   is this advantageous so much to themselves, as to those over whom they
   reign.  For, so far as concerns themselves, their piety and probity,
   which are great gifts of God, suffice to give them true felicity,
   enabling them to live well the life that now is, and afterwards to
   receive that which is eternal.  In this world, therefore, the dominion
   of good men is profitable, not so much for themselves as for human
   affairs.  But the dominion of bad men is hurtful chiefly to themselves
   who rule, for they destroy their own souls by greater license in
   wickedness; while those who are put under them in service are not hurt
   except by their own iniquity.  For to the just all the evils imposed on
   them by unjust rulers are not the punishment of crime, but the test of
   virtue.  Therefore the good man, although he is a slave, is free; but
   the bad man, even if he reigns, is a slave, and that not of one man,
   but, what is far more grievous, of as many masters as he has vices; of
   which vices when the divine Scripture treats, it says, "For of whom any
   man is overcome, to the same he is also the bond-slave." [163]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [163] 2 Pet. ii. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--How Like Kingdoms Without Justice are to Robberies.

   Justice being taken away, then, what are kingdoms but great robberies?
   For what are robberies themselves, but little kingdoms?  The band
   itself is made up of men; it is ruled by the authority of a prince, it
   is knit together by the pact of the confederacy; the booty is divided
   by the law agreed on.  If, by the admittance of abandoned men, this
   evil increases to such a degree that it holds places, fixes abodes,
   takes possession of cities, and subdues peoples, it assumes the more
   plainly the name of a kingdom, because the reality is now manifestly
   conferred on it, not by the removal of covetousness, but by the
   addition of impunity.  Indeed, that was an apt and true reply which was
   given to Alexander the Great by a pirate who had been seized.  For when
   that king had asked the man what he meant by keeping hostile possession
   of the sea, he answered with bold pride, "What thou meanest by seizing
   the whole earth; but because I do it with a petty ship, I am called a
   robber, whilst thou who dost it with a great fleet art styled emperor."
   [164]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [164] Nonius Marcell. borrows this anecdote from Cicero, De Repub. iii.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of the Runaway Gladiators Whose Power Became Like that of
   Royal Dignity.

   I shall not therefore stay to inquire what sort of men Romulus gathered
   together, seeing he deliberated much about them,--how, being assumed
   out of that life they led into the fellowship of his city, they might
   cease to think of the punishment they deserved, the fear of which had
   driven them to greater villainies; so that henceforth they might be
   made more peaceable members of society.  But this I say, that the Roman
   empire, which by subduing many nations had already grown great and an
   object of universal dread, was itself greatly alarmed, and only with
   much difficulty avoided a disastrous overthrow, because a mere handful
   of gladiators in Campania, escaping from the games, had recruited a
   great army, appointed three generals, and most widely and cruelly
   devastated Italy.  Let them say what god aided these men, so that from
   a small and contemptible band of robbers they attained to a kingdom,
   feared even by the Romans, who had such great forces and fortresses.
   Or will they deny that they were divinely aided because they did not
   last long? [165]   As if, indeed, the life of any man whatever lasted
   long.  In that case, too, the gods aid no one to reign, since all
   individuals quickly die; nor is sovereign power to be reckoned a
   benefit, because in a little time in every man, and thus in all of them
   one by one, it vanishes like a vapor.  For what does it matter to those
   who worshipped the gods under Romulus, and are long since dead, that
   after their death the Roman empire has grown so great, while they plead
   their causes before the powers beneath?  Whether those causes are good
   or bad, it matters not to the question before us.  And this is to be
   understood of all those who carry with them the heavy burden of their
   actions, having in the few days of their life swiftly and hurriedly
   passed over the stage of the imperial office, although the office
   itself has lasted through long spaces of time, being filled by a
   constant succession of dying men.  If, however, even those benefits
   which last only for the shortest time are to be ascribed to the aid of
   the gods, these gladiators were not a little aided, who broke the bonds
   of their servile condition, fled, escaped, raised a great and most
   powerful army, obedient to the will and orders of their chiefs and much
   feared by the Roman majesty, and remaining unsubdued by several Roman
   generals, seized many places, and, having won very many victories,
   enjoyed whatever pleasures they wished, and did what their lust
   suggested, and, until at last they were conquered, which was done with
   the utmost difficulty, lived sublime and dominant.  But let us come to
   greater matters.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [165] It was extinguished by Crassus in its third year.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Concerning the Covetousness of Ninus, Who Was the First Who
   Made War on His Neighbors, that He Might Rule More Widely.

   Justinus, who wrote Greek or rather foreign history in Latin, and
   briefly, like Trogus Pompeius whom he followed, begins his work thus:
   "In the beginning of the affairs of peoples and nations the government
   was in the hands of kings, who were raised to the height of this
   majesty not by courting the people, but by the knowledge good men had
   of their moderation.  The people were held bound by no laws; the
   decisions of the princes were instead of laws.  It was the custom to
   guard rather than to extend the boundaries of the empire; and kingdoms
   were kept within the bounds of each ruler's native land.  Ninus king of
   the Assyrians first of all, through new lust of empire, changed the old
   and, as it were, ancestral custom of nations.  He first made war on his
   neighbors, and wholly subdued as far as to the frontiers of Libya the
   nations as yet untrained to resist."  And a little after he says:
   "Ninus established by constant possession the greatness of the
   authority he had gained.  Having mastered his nearest neighbors, he
   went on to others, strengthened by the accession of forces, and by
   making each fresh victory the instrument of that which followed,
   subdued the nations of the whole East."  Now, with whatever fidelity to
   fact either he or Trogus may in general have written--for that they
   sometimes told lies is shown by other more trustworthy writers--yet it
   is agreed among other authors, that the kingdom of the Assyrians was
   extended far and wide by King Ninus.  And it lasted so long, that the
   Roman empire has not yet attained the same age; for, as those write who
   have treated of chronological history, this kingdom endured for twelve
   hundred and forty years from the first year in which Ninus began to
   reign, until it was transferred to the Medes.  But to make war on your
   neighbors, and thence to proceed to others, and through mere lust of
   dominion to crush and subdue people who do you no harm, what else is
   this to be called than great robbery?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Whether Earthly Kingdoms in Their Rise and Fall Have Been
   Either Aided or Deserted by the Help of the Gods.

   If this kingdom was so great and lasting without the aid of the gods,
   why is the ample territory and long duration of the Roman empire to be
   ascribed to the Roman gods?  For whatever is the cause in it, the same
   is in the other also.  But if they contend that the prosperity of the
   other also is to be attributed to the aid of the gods, I ask of which?
   For the other nations whom Ninus overcame, did not then worship other
   gods.  Or if the Assyrians had gods of their own, who, so to speak,
   were more skillful workmen in the construction and preservation of the
   empire, whether are they dead, since they themselves have also lost the
   empire; or, having been defrauded of their pay, or promised a greater,
   have they chosen rather to go over to the Medes, and from them again to
   the Persians, because Cyrus invited them, and promised them something
   still more advantageous?  This nation, indeed, since the time of the
   kingdom of Alexander the Macedonian, which was as brief in duration as
   it was great in extent, has preserved its own empire, and at this day
   occupies no small territories in the East.  If this is so, then either
   the gods are unfaithful, who desert their own and go over to their
   enemies, which Camillus, who was but a man, did not do, when, being
   victor and subduer of a most hostile state, although he had felt that
   Rome, for whom he had done so much, was ungrateful, yet afterwards,
   forgetting the injury and remembering his native land, he freed her
   again from the Gauls; or they are not so strong as gods ought to be,
   since they can be overcome by human skill or strength.  Or if, when
   they carry on war among themselves, the gods are not overcome by men,
   but some gods who are peculiar to certain cities are perchance overcome
   by other gods, it follows that they have quarrels among themselves
   which they uphold, each for his own part.  Therefore a city ought not
   to worship its own gods, but rather others who aid their own
   worshippers.  Finally, whatever may have been the case as to this
   change of sides, or flight, or migration, or failure in battle on the
   part of the gods, the name of Christ had not yet been proclaimed in
   those parts of the earth when these kingdoms were lost and transferred
   through great destructions in war.  For if, after more than twelve
   hundred years, when the kingdom was taken away from the Assyrians, the
   Christian religion had there already preached another eternal kingdom,
   and put a stop to the sacrilegious worship of false gods, what else
   would the foolish men of that nation have said, but that the kingdom
   which had been so long preserved, could be lost for no other cause than
   the desertion of their own religions and the reception of
   Christianity?  In which foolish speech that might have been uttered,
   let those we speak of observe their own likeness, and blush, if there
   is any sense of shame in them, because they have uttered similar
   complaints; although the Roman empire is afflicted rather than
   changed,--a thing which has befallen it in other times also, before the
   name of Christ was heard, and it has been restored after such
   affliction,--a thing which even in these times is not to be despaired
   of.  For who knows the will of God concerning this matter?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Which of the Gods Can the Romans Suppose Presided Over the
   Increase and Preservation of Their Empire, When They Have Believed that
   Even the Care of Single Things Could Scarcely Be Committed to Single
   Gods.

   Next let us ask, if they please, out of so great a crowd of gods which
   the Romans worship, whom in especial, or what gods they believe to have
   extended and preserved that empire.  Now, surely of this work, which is
   so excellent and so very full of the highest dignity, they dare not
   ascribe any part to the goddess Cloacina; [166] or to Volupia, who has
   her appellation from voluptuousness; or to Libentina, who has her name
   from lust; or to Vaticanus, who presides over the screaming of infants;
   or to Cunina, who rules over their cradles.  But how is it possible to
   recount in one part of this book all the names of gods or goddesses,
   which they could scarcely comprise in great volumes, distributing among
   these divinities their peculiar offices about single things?  They have
   not even thought that the charge of their lands should be committed to
   any one god: but they have entrusted their farms to Rusina; the ridges
   of the mountains to Jugatinus; over the downs they have set the goddess
   Collatina; over the valleys, Vallonia.  Nor could they even find one
   Segetia so competent, that they could commend to her care all their
   corn crops at once; but so long as their seed-corn was still under the
   ground, they would have the goddess Seia set over it; then, whenever it
   was above ground and formed straw, they set over it the goddess
   Segetia; and when the grain was collected and stored, they set over it
   the goddess Tutilina, that it might be kept safe.  Who would not have
   thought that goddess Segetia sufficient to take care of the standing
   corn until it had passed from the first green blades to the dry ears?
   Yet she was not enough for men, who loved a multitude of gods, that the
   miserable soul, despising the chaste embrace of the one true God,
   should be prostituted to a crowd of demons.  Therefore they set
   Proserpina over the germinating seeds; over the joints and knots of the
   stems, the god Nodotus; over the sheaths enfolding the ears, the
   goddess Voluntina; when the sheaths opened that the spike might shoot
   forth, it was ascribed to the goddess Patelana; when the stems stood
   all equal with new ears, because the ancients described this equalizing
   by the term hostire, it was ascribed to the goddess Hostilina; when the
   grain was in flower, it was dedicated to the goddess Flora; when full
   of milk, to the god Lacturnus; when maturing, to the goddess Matuta;
   when the crop was runcated,--that is, removed from the soil,--to the
   goddess Runcina.  Nor do I yet recount them all, for I am sick of all
   this, though it gives them no shame.  Only, I have said these very few
   things, in order that it may be understood they dare by no means say
   that the Roman empire has been established, increased, and preserved by
   their deities, who had all their own functions assigned to them in such
   a way, that no general oversight was entrusted to any one of them.
   When, therefore, could Segetia take care of the empire, who was not
   allowed to take care of the corn and the trees?  When could Cunina take
   thought about war, whose oversight was not allowed to go beyond the
   cradles of the babies?  When could Nodotus give help in battle, who had
   nothing to do even with the sheath of the ear, but only with the knots
   of the joints?  Every one sets a porter at the door of his house, and
   because he is a man, he is quite sufficient; but these people have set
   three gods, Forculus to the doors, Cardea to the hinge, Limentinus to
   the threshold. [167]   Thus Forculus could not at the same time take
   care also of the hinge and the threshold.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [166] Cloacina, supposed by Lactantius (De falsa relig. i. 20), Cyprian
   (De Idol. vanit.), and Augustin (infra, c. 23) to be the goddess of the
   cloaca, or sewage of Rome.  Others, however, suppose it to be
   equivalent to Cluacina, a title given to Venus, because the Romans
   after the end of the Sabine war purified themselves (cluere) in the
   vicinity of her statue.

   [167] Forculum foribus, Cardeam cardini, Limentinum limini.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Whether the Great Extent and Long Duration of the Roman
   Empire Should Be Ascribed to Jove, Whom His Worshippers Believe to Be
   the Chief God.

   Therefore omitting, or passing by for a little, that crowd of petty
   gods, we ought to inquire into the part performed by the great gods,
   whereby Rome has been made so great as to reign so long over so many
   nations.  Doubtless, therefore, this is the work of Jove.  For they
   will have it that he is the king of all the gods and goddesses, as is
   shown by his sceptre and by the Capitol on the lofty hill.  Concerning
   that god they publish a saying which, although that of a poet, is most
   apt, "All things are full of Jove." [168]   Varro believes that this
   god is worshipped, although called by another name, even by those who
   worship one God alone without any image.  But if this is so, why has he
   been so badly used at Rome (and indeed by other nations too), that an
   image of him should be made?--a thing which was so displeasing to Varro
   himself, that although he was overborne by the perverse custom of so
   great a city, he had not the least hesitation in both saying and
   writing, that those who have appointed images for the people have both
   taken away fear and added error.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [168] Virgil, Eclog. iii. 60.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--What Opinions Those Have Followed Who Have Set Divers Gods
   Over Divers Parts of the World.

   Why, also, is Juno united to him as his wife, who is called at once
   "sister and yoke-fellow?" [169]   Because, say they, we have Jove in
   the ether, Juno in the air; and these two elements are united, the one
   being superior, the other inferior.  It is not he, then, of whom it is
   said, "All things are full of Jove," if Juno also fills some part.
   Does each fill either, and are both of this couple in both of these
   elements, and in each of them at the same time?  Why, then, is the
   ether given to Jove, the air to Juno?  Besides, these two should have
   been enough.  Why is it that the sea is assigned to Neptune, the earth
   to Pluto?  And that these also might not be left without mates, Salacia
   is joined to Neptune, Proserpine to Pluto.  For they say that, as Juno
   possesses the lower part of the heavens,--that is, the air,--so Salacia
   possesses the lower part of the sea, and Proserpine the lower part of
   the earth.  They seek how they may patch up these fables, but they find
   no way.  For if these things were so, their ancient sages would have
   maintained that there are three chief elements of the world, not four,
   in order that each of the elements might have a pair of gods.  Now,
   they have positively affirmed that the ether is one thing, the air
   another.  But water, whether higher or lower, is surely water.  Suppose
   it ever so unlike, can it ever be so much so as no longer to be water?
   And the lower earth, by whatever divinity it may be distinguished, what
   else can it be than earth?  Lo, then, since the whole physical world is
   complete in these four or three elements, where shall Minerva be?  What
   should she possess, what should she fill?  For she is placed in the
   Capitol along with these two, although she is not the offspring of
   their marriage.  Or if they say that she possesses the higher part of
   the ether,--and on that account the poets have feigned that she sprang
   from the head of Jove,--why then is she not rather reckoned queen of
   the gods, because she is superior to Jove?  Is it because it would be
   improper to set the daughter before the father?  Why, then, is not that
   rule of justice observed concerning Jove himself toward Saturn?  Is it
   because he was conquered?  Have they fought then?  By no means, say
   they; that is an old wife's fable.  Lo, we are not to believe fables,
   and must hold more worthy opinions concerning the gods!  Why, then, do
   they not assign to the father of Jove a seat, if not of higher, at
   least of equal honor?  Because Saturn, say they, is length of time.
   [170]   Therefore they who worship Saturn worship Time; and it is
   insinuated that Jupiter, the king of the gods, was born of Time.  For
   is anything unworthy said when Jupiter and Juno are said to have been
   sprung from Time, if he is the heaven and she is the earth, since both
   heaven and earth have been made, and are therefore not eternal?  For
   their learned and wise men have this also in their books.  Nor is that
   saying taken by Virgil out of poetic figments, but out of the books of
   philosophers,

   "Then Ether, the Father Almighty, in copious showers descended

   Into his spouse's glad bosom, making it fertile," [171]

   --that is, into the bosom of Tellus, or the earth.  Although here,
   also, they will have it that there are some differences, and think that
   in the earth herself Terra is one thing, Tellus another, and Tellumo
   another.  And they have all these as gods, called by their own names
   distinguished by their own offices, and venerated with their own altars
   and rites.  This same earth also they call the mother of the gods, so
   that even the fictions of the poets are more tolerable, if, according,
   not to their poetical but sacred books, Juno is not only the sister and
   wife, but also the mother of Jove.  The same earth they worship as
   Ceres, and also as Vesta; while yet they more frequently affirm that
   Vesta is nothing else than fire, pertaining to the hearths, without
   which the city cannot exist; and therefore virgins are wont to serve
   her, because as nothing is born of a virgin, so nothing is born of
   fire;--but all this nonsense ought to be completely abolished and
   extinguished by Him who is born of a virgin.  For who can bear that,
   while they ascribe to the fire so much honor, and, as it were,
   chastity, they do not blush sometimes even to call Vesta Venus, so that
   honored virginity may vanish in her hand-maidens?  For if Vesta is
   Venus, how can virgins rightly serve her by abstaining from venery?
   Are there two Venuses, the one a virgin, the other not a maid?  Or
   rather, are there three, one the goddess of virgins, who is also called
   Vesta, another the goddess of wives, and another of harlots?  To her
   also the Phenicians offered a gift by prostituting their daughters
   before they united them to husbands. [172]   Which of these is the wife
   of Vulcan?  Certainly not the virgin, since she has a husband.  Far be
   it from us to say it is the harlot, lest we should seem to wrong the
   son of Juno and fellow-worker of Minerva.  Therefore it is to be
   understood that she belongs to the married people; but we would not
   wish them to imitate her in what she did with Mars.  "Again," say they,
   "you return to fables."  What sort of justice is that, to be angry with
   us because we say such things of their gods, and not to be angry with
   themselves, who in their theatres most willingly behold the crimes of
   their gods?  And,--a thing incredible, if it were not thoroughly well
   proved,--these very theatric representations of the crimes of their
   gods have been instituted in honor of these same gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [169] Virgil, Æneid, i. 47.

   [170] Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 25.

   [171] Virgil, Georg. ii. 325, 326.

   [172] Eusebius, De Proep. Evang.  i. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Concerning the Many Gods Whom the Pagan Doctors Defend as
   Being One and the Same Jove.

   Let them therefore assert as many things as ever they please in
   physical reasonings and disputations.  One while let Jupiter be the
   soul of this corporeal world, who fills and moves that whole mass,
   constructed and compacted out of four, or as many elements as they
   please; another while, let him yield to his sister and brothers their
   parts of it:  now let him be the ether, that from above he may embrace
   Juno, the air spread out beneath; again, let him be the whole heaven
   along with the air, and impregnate with fertilizing showers and seeds
   the earth, as his wife, and, at the same time, his mother (for this is
   not vile in divine beings); and yet again (that it may not be necessary
   to run through them all), let him, the one god, of whom many think it
   has been said by a most noble poet,

   "For God pervadeth all things,

   All lands, and the tracts of the sea, and the depth of the heavens,"
   [173]

   --let it be him who in the ether is Jupiter; in the air, Juno; in the
   sea, Neptune; in the lower parts of the sea, Salacia; in the earth,
   Pluto; in the lower part of the earth, Proserpine; on the domestic
   hearths, Vesta; in the furnace of the workmen, Vulcan; among the stars,
   Sol and Luna, and the Stars; in divination, Apollo; in merchandise,
   Mercury; in Janus, the initiator; in Terminus, the terminator; Saturn,
   in time; Mars and Bellona, in war; Liber, in vineyards; Ceres, in
   cornfields; Diana, in forests; Minerva, in learning.  Finally, let it
   be him who is in that crowd, as it were, of plebeian gods:  let him
   preside under the name of Liber over the seed of men, and under that of
   Libera over that of women:  let him be Diespiter, who brings forth the
   birth to the light of day:  let him be the goddess Mena, whom they set
   over the menstruation of women:  let him be Lucina, who is invoked by
   women in childbirth:  let him bring help to those who are being born,
   by taking them up from the bosom of the earth, and let him be called
   Opis:  let him open the mouth in the crying babe, and be called the god
   Vaticanus:  let him lift it from the earth, and be called the goddess
   Levana;  let him watch over cradles, and be called the goddess Cunina:
   let it be no other than he who is in those goddesses, who sing the
   fates of the new born, and are called Carmentes:  let him preside over
   fortuitous events, and be called Fortuna:  in the goddess Rumina, let
   him milk out the breast to the little one, because the ancients termed
   the breast ruma:  in the goddess Potina, let him administer drink:  in
   the goddess Educa, let him supply food:  from the terror of infants,
   let him be styled Paventia:  from the hope which comes, Venilia:  from
   voluptuousness, Volupia:  from action, Agenor: from the stimulants by
   which man is spurred on to much action, let him be named the goddess
   Stimula:  let him be the goddess Strenia, for making strenuous;
   Numeria, who teaches to number;  Camoena, who teaches to sing:  let him
   be both the god Consus for granting counsel, and the goddess Sentia for
   inspiring sentences:  let him be the goddess Juventas, who, after the
   robe of boyhood is laid aside, takes charge of the beginning of the
   youthful age:  let him be Fortuna Barbata, who endues adults with a
   beard, whom they have not chosen to honor; so that this divinity,
   whatever it may be, should at least be a male god, named either
   Barbatus, from barba, like Nodotus, from nodus; or, certainly, not
   Fortuna, but because he has beards, Fortunius:  let him, in the god
   Jugatinus, yoke couples in marriage; and when the girdle of the virgin
   wife is loosed, let him be invoked as the goddess Virginiensis:  let
   him be Mutunus or Tuternus, who, among the Greeks, is called Priapus.
   If they are not ashamed of it, let all these which I have named, and
   whatever others I have not named (for I have not thought fit to name
   all), let all these gods and goddesses be that one Jupiter, whether, as
   some will have it, all these are parts of him, or are his powers, as
   those think who are pleased to consider him the soul of the world,
   which is the opinion of most of their doctors, and these the greatest.
   If these things are so (how evil they may be I do not yet meanwhile
   inquire), what would they lose, if they, by a more prudent abridgment,
   should worship one god?  For what part of him could be contemned if he
   himself should be worshipped?  But if they are afraid lest parts of him
   should be angry at being passed by or neglected, then it is not the
   case, as they will have it, that this whole is as the life of one
   living being, which contains all the gods together, as if they were its
   virtues, or members, or parts; but each part has its own life separate
   from the rest, if it is so that one can be angered, appeased, or
   stirred up more than another.  But if it is said that all
   together,--that is, the whole Jove himself,--would be offended if his
   parts were not also worshipped singly and minutely, it is foolishly
   spoken.  Surely none of them could be passed by if he who singly
   possesses them all should be worshipped.  For, to omit other things
   which are innumerable, when they say that all the stars are parts of
   Jove, and are all alive, and have rational souls, and therefore without
   controversy are gods, can they not see how many they do not worship, to
   how many they do not build temples or set up altars, and to how very
   few, in fact, of the stars they have thought of setting them up and
   offering sacrifice?  If, therefore, those are displeased who are not
   severally worshipped, do they not fear to live with only a few
   appeased, while all heaven is displeased?  But if they worship all the
   stars because they are part of Jove whom they worship, by the same
   compendious method they could supplicate them all in him alone.  For in
   this way no one would be displeased, since in him alone all would be
   supplicated.  No one would be contemned, instead of there being just
   cause of displeasure given to the much greater number who are passed by
   in the worship offered to some; especially when Priapus, stretched out
   in vile nakedness, is preferred to those who shine from their supernal
   abode.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [173] Virgil, Georg. iv. 221, 222.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Concerning the Opinion of Those Who Have Thought that God
   is the Soul of the World, and the World is the Body of God.

   Ought not men of intelligence, and indeed men of every kind, to be
   stirred up to examine the nature of this opinion?  For there is no need
   of excellent capacity for this task, that putting away the desire of
   contention, they may observe that if God is the soul of the world, and
   the world is as a body to Him, who is the soul, He must be one living
   being consisting of soul and body, and that this same God is a kind of
   womb of nature containing all things in Himself, so that the lives and
   souls of all living things are taken, according to the manner of each
   one's birth, out of His soul which vivifies that whole mass, and
   therefore nothing at all remains which is not a part of God.  And if
   this is so, who cannot see what impious and irreligious consequences
   follow, such as that whatever one may trample, he must trample a part
   of God, and in slaying any living creature, a part of God must be
   slaughtered?  But I am unwilling to utter all that may occur to those
   who think of it, yet cannot be spoken without irreverence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Concerning Those Who Assert that Only Rational Animals are
   Parts of the One God.

   But if they contend that only rational animals, such as men, are parts
   of God, I do not really see how, if the whole world is God, they can
   separate beasts from being parts of Him.  But what need is there of
   striving about that?  Concerning the rational animal himself,--that is,
   man,--what more unhappy belief can be entertained than that a part of
   God is whipped when a boy is whipped?  And who, unless he is quite mad,
   could bear the thought that parts of God can become lascivi ous,
   iniquitous, impious, and altogether damnable?  In brief, why is God
   angry at those who do not worship Him, since these offenders are parts
   of Himself?  It remains, therefore, that they must say that all the
   gods have their own lives; that each one lives for himself, and none of
   them is a part of any one; but that all are to be worshipped,--at least
   as many as can be known and worshipped; for they are so many it is
   impossible that all can be so.  And of all these, I believe that
   Jupiter, because he presides as king, is thought by them to have both
   established and extended the Roman empire.  For if he has not done it,
   what other god do they believe could have attempted so great a work,
   when they must all be occupied with their own offices and works, nor
   can one intrude on that of another?  Could the kingdom of men then be
   propagated and increased by the king of the gods?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--The Enlargement of Kingdoms is Unsuitably Ascribed to
   Jove; For If, as They Will Have It, Victoria is a Goddess, She Alone
   Would Suffice for This Business.

   Here, first of all, I ask, why even the kingdom itself is not some
   god.  For why should not it also be so, if Victory is a goddess?  Or
   what need is there of Jove himself in this affair, if Victory favors
   and is propitious, and always goes to those whom she wishes to be
   victorious?  With this goddess favorable and propitious, even if Jove
   was idle and did nothing, what nations could remain unsubdued, what
   kingdom would not yield?  But perhaps it is displeasing to good men to
   fight with most wicked unrighteousness, and provoke with voluntary war
   neighbors who are peaceable and do no wrong, in order to enlarge a
   kingdom?  If they feel thus, I entirely approve and praise them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Whether It is Suitable for Good Men to Wish to Rule More
   Widely.

   Let them ask, then, whether it is quite fitting for good men to rejoice
   in extended empire.  For the iniquity of those with whom just wars are
   carried on favors the growth of a kingdom, which would certainly have
   been small if the peace and justice of neighbors had not by any wrong
   provoked the carrying on of war against them; and human affairs being
   thus more happy, all kingdoms would have been small, rejoicing in
   neighborly concord; and thus there would have been very many kingdoms
   of nations in the world, as there are very many houses of citizens in a
   city.  Therefore, to carry on war and extend a kingdom over wholly
   subdued nations seems to bad men to be felicity, to good men
   necessity.  But because it would be worse that the injurious should
   rule over those who are more righteous, therefore even that is not
   unsuitably called felicity.  But beyond doubt it is greater felicity to
   have a good neighbor at peace, than to conquer a bad one by making
   war.  Your wishes are bad, when you desire that one whom you hate or
   fear should be in such a condition that you can conquer him.  If,
   therefore, by carrying on wars that were just, not impious or
   unrighteous, the Romans could have acquired so great an empire, ought
   they not to worship as a goddess even the injustice of foreigners?  For
   we see that this has cooperated much in extending the empire, by making
   foreigners so unjust that they became people with whom just wars might
   be carried on, and the empire increased.  And why may not injustice, at
   least that of foreign nations, also be a goddess, if Fear and Dread and
   Ague have deserved to be Roman gods?  By these two, therefore,--that
   is, by foreign injustice, and the goddess Victoria, for injustice stirs
   up causes of wars, and Victoria brings these same wars to a happy
   termination,--the empire has increased, even although Jove has been
   idle.  For what part could Jove have here, when those things which
   might be thought to be his benefits are held to be gods, called gods,
   worshipped as gods, and are themselves invoked for their own parts?  He
   also might have some part here, if he himself might be called Empire,
   just as she is called Victory.  Or if empire is the gift of Jove, why
   may not victory also be held to be his gift?  And it certainly would
   have been held to be so, had he been recognized and worshipped, not as
   a stone in the Capitol, but as the true King of kings and Lord of
   lords.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--What Was the Reason Why the Romans, in Detailing Separate
   Gods for All Things and All Movements of the Mind, Chose to Have the
   Temple of Quiet Outside the Gates.

   But I wonder very much, that while they assigned to separate gods
   single things, and (well nigh) all movements of the mind; that while
   they invoked the goddess Agenoria, who should excite to action; the
   goddess Stimula, who should stimulate to unusual action; the goddess
   Murcia, who should not move men beyond measure, but make them, as
   Pomponius says, murcid--that is, too slothful and inactive; the goddess
   Strenua, who should make them strenuous; and that while they offered to
   all these gods and goddesses solemn and public worship, they should yet
   have been unwilling to give public acknowledgment to her whom they name
   Quies because she makes men quiet, but built her temple outside the
   Colline gate.  Whether was this a symptom of an unquiet mind, or rather
   was it thus intimated that he who should persevere in worshipping that
   crowd, not, to be sure, of gods, but of demons, could not dwell with
   quiet; to which the true Physician calls, saying, "Learn of me, for I
   am meek and lowly in heart, and ye shall find rest unto your souls?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Whether, If the Highest Power Belongs to Jove, Victoria
   Also Ought to Be Worshipped.

   Or do they say, perhaps, that Jupiter sends the goddess Victoria, and
   that she, as it were acting in obedience to the king of the gods, comes
   to those to whom he may have despatched her, and takes up her quarters
   on their side?  This is truly said, not of Jove, whom they, according
   to their own imagination, feign to be king of the gods, but of Him who
   is the true eternal King, because he sends, not Victory, who is no
   person, but His angel, and causes whom He pleases to conquer; whose
   counsel may be hidden, but cannot be unjust.  For if Victory is a
   goddess, why is not Triumph also a god, and joined to Victory either as
   husband, or brother, or son?  Indeed, they have imagined such things
   concerning the gods, that if the poets had feigned the like, and they
   should have been discussed by us, they would have replied that they
   were laughable figments of the poets not to be attributed to true
   deities.  And yet they themselves did not laugh when they were, not
   reading in the poets, but worshipping in the temples such doating
   follies.  Therefore they should entreat Jove alone for all things, and
   supplicate him only.  For if Victory is a goddess, and is under him as
   her king, wherever he might have sent her, she could not dare to resist
   and do her own will rather than his.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--With What Reason They Who Think Felicity and Fortune
   Goddesses Have Distinguished Them.

   What shall we say, besides, of the idea that Felicity also is a
   goddess?  She has received a temple; she has merited an altar; suitable
   rites of worship are paid to her.  She alone, then, should be
   worshipped.  For where she is present, what good thing can be absent?
   But what does a man wish, that he thinks Fortune also a goddess and
   worships her?  Is felicity one thing, fortune another?  Fortune,
   indeed, may be bad as well as good; but felicity, if it could be bad,
   would not be felicity.  Certainly we ought to think all the gods of
   either sex (if they also have sex) are only good.  This says Plato;
   this say other philosophers; this say all estimable rulers of the
   republic and the nations.  How is it, then, that the goddess Fortune is
   sometimes good, sometimes bad?  Is it perhaps the case that when she is
   bad she is not a goddess, but is suddenly changed into a malignant
   demon?  How many Fortunes are there then?  Just as many as there are
   men who are fortunate, that is, of good fortune.  But since there must
   also be very many others who at the very same time are men of bad
   fortune, could she, being one and the same Fortune, be at the same time
   both bad and good--the one to these, the other to those?  She who is
   the goddess, is she always good?  Then she herself is felicity.  Why,
   then, are two names given her?  Yet this is tolerable; for it is
   customary that one thing should be called by two names.  But why
   different temples, different altars, different rituals?  There is a
   reason, say they, because Felicity is she whom the good have by
   previous merit; but fortune, which is termed good without any trial of
   merit, befalls both good and bad men fortuitously, whence also she is
   named Fortune.  How, therefore, is she good, who without any
   discernment comes--both to the good and to the bad?  Why is she
   worshipped, who is thus blind, running at random on any one whatever,
   so that for the most part she passes by her worshippers, and cleaves to
   those who despise her?  Or if her worshippers profit somewhat, so that
   they are seen by her and loved, then she follows merit, and does not
   come fortuitously.  What, then, becomes of that definition of fortune?
   What becomes of the opinion that she has received her very name from
   fortuitous events?  For it profits one nothing to worship her if she is
   truly fortune.  But if she distinguishes her worshippers, so that she
   may benefit them, she is not fortune.  Or does, Jupiter send her too,
   whither he pleases?  Then let him alone be worshipped; because Fortune
   is not able to resist him when he commands her, and sends her where he
   pleases.  Or, at least, let the bad worship her, who do not choose to
   have merit by which the goddess Felicity might be invited.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Concerning Fortuna Muliebris. [174]

   To this supposed deity, whom they call Fortuna, they ascribe so much,
   indeed, that they have a tradition that the image of her, which was
   dedicated by the Roman matrons, and called Fortuna Muliebris, has
   spoken, and has said, once and again, that the matrons pleased her by
   their homage; which, indeed, if it is true, ought not to excite our
   wonder.  For it is not so difficult for malignant demons to deceive,
   and they ought the rather to advert to their wits and wiles, because it
   is that goddess who comes by haphazard who has spoken, and not she who
   comes to reward merit.  For Fortuna was loquacious, and Felicitas mute;
   and for what other reason but that men might not care to live rightly,
   having made Fortuna their friend, who could make them fortunate without
   any good desert?  And truly, if Fortuna speaks, she should at least
   speak, not with a womanly, but with a manly voice; lest they themselves
   who have dedicated the image should think so great a miracle has been
   wrought by feminine loquacity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [174] The feminine Fortune.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Concerning Virtue and Faith, Which the Pagans Have Honored
   with Temples and Sacred Rites, Passing by Other Good Qualities, Which
   Ought Likewise to Have Been Worshipped, If Deity Was Rightly Attributed
   to These.

   They have made Virtue also a goddess, which, indeed, if it could be a
   goddess, had been preferable to many.  And now, because it is not a
   goddess, but a gift of God, let it be obtained by prayer from Him, by
   whom alone it can be given, and the whole crowd of false gods
   vanishes.  But why is Faith believed to be a goddess, and why does she
   herself receive temple and altar?  For whoever prudently acknowledges
   her makes his own self an abode for her.  But how do they know what
   faith is, of which it is the prime and greatest function that the true
   God may be believed in?  But why had not virtue sufficed?  Does it not
   include faith also?  Forasmuch as they have thought proper to
   distribute virtue into four divisions--prudence, justice, fortitude,
   and temperance--and as each of these divisions has its own virtues,
   faith is among the parts of justice, and has the chief place with as
   many of us as know what that saying means, "The just shall live by
   faith." [175]   But if Faith is a goddess, I wonder why these keen
   lovers of a multitude of gods have wronged so many other goddesses, by
   passing them by, when they could have dedicated temples and altars to
   them likewise.  Why has temperance not deserved to be a goddess, when
   some Roman princes have obtained no small glory on account of her?
   Why, in fine, is fortitude not a goddess, who aided Mucius when he
   thrust his right hand into the flames; who aided Curtius, when for the
   sake of his country he threw himself headlong into the yawning earth;
   who aided Decius the sire, and Decius the son, when they devoted
   themselves for the army?--though we might question whether these men
   had true fortitude, if this concerned our present discussion.  Why have
   prudence and wisdom merited no place among the gods?  Is it because
   they are all worshipped under the general name of Virtue itself?  Then
   they could thus worship the true God also, of whom all the other gods
   are thought to be parts.  But in that one name of virtue is
   comprehended both faith and chastity, which yet have obtained separate
   altars in temples of their own.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [175] Hab. ii. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--That Although Not Understanding Them to Be the Gifts of
   God, They Ought at Least to Have Been Content with Virtue and Felicity.

   These, not verity but vanity has made goddesses.  For these are gifts
   of the true God, not themselves goddesses.  However, where virtue and
   felicity are, what else is sought for?  What can suffice the man whom
   virtue and felicity do not suffice?  For surely virtue comprehends all
   things we need do, felicity all things we need wish for.  If Jupiter,
   then, was worshipped in order that he might give these two
   things,--because, if extent and duration of empire is something good,
   it pertains to this same felicity,--why is it not understood that they
   are not goddesses, but the gifts of God?  But if they are judged to be
   goddesses, then at least that other great crowd of gods should not be
   sought after.  For, having considered all the offices which their fancy
   has distributed among the various gods and goddesses, let them find
   out, if they can, anything which could be bestowed by any god whatever
   on a man possessing virtue, possessing felicity.  What instruction
   could be sought either from Mercury or Minerva, when Virtue already
   possessed all in herself?  Virtue, indeed, is defined by the ancients
   as itself the art of living well and rightly.  Hence, because virtue is
   called in Greek arete, it has been thought the Latins have derived from
   it the term art.  But if Virtue cannot come except to the clever, what
   need was there of the god Father Catius, who should make men cautious,
   that is, acute, when Felicity could confer this?  Because, to be born
   clever belongs to felicity.  Whence, although goddess Felicity could
   not be worshipped by one not yet born, in order that, being made his
   friend, she might bestow this on him, yet she might confer this favor
   on parents who were her worshippers, that clever children should be
   born to them.  What need had women in childbirth to invoke Lucina,
   when, if Felicity should be present, they would have, not only a good
   delivery, but good children too?  What need was there to commend the
   children to the goddess Ops when they were being born; to the god
   Vaticanus in their birth-cry; to the goddess Cunina when lying cradled;
   to the goddess Rimina when sucking; to the god Statilinus when
   standing; to the goddess Adeona when coming; to Abeona when going away;
   to the goddess Mens that they might have a good mind; to the god
   Volumnus, and the goddess Volumna, that they might wish for good
   things; to the nuptial gods, that they might make good matches; to the
   rural gods, and chiefly to the goddess Fructesca herself, that they
   might receive the most abundant fruits; to Mars and Bellona, that they
   might carry on war well; to the goddess Victoria, that they might be
   victorious; to the god Honor, that they might be honored; to the
   goddess Pecunia, that they might have plenty money; to the god
   Aesculanus, and his son Argentinus, that they might have brass and
   silver coin?  For they set down Aesculanus as the father of Argentinus
   for this reason, that brass coin began to be used before silver.  But I
   wonder Argentinus has not begotten Aurinus, since gold coin also has
   followed.  Could they have him for a god, they would prefer Aurinus
   both to his father Argentinus and his grandfather Aesculanus, just as
   they set Jove before Saturn.  Therefore, what necessity was there on
   account of these gifts, either of soul, or body, or outward estate, to
   worship and invoke so great a crowd of gods, all of whom I have not
   mentioned, nor have they themselves been able to provide for all human
   benefits, minutely and singly methodized, minute and single gods, when
   the one goddess Felicity was able, with the greatest ease,
   compendiously to bestow the whole of them? nor should any other be
   sought after, either for the bestowing of good things, or for the
   averting of evil.  For why should they invoke the goddess Fessonia for
   the weary; for driving away enemies, the goddess Pellonia; for the
   sick, as a physician, either Apollo or Æsculapius, or both together if
   there should be great danger?  Neither should the god Spiniensis be
   entreated that he might root out the thorns from the fields; nor the
   goddess Rubigo that the mildew might not come,--Felicitas alone being
   present and guarding, either no evils would have arisen, or they would
   have been quite easily driven away.  Finally, since we treat of these
   two goddesses, Virtue and Felicity, if felicity is the reward of
   virtue, she is not a goddess, but a gift of God.  But if she is a
   goddess, why may she not be said to confer virtue itself, inasmuch as
   it is a great felicity to attain virtue?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Concerning the Knowledge of the Worship Due to the Gods,
   Which Varro Glories in Having Himself Conferred on the Romans.

   What is it, then, that Varro boasts he has bestowed as a very great
   benefit on his fellow-citizens, because he not only recounts the gods
   who ought to be worshipped by the Romans, but also tells what pertains
   to each of them?  "Just as it is of no advantage," he says, "to know
   the name and appearance of any man who is a physician, and not know
   that he is a physician, so," he says, "it is of no advantage to know
   well that Æsculapius is a god, if you are not aware that he can bestow
   the gift of health, and consequently do not know why you ought to
   supplicate him."  He also affirms this by another comparison, saying,
   "No one is able, not only to live well, but even to live at all, if he
   does not know who is a smith, who a baker, who a weaver, from whom he
   can seek any utensil, whom he may take for a helper, whom for a leader,
   whom for a teacher;" asserting, "that in this way it can be doubtful to
   no one, that thus the knowledge of the gods is useful, if one can know
   what force, and faculty, or power any god may have in any thing.  For
   from this we may be able," he says, "to know what god we ought to call
   to, and invoke for any cause; lest we should do as too many are wont to
   do, and desire water from Liber, and wine from Lymphs."  Very useful,
   forsooth!  Who would not give this man thanks if he could show true
   things, and if he could teach that the one true God, from whom all good
   things are, is to be worshipped by men?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Concerning Felicity, Whom the Romans, Who Venerate Many
   Gods, for a Long Time Did Not Worship with Divine Honor, Though She
   Alone Would Have Sufficed Instead of All.

   But how does it happen, if their books and rituals are true, and
   Felicity is a goddess, that she herself is not appointed as the only
   one to be worshipped, since she could confer all things, and all at
   once make men happy?  For who wishes anything for any other reason than
   that he may become happy?  Why was it left to Lucullus to dedicate a
   temple to so great a goddess at so late a date, and after so many Roman
   rulers?  Why did Romulus himself, ambitious as he was of founding a
   fortunate city, not erect a temple to this goddess before all others?
   Why did he supplicate the other gods for anything, since he would have
   lacked nothing had she been with him?  For even he himself would
   neither have been first a king, then afterwards, as they think, a god,
   if this goddess had not been propitious to him.  Why, therefore, did he
   appoint as gods for the Romans, Janus, Jove, Mars, Picus, Faunus,
   Tibernus, Hercules, and others, if there were more of them?  Why did
   Titus Tatius add Saturn, Ops, Sun, Moon, Vulcan, Light, and whatever
   others he added, among whom was even the goddess Cloacina, while
   Felicity was neglected?  Why did Numa appoint so many gods and so many
   goddesses without this one?  Was it perhaps because he could not see
   her among so great a crowd?  Certainly king Hostilius would not have
   introduced the new gods Fear and Dread to be propitiated, if he could
   have known or might have worshipped this goddess.  For, in presence of
   Felicity, Fear and Dread would have disappeared,--I do not say
   propitiated, but put to flight.  Next, I ask, how is it that the Roman
   empire had already immensely increased before any one worshipped
   Felicity?  Was the empire, therefore, more great than happy?  For how
   could true felicity be there, where there was not true piety?  For
   piety is the genuine worship of the true God, and not the worship of as
   many demons as there are false gods.  Yet even afterwards, when
   Felicity had already been taken into the number of the gods, the great
   infelicity of the civil wars ensued.  Was Felicity perhaps justly
   indignant, both because she was invited so late, and was invited not to
   honor, but rather to reproach, because along with her were worshipped
   Priapus, and Cloacina, and Fear and Dread, and Ague, and others which
   were not gods to be worshipped, but the crimes of the worshippers?
   Last of all, if it seemed good to worship so great a goddess along with
   a most unworthy crowd, why at least was she not worshipped in a more
   honorable way than the rest?  For is it not intolerable that Felicity
   is placed neither among the gods Consentes, [176] whom they allege to
   be admitted into the council of Jupiter, nor among the gods whom they
   term Select?  Some temple might be made for her which might be
   pre-eminent, both in loftiness of site and dignity of style.  Why,
   indeed, not something better than is made for Jupiter himself?  For who
   gave the kingdom even to Jupiter but Felicity?  I am supposing that
   when he reigned he was happy.  Felicity, however, is certainly more
   valuable than a kingdom.  For no one doubts that a man might easily be
   found who may fear to be made a king; but no one is found who is
   unwilling to be happy.  Therefore, if it is thought they can be
   consulted by augury, or in any other way, the gods themselves should be
   consulted about this thing, whether they may wish to give place to
   Felicity.  If, perchance, the place should already be occupied by the
   temples and altars of others, where a greater and more lofty temple
   might be built to Felicity, even Jupiter himself might give way, so
   that Felicity might rather obtain the very pinnacle of the Capitoline
   hill.  For there is not any one who would resist Felicity, except,
   which is impossible, one who might wish to be unhappy.  Certainly, if
   he should be consulted, Jupiter would in no case do what those three
   gods, Mars, Terminus, and Juventas, did, who positively refused to give
   place to their superior and king.  For, as their books record, when
   king Tarquin wished to construct the Capitol, and perceived that the
   place which seemed to him to be the most worthy and suitable was
   preoccupied by other gods, not daring to do anything contrary to their
   pleasure, and believing that they would willingly give place to a god
   who was so great, and was their own master, because there were many of
   them there when the Capitol was founded, he inquired by augury whether
   they chose to give place to Jupiter, and they were all willing to
   remove thence except those whom I have named, Mars, Terminus, and
   Juventas; and therefore the Capitol was built in such a way that these
   three also might be within it, yet with such obscure signs that even
   the most learned men could scarcely know this.  Surely, then, Jupiter
   himself would by no means despise Felicity, as he was himself despised
   by Terminus, Mars, and Juventas.  But even they themselves who had not
   given place to Jupiter, would certainly give place to Felicity, who had
   made Jupiter king over them.  Or if they should not give place, they
   would act thus not out of contempt of her, but because they chose
   rather to be obscure in the house of Felicity, than to be eminent
   without her in their own places.

   Thus the goddess Felicity being established in the largest and loftiest
   place, the citizens should learn whence the furtherance of every good
   desire should be sought.  And so, by the persuasion of nature herself,
   the superfluous multitude of other gods being abandoned, Felicity alone
   would be worshipped, prayer would be made to her alone, her temple
   alone would be frequented by the citizens who wished to be happy, which
   no one of them would not wish; and thus felicity, who was sought for
   from all the gods, would be sought for only from her own self.  For who
   wishes to receive from any god anything else than felicity, or what he
   supposes to tend to felicity?  Wherefore, if Felicity has it in her
   power to be with what man she pleases (and she has it if she is a
   goddess), what folly is it, after all, to seek from any other god her
   whom you can obtain by request from her own self!  Therefore they ought
   to honor this goddess above other gods, even by dignity of place.  For,
   as we read in their own authors, the ancient Romans paid greater honors
   to I know not what Summanus, to whom they attributed nocturnal
   thunderbolts, than to Jupiter, to whom diurnal thunderbolts were held
   to pertain.  But, after a famous and conspicuous temple had been built
   to Jupiter, owing to the dignity of the building, the multitude
   resorted to him in so great numbers, that scarce one can be found who
   remembers even to have read the name of Summanus, which now he cannot
   once hear named.  But if Felicity is not a goddess, because, as is
   true, it is a gift of God, that god must be sought who has power to
   give it, and that hurtful multitude of false gods must be abandoned
   which the vain multitude of foolish men follows after, making gods to
   itself of the gifts of God, and offending Himself whose gifts they are
   by the stubbornness of a proud will.  For he cannot be free from
   infelicity who worships Felicity as a goddess, and forsakes God, the
   giver of felicity; just as he cannot be free from hunger who licks a
   painted loaf of bread, and does not buy it of the man who has a real
   one.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [176] So called from the consent or harmony of the celestial movements
   of these gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--The Reasons by Which the Pagans Attempt to Defend Their
   Worshipping Among the Gods the Divine Gifts Themselves.

   We may, however, consider their reasons.  Is it to be believed, say
   they, that our forefathers were besotted even to such a degree as not
   to know that these things are divine gifts, and not gods?  But as they
   knew that such things are granted to no one, except by some god freely
   bestowing them, they called the gods whose names they did not find out
   by the names of those things which they deemed to be given by them;
   sometimes slightly altering the name for that purpose, as, for example,
   from war they have named Bellona, not bellum; from cradles, Cunina, not
   cunæ; from standing corn, Segetia, not seges; from apples, Pomona, not
   pomum; from oxen, Bubona, not bos. Sometimes, again, with no alteration
   of the word, just as the things themselves are named, so that the
   goddess who gives money is called Pecunia, and money is not thought to
   be itself a goddess:  so of Virtus, who gives virtue; Honor, who gives
   honor; Concordia, who gives concord; Victoria, who gives victory.  So,
   they say, when Felicitas is called a goddess, what is meant is not the
   thing itself which is given, but that deity by whom felicity is given.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Concerning the One God Only to Be Worshipped, Who,
   Although His Name is Unknown, is Yet Deemed to Be the Giver of
   Felicity.

   Having had that reason rendered to us, we shall perhaps much more
   easily persuade, as we wish, those whose heart has not become too much
   hardened.  For if now human infirmity has perceived that felicity
   cannot be given except by some god; if this was perceived by those who
   worshipped so many gods, at whose head they set Jupiter himself; if, in
   their ignorance of the name of Him by whom felicity was given, they
   agreed to call Him by the name of that very thing which they believed
   He gave;--then it follows that they thought that felicity could not be
   given even by Jupiter himself, whom they already worshipped, but
   certainly by him whom they thought fit to worship under the name of
   Felicity itself.  I thoroughly affirm the statement that they believed
   felicity to be given by a certain God whom they knew not:  let Him
   therefore be sought after, let Him be worshipped, and it is enough.
   Let the train of innumerable demons be repudiated, and let this God
   suffice every man whom his gift suffices.  For him, I say, God the
   giver of felicity will not be enough to worship, for whom felicity
   itself is not enough to receive.  But let him for whom it suffices (and
   man has nothing more he ought to wish for) serve the one God, the giver
   of felicity.  This God is not he whom they call Jupiter.  For if they
   acknowledged him to be the giver of felicity, they would not seek,
   under the name of Felicity itself, for another god or goddess by whom
   felicity might be given; nor could they tolerate that Jupiter himself
   should be worshipped with such infamous attributes.  For he is said to
   be the debaucher of the wives of others; he is the shameless lover and
   ravisher of a beautiful boy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Of the Scenic Plays, the Celebration of Which the Gods
   Have Exacted from Their Worshippers.

   "But," says Cicero, "Homer invented these things, and transferred
   things human to the gods:  I would rather transfer things divine to
   us." [177]   The poet, by ascribing such crimes to the gods, has justly
   displeased the grave man.  Why, then, are the scenic plays, where these
   crimes are habitually spoken of, acted, exhibited, in honor of the
   gods, reckoned among things divine by the most learned men?  Cicero
   should exclaim, not against the inventions of the poets, but against
   the customs of the ancients.  Would not they have exclaimed in reply,
   What have we done?  The gods themselves have loudly demanded that these
   plays should be exhibited in their honor, have fiercely exacted them,
   have menaced destruction unless this was performed, have avenged its
   neglect with great severity, and have manifested pleasure at the
   reparation of such neglect.  Among their virtuous and wonderful deeds
   the following is related.  It was announced in a dream to Titus
   Latinius, a Roman rustic, that he should go to the senate and tell them
   to recommence the games of Rome, because on the first day of their
   celebration a condemned criminal had been led to punishment in sight of
   the people, an incident so sad as to disturb the gods who were seeking
   amusement from the games.  And when the peasant who had received this
   intimation was afraid on the following day to deliver it to the senate,
   it was renewed next night in a severer form:  he lost his son, because
   of his neglect.  On the third night he was warned that a yet graver
   punishment was impending, if he should still refuse obedience.  When
   even thus he did not dare to obey, he fell into a virulent and horrible
   disease.  But then, on the advice of his friends, he gave information
   to the magistrates, and was carried in a litter into the senate, and
   having, on declaring his dream, immediately recovered strength, went
   away on his own feet whole. [178]   The senate, amazed at so great a
   miracle, decreed that the games should be renewed at fourfold cost.
   What sensible man does not see that men, being put upon by malignant
   demons, from whose domination nothing save the grace of God through
   Jesus Christ our Lord sets free, have been compelled by force to
   exhibit to such gods as these, plays which, if well advised, they
   should condemn as shameful?  Certain it is that in these plays the
   poetic crimes of the gods are celebrated, yet they are plays which were
   re-established by decree of the senate, under compulsion of the gods.
   In these plays the most shameless actors celebrated Jupiter as the
   corrupter of chastity, and thus gave him pleasure.  If that was a
   fiction, he would have been moved to anger; but if he was delighted
   with the representation of his crimes, even although fabulous, then,
   when he happened to be worshipped, who but the devil could be served?
   Is it so that he could found, extend, and preserve the Roman empire,
   who was more vile than any Roman man whatever, to whom such things were
   displeasing?  Could he give felicity who was so infelicitously
   worshipped, and who, unless he should be thus worshipped, was yet more
   infelicitously provoked to anger?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [177] Tusc. Quæst.i. 26.

   [178] Livy, ii. 36; Cicero, De Divin. 26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Concerning the Three Kinds of Gods About Which the Pontiff
   Scævola Has Discoursed.

   It is recorded that the very learned pontiff Scævola [179] had
   distinguished about three kinds of gods--one introduced by the poets,
   another by the philosophers, another by the statesmen.  The first kind
   he declares to be trifling, because many unworthy things have been
   invented by the poets concerning the gods; the second does not suit
   states, because it contains some things that are superfluous, and some,
   too, which it would be prejudicial for the people to know.  It is no
   great matter about the superfluous things, for it is a common saying of
   skillful lawyers, "Superfluous things do no harm." [180]   But what are
   those things which do harm when brought before the multitude?  "These,"
   he says, "that Hercules, Æsculapius, Castor and Pollux, are not gods;
   for it is declared by learned men that these were but men, and yielded
   to the common lot of mortals."  What else?  "That states have not the
   true images of the gods; because the true God has neither sex, nor age,
   nor definite corporeal members."  The pontiff is not willing that the
   people should know these things; for he does not think they are false.
   He thinks it expedient, therefore, that states should be deceived in
   matters of religion; which Varro himself does not even hesitate to say
   in his books about things divine.  Excellent religion! to which the
   weak, who requires to be delivered, may flee for succor; and when he
   seeks for the truth by which he may be delivered, it is believed to be
   expedient for him that he be deceived.  And, truly, in these same
   books, Scævola is not silent as to his reason for rejecting the poetic
   sort of gods,--to wit, "because they so disfigure the gods that they
   could not bear comparison even with good men, when they make one to
   commit theft, another adultery; or, again, to say or do something else
   basely and foolishly; as that three goddesses contested (with each
   other) the prize of beauty, and the two vanquished by Venus destroyed
   Troy; that Jupiter turned himself into a bull or swan that he might
   copulate with some one; that a goddess married a man, and Saturn
   devoured his children; that, in fine, there is nothing that could be
   imagined, either of the miraculous or vicious, which may not be found
   there, and yet is far removed from the nature of the gods."  O chief
   pontiff Scævola, take away the plays if thou art able; instruct the
   people that they may not offer such honors to the immortal gods, in
   which, if they like, they may admire the crimes of the gods, and, so
   far as it is possible, may, if they please, imitate them.  But if the
   people shall have answered thee, You, O pontiff, have brought these
   things in among us, then ask the gods themselves at whose instigation
   you have ordered these things, that they may not order such things to
   be offered to them.  For if they are bad, and therefore in no way to be
   believed concerning the majority of the gods, the greater is the wrong
   done the gods about whom they are feigned with impunity.  But they do
   not hear thee, they are demons, they teach wicked things, they rejoice
   in vile things; not only do they not count it a wrong if these things
   are feigned about them, but it is a wrong they are quite unable to bear
   if they are not acted at their stated festivals.  But now, if thou
   wouldst call on Jupiter against them, chiefly for that reason that more
   of his crimes are wont to be acted in the scenic plays, is it not the
   case that, although you call him god Jupiter, by whom this whole world
   is ruled and administered, it is he to whom the greatest wrong is done
   by you, because you have thought he ought to be worshipped along with
   them, and have styled him their king?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [179] Called by Cicero (De Oratore, i. 39) the most eloquent of
   lawyers, and the best skilled lawyer among eloquent men.

   [180] Superflua non nocent.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--Whether the Worship of the Gods Has Been of Service to the
   Romans in Obtaining and Extending the Empire.

   Therefore such gods, who are propitiated by such honors, or rather are
   impeached by them (for it is a greater crime to delight in having such
   things said of them falsely, than even if they could be said truly),
   could never by any means have been able to increase and preserve the
   Roman empire.  For if they could have done it, they would rather have
   bestowed so grand a gift on the Greeks, who, in this kind of divine
   things,--that is, in scenic plays,--have worshipped them more honorably
   and worthily, although they have not exempted themselves from those
   slanders of the poets, by whom they saw the gods torn in pieces, giving
   them licence to ill-use any man they pleased, and have not deemed the
   scenic players themselves to be base, but have held them worthy even of
   distinguished honor.  But just as the Romans were able to have gold
   money, although they did not worship a god Aurinus, so also they could
   have silver and brass coin, and yet worship neither Argentinus nor his
   father Aesculanus; and so of all the rest, which it would be irksome
   for me to detail.  It follows, therefore, both that they could not by
   any means attain such dominion if the true God was unwilling; and that
   if these gods, false and many, were unknown or contemned, and He alone
   was known and worshipped with sincere faith and virtue, they would both
   have a better kingdom here, whatever might be its extent, and whether
   they might have one here or not, would afterwards receive an eternal
   kingdom.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--Of the Falsity of the Augury by Which the Strength and
   Stability of the Roman Empire Was Considered to Be Indicated.

   For what kind of augury is that which they have declared to be most
   beautiful, and to which I referred a little ago, that Mars, and
   Terminus, and Juventas would not give place even to Jove, the king of
   the gods?  For thus, they say, it was signified that the nation
   dedicated to Mars,--that is, the Roman,--should yield to none the place
   it once occupied; likewise, that on account of the god Terminus, no one
   would be able to disturb the Roman frontiers; and also, that the Roman
   youth, because of the goddess Juventas, should yield to no one.  Let
   them see, therefore, how they can hold him to be the king of their
   gods, and the giver of their own kingdom, if these auguries set him
   down for an adversary, to whom it would have been honorable not to
   yield.  However, if these things are true, they need not be at all
   afraid.  For they are not going to confess that the gods who would not
   yield to Jove have yielded to Christ.  For, without altering the
   boundaries of the empire, Jesus Christ has proved Himself able to drive
   them, not only from their temples, but from the hearts of their
   worshippers.  But, before Christ came in the flesh, and, indeed, before
   these things which we have quoted from their books could have been
   written, but yet after that auspice was made under king Tarquin, the
   Roman army has been divers times scattered or put to flight, and has
   shown the falseness of the auspice, which they derived from the fact
   that the goddess Juventas had not given place to Jove; and the nation
   dedicated to Mars was trodden down in the city itself by the invading
   and triumphant Gauls; and the boundaries of the empire, through the
   falling away of many cities to Hannibal, had been hemmed into a narrow
   space.  Thus the beauty of the auspices is made void, and there has
   remained only the contumacy against Jove, not of gods, but of demons.
   For it is one thing not to have yielded, and another to have returned
   whither you have yielded.  Besides, even afterwards, in the oriental
   regions, the boundaries of the Roman empire were changed by the will of
   Hadrian; for he yielded up to the Persian empire those three noble
   provinces, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria.  Thus that god Terminus,
   who according to these books was the guardian of the Roman frontiers,
   and by that most beautiful auspice had not given place to Jove, would
   seem to have been more afraid of Hadrian, a king of men, than of the
   king of the gods.  The aforesaid provinces having also been taken back
   again, almost within our own recollection the frontier fell back, when
   Julian, given up to the oracles of their gods, with immoderate daring
   ordered the victualling ships to be set on fire.  The army being thus
   left destitute of provisions, and he himself also being presently
   killed by the enemy, and the legions being hard pressed, while dismayed
   by the loss of their commander, they were reduced to such extremities
   that no one could have escaped, unless by articles of peace the
   boundaries of the empire had then been established where they still
   remain; not, indeed, with so great a loss as was suffered by the
   concession of Hadrian, but still at a considerable sacrifice.  It was a
   vain augury, then, that the god Terminus did not yield to Jove, since
   he yielded to the will of Hadrian, and yielded also to the rashness of
   Julian, and the necessity of Jovinian.   The more intelligent and grave
   Romans have seen these things, but have had little power against the
   custom of the state, which was bound to observe the rites of the
   demons; because even they themselves, although they perceived that
   these things were vain, yet thought that the religious worship which is
   due to God should be paid to the nature of things which is established
   under the rule and government of the one true God, "serving," as saith
   the apostle, "the creature more than the Creator, who is blessed for
   evermore." [181]   The help of this true God was necessary to send holy
   and truly pious men, who would die for the true religion that they
   might remove the false from among the living.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [181] Rom. i. 25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--What Kind of Things Even Their Worshippers Have Owned They
   Have Thought About the Gods of the Nations.

   Cicero the augur laughs at auguries, and reproves men for regulating
   the purposes of life by the cries of crows and jackdaws. [182]   But it
   will be said that an academic philosopher, who argues that all things
   are uncertain, is unworthy to have any authority in these matters.  In
   the second book of his De Natura Deorum, [183] he introduces Lucilius
   Balbus, who, after showing that superstitions have their origin in
   physical and philosophical truths, expresses his indignation at the
   setting up of images and fabulous notions, speaking thus:  "Do you not
   therefore see that from true and useful physical discoveries the reason
   may be drawn away to fabulous and imaginary gods?  This gives birth to
   false opinions and turbulent errors, and superstitions well-nigh
   old-wifeish.  For both the forms of the gods, and their ages, and
   clothing, and ornaments, are made familiar to us; their genealogies,
   too, their marriages, kinships, and all things about them, are debased
   to the likeness of human weakness.  They are even introduced as having
   perturbed minds; for we have accounts of the lusts, cares, and angers
   of the gods.  Nor, indeed, as the fables go, have the gods been without
   their wars and battles.  And that not only when, as in Homer, some gods
   on either side have defended two opposing armies, but they have even
   carried on wars on their own account, as with the Titans or with the
   Giants.  Such things it is quite absurd either to say or to believe:
   they are utterly frivolous and groundless."  Behold, now, what is
   confessed by those who defend the gods of the nations.  Afterwards he
   goes on to say that some things belong to superstition, but others to
   religion, which he thinks good to teach according to the Stoics.  "For
   not only the philosophers," he says, "but also our forefathers, have
   made a distinction between superstition and religion.  For those," he
   says, "who spent whole days in prayer, and offered sacrifice, that
   their children might outlive them, are called superstitious." [184]
   Who does not see that he is trying, while he fears the public
   prejudice, to praise the religion of the ancients, and that he wishes
   to disjoin it from superstition, but cannot find out how to do so?  For
   if those who prayed and sacrificed all day were called superstitious by
   the ancients, were those also called so who instituted (what he blames)
   the images of the gods of diverse age and distinct clothing, and
   invented the genealogies of gods, their marriages, and kinships?  When,
   therefore, these things are found fault with as superstitious, he
   implicates in that fault the ancients who instituted and worshipped
   such images.  Nay, he implicates himself, who, with whatever eloquence
   he may strive to extricate himself and be free, was yet under the
   necessity of venerating these images; nor dared he so much as whisper
   in a discourse to the people what in this disputation he plainly sounds
   forth.  Let us Christians, therefore, give thanks to the Lord our
   God--not to heaven and earth, as that author argues, but to Him who has
   made heaven and earth; because these superstitions, which that Balbus,
   like a babbler, [185] scarcely reprehends, He, by the most deep
   lowliness of Christ, by the preaching of the apostles, by the faith of
   the martyrs dying for the truth and living with the truth, has
   overthrown, not only in the hearts of the religious, but even in the
   temples of the superstitious, by their own free service.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [182] De Divin.ii. 37.

   [183] Cic. De Nat. Deorum, lib. ii. c. 28.

   [184] Superstition, from superstes.  Against his etymology of Cicero,
   see Lact. Inst. Div. iv. 28.

   [185] Balbus, from balbutiens, stammering, babbling.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--Concerning the Opinions of Varro, Who, While Reprobating
   the Popular Belief, Thought that Their Worship Should Be Confined to
   One God, Though He Was Unable to Discover the True God.

   What says Varro himself, whom we grieve to have found, although not by
   his own judgment, placing the scenic plays among things divine?  When
   in many passages he is exhorting, like a religious man, to the worship
   of the gods, does he not in doing so admit that he does not in his own
   judgment believe those things which he relates that the Roman state has
   instituted; so that he does not hesitate to affirm that if he were
   founding a new state, he could enumerate the gods and their names
   better by the rule of nature?  But being born into a nation already
   ancient, he says that he finds himself bound to accept the traditional
   names and surnames of the gods, and the histories connected with them,
   and that his purpose in investigating and publishing these details is
   to incline the people to worship the gods, and not to despise them.  By
   which words this most acute man sufficiently indicates that he does not
   publish all things, because they would not only have been contemptible
   to himself, but would have seemed despicable even to the rabble, unless
   they had been passed over in silence.  I should be thought to
   conjecture these things, unless he himself, in another passage, had
   openly said, in speaking of religious rites, that many things are true
   which it is not only not useful for the common people to know, but that
   it is expedient that the people should think otherwise, even though
   falsely, and therefore the Greeks have shut up the religious ceremonies
   and mysteries in silence, and within walls.  In this he no doubt
   expresses the policy of the so-called wise men by whom states and
   peoples are ruled.  Yet by this crafty device the malign demons are
   wonderfully delighted, who possess alike the deceivers and the
   deceived, and from whose tyranny nothing sets free save the grace of
   God through Jesus Christ our Lord.

   The same most acute and learned author also says, that those alone seem
   to him to have perceived what God is, who have believed Him to be the
   soul of the world, governing it by design and reason. [186]   And by
   this, it appears, that although he did not attain to the truth,--for
   the true God is not a soul, but the maker and author of the soul,--yet
   if he could have been free to go against the prejudices of custom, he
   could have confessed and counselled others that the one God ought to be
   worshipped, who governs the world by design and reason; so that on this
   subject only this point would remain to be debated with him, that he
   had called Him a soul, and not rather the creator of the soul.  He
   says, also, that the ancient Romans, for more than a hundred and
   seventy years, worshipped the gods without an image. [187]   "And if
   this custom," he says, "could have remained till now, the gods would
   have been more purely worshipped."  In favor of this opinion, he cites
   as a witness among others the Jewish nation; nor does he hesitate to
   conclude that passage by saying of those who first consecrated images
   for the people, that they have both taken away religious fear from
   their fellow-citizens, and increased error, wisely thinking that the
   gods easily fall into contempt when exhibited under the stolidity of
   images.  But as he does not say they have transmitted error, but that
   they have increased it, he therefore wishes it to be understood that
   there was error already when there were no images.  Wherefore, when he
   says they alone have perceived what God is who have believed Him to be
   the governing soul of the world, and thinks that the rites of religion
   would have been more purely observed without images, who fails to see
   how near he has come to the truth?  For if he had been able to do
   anything against so inveterate an error, he would certainly have given
   it as his opinion both that the one God should be worshipped, and that
   He should be worshipped without an image; and having so nearly
   discovered the truth, perhaps he might easily have been put in mind of
   the mutability of the soul, and might thus have perceived that the true
   God is that immutable nature which made the soul itself.  Since these
   things are so, whatever ridicule such men have poured in their writings
   against the plurality of the gods, they have done so rather as
   compelled by the secret will of God to confess them, than as trying to
   persuade others.  If, therefore, any testimonies are adduced by us from
   these writings, they are adduced for the confutation of those who are
   unwilling to consider from how great and malignant a power of the
   demons the singular sacrifice of the shedding of the most holy blood,
   and the gift of the imparted Spirit, can set us free.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [186] See Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. 2.

   [187] Plutarch's Numa, c. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--In What Interest the Princes of the Nations Wished False
   Religions to Continue Among the People Subject to Them.

   Varro says also, concerning the generations of the gods, that the
   people have inclined to the poets rather than to the natural
   philosophers; and that therefore their forefathers,--that is, the
   ancient Romans,--believed both in the sex and the generations of the
   gods, and settled their marriages; which certainly seems to have been
   done for no other cause except that it was the business of such men as
   were prudent and wise to deceive the people in matters of religion, and
   in that very thing not only to worship, but also to imitate the demons,
   whose greatest lust is to deceive.  For just as the demons cannot
   possess any but those whom they have deceived with guile, so also men
   in princely office, not indeed being just, but like demons, have
   persuaded the people in the name of religion to receive as true those
   things which they themselves knew to be false; in this way, as it were,
   binding them up more firmly in civil society, so that they might in
   like manner possess them as subjects.  But who that was weak and
   unlearned could escape the deceits of both the princes of the state and
   the demons?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--That the Times of All Kings and Kingdoms are Ordained by
   the Judgment and Power of the True God.

   Therefore that God, the author and giver of felicity, because He alone
   is the true God, Himself gives earthly kingdoms both to good and bad.
   Neither does He do this rashly, and, as it were, fortuitously,--because
   He is God not fortune,--but according to the order of things and times,
   which is hidden from us, but thoroughly known to Himself; which same
   order of times, however, He does not serve as subject to it, but
   Himself rules as lord and appoints as governor.  Felicity He gives only
   to the good.  Whether a man be a subject or a king makes no difference;
   he may equally either possess or not possess it.  And it shall be full
   in that life where kings and subjects exist no longer.  And therefore
   earthly kingdoms are given by Him both to the good and the bad; lest
   His worshippers, still under the conduct of a very weak mind, should
   covet these gifts from Him as some great things.  And this is the
   mystery of the Old Testament, in which the New was hidden, that there
   even earthly gifts are promised:  those who were spiritual
   understanding even then, although not yet openly declaring, both the
   eternity which was symbolized by these earthly things, and in what
   gifts of God true felicity could be found.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--Concerning the Kingdom of the Jews, Which Was Founded by
   the One and True God, and Preserved by Him as Long as They Remained in
   the True Religion.

   Therefore, that it might be known that these earthly good things, after
   which those pant who cannot imagine better things, remain in the power
   of the one God Himself, not of the many false gods whom the Romans have
   formerly believed worthy of worship, He multiplied His people in Egypt
   from being very few, and delivered them out of it by wonderful signs.
   Nor did their women invoke Lucina when their offspring was being
   incredibly multiplied; and that nation having increased incredibly, He
   Himself delivered, He Himself saved them from the hands of the
   Egyptians, who persecuted them, and wished to kill all their infants.
   Without the goddess Rumina they sucked; without Cunina they were
   cradled, without Educa and Potina they took food and drink; without all
   those puerile gods they were educated; without the nuptial gods they
   were married; without the worship of Priapus they had conjugal
   intercourse; without invocation of Neptune the divided sea opened up a
   way for them to pass over, and overwhelmed with its returning waves
   their enemies who pursued them.  Neither did they consecrate any
   goddess Mannia when they received manna from heaven; nor, when the
   smitten rock poured forth water to them when they thirsted, did they
   worship Nymphs and Lymphs.  Without the mad rites of Mars and Bellona
   they carried on war; and while, indeed, they did not conquer without
   victory, yet they did not hold it to be a goddess, but the gift of
   their God.  Without Segetia they had harvests; without Bubona, oxen;
   honey without Mellona; apples without Pomona:  and, in a word,
   everything for which the Romans thought they must supplicate so great a
   crowd of false gods, they received much more happily from the one true
   God.  And if they had not sinned against Him with impious curiosity,
   which seduced them like magic arts, and drew them to strange gods and
   idols, and at last led them to kill Christ, their kingdom would have
   remained to them, and would have been, if not more spacious, yet more
   happy, than that of Rome.  And now that they are dispersed through
   almost all lands and nations, it is through the providence of that one
   true God; that whereas the images, altars, groves, and temples of the
   false gods are everywhere overthrown, and their sacrifices prohibited,
   it may be shown from their books how this has been foretold by their
   prophets so long before; lest, perhaps, when they should be read in
   ours, they might seem to be invented by us.  But now, reserving what is
   to follow for the following book, we must here set a bound to the
   prolixity of this one.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [160] In Augustin's letter to Evodius (169), which was written towards
   the end of the year 415, he mentions that this fourth book and the
   following one were begun and finished during that same year.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book V. [188]

   ------------------------

   Argument--Augustin first discusses the doctrine of fate, for the sake
   of confuting those who are disposed to refer to fate the power and
   increase of the Roman empire, which could not be attributed to false
   gods, as has been shown in the preceding book.  After that, he proves
   that there is no contradiction between God's prescience and our free
   will.  He then speaks of the manners of the ancient Romans, and shows
   in what sense it was due to the virtue of the Romans themselves, and in
   how far to the counsel of God, that he increased their dominion, though
   they did not worship him.  Finally, he explains what is to be accounted
   the true happiness of the Christian emperors.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface.

   Since, then, it is established that the complete attainment of all we
   desire is that which constitutes felicity, which is no goddess, but a
   gift of God, and that therefore men can worship no god save Him who is
   able to make them happy,--and were Felicity herself a goddess, she
   would with reason be the only object of worship,--since, I say, this is
   established, let us now go on to consider why God, who is able to give
   with all other things those good gifts which can be possessed by men
   who are not good, and consequently not happy, has seen fit to grant
   such extended and long-continued dominion to the Roman empire; for that
   this was not effected by that multitude of false gods which they
   worshipped, we have both already adduced, and shall, as occasion
   offers, yet adduce considerable proof.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--That the Cause of the Roman Empire, and of All Kingdoms, is
   Neither Fortuitous Nor Consists in the Position of the Stars. [189]

   The cause, then, of the greatness of the Roman empire is neither
   fortuitous nor fatal, according to the judgment or opinion of those who
   call those things fortuitous which either have no causes, or such
   causes as do not proceed from some intelligible order, and those things
   fatal which happen independently of the will of God and man, by the
   necessity of a certain order.  In a word, human kingdoms are
   established by divine providence.  And if any one attributes their
   existence to fate, because he calls the will or the power of God itself
   by the name of fate, let him keep his opinion, but correct his
   language.  For why does he not say at first what he will say
   afterwards, when some one shall put the question to him, What he means
   by fate?  For when men hear that word, according to the ordinary use of
   the language, they simply understand by it the virtue of that
   particular position of the stars which may exist at the time when any
   one is born or conceived, which some separate altogether from the will
   of God, whilst others affirm that this also is dependent on that will.
   But those who are of opinion that, apart from the will of God, the
   stars determine what we shall do, or what good things we shall possess,
   or what evils we shall suffer, must be refused a hearing by all, not
   only by those who hold the true religion, but by those who wish to be
   the worshippers of any gods whatsoever, even false gods.  For what does
   this opinion really amount to but this, that no god whatever is to be
   worshipped or prayed to?  Against these, however, our present
   disputation is not intended to be directed, but against those who, in
   defence of those whom they think to be gods, oppose the Christian
   religion.  They, however, who make the position of the stars depend on
   the divine will, and in a manner decree what character each man shall
   have, and what good or evil shall happen to him, if they think that
   these same stars have that power conferred upon them by the supreme
   power of God, in order that they may determine these things according
   to their will, do a great injury to the celestial sphere, in whose most
   brilliant senate, and most splendid senate-house, as it were, they
   suppose that wicked deeds are decreed to be done,--such deeds as that,
   if any terrestrial state should decree them, it would be condemned to
   overthrow by the decree of the whole human race.  What judgment, then,
   is left to God concerning the deeds of men, who is Lord both of the
   stars and of men, when to these deeds a celestial necessity is
   attributed?  Or, if they do not say that the stars, though they have
   indeed received a certain power from God, who is supreme, determine
   those things according to their own discretion, but simply that His
   commands are fulfilled by them instrumentally in the application and
   enforcing of such necessities, are we thus to think concerning God even
   what it seemed unworthy that we should think concerning the will of the
   stars?  But, if the stars are said rather to signify these things than
   to effect them, so that that position of the stars is, as it were, a
   kind of speech predicting, not causing future things,--for this has
   been the opinion of men of no ordinary learning,--certainly the
   mathematicians are not wont so to speak saying, for example, Mars in
   such or such a position signifies a homicide, but makes a homicide.
   But, nevertheless, though we grant that they do not speak as they
   ought, and that we ought to accept as the proper form of speech that
   employed by the philosophers in predicting those things which they
   think they discover in the position of the stars, how comes it that
   they have never been able to assign any cause why, in the life of
   twins, in their actions, in the events which befall them, in their
   professions, arts, honors, and other things pertaining to human life,
   also in their very death, there is often so great a difference, that,
   as far as these things are concerned, many entire strangers are more
   like them than they are like each other, though separated at birth by
   the smallest interval of time, but at conception generated by the same
   act of copulation, and at the same moment?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [189] On the application of astrology to national prosperity, and the
   success of certain religions, see Lecky's Rationalism, i. 303.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--On the Difference in the Health of Twins.

   Cicero says that the famous physician Hippocrates has left in writing
   that he had suspected that a certain pair of brothers were twins, from
   the fact that they both took ill at once, and their disease advanced to
   its crisis and subsided in the same time in each of them. [190]
   Posidonius the Stoic, who was much given to astrology, used to explain
   the fact by supposing that they had been born and conceived under the
   same constellation.  In this question the conjecture of the physician
   is by far more worthy to be accepted, and approaches much nearer to
   credibility, since, according as the parents were affected in body at
   the time of copulation, so might the first elements of the foetuses
   have been affected, so that all that was necessary for their growth and
   development up till birth having been supplied from the body of the
   same mother, they might be born with like constitutions.  Thereafter,
   nourished in the same house, on the same kinds of food, where they
   would have also the same kinds of air, the same locality, the same
   quality of water,--which, according to the testimony of medical
   science, have a very great influence, good or bad, on the condition of
   bodily health,--and where they would also be accustomed to the same
   kinds of exercise, they would have bodily constitutions so similar that
   they would be similarly affected with sickness at the same time and by
   the same causes.  But, to wish to adduce that particular position of
   the stars which existed at the time when they were born or conceived as
   the cause of their being simultaneously affected with sickness,
   manifests the greatest arrogance, when so many beings of most diverse
   kinds, in the most diverse conditions, and subject to the most diverse
   events, may have been conceived and born at the same time, and in the
   same district, lying under the same sky.  But we know that twins do not
   only act differently, and travel to very different places, but that
   they also suffer from different kinds of sickness; for which
   Hippocrates would give what is in my opinion the simplest reason,
   namely, that, through diversity of food and exercise, which arises not
   from the constitution of the body, but from the inclination of the
   mind, they may have come to be different from each other in respect of
   health.  Moreover, Posidonius, or any other asserter of the fatal
   influence of the stars, will have enough to do to find anything to say
   to this, if he be unwilling to im pose upon the minds of the
   uninstructed in things of which they are ignorant.  But, as to what
   they attempt to make out from that very small interval of time elapsing
   between the births of twins, on account of that point in the heavens
   where the mark of the natal hour is placed, and which they call the
   "horoscope," it is either disproportionately small to the diversity
   which is found in the dispositions, actions, habits, and fortunes of
   twins, or it is disproportionately great when compared with the estate
   of twins, whether low or high, which is the same for both of them, the
   cause for whose greatest difference they place, in every case, in the
   hour on which one is born; and, for this reason, if the one is born so
   immediately after the other that there is no change in the horoscope, I
   demand an entire similarity in all that respects them both, which can
   never be found in the case of any twins.  But if the slowness of the
   birth of the second give time for a change in the horoscope, I demand
   different parents, which twins can never have.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [190] This fact is not recorded in any of the extant works of
   Hippocrates or Cicero.  Vives supposes it may have found place in
   Cicero's book, De Fato.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Concerning the Arguments Which Nigidius the Mathematician
   Drew from the Potter's Wheel, in the Question About the Birth of Twins.

   It is to no purpose, therefore, that that famous fiction about the
   potter's wheel is brought forward, which tells of the answer which
   Nigidius is said to have given when he was perplexed with this
   question, and on account of which he was called Figulus. [191]   For,
   having whirled round the potter's wheel with all his strength he marked
   it with ink, striking it twice with the utmost rapidity, so that the
   strokes seemed to fall on the very same part of it.  Then, when the
   rotation had ceased, the marks which he had made were found upon the
   rim of the wheel at no small distance apart.  Thus, said he,
   considering the great rapidity with which the celestial sphere
   revolves, even though twins were born with as short an interval between
   their births as there was between the strokes which I gave this wheel,
   that brief interval of time is equivalent to a very great distance in
   the celestial sphere.  Hence, said he, come whatever dissimilitudes may
   be remarked in the habits and fortunes of twins.  This argument is more
   fragile than the vessels which are fashioned by the rotation of that
   wheel.  For if there is so much significance in the heavens which
   cannot be comprehended by observation of the constellations, that, in
   the case of twins, an inheritance may fall to the one and not to the
   other, why, in the case of others who are not twins, do they dare,
   having examined their constellations, to declare such things as pertain
   to that secret which no one can comprehend, and to attribute them to
   the precise moment of the birth of each individual?  Now, if such
   predictions in connection with the natal hours of others who are not
   twins are to be vindicated on the ground that they are founded on the
   observation of more extended spaces in the heavens, whilst those very
   small moments of time which separated the births of twins, and
   correspond to minute portions of celestial space, are to be connected
   with trifling things about which the mathematicians are not wont to be
   consulted,--for who would consult them as to when he is to sit, when to
   walk abroad, when and on what he is to dine? --how can we be justified
   in so speaking, when we can point out such manifold diversity both in
   the habits, doings, and destinies of twins?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [191] I.e. the potter.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Concerning the Twins Esau and Jacob, Who Were Very Unlike
   Each Other Both in Their Character and Actions.

   In the time of the ancient fathers, to speak concerning illustrious
   persons, there were born two twin brothers, the one so immediately
   after the other, that the first took hold of the heel of the second.
   So great a difference existed in their lives and manners, so great a
   dissimilarity in their actions, so great a difference in their parents'
   love for them respectively, that the very contrast between them
   produced even a mutual hostile antipathy.  Do we mean, when we say that
   they were so unlike each other, that when the one was walking the other
   was sitting, when the one was sleeping the other was waking,--which
   differences are such as are attributed to those minute portions of
   space which cannot be appreciated by those who note down the position
   of the stars which exists at the moment of one's birth, in order that
   the mathematicians may be consulted concerning it?  One of these twins
   was for a long time a hired servant; the other never served.  One of
   them was beloved by his mother; the other was not so.  One of them lost
   that honor which was so much valued among their people; the other
   obtained it.  And what shall we say of their wives, their children, and
   their possessions?  How different they were in respect to all these!
   If, therefore, such things as these are connected with those minute
   intervals of time which elapse between the births of twins, and are not
   to be attributed to the constellations, wherefore are they predicted in
   the case of others from the examination of their constellations?  And
   if, on the other hand, these things are said to be predicted, because
   they are connected, not with minute and inappreciable moments, but with
   intervals of time which can be observed and noted down, what purpose is
   that potter's wheel to serve in this matter, except it be to whirl
   round men who have hearts of clay, in order that they may be prevented
   from detecting the emptiness of the talk of the mathematicians?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--In What Manner the Mathematicians are Convicted of
   Professing a Vain Science.

   Do not those very persons whom the medical sagacity of Hippocrates led
   him to suspect to be twins, because their disease was observed by him
   to develop to its crisis and to subside again in the same time in each
   of them,--do not these, I say, serve as a sufficient refutation of
   those who wish to attribute to the influence of the stars that which
   was owing to a similarity of bodily constitution?  For wherefore were
   they both sick of the same disease, and at the same time, and not the
   one after the other in the order of their birth? (for certainly they
   could not both be born at the same time.)  Or, if the fact of their
   having been born at different times by no means necessarily implies
   that they must be sick at different times, why do they contend that the
   difference in the time of their births was the cause of their
   difference in other things?  Why could they travel in foreign parts at
   different times, marry at different times, beget children at different
   times, and do many other things at different times, by reason of their
   having been born at different times, and yet could not, for the same
   reason, also be sick at different times?  For if a difference in the
   moment of birth changed the horoscope, and occasioned dissimilarity in
   all other things, why has that simultaneousness which belonged to their
   conception remained in their attacks of sickness?  Or, if the destinies
   of health are involved in the time of conception, but those of other
   things be said to be attached to the time of birth, they ought not to
   predict anything concerning health from examination of the
   constellations of birth, when the hour of conception is not also given,
   that its constellations may be inspected.  But if they say that they
   predict attacks of sickness without examining the horoscope of
   conception, because these are indicated by the moments of birth, how
   could they inform either of these twins when he would be sick, from the
   horoscope of his birth, when the other also, who had not the same
   horoscope of birth, must of necessity fall sick at the same time?
   Again, I ask, if the distance of time between the births of twins is so
   great as to occasion a difference of their constellations on account of
   the difference of their horoscopes, and therefore of all the cardinal
   points to which so much influence is attributed, that even from such
   change there comes a difference of destiny, how is it possible that
   this should be so, since they cannot have been conceived at different
   times?  Or, if two conceived at the same moment of time could have
   different destinies with respect to their births, why may not also two
   born at the same moment of time have different destinies for life and
   for death?  For if the one moment in which both were conceived did not
   hinder that the one should be born before the other, why, if two are
   born at the same moment, should anything hinder them from dying at the
   same moment?  If a simultaneous conception allows of twins being
   differently affected in the womb, why should not simultaneousness of
   birth allow of any two individuals having different fortunes in the
   world? and thus would all the fictions of this art, or rather delusion,
   be swept away.  What strange circumstance is this, that two children
   conceived at the same time, nay, at the same moment, under the same
   position of the stars, have different fates which bring them to
   different hours of birth, whilst two children, born of two different
   mothers, at the same moment of time, under one and the same position of
   the stars, cannot have different fates which shall conduct them by
   necessity to diverse manners of life and of death?  Are they at
   conception as yet without destinies, because they can only have them if
   they be born?  What, therefore, do they mean when they say that, if the
   hour of the conception be found, many things can be predicted by these
   astrologers? from which also arose that story which is reiterated by
   some, that a certain sage chose an hour in which to lie with his wife,
   in order to secure his begetting an illustrious son.  From this opinion
   also came that answer of Posidonius, the great astrologer and also
   philosopher, concerning those twins who were attacked with sickness at
   the same time, namely, "That this had happened to them because they
   were conceived at the same time, and born at the same time."  For
   certainly he added "conception," lest it should be said to him that
   they could not both be born at the same time, knowing that at any rate
   they must both have been conceived at the same time; wishing thus to
   show that he did not attribute the fact of their being similarly and
   simultaneously affected with sickness to the similarity of their bodily
   constitutions as its proximate cause, but that he held that even in
   respect of the similarity of their health, they were bound together by
   a sidereal connection.  If, therefore, the time of conception has so
   much to do with the similarity of destinies, these same destinies ought
   not to be changed by the circumstances of birth; or, if the destinies
   of twins be said to be changed because they are born at different
   times, why should we not rather understand that they had been already
   changed in order that they might be born at different times?  Does not,
   then, the will of men living in the world change the destinies of
   birth, when the order of birth can change the destinies they had at
   conception?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Concerning Twins of Different Sexes.

   But even in the very conception of twins, which certainly occurs at the
   same moment in the case of both, it often happens that the one is
   conceived a male, and the other a female.  I know two of different
   sexes who are twins.  Both of them are alive, and in the flower of
   their age; and though they resemble each other in body, as far as
   difference of sex will permit, still they are very different in the
   whole scope and purpose of their lives (consideration being had of
   those differences which necessarily exist between the lives of males
   and females),--the one holding the office of a count, and being almost
   constantly away from home with the army in foreign service, the other
   never leaving her country's soil, or her native district.  Still
   more,--and this is more incredible, if the destinies of the stars are
   to be believed in, though it is not wonderful if we consider the wills
   of men, and the free gifts of God,--he is married; she is a sacred
   virgin:  he has begotten a numerous offspring; she has never even
   married.  But is not the virtue of the horoscope very great?  I think I
   have said enough to show the absurdity of that.  But, say those
   astrologers, whatever be the virtue of the horoscope in other respects,
   it is certainly of significance with respect to birth.  But why not
   also with respect to conception, which takes place undoubtedly with one
   act of copulation?  And, indeed, so great is the force of nature, that
   after a woman has once conceived, she ceases to be liable to
   conception.  Or were they, perhaps, changed at birth, either he into a
   male, or she into a female, because of the difference in their
   horoscopes?  But, whilst it is not altogether absurd to say that
   certain sidereal influences have some power to cause differences in
   bodies alone,--as, for instance, we see that the seasons of the year
   come round by the approaching and receding of the sun, and that certain
   kinds of things are increased in size or diminished by the waxings and
   wanings of the moon, such as sea-urchins, oysters, and the wonderful
   tides of the ocean,--it does not follow that the wills of men are to be
   made subject to the position of the stars.  The astrologers, however,
   when they wish to bind our actions also to the constellations, only set
   us on investigating whether, even in these bodies, the changes may not
   be attributable to some other than a sidereal cause.  For what is there
   which more intimately concerns a body than its sex?  And yet, under the
   same position of the stars, twins of different sexes may be conceived.
   Wherefore, what greater absurdity can be affirmed or believed than that
   the position of the stars, which was the same for both of them at the
   time of conception, could not cause that the one child should not have
   been of a different sex from her brother, with whom she had a common
   constellation, whilst the position of the stars which existed at the
   hour of their birth could cause that she should be separated from him
   by the great distance between marriage and holy virginity?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Concerning the Choosing of a Day for Marriage, or for
   Planting, or Sowing.

   Now, will any one bring forward this, that in choosing certain
   particular days for particular actions, men bring about certain new
   destinies for their actions?  That man, for instance, according to this
   doctrine, was not born to have an illustrious son, but rather a
   contemptible one, and therefore, being a man of learning, he choose an
   hour in which to lie with his wife.  He made, therefore, a destiny
   which he did not have before, and from that destiny of his own making
   something began to be fatal which was not contained in the destiny of
   his natal hour.  Oh, singular stupidity!  A day is chosen on which to
   marry; and for this reason, I believe, that unless a day be chosen, the
   marriage may fall on an unlucky day, and turn out an unhappy one.  What
   then becomes of what the stars have already decreed at the hour of
   birth?  Can a man be said to change by an act of choice that which has
   already been determined for him, whilst that which he himself has
   determined in the choosing of a day cannot be changed by another
   power?  Thus, if men alone, and not all things under heaven, are
   subject to the influence of the stars, why do they choose some days as
   suitable for planting vines or trees, or for sowing grain, other days
   as suitable for taming beasts on, or for putting the males to the
   females, that the cows and mares may be impregnated, and for such-like
   things?  If it be said that certain chosen days have an influence on
   these things, because the constellations rule over all terrestrial
   bodies, animate and inanimate, according to differences in moments of
   time, let it be considered what innumerable multitudes of beings are
   born or arise, or take their origin at the very same instant of time,
   which come to ends so different, that they may persuade any little boy
   that these observations about days are ridiculous.  For who is so mad
   as to dare affirm that all trees, all herbs, all beasts, serpents,
   birds, fishes, worms, have each separately their own moments of birth
   or commencement?  Nevertheless, men are wont, in order to try the skill
   of the mathematicians, to bring before them the constellations of dumb
   animals, the constellations of whose birth they diligently observe at
   home with a view to this discovery; and they prefer those
   mathematicians to all others, who say from the inspection of the
   constellations that they indicate the birth of a beast and not of a
   man.  They also dare tell what kind of beast it is, whether it is a
   wool-bearing beast, or a beast suited for carrying burthens, or one fit
   for the plough, or for watching a house; for the astrologers are also
   tried with respect to the fates of dogs, and their answers concerning
   these are followed by shouts of admiration on the part of those who
   consult them.  They so deceive men as to make them think that during
   the birth of a man the births of all other beings are suspended, so
   that not even a fly comes to life at the same time that he is being
   born, under the same region of the heavens.  And if this be admitted
   with respect to the fly, the reasoning cannot stop there, but must
   ascend from flies till it lead them up to camels and elephants.  Nor
   are they willing to attend to this, that when a day has been chosen
   whereon to sow a field, so many grains fall into the ground
   simultaneously, germinate simultaneously, spring up, come to
   perfection, and ripen simultaneously; and yet, of all the ears which
   are coeval, and, so to speak, congerminal, some are destroyed by
   mildew, some are devoured by the birds, and some are pulled by men.
   How can they say that all these had their different constellations,
   which they see coming to so different ends?  Will they confess that it
   is folly to choose days for such things, and to affirm that they do not
   come within the sphere of the celestial decree, whilst they subject men
   alone to the stars, on whom alone in the world God has bestowed free
   wills?  All these things being considered, we have good reason to
   believe that, when the astrologers give very many wonderful answers, it
   is to be attributed to the occult inspiration of spirits not of the
   best kind, whose care it is to insinuate into the minds of men, and to
   confirm in them, those false and noxious opinions concerning the fatal
   influence of the stars, and not to their marking and inspecting of
   horoscopes, according to some kind of art which in reality has no
   existence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Concerning Those Who Call by the Name of Fate, Not the
   Position of the Stars, But the Connection of Causes Which Depends on
   the Will of God.

   But, as to those who call by the name of fate, not the disposition of
   the stars as it may exist when any creature is conceived, or born, or
   commences its existence, but the whole connection and train of causes
   which makes everything become what it does become, there is no need
   that I should labor and strive with them in a merely verbal
   controversy, since they attribute the so-called order and connection of
   causes to the will and power of God most high, who is most rightly and
   most truly believed to know all things before they come to pass, and to
   leave nothing unordained; from whom are all powers, although the wills
   of all are not from Him.  Now, that it is chiefly the will of God most
   high, whose power extends itself irresistibly through all things which
   they call fate, is proved by the following verses, of which, if I
   mistake not, Annæus Seneca is the author:--

   "Father supreme, Thou ruler of the lofty heavens,

   Lead me where'er it is Thy pleasure; I will give

   A prompt obedience, making no delay,

   Lo! here I am.  Promptly I come to do Thy sovereign will;

   If thy command shall thwart my inclination, I will still

   Follow Thee groaning, and the work assigned,

   With all the suffering of a mind repugnant,

   Will perform, being evil; which, had I been good,

   I should have undertaken and performed, though hard,

   With virtuous cheerfulness.

   The Fates do lead the man that follows willing;

   But the man that is unwilling, him they drag." [192]

   Most evidently, in this last verse, he calls that "fate" which he had
   before called "the will of the Father supreme," whom, he says, he is
   ready to obey that he may be led, being willing, not dragged, being
   unwilling, since "the Fates do lead the man that follows willing, but
   the man that is unwilling, him they drag."

   The following Homeric lines, which Cicero translates into Latin, also
   favor this opinion :--

   "Such are the minds of men, as is the light

   Which Father Jove himself doth pour

   Illustrious o'er the fruitful earth." [193]

   Not that Cicero wishes that a poetical sentiment should have any weight
   in a question like this; for when he says that the Stoics, when
   asserting the power of fate, were in the habit of using these verses
   from Homer, he is not treating concerning the opinion of that poet, but
   concerning that of those philosophers, since by these verses, which
   they quote in connection with the controversy which they hold about
   fate, is most distinctly manifested what it is which they reckon fate,
   since they call by the name of Jupiter him whom they reckon the supreme
   god, from whom, they say, hangs the whole chain of fates.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [192] Epist. 107.

   [193] Odyssey,xviii. 136, 137.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Concerning the Foreknowledge of God and the Free Will of
   Man, in Opposition to the Definition of Cicero.

   The manner in which Cicero addresses himself to the task of refuting
   the Stoics, shows that he did not think he could effect anything
   against them in argument unless he had first demolished divination.
   [194]   And this he attempts to accomplish by denying that there is any
   knowledge of future things, and maintains with all his might that there
   is no such knowledge either in God or man, and that there is no
   prediction of events.  Thus he both denies the foreknowledge of God,
   and attempts by vain arguments, and by opposing to himself certain
   oracles very easy to be refuted, to overthrow all prophecy, even such
   as is clearer than the light (though even these oracles are not refuted
   by him).

   But, in refuting these conjectures of the mathematicians, his argument
   is triumphant, because truly these are such as destroy and refute
   themselves.  Nevertheless, they are far more tolerable who assert the
   fatal influence of the stars than they who deny the foreknowledge of
   future events.  For, to confess that God exists, and at the same time
   to deny that He has foreknowledge of future things, is the most
   manifest folly.  This Cicero himself saw, and therefore attempted to
   assert the doctrine embodied in the words of Scripture, "The fool hath
   said in his heart, There is no God." [195]   That, however, he did not
   do in his own person, for he saw how odious and offensive such an
   opinion would be; and therefore, in his book on the nature of the gods,
   [196] he makes Cotta dispute concerning this against the Stoics, and
   preferred to give his own opinion in favor of Lucilius Balbus, to whom
   he assigned the defence of the Stoical position, rather than in favor
   of Cotta, who maintained that no divinity exists.  However, in his book
   on divination, he in his own person most openly opposes the doctrine of
   the prescience of future things.  But all this he seems to do in order
   that he may not grant the doctrine of fate, and by so doing destroy
   free will.  For he thinks that, the knowledge of future things being
   once conceded, fate follows as so necessary a consequence that it
   cannot be denied.

   But, let these perplexing debatings and disputations of the
   philosophers go on as they may, we, in order that we may confess the
   most high and true God Himself, do confess His will, supreme power, and
   prescience.  Neither let us be afraid lest, after all, we do not do by
   will that which we do by will, because He, whose foreknowledge is
   infallible, foreknew that we would do it.  It was this which Cicero was
   afraid of, and therefore opposed foreknowledge.  The Stoics also
   maintained that all things do not come to pass by necessity, although
   they contended that all things happen according to destiny.  What is
   it, then, that Cicero feared in the prescience of future things?
   Doubtless it was this,--that if all future things have been foreknown,
   they will happen in the order in which they have been foreknown; and if
   they come to pass in this order, there is a certain order of things
   foreknown by God; and if a certain order of things, then a certain
   order of causes, for nothing can happen which is not preceded by some
   efficient cause.  But if there is a certain order of causes according
   to which everything happens which does happen, then by fate, says he,
   all things happen which do happen.  But if this be so, then is there
   nothing in our own power, and there is no such thing as freedom of
   will; and if we grant that, says he, the whole economy of human life is
   subverted.  In vain are laws enacted.  In vain are reproaches, praises,
   chidings, exhortations had recourse to; and there is no justice
   whatever in the appointment of rewards for the good, and punishments
   for the wicked.  And that consequences so disgraceful, and absurd, and
   pernicious to humanity may not follow, Cicero chooses to reject the
   foreknowledge of future things, and shuts up the religious mind to this
   alternative, to make choice between two things, either that something
   is in our own power, or that there is foreknowledge,--both of which
   cannot be true; but if the one is affirmed, the other is thereby
   denied.  He therefore, like a truly great and wise man, and one who
   consulted very much and very skillfully for the good of humanity, of
   those two chose the freedom of the will, to confirm which he denied the
   foreknowledge of future things; and thus, wishing to make men free he
   makes them sacrilegious.  But the religious mind chooses both,
   confesses both, and maintains both by the faith of piety.  But how so?
   says Cicero; for the knowledge of future things being granted, there
   follows a chain of consequences which ends in this, that there can be
   nothing depending on our own free wills.  And further, if there is
   anything depending on our wills, we must go backwards by the same steps
   of reasoning till we arrive at the conclusion that there is no
   foreknowledge of future things.  For we go backwards through all the
   steps in the following order:--If there is free will, all things do not
   happen according to fate; if all things do not happen according to
   fate, there is not a certain order of causes; and if there is not a
   certain order of causes, neither is there a certain order of things
   foreknown by God,--for things cannot come to pass except they are
   preceded by efficient causes,--but, if there is no fixed and certain
   order of causes foreknown by God, all things cannot be said to happen
   according as He foreknew that they would happen.  And further, if it is
   not true that all things happen just as they have been foreknown by
   Him, there is not, says he, in God any foreknowledge of future events.

   Now, against the sacrilegious and impious darings of reason, we assert
   both that God knows all things before they come to pass, and that we do
   by our free will whatsoever we know and feel to be done by us only
   because we will it.  But that all things come to pass by fate, we do
   not say; nay we affirm that nothing comes to pass by fate; for we
   demonstrate that the name of fate, as it is wont to be used by those
   who speak of fate, meaning thereby the position of the stars at the
   time of each one's conception or birth, is an unmeaning word, for
   astrology itself is a delusion.  But an order of causes in which the
   highest efficiency is attributed to the will of God, we neither deny
   nor do we designate it by the name of fate, unless, perhaps, we may
   understand fate to mean that which is spoken, deriving it from fari, to
   speak; for we cannot deny that it is written in the sacred Scriptures,
   "God hath spoken once; these two things have I heard, that power
   belongeth unto God.  Also unto Thee, O God, belongeth mercy:  for Thou
   wilt render unto every man according to his works." [197]   Now the
   expression, "Once hath He spoken," is to be understood as meaning
   "immovably," that is, unchangeably hath He spoken, inasmuch as He knows
   unchangeably all things which shall be, and all things which He will
   do.  We might, then, use the word fate in the sense it bears when
   derived from fari, to speak, had it not already come to be understood
   in another sense, into which I am unwilling that the hearts of men
   should unconsciously slide.  But it does not follow that, though there
   is for God a certain order of all causes, there must therefore be
   nothing depending on the free exercise of our own wills, for our wills
   themselves are included in that order of causes which is certain to
   God, and is embraced by His foreknowledge, for human wills are also
   causes of human actions; and He who foreknew all the causes of things
   would certainly among those causes not have been ignorant of our
   wills.  For even that very concession which Cicero himself makes is
   enough to refute him in this argument.  For what does it help him to
   say that nothing takes place without a cause, but that every cause is
   not fatal, there being a fortuitous cause, a natural cause, and a
   voluntary cause?  It is sufficient that he confesses that whatever
   happens must be preceded by a cause.  For we say that those causes
   which are called fortuitous are not a mere name for the absence of
   causes, but are only latent, and we attribute them either to the will
   of the true God, or to that of spirits of some kind or other.  And as
   to natural causes, we by no means separate them from the will of Him
   who is the author and framer of all nature.  But now as to voluntary
   causes.  They are referable either to God, or to angels, or to men, or
   to animals of whatever description, if indeed those instinctive
   movements of animals devoid of reason, by which, in accordance with
   their own nature, they seek or shun various things, are to be called
   wills.  And when I speak of the wills of angels, I mean either the
   wills of good angels, whom we call the angels of God, or of the wicked
   angels, whom we call the angels of the devil, or demons.  Also by the
   wills of men I mean the wills either of the good or of the wicked.  And
   from this we conclude that there are no efficient causes of all things
   which come to pass unless voluntary causes, that is, such as belong to
   that nature which is the spirit of life.  For the air or wind is called
   spirit, but, inasmuch as it is a body, it is not the spirit of life.
   The spirit of life, therefore, which quickens all things, and is the
   creator of every body, and of every created spirit, is God Himself, the
   uncreated spirit.  In His supreme will resides the power which acts on
   the wills of all created spirits, helping the good, judging the evil,
   controlling all, granting power to some, not granting it to others.
   For, as He is the creator of all natures, so also is He the bestower of
   all powers, not of all wills; for wicked wills are not from Him, being
   contrary to nature, which is from Him.  As to bodies, they are more
   subject to wills:  some to our wills, by which I mean the wills of all
   living mortal creatures, but more to the wills of men than of beasts.
   But all of them are most of all subject to the will of God, to whom all
   wills also are subject, since they have no power except what He has
   bestowed upon them.  The cause of things, therefore, which makes but is
   not made, is God; but all other causes both make and are made.  Such
   are all created spirits, and especially the rational.  Material causes,
   therefore, which may rather be said to be made than to make, are not to
   be reckoned among efficient causes, because they can only do what the
   wills of spirits do by them.  How, then, does an order of causes which
   is certain to the foreknowledge of God necessitate that there should be
   nothing which is dependent on our wills, when our wills themselves have
   a very important place in the order of causes?  Cicero, then, contends
   with those who call this order of causes fatal, or rather designate
   this order itself by the name of fate; to which we have an abhorrence,
   especially on account of the word, which men have become accustomed to
   understand as meaning what is not true.  But, whereas he denies that
   the order of all causes is most certain, and perfectly clear to the
   prescience of God, we detest his opinion more than the Stoics do.  For
   he either denies that God exists,--which, indeed, in an assumed
   personage, he has labored to do, in his book De Natura Deorum,--or if
   he confesses that He exists, but denies that He is prescient of future
   things, what is that but just "the fool saying in his heart there is no
   God?"  For one who is not prescient of all future things is not God.
   Wherefore our wills also have just so much power as God willed and
   foreknew that they should have; and therefore whatever power they have,
   they have it within most certain limits; and whatever they are to do,
   they are most assuredly to do, for He whose foreknowledge is infallible
   foreknew that they would have the power to do it, and would do it.
   Wherefore, if I should choose to apply the name of fate to anything at
   all, I should rather say that fate belongs to the weaker of two
   parties, will to the stronger, who has the other in his power, than
   that the freedom of our will is excluded by that order of causes,
   which, by an unusual application of the word peculiar to themselves,
   the Stoics call Fate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [194] De Divinat.ii.

   [195] Ps. xiv. 1.

   [196] Book iii.

   [197] Ps. lxii. 11, 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Whether Our Wills are Ruled by Necessity.

   Wherefore, neither is that necessity to be feared, for dread of which
   the Stoics labored to make such distinctions among the causes of things
   as should enable them to rescue certain things from the dominion of
   necessity, and to subject others to it.  Among those things which they
   wished not to be subject to necessity they placed our wills, knowing
   that they would not be free if subjected to necessity.  For if that is
   to be called our necessity which is not in our power, but even though
   we be unwilling effects what it can effect,--as, for instance, the
   necessity of death,--it is manifest that our wills by which we live
   up-rightly or wickedly are not under such a necessity; for we do many
   things which, if we were not willing, we should certainly not do.  This
   is primarily true of the act of willing itself,--for if we will, it is;
   if we will not, it is not,--for we should not will if we were
   unwilling.  But if we define necessity to be that according to which we
   say that it is necessary that anything be of such or such a nature, or
   be done in such and such a manner, I know not why we should have any
   dread of that necessity taking away the freedom of our will.  For we do
   not put the life of God or the foreknowledge of God under necessity if
   we should say that it is necessary that God should live forever, and
   foreknow all things; as neither is His power diminished when we say
   that He cannot die or fall into error,--for this is in such a way
   impossible to Him, that if it were possible for Him, He would be of
   less power.  But assuredly He is rightly called omnipotent, though He
   can neither die nor fall into error.  For He is called omnipotent on
   account of His doing what He wills, not on account of His suffering
   what He wills not; for if that should befall Him, He would by no means
   be omnipotent.  Wherefore, He cannot do some things for the very reason
   that He is omnipotent.  So also, when we say that it is necessary that,
   when we will, we will by free choice, in so saying we both affirm what
   is true beyond doubt, and do not still subject our wills thereby to a
   necessity which destroys liberty.  Our wills, therefore, exist as
   wills, and do themselves whatever we do by willing, and which would not
   be done if we were unwilling.  But when any one suffers anything, being
   unwilling by the will of another, even in that case will retains its
   essential validity, --we do not mean the will of the party who inflicts
   the suffering, for we resolve it into the power of God.  For if a will
   should simply exist, but not be able to do what it wills, it would be
   overborne by a more powerful will.  Nor would this be the case unless
   there had existed will, and that not the will of the other party, but
   the will of him who willed, but was not able to accomplish what he
   willed.  Therefore, whatsoever a man suffers contrary to his own will,
   he ought not to attribute to the will of men, or of angels, or of any
   created spirit, but rather to His will who gives power to wills.  It is
   not the case, therefore, that because God foreknew what would be in the
   power of our wills, there is for that reason nothing in the power of
   our wills.  For he who foreknew this did not foreknow nothing.
   Moreover, if He who foreknew what would be in the power of our wills
   did not foreknow nothing, but something, assuredly, even though He did
   foreknow, there is something in the power of our wills.  Therefore we
   are by no means compelled, either, retaining the prescience of God, to
   take away the freedom of the will, or, retaining the freedom of the
   will, to deny that He is prescient of future things, which is impious.
   But we embrace both.  We faithfully and sincerely confess both.  The
   former, that we may believe well; the latter, that we may live well.
   For he lives ill who does not believe well concerning God.  Wherefore,
   be it far from us, in order to maintain our freedom, to deny the
   prescience of Him by whose help we are or shall be free.  Consequently,
   it is not in vain that laws are enacted, and that reproaches,
   exhortations, praises, and vituperations are had recourse to; for these
   also He foreknew, and they are of great avail, even as great as He
   foreknew that they would be of.  Prayers, also, are of avail to procure
   those things which He foreknew that He would grant to those who offered
   them; and with justice have rewards been appointed for good deeds, and
   punishments for sins.  For a man does not therefore sin because God
   foreknew that he would sin.  Nay, it cannot be doubted but that it is
   the man himself who sins when he does sin, because He, whose
   foreknowledge is infallible, foreknew not that fate, or fortune, or
   something else would sin, but that the man himself would sin, who, if
   he wills not, sins not.  But if he shall not will to sin, even this did
   God foreknow.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Concerning the Universal Providence of God in the Laws of
   Which All Things are Comprehended.

   Therefore God supreme and true, with His Word and Holy Spirit (which
   three are one), one God omnipotent, creator and maker of every soul and
   of every body; by whose gift all are happy who are happy through verity
   and not through vanity; who made man a rational animal consisting of
   soul and body, who, when he sinned, neither permitted him to go
   unpunished, nor left him without mercy; who has given to the good and
   to the evil, being in common with stones, vegetable life in common with
   trees, sensuous life in common with brutes, intellectual life in common
   with angels alone; from whom is every mode, every species, every order;
   from whom are measure, number, weight; from whom is everything which
   has an existence in nature, of whatever kind it be, and of whatever
   value; from whom are the seeds of forms and the forms of seeds, and the
   motion of seeds and of forms; who gave also to flesh its origin,
   beauty, health, reproductive fecundity, disposition of members, and the
   salutary concord of its parts; who also to the irrational soul has
   given memory, sense, appetite, but to the rational soul, in addition to
   these, has given intelligence and will; who has not left, not to speak
   of heaven and earth, angels and men, but not even the entrails of the
   smallest and most contemptible animal, or the feather of a bird, or the
   little flower of a plant, or the leaf of a tree, without an harmony,
   and, as it were, a mutual peace among all its parts;--that God can
   never be believed to have left the kingdoms of men, their dominations
   and servitudes, outside of the laws of His providence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--By What Virtues the Ancient Romans Merited that the True
   God, Although They Did Not Worship Him, Should Enlarge Their Empire.

   Wherefore let us go on to consider what virtues of the Romans they were
   which the true God, in whose power are also the kingdoms of the earth,
   condescended to help in order to raise the empire, and also for what
   reason He did so.  And, in order to discuss this question on clearer
   ground, we have written the former books, to show that the power of
   those gods, who, they thought, were to be worshipped with such trifling
   and silly rites, had nothing to do in this matter; and also what we
   have already accomplished of the present volume, to refute the doctrine
   of fate, lest any one who might have been already persuaded that the
   Roman empire was not extended and preserved by the worship of these
   gods, might still be attributing its extension and preservation to some
   kind of fate, rather than to the most powerful will of God most high.
   The ancient and primitive Ro mans, therefore, though their history
   shows us that, like all the other nations, with the sole exception of
   the Hebrews, they worshipped false gods, and sacrificed victims, not to
   God, but to demons, have nevertheless this commendation bestowed on
   them by their historian, that they were "greedy of praise, prodigal of
   wealth, desirous of great glory, and content with a moderate fortune."
   [198]   Glory they most ardently loved:  for it they wished to live,
   for it they did not hesitate to die.  Every other desire was repressed
   by the strength of their passion for that one thing.  At length their
   country itself, because it seemed inglorious to serve, but glorious to
   rule and to command, they first earnestly desired to be free, and then
   to be mistress.  Hence it was that, not enduring the domination of
   kings, they put the government into the hands of two chiefs, holding
   office for a year, who were called consuls, not kings or lords. [199]
   But royal pomp seemed inconsistent with the administration of a ruler
   (regentis), or the benevolence of one who consults (that is, for the
   public good) (consulentis), but rather with the haughtiness of a lord
   (dominantis).  King Tarquin, therefore, having been banished, and the
   consular government having been instituted, it followed, as the same
   author already alluded to says in his praises of the Romans, that "the
   state grew with amazing rapidity after it had obtained liberty, so
   great a desire of glory had taken possession of it."  That eagerness
   for praise and desire of glory, then, was that which accomplished those
   many wonderful things, laudable, doubtless, and glorious according to
   human judgment.  The same Sallust praises the great men of his own
   time, Marcus Cato, and Caius Cæsar, saying that for a long time the
   republic had no one great in virtue, but that within his memory there
   had been these two men of eminent virtue, and very different pursuits.
   Now, among the praises which he pronounces on Cæsar he put this, that
   he wished for a great empire, an army, and a new war, that he might
   have a sphere where his genius and virtue might shine forth.  Thus it
   was ever the prayer of men of heroic character that Bellona would
   excite miserable nations to war, and lash them into agitation with her
   bloody scourge, so that there might be occasion for the display of
   their valor.  This, forsooth, is what that desire of praise and thirst
   for glory did.  Wherefore, by the love of liberty in the first place,
   afterwards also by that of domination and through the desire of praise
   and glory, they achieved many great things; and their most eminent poet
   testifies to their having been prompted by all these motives:

   "Porsenna there, with pride elate,

   Bids Rome to Tarquin ope her gate;

   With arms he hems the city in,

   Æneas' sons stand firm to win." [200]

   At that time it was their greatest ambition either to die bravely or to
   live free; but when liberty was obtained, so great a desire of glory
   took possession of them, that liberty alone was not enough unless
   domination also should be sought, their great ambition being that which
   the same poet puts into the mouth of Jupiter:

   "Nay, Juno's self, whose wild alarms

   Set ocean, earth, and heaven in arms,

   Shall change for smiles her moody frown,

   And vie with me in zeal to crown

   Rome's sons, the nation of the gown.

   So stands my will.  There comes a day,

   While Rome's great ages hold their way,

   When old Assaracus's sons

   Shall quit them on the myrmidons,

   O'er Phthia and Mycenæ reign,

   And humble Argos to their chain." [201]

   Which things, indeed, Virgil makes Jupiter predict as future, whilst,
   in reality, he was only himself passing in review in his own mind,
   things which were already done, and which were beheld by him as present
   realities.  But I have mentioned them with the intention of showing
   that, next to liberty, the Romans so highly esteemed domination, that
   it received a place among those things on which they bestowed the
   greatest praise.  Hence also it is that that poet, preferring to the
   arts of other nations those arts which peculiarly belong to the Romans,
   namely, the arts of ruling and commanding, and of subjugating and
   vanquishing nations, says,

   "Others, belike, with happier grace,

   From bronze or stone shall call the face,

   Plead doubtful causes, map the skies,

   And tell when planets set or rise;

   But Roman thou, do thou control

   The nations far and wide;

   Be this thy genius, to impose

   The rule of peace on vanquished foes,

   Show pity to the humble soul,

   And crush the sons of pride." [202]

   These arts they exercised with the more skill the less they gave
   themselves up to pleasures, and to enervation of body and mind in
   coveting and amassing riches, and through these corrupting morals, by
   extorting them from the miserable citizens and lavishing them on base
   stage-players.  Hence these men of base character, who abounded when
   Sallust wrote and Virgil sang these things, did not seek after honors
   and glory by these arts, but by treachery and deceit.  Wherefore the
   same says, "But at first it was rather ambition than avarice that
   stirred the minds of men, which vice, however, is nearer to virtue.
   For glory, honor, and power are desired alike by the good man and by
   the ignoble; but the former," he says, "strives onward to them by the
   true way, whilst the other, knowing nothing of the good arts, seeks
   them by fraud and deceit." [203]   And what is meant by seeking the
   attainment of glory, honor, and power by good arts, is to seek them by
   virtue, and not by deceitful intrigue; for the good and the ignoble man
   alike desire these things, but the good man strives to overtake them by
   the true way.  The way is virtue, along which he presses as to the goal
   of possession--namely, to glory, honor, and power.  Now that this was a
   sentiment engrained in the Roman mind, is indicated even by the temples
   of their gods; for they built in very close proximity the temples of
   Virtue and Honor, worshipping as gods the gifts of God.  Hence we can
   understand what they who were good thought to be the end of virtue, and
   to what they ultimately referred it, namely, to honor; for, as to the
   bad, they had no virtue though they desired honor, and strove to
   possess it by fraud and deceit.  Praise of a higher kind is bestowed
   upon Cato, for he says of him "The less he sought glory, the more it
   followed him." [204]   We say praise of a higher kind; for the glory
   with the desire of which the Romans burned is the judgment of men
   thinking well of men.  And therefore virtue is better, which is content
   with no human judgment save that of one's own conscience.  Whence the
   apostle says, "For this is our glory, the testimony of our conscience."
   [205]   And in another place he says, "But let every one prove his own
   work, and then he shall have glory in himself, and not in another."
   [206]   That glory, honor, and power, therefore, which they desired for
   themselves, and to which the good sought to attain by good arts, should
   not be sought after by virtue, but virtue by them.  For there is no
   true virtue except that which is directed towards that end in which is
   the highest and ultimate good of man.  Wherefore even the honors which
   Cato sought he ought not to have sought, but the state ought to have
   conferred them on him unsolicited, on account of his virtues.

   But, of the two great Romans of that time, Cato was he whose virtue was
   by far the nearest to the true idea of virtue.  Wherefore, let us refer
   to the opinion of Cato himself, to discover what was the judgment he
   had formed concerning the condition of the state both then and in
   former times.  "I do not think," he says, "that it was by arms that our
   ancestors made the republic great from being small.  Had that been the
   case, the republic of our day would have been by far more flourishing
   than that of their times, for the number of our allies and citizens is
   far greater; and, besides, we possess a far greater abundance of armor
   and of horses than they did.  But it was other things than these that
   made them great, and we have none of them:  industry at home, just
   government without, a mind free in deliberation, addicted neither to
   crime nor to lust.  Instead of these, we have luxury and avarice,
   poverty in the state, opulence among citizens; we laud riches, we
   follow laziness; there is no difference made between the good and the
   bad; all the rewards of virtue are got possession of by intrigue.  And
   no wonder, when every individual consults only for his own good, when
   ye are the slaves of pleasure at home, and, in public affairs, of money
   and favor, no wonder that an onslaught is made upon the unprotected
   republic." [207]

   He who hears these words of Cato or of Sallust probably thinks that
   such praise bestowed on the ancient Romans was applicable to all of
   them, or, at least, to very many of them.  It is not so; otherwise the
   things which Cato himself writes, and which I have quoted in the second
   book of this work, would not be true.  In that passage he says, that
   even from the very beginning of the state wrongs were committed by the
   more powerful, which led to the separation of the people from the
   fathers, besides which there were other internal dissensions; and the
   only time at which there existed a just and moderate administration was
   after the banishment of the kings, and that no longer than whilst they
   had cause to be afraid of Tarquin, and were carrying on the grievous
   war which had been undertaken on his account against Etruria; but
   afterwards the fathers oppressed the people as slaves, flogged them as
   the kings had done, drove them from their land, and, to the exclusion
   of all others, held the government in their own hands alone.  And to
   these discords, whilst the fathers were wishing to rule, and the people
   were unwilling to serve, the second Punic war put an end; for again
   great fear began to press upon their disquieted minds, holding them
   back from those distractions by another and greater anxiety, and
   bringing them back to civil concord.  But the great things which were
   then achieved were accomplished through the administration of a few
   men, who were good in their own way.  And by the wisdom and forethought
   of these few good men, which first enabled the republic to endure these
   evils and mitigated them, it waxed greater and greater.  And this the
   same historian affirms, when he says that, reading and hearing of the
   many illustrious achievements of the Roman people in peace and in war,
   by land and by sea, he wished to understand what it was by which these
   great things were specially sustained.  For he knew that very often the
   Romans had with a small company contended with great legions of the
   enemy; and he knew also that with small resources they had carried on
   wars with opulent kings.  And he says that, after having given the
   matter much consideration, it seemed evident to him that the
   pre-eminent virtue of a few citizens had achieved the whole, and that
   that explained how poverty overcame wealth, and small numbers great
   multitudes.  But, he adds, after that the state had been corrupted by
   luxury and indolence, again the republic, by its own greatness, was
   able to bear the vices of its magistrates and generals.  Wherefore even
   the praises of Cato are only applicable to a few; for only a few were
   possessed of that virtue which leads men to pursue after glory, honor,
   and power by the true way,--that is, by virtue itself.  This industry
   at home, of which Cato speaks, was the consequence of a desire to
   enrich the public treasury, even though the result should be poverty at
   home; and therefore, when he speaks of the evil arising out of the
   corruption of morals, he reverses the expression, and says, "Poverty in
   the state, riches at home."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [198] Sallust, Cat. vii.

   [199] Augustin notes that the name consul is derived from consulere,
   and thus signifies a more benign rule than that of a rex (from regere),
   or dominus (from dominari).

   [200] Æneid, viii. 646.

   [201] Ibid. i. 279.

   [202] Ibid. vi. 847.

   [203] Sallust, in Cat. c. xi.

   [204] Sallust, in Cat. c. 54.

   [205] 2 Cor. i. 12.

   [206] Gal. vi. 4.

   [207] Sallust, in Cat. c. 52.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Concerning the Love of Praise, Which, Though It is a Vice,
   is Reckoned a Virtue, Because by It Greater Vice is Restrained.

   Wherefore, when the kingdoms of the East had been illustrious for a
   long time, it pleased God that there should also arise a Western
   empire, which, though later in time, should be more illustrious in
   extent and greatness.  And, in order that it might overcome the
   grievous evils which existed among other nations, He purposely granted
   it to such men as, for the sake of honor, and praise, and glory,
   consulted well for their country, in whose glory they sought their own,
   and whose safety they did not hesitate to prefer to their own,
   suppressing the desire of wealth and many other vices for this one
   vice, namely, the love of praise.  For he has the soundest perception
   who recognizes that even the love of praise is a vice; nor has this
   escaped the perception of the poet Horace, who says,

   "You're bloated by ambition? take advice:

   Yon book will ease you if you read it thrice." [208]

    And the same poet, in a lyric song, hath thus spoken with the desire
   of repressing the passion for domination:

   "Rule an ambitious spirit, and thou hast

   A wider kingdom than if thou shouldst join

   To distant Gades Lybia, and thus

   Shouldst hold in service either Carthaginian." [209]

   Nevertheless, they who restrain baser lusts, not by the power of the
   Holy Spirit obtained by the faith of piety, or by the love of
   intelligible beauty, but by desire of human praise, or, at all events,
   restrain them better by the love of such praise, are not indeed yet
   holy, but only less base.  Even Tully was not able to conceal this
   fact; for, in the same books which he wrote, De Republica, when
   speaking concerning the education of a chief of the state, who ought,
   he says, to be nourished on glory, goes on to say that their ancestors
   did many wonderful and illustrious things through desire of glory.  So
   far, therefore, from resisting this vice, they even thought that it
   ought to be excited and kindled up, supposing that that would be
   beneficial to the republic.  But not even in his books on philosophy
   does Tully dissimulate this poisonous opinion, for he there avows it
   more clearly than day.  For when he is speaking of those studies which
   are to be pursued with a view to the true good, and not with the
   vainglorious desire of human praise, he introduces the following
   universal and general statement:

   "Honor nourishes the arts, and all are stimulated to the prosecution of
   studies by glory; and those pursuits are always neglected which are
   generally discredited." [210]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [208] Horace, Epist. i. l. 36, 37.

   [209] Hor. Carm. ii. 2.

   [210] Tusc. Quæst.i. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Concerning the Eradication of the Love of Human Praise,
   Because All the Glory of the Righteous is in God.

   It is, therefore, doubtless far better to resist this desire than to
   yield to it, for the purer one is from this defilement, the liker is he
   to God; and, though this vice be not thoroughly eradicated from his
   heart,--for it does not cease to tempt even the minds of those who are
   making good progress in virtue,--at any rate, let the desire of glory
   be surpassed by the love of righteousness, so that, if there be seen
   anywhere "lying neglected things which are generally discredited," if
   they are good, if they are right, even the love of human praise may
   blush and yield to the love of truth.  For so hostile is this vice to
   pious faith, if the love of glory be greater in the heart than the fear
   or love of God, that the Lord said, "How can ye believe, who look for
   glory from one another, and do not seek the glory which is from God
   alone?" [211]   Also, concerning some who had believed on Him, but were
   afraid to confess Him openly, the evangelist says, "They loved the
   praise of men more than the praise of God;" [212] which did not the
   holy apostles, who, when they proclaimed the name of Christ in those
   places where it was not only discredited, and therefore
   neglected,--according as Cicero says, "Those things are always
   neglected which are generally discredited,"--but was even held in the
   utmost detestation, holding to what they had heard from the Good
   Master, who was also the physician of minds, "If any one shall deny me
   before men, him will I also deny before my Father who is in heaven, and
   before the angels of God," [213] amidst maledictions and reproaches,
   and most grievous persecutions and cruel punishments, were not deterred
   from the preaching of human salvation by the noise of human
   indignation.  And when, as they did and spake divine things, and lived
   divine lives, conquering, as it were, hard hearts, and introducing into
   them the peace of righteousness, great glory followed them in the
   church of Christ, they did not rest in that as in the end of their
   virtue, but, referring that glory itself to the glory of God, by whose
   grace they were what they were, they sought to kindle, also by that
   same flame, the minds of those for whose good they consulted, to the
   love of Him, by whom they could be made to be what they themselves
   were.  For their Master had taught them not to seek to be good for the
   sake of human glory, saying, "Take heed that ye do not your
   righteousness before men to be seen of them, or otherwise ye shall not
   have a reward from your Father who is in heaven." [214]   But again,
   lest, understanding this wrongly, they should, through fear of pleasing
   men, be less useful through concealing their goodness, showing for what
   end they ought to make it known, He says, "Let your works shine before
   men, that they may see your good deeds, and glorify your Father who is
   in heaven." [215]   Not, observe, "that ye may be seen by them, that
   is, in order that their eyes may be directed upon you,"--for of
   yourselves ye are, nothing,--but "that they may glorify your Father who
   is in heaven," by fixing their regards on whom they may become such as
   ye are.  These the martyrs followed, who surpassed the Scævolas, and
   the Curtiuses, and the Deciuses, both in true virtue, because in true
   piety, and also in the greatness of their number.  But since those
   Romans were in an earthly city, and had before them, as the end of all
   the offices undertaken in its behalf, its safety, and a kingdom, not in
   heaven, but in earth,--not in the sphere of eternal life, but in the
   sphere of demise and succession, where the dead are succeeded by the
   dying,--what else but glory should they love, by which they wished even
   after death to live in the mouths of their admirers?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [211] John v. 44.

   [212] John xii. 43.

   [213] Matt. x. 33.

   [214] Matt. vi. 1.

   [215] Matt. v. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Concerning the Temporal Reward Which God Granted to the
   Virtues of the Romans.

   Now, therefore, with regard to those to whom God did not purpose to
   give eternal life with His holy angels in His own celestial city, to
   the society of which that true piety which does not render the service
   of religion, which the Greeks call latreia, to any save the true God
   conducts, if He had also withheld from them the terrestrial glory of
   that most excellent empire, a reward would not have been rendered to
   their good arts,--that is, their virtues,--by which they sought to
   attain so great glory.  For as to those who seem to do some good that
   they may receive glory from men, the Lord also says, "Verily I say unto
   you, they have received their reward." [216]   So also these despised
   their own private affairs for the sake of the republic, and for its
   treasury resisted avarice, consulted for the good of their country with
   a spirit of freedom, addicted neither to what their laws pronounced to
   be crime nor to lust.  By all these acts, as by the true way, they
   pressed forward to honors, power, and glory; they were honored among
   almost all nations; they imposed the laws of their empire upon many
   nations; and at this day, both in literature and history, they are
   glorious among almost all nations.  There is no reason why they should
   complain against the justice of the supreme and true God,--"they have
   received their reward."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [216] Matt. vi. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Concerning the Reward of the Holy Citizens of the
   Celestial City, to Whom the Example of the Virtues of the Romans are
   Useful.

   But the reward of the saints is far different, who even here endured
   reproaches for that city of God which is hateful to the lovers of this
   world.  That city is eternal.  There none are born, for none die.
   There is true and full felicity,--not a goddess, but a gift of God.
   Thence we receive the pledge of faith whilst on our pilgrimage we sigh
   for its beauty.  There rises not the sun on the good and the evil, but
   the Sun of Righteousness protects the good alone.  There no great
   industry shall be expended to enrich the public treasury by suffering
   privations at home, for there is the common treasury of truth.  And,
   therefore, it was not only for the sake of recompensing the citizens of
   Rome that her empire and glory had been so signally extended, but also
   that the citizens of that eternal city, during their pilgrimage here,
   might diligently and soberly contemplate these examples, and see what a
   love they owe to the supernal country on account of life eternal, if
   the terrestrial country was so much beloved by its citizens on account
   of human glory.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--To What Profit the Romans Carried on Wars, and How Much
   They Contributed to the Well-Being of Those Whom They Conquered.

   For, as far as this life of mortals is concerned, which is spent and
   ended in a few days, what does it matter under whose government a dying
   man lives, if they who govern do not force him to impiety and
   iniquity?  Did the Romans at all harm those nations, on whom, when
   subjugated, they imposed their laws, except in as far as that was
   accomplished with great slaughter in war?  Now, had it been done with
   consent of the nations, it would have been done with greater success,
   but there would have been no glory of conquest, for neither did the
   Romans themselves live exempt from those laws which they imposed on
   others.  Had this been done without Mars and Bellona, so that there
   should have been no place for victory, no one conquering where no one
   had fought, would not the condition of the Romans and of the other
   nations have been one and the same, especially if that had been done at
   once which afterwards was done most humanely and most acceptably,
   namely, the admission of all to the rights of Roman citizens who
   belonged to the Roman empire, and if that had been made the privilege
   of all which was formerly the privilege of a few, with this one
   condition, that the humbler class who had no lands of their own should
   live at the public expense--an alimentary impost, which would have been
   paid with a much better grace by them into the hands of good
   administrators of the republic, of which they were members, by their
   own hearty consent, than it would have been paid with had it to be
   extorted from them as conquered men?  For I do not see what it makes
   for the safety, good morals, and certainly not for the dignity, of men,
   that some have conquered and others have been conquered, except that it
   yields them that most insane pomp of human glory, in which "they have
   received their reward," who burned with excessive desire of it, and
   carried on most eager wars.  For do not their lands pay tribute?  Have
   they any privilege of learning what the others are not privileged to
   learn?  Are there not many senators in the other countries who do not
   even know Rome by sight?  Take away outward show, [217] and what are
   all men after all but men?  But even though the perversity of the age
   should permit that all the better men should be more highly honored
   than others, neither thus should human honor be held at a great price,
   for it is smoke which has no weight.  But let us avail ourselves even
   in these things of the kindness of God.  Let us consider how great
   things they despised, how great things they endured, what lusts they
   subdued for the sake of human glory, who merited that glory, as it
   were, in reward for such virtues; and let this be useful to us even in
   suppressing pride, so that, as that city in which it has been promised
   us to reign as far surpasses this one as heaven is distant from the
   earth, as eternal life surpasses temporal joy, solid glory empty
   praise, or the society of angels the society of mortals, or the glory
   of Him who made the sun and moon the light of the sun and moon, the
   citizens of so great a country may not seem to themselves to have done
   anything very great, if, in order to obtain it, they have done some
   good works or endured some evils, when those men for this terrestrial
   country already obtained, did such great things, suffered such great
   things.  And especially are all these things to be considered, because
   the remission of sins which collects citizens to the celestial country
   has something in it to which a shadowy resemblance is found in that
   asylum of Romulus, whither escape from the punishment of all manner of
   crimes congregated that multitude with which the state was to be
   founded.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [217] Jactantia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--How Far Christians Ought to Be from Boasting, If They Have
   Done Anything for the Love of the Eternal Country, When the Romans Did
   Such Great Things for Human Glory and a Terrestrial City.

   What great thing, therefore, is it for that eternal and celestial city
   to despise all the charms of this world, however pleasant, if for the
   sake of this terrestrial city Brutus could even put to death his
   son,--a sacrifice which the heavenly city compels no one to make?  But
   certainly it is more difficult to put to death one's sons, than to do
   what is required to be done for the heavenly country, even to
   distribute to the poor those things which were looked upon as things to
   be massed and laid up for one's children, or to let them go, if there
   arise any temptation which compels us to do so, for the sake of faith
   and righteousness.  For it is not earthly riches which make us or our
   sons happy; for they must either be lost by us in our lifetime, or be
   possessed when we are dead, by whom we know not, or perhaps by whom we
   would not.  But it is God who makes us happy, who is the true riches of
   minds.  But of Brutus, even the poet who celebrates his praises
   testifies that it was the occasion of unhappiness to him that he slew
   his son, for he says,

   "And call his own rebellious seed

   For menaced liberty to bleed.

   Unhappy father! howsoe'er

   The deed be judged by after days." [218]

   But in the following verse he consoles him in his unhappiness, saying,

   "His country's love shall all o'erbear."

   There are those two things, namely, liberty and the desire of human
   praise, which compelled the Romans to admirable deeds.  If, therefore,
   for the liberty of dying men, and for the desire of human praise which
   is sought after by mortals, sons could be put to death by a father,
   what great thing is it, if, for the true liberty which has made us free
   from the dominion of sin, and death, and the devil,--not through the
   desire of human praise, but through the earnest desire of fleeing men,
   not from King Tarquin, but from demons and the prince of the
   demons,--we should, I do not say put to death our sons, but reckon
   among our sons Christ's poor ones?  If, also, another Roman chief,
   surnamed Torquatus, slew his son, not because he fought against his
   country, but because, being challenged by an enemy, he through youthful
   impetuosity fought, though for his country, yet contrary to orders
   which he his father had given as general; and this he did,
   notwithstanding that his son was victorious, lest there should be more
   evil in the example of authority despised, than good in the glory of
   slaying an enemy;--if, I say, Torquatus acted thus, wherefore should
   they boast themselves, who, for the laws of a celestial country,
   despise all earthly good things, which are loved far less than sons?
   If Furius Camillus, who was condemned by those who envied him,
   notwithstanding that he had thrown off from the necks of his countrymen
   the yoke of their most bitter enemies, the Veientes, again delivered
   his ungrateful country from the Gauls, because he had no other in which
   he could have better opportunities for living a life of glory;--if
   Camillus did thus, why should he be extolled as having done some great
   thing, who, having, it may be, suffered in the church at the hands of
   carnal enemies most grievous and dishonoring injury, has not betaken
   himself to heretical enemies, or himself raised some heresy against
   her, but has rather defended her, as far as he was able, from the most
   pernicious perversity of heretics, since there is not another church, I
   say not in which one can live a life of glory, but in which eternal
   life can be obtained?  If Mucius, in order that peace might be made
   with King Porsenna, who was pressing the Romans with a most grievous
   war, when he did not succeed in slaying Porsenna, but slew another by
   mistake for him, reached forth his right hand and laid it on a red-hot
   altar, saying that many such as he saw him to be had conspired for his
   destruction, so that Porsenna, terrified at his daring, and at the
   thought of a conspiracy of such as he, without any delay recalled all
   his warlike purposes, and made peace;--if, I say, Mucius did this, who
   shall speak of his meritorious claims to the kingdom of heaven, if for
   it he may have given to the flames not one hand, but even his whole
   body, and that not by his own spontaneous act, but because he was
   persecuted by another?  If Curtius, spurring on his steed, threw
   himself all armed into a precipitous gulf, obeying the oracles of their
   gods, which had commanded that the Romans should throw into that gulf
   the best thing which they possessed, and they could only understand
   thereby that, since they excelled in men and arms, the gods had
   commanded that an armed man should be cast headlong into that
   destruction;--if he did this, shall we say that that man has done a
   great thing for the eternal city who may have died by a like death,
   not, however, precipitating himself spontaneously into a gulf, but
   having suffered this death at the hands of some enemy of his faith,
   more especially when he has received from his Lord, who is also King of
   his country, a more certain oracle, "Fear not them who kill the body,
   but cannot kill the soul?" [219]   If the Decii dedicated themselves to
   death, consecrating themselves in a form of words, as it were, that
   falling, and pacifying by their blood the wrath of the gods, they might
   be the means of delivering the Roman army;--if they did this, let not
   the holy martyrs carry themselves proudly, as though they had done some
   meritorious thing for a share in that country where are eternal life
   and felicity, if even to the shedding of their blood, loving not only
   the brethren for whom it was shed, but, according as had been commanded
   them, even their enemies by whom it was being shed, they have vied with
   one another in faith of love and love of faith.  If Marcus Pulvillus,
   when engaged in dedicating a temple to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva,
   received with such indifference the false intelligence which was
   brought to him of the death of his son, with the intention of so
   agitating him that he should go away, and thus the glory of dedicating
   the temple should fall to his colleague;--if he received that
   intelligence with such indifference that he even ordered that his son
   should be cast out unburied, the love of glory having overcome in his
   heart the grief of bereavement, how shall any one affirm that he had
   done a great thing for the preaching of the gospel, by which the
   citizens of the heavenly city are delivered from divers errors and
   gathered together from divers wanderings, to whom his Lord has said,
   when anxious about the burial of his father, "Follow me, and let the
   dead bury their dead?" [220]   Regulus, in order not to break his oath,
   even with his most cruel enemies, returned to them from Rome itself,
   because (as he is said to have replied to the Romans when they wished
   to retain him) he could not have the dignity of an honorable citizen at
   Rome after having been a slave to the Africans, and the Carthaginians
   put him to death with the utmost tortures, because he had spoken
   against them in the senate.  If Regulus acted thus, what tortures are
   not to be despised for the sake of good faith toward that country to
   whose beatitude faith itself leads?  Or what will a man have rendered
   to the Lord for all He has bestowed upon him, if, for the faithfulness
   he owes to Him, he shall have suffered such things as Regulus suffered
   at the hands of his most ruthless enemies for the good faith which he
   owed to them?  And how shall a Christian dare vaunt himself of his
   voluntary poverty, which he has chosen in order that during the
   pilgrimage of this life he may walk the more disencumbered on the way
   which leads to the country where the true riches are, even God
   Himself;--how, I say, shall he vaunt himself for this, when he hears or
   reads that Lucius Valerius, who died when he was holding the office of
   consul, was so poor that his funeral expenses were paid with money
   collected by the people?--or when he hears that Quintius Cincinnatus,
   who, possessing only four acres of land, and cultivating them with his
   own hands, was taken from the plough to be made dictator,--an office
   more honorable even than that of consul,--and that, after having won
   great glory by conquering the enemy, he preferred notwithstanding to
   continue in his poverty?  Or how shall he boast of having done a great
   thing, who has not been prevailed upon by the offer of any reward of
   this world to renounce his connection with that heavenly and eternal
   country, when he hears that Fabricius could not be prevailed on to
   forsake the Roman city by the great gifts offered to him by Pyrrhus
   king of the Epirots, who promised him the fourth part of his kingdom,
   but preferred to abide there in his poverty as a private individual?
   For if, when their republic,--that is, the interest of the people, the
   interest of the country, the common interest,--was most prosperous and
   wealthy, they themselves were so poor in their own houses, that one of
   them, who had already been twice a consul, was expelled from that
   senate of poor men by the censor, because he was discovered to possess
   ten pounds weight of silverplate,--since, I say, those very men by
   whose triumphs the public treasury was enriched were so poor, ought not
   all Christians, who make common property of their riches with a far
   nobler purpose, even that (according to what is written in the Acts of
   the Apostles) they may distribute to each one according to his need,
   and that no one may say that anything is his own, but that all things
   may be their common possession, [221] --ought they not to understand
   that they should not vaunt themselves, because they do that to obtain
   the society of angels, when those men did well-nigh the same thing to
   preserve the glory of the Romans?

   How could these, and whatever like things are found in the Roman
   history, have become so widely known, and have been proclaimed by so
   great a fame, had not the Roman empire, extending far and wide, been
   raised to its greatness by magnificent successes?  Wherefore, through
   that empire, so extensive and of so long continuance, so illustrious
   and glorious also through the virtues of such great men, the reward
   which they sought was rendered to their earnest aspirations, and also
   examples are set before us, containing necessary admonition, in order
   that we may be stung with shame if we shall see that we have not held
   fast those virtues for the sake of the most glorious city of God, which
   are, in whatever way, resembled by those virtues which they held fast
   for the sake of the glory of a terrestrial city, and that, too, if we
   shall feel conscious that we have held them fast, we may not be lifted
   up with pride, because, as the apostle says, "The sufferings of the
   present time are not worthy to be compared to the glory which shall be
   revealed in us." [222]   But so far as regards human and temporal
   glory, the lives of these ancient Romans were reckoned sufficiently
   worthy.  Therefore, also, we see, in the light of that truth which,
   veiled in the Old Testament, is revealed in the New, namely, that it is
   not in view of terrestrial and temporal benefits, which divine
   providence grants promiscuously to good and evil, that God is to be
   worshipped, but in view of eternal life, everlasting gifts, and of the
   society of the heavenly city itself;--in the light of this truth we see
   that the Jews were most righteously given as a trophy to the glory of
   the Romans; for we see that these Romans, who rested on earthly glory,
   and sought to obtain it by virtues, such as they were, conquered those
   who, in their great depravity, slew and rejected the giver of true
   glory, and of the eternal city.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [218] Æneid, vi. 820.

   [219] Matt. x. 28.

   [220] Matt. viii. 22.

   [221] Acts ii. 45.

   [222] Rom. viii. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Concerning the Difference Between True Glory and the
   Desire of Domination.

   There is assuredly a difference between the desire of human glory and
   the desire of domination; for, though he who has an overweening delight
   in human glory will be also very prone to aspire earnestly after
   domination, nevertheless they who desire the true glory even of human
   praise strive not to displease those who judge well of them.  For there
   are many good moral qualities, of which many are competent judges,
   although they are not possessed by many; and by those good moral
   qualities those men press on to glory, honor and domination, of whom
   Sallust says, "But they press on by the true way."

   But whosoever, without possessing that desire of glory which makes one
   fear to displease those who judge his conduct, desires domination and
   power, very often seeks to obtain what he loves by most open crimes.
   Therefore he who desires glory presses on to obtain it either by the
   true way, or certainly by deceit and artifice, wishing to appear good
   when he is not.  Therefore to him who possesses virtues it is a great
   virtue to despise glory; for contempt of it is seen by God, but is not
   manifest to human judgment.  For whatever any one does before the eyes
   of men in order to show himself to be a despiser of glory, if they
   suspect that he is doing it in order to get greater praise,--that is,
   greater glory,--he has no means of demonstrating to the perceptions of
   those who suspect him that the case is really otherwise than they
   suspect it to be.  But he who despises the judgment of praisers,
   despises also the rashness of suspectors.  Their salvation, indeed, he
   does not despise, if he is truly good; for so great is the
   righteousness of that man who receives his virtues from the Spirit of
   God, that he loves his very enemies, and so loves them that he desires
   that his haters and detractors may be turned to righteousness, and
   become his associates, and that not in an earthly but in a heavenly
   country.  But with respect to his praisers, though he sets little value
   on their praise, he does not set little value on their love; neither
   does he elude their praise, lest he should forfeit their love.  And,
   therefore, he strives earnestly to have their praises directed to Him
   from whom every one receives whatever in him is truly praiseworthy.
   But he who is a despiser of glory, but is greedy of domination, exceeds
   the beasts in the vices of cruelty and luxuriousness.  Such, indeed,
   were certain of the Romans, who, wanting the love of esteem, wanted not
   the thirst for domination; and that there were many such, history
   testifies.  But it was Nero Cæsar who was the first to reach the
   summit, and, as it were, the citadel, of this vice; for so great was
   his luxuriousness, that one would have thought there was nothing manly
   to be dreaded in him, and such his cruelty, that, had not the contrary
   been known, no one would have thought there was anything effeminate in
   his character.  Nevertheless power and domination are not given even to
   such men save by the providence of the most high God, when He judges
   that the state of human affairs is worthy of such lords.  The divine
   utterance is clear on this matter; for the Wisdom of God thus speaks:
   "By me kings reign, and tyrants possess the land." [223]   But, that it
   may not be thought that by "tyrants" is meant, not wicked and impious
   kings, but brave men, in accordance with the ancient use of the word,
   as when Virgil says,

   "For know that treaty may not stand

   Where king greets king and joins not hand," [224]

   in another place it is most unambiguously said of God, that He "maketh
   the man who is an hypocrite to reign on account of the perver sity of
   the people." [225]   Wherefore, though I have, according to my ability,
   shown for what reason God, who alone is true and just, helped forward
   the Romans, who were good according to a certain standard of an earthly
   state, to the acquirement of the glory of so great an empire, there may
   be, nevertheless, a more hidden cause, known better to God than to us,
   depending on the diversity of the merits of the human race.  Among all
   who are truly pious, it is at all events agreed that no one without
   true piety,--that is, true worship of the true God--can have true
   virtue; and that it is not true virtue which is the slave of human
   praise.  Though, nevertheless, they who are not citizens of the eternal
   city, which is called the city of God in the sacred Scriptures, are
   more useful to the earthly city when they possess even that virtue than
   if they had not even that.  But there could be nothing more fortunate
   for human affairs than that, by the mercy of God, they who are endowed
   with true piety of life, if they have the skill for ruling people,
   should also have the power.  But such men, however great virtues they
   may possess in this life, attribute it solely to the grace of God that
   He has bestowed it on them--willing, believing, seeking.  And, at the
   same time, they understand how far they are short of that perfection of
   righteousness which exists in the society of those holy angels for
   which they are striving to fit themselves.  But however much that
   virtue may be praised and cried up, which without true piety is the
   slave of human glory, it is not at all to be compared even to the
   feeble beginnings of the virtue of the saints, whose hope is placed in
   the grace and mercy of the true God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [223] Prov. viii. 15.

   [224] Æneid, vii. 266.

   [225] Job xxxiv. 30.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--That It is as Shameful for the Virtues to Serve Human
   Glory as Bodily Pleasure.

   Philosophers,--who place the end of human good in virtue itself, in
   order to put to shame certain other philosophers, who indeed approve of
   the virtues, but measure them all with reference to the end of bodily
   pleasure, and think that this pleasure is to be sought for its own
   sake, but the virtues on account of pleasure,--are wont to paint a kind
   of word-picture, in which Pleasure sits like a luxurious queen on a
   royal seat, and all the virtues are subjected to her as slaves,
   watching her nod, that they may do whatever she shall command.  She
   commands Prudence to be ever on the watch to discover how Pleasure may
   rule, and be safe.  Justice she orders to grant what benefits she can,
   in order to secure those friendships which are necessary for bodily
   pleasure; to do wrong to no one, lest, on account of the breaking of
   the laws, Pleasure be not able to live in security.  Fortitude she
   orders to keep her mistress, that is, Pleasure, bravely in her mind, if
   any affliction befall her body which does not occasion death, in order
   that by remembrance of former delights she may mitigate the poignancy
   of present pain.  Temperance she commands to take only a certain
   quantity even of the most favorite food, lest, through immoderate use,
   anything prove hurtful by disturbing the health of the body, and thus
   Pleasure, which the Epicureans make to consist chiefly in the health of
   the body, be grievously offended.  Thus the virtues, with the whole
   dignity of their glory, will be the slaves of Pleasure, as of some
   imperious and disreputable woman.

   There is nothing, say our philosophers, more disgraceful and monstrous
   than this picture, and which the eyes of good men can less endure.  And
   they say the truth.  But I do not think that the picture would be
   sufficiently becoming, even if it were made so that the virtues should
   be represented as the slaves of human glory; for, though that glory be
   not a luxurious woman, it is nevertheless puffed up, and has much
   vanity in it.  Wherefore it is unworthy of the solidity and firmness of
   the virtues to represent them as serving this glory, so that Prudence
   shall provide nothing, Justice distribute nothing, Temperance moderate
   nothing, except to the end that men may be pleased and vain glory
   served.  Nor will they be able to defend themselves from the charge of
   such baseness, whilst they, by way of being despisers of glory,
   disregard the judgment of other men, seem to themselves wise, and
   please themselves.  For their virtue,--if, indeed, it is virtue at
   all,--is only in another way subjected to human praise; for he who
   seeks to please himself seeks still to please man.  But he who, with
   true piety towards God, whom he loves, believes, and hopes in, fixes
   his attention more on those things in which he displeases himself, than
   on those things, if there are any such, which please himself, or
   rather, not himself, but the truth, does not attribute that by which he
   can now please the truth to anything but to the mercy of Him whom he
   has feared to displease, giving thanks for what in him is healed, and
   pouring out prayers for the healing of that which is yet unhealed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--That the Roman Dominion Was Granted by Him from Whom is
   All Power, and by Whose Providence All Things are Ruled.

   These things being so, we do not attribute the power of giving kingdoms
   and empires to any save to the true God, who gives happiness in the
   kingdom of heaven to the pious alone, but gives kingly power on earth
   both to the pious and the impious, as it may please Him, whose good
   pleasure is always just.  For though we have said something about the
   principles which guide His administration, in so far as it has seemed
   good to Him to explain it, nevertheless it is too much for us, and far
   surpasses our strength, to discuss the hidden things of men's hearts,
   and by a clear examination to determine the merits of various
   kingdoms.  He, therefore, who is the one true God, who never leaves the
   human race without just judgment and help, gave a kingdom to the Romans
   when He would, and as great as He would, as He did also to the
   Assyrians, and even the Persians, by whom, as their own books testify,
   only two gods are worshipped, the one good and the other evil,--to say
   nothing concerning the Hebrew people, of whom I have already spoken as
   much as seemed necessary, who, as long as they were a kingdom,
   worshipped none save the true God.  The same, therefore, who gave to
   the Persians harvests, though they did not worship the goddess Segetia,
   who gave the other blessings of the earth, though they did not worship
   the many gods which the Romans supposed to preside, each one over some
   particular thing, or even many of them over each several thing,--He, I
   say, gave the Persians dominion, though they worshipped none of those
   gods to whom the Romans believed themselves indebted for the empire.
   And the same is true in respect of men as well as nations.  He who gave
   power to Marius gave it also to Caius Cæsar; He who gave it to Augustus
   gave it also to Nero; He also who gave it to the most benignant
   emperors, the Vespasians, father and son, gave it also to the cruel
   Domitian; and, finally, to avoid the necessity of going over them all,
   He who gave it to the Christian Constantine gave it also to the
   apostate Julian, whose gifted mind was deceived by a sacrilegious and
   detestable curiosity, stimulated by the love of power.  And it was
   because he was addicted through curiosity to vain oracles, that,
   confident of victory, he burned the ships which were laden with the
   provisions necessary for his army, and therefore, engaging with hot
   zeal in rashly audacious enterprises, he was soon slain, as the just
   consequence of his recklessness, and left his army unprovisioned in an
   enemy's country, and in such a predicament that it never could have
   escaped, save by altering the boundaries of the Roman empire, in
   violation of that omen of the god Terminus of which I spoke in the
   preceding book; for the god Terminus yielded to necessity, though he
   had not yielded to Jupiter.  Manifestly these things are ruled and
   governed by the one God according as He pleases; and if His motives are
   hid, are they therefore unjust?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--The Durations and Issues of War Depend on the Will of God.

   Thus also the durations of wars are determined by Him as He may see
   meet, according to His righteous will, and pleasure, and mercy, to
   afflict or to console the human race, so that they are sometimes of
   longer, sometimes of shorter duration.  The war of the Pirates and the
   third Punic war were terminated with incredible celerity.  Also the war
   of the fugitive gladiators, though in it many Roman generals and the
   consuls were defeated, and Italy was terribly wasted and ravaged, was
   nevertheless ended in the third year, having itself been, during its
   continuance, the end of much.  The Picentes, the Marsi, and the
   Peligni, not distant but Italian nations, after a long and most loyal
   servitude under the Roman yoke, attempted to raise their heads into
   liberty, though many nations had now been subjected to the Roman power,
   and Carthage had been overthrown.  In this Italian war the Romans were
   very often defeated, and two consuls perished, besides other noble
   senators; nevertheless this calamity was not protracted over a long
   space of time, for the fifth year put an end to it.  But the second
   Punic war, lasting for the space of eighteen years, and occasioning the
   greatest disasters and calamities to the republic, wore out and
   well-nigh consumed the strength of the Romans; for in two battles about
   seventy thousand Romans fell. [226]   The first Punic war was
   terminated after having been waged for three-and-twenty years.  The
   Mithridatic war was waged for forty years.  And that no one may think
   that in the early and much belauded times of the Romans they were far
   braver and more able to bring wars to a speedy termination, the Samnite
   war was protracted for nearly fifty years; and in this war the Romans
   were so beaten that they were even put under the yoke.  But because
   they did not love glory for the sake of justice, but seemed rather to
   have loved justice for the sake of glory, they broke the peace and the
   treaty which had been concluded.  These things I mention, because many,
   ignorant of past things, and some also dissimulating what they know, if
   in Christian times they see any war protracted a little longer than
   they expected, straightway make a fierce and insolent attack on our
   religion, exclaiming that, but for it, the deities would have been
   supplicated still, according to ancient rites; and then, by that
   bravery of the Romans, which, with the help of Mars and Bellona,
   speedily brought to an end such great wars, this war also would be
   speedily terminated.  Let them, therefore, who have read history
   recollect what long-continued wars, having various issues and entailing
   woeful slaughter, were waged by the ancient Romans, in accordance with
   the general truth that the earth, like the tempestuous deep, is subject
   to agitations from tempests--tempests of such evils, in various
   degrees,--and let them sometimes confess what they do not like to own,
   and not, by madly speaking against God, destroy themselves and deceive
   the ignorant.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [226] Of the Thrasymene Lake and Cannæ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Concerning the War in Which Radagaisus, King of the Goths,
   a Worshipper of Demons, Was Conquered in One Day, with All His Mighty
   Forces.

   Nevertheless they do not mention with thanksgiving what God has very
   recently, and within our own memory, wonderfully and mercifully done,
   but as far as in them lies they attempt, if possible, to bury it in
   universal oblivion.  But should we be silent about these things, we
   should be in like manner ungrateful.  When Radagaisus, king of the
   Goths, having taken up his position very near to the city, with a vast
   and savage army, was already close upon the Romans, he was in one day
   so speedily and so thoroughly beaten, that, whilst not even one Roman
   was wounded, much less slain, far more than a hundred thousand of his
   army were prostrated, and he himself and his sons, having been
   captured, were forthwith put to death, suffering the punishment they
   deserved.  For had so impious a man, with so great and so impious a
   host, entered the city, whom would he have spared? what tombs of the
   martyrs would he have respected? in his treatment of what person would
   he have manifested the fear of God? whose blood would he have refrained
   from shedding? whose chastity would he have wished to preserve
   inviolate?  But how loud would they not have been in the praises of
   their gods!  How insultingly they would have boasted, saying that
   Radagaisus had conquered, that he had been able to achieve such great
   things, because he propitiated and won over the gods by daily
   sacrifices,--a thing which the Christian religion did not allow the
   Romans to do!  For when he was approaching to those places where he was
   overwhelmed at the nod of the Supreme Majesty, as his fame was
   everywhere increasing, it was being told us at Carthage that the pagans
   were believing, publishing, and boasting, that he, on account of the
   help and protection of the gods friendly to him, because of the
   sacrifices which he was said to be daily offering to them, would
   certainly not be conquered by those who were not performing such
   sacrifices to the Roman gods, and did not even permit that they should
   be offered by any one.  And now these wretched men do not give thanks
   to God for his great mercy, who, having determined to chastise the
   corruption of men, which was worthy of far heavier chastisement than
   the corruption of the barbarians, tempered His indignation with such
   mildness as, in the first instance, to cause that the king of the Goths
   should be conquered in a wonderful manner, lest glory should accrue to
   demons, whom he was known to be supplicating, and thus the minds of the
   weak should be overthrown; and then, afterwards, to cause that, when
   Rome was to be taken, it should be taken by those barbarians who,
   contrary to any custom of all former wars, protected, through reverence
   for the Christian religion, those who fled for refuge to the sacred
   places, and who so opposed the demons themselves, and the rites of
   impious sacrifices, that they seemed to be carrying on a far more
   terrible war with them than with men.  Thus did the true Lord and
   Governor of things both scourge the Romans mercifully, and, by the
   marvellous defeat of the worshippers of demons, show that those
   sacrifices were not necessary even for the safety of present things; so
   that, by those who do not obstinately hold out, but prudently consider
   the matter, true religion may not be deserted on account of the
   urgencies of the present time, but may be more clung to in most
   confident expectation of eternal life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--What Was the Happiness of the Christian Emperors, and How
   Far It Was True Happiness.

   For neither do we say that certain Christian emperors were therefore
   happy because they ruled a long time, or, dying a peaceful death, left
   their sons to succeed them in the empire, or subdued the enemies of the
   republic, or were able both to guard against and to suppress the
   attempt of hostile citizens rising against them.  These and other gifts
   or comforts of this sorrowful life even certain worshippers of demons
   have merited to receive, who do not belong to the kingdom of God to
   which these belong; and this is to be traced to the mercy of God, who
   would not have those who believe in Him desire such things as the
   highest good.  But we say that they are happy if they rule justly; if
   they are not lifted up amid the praises of those who pay them sublime
   honors, and the obsequiousness of those who salute them with an
   excessive humility, but remember that they are men; if they make their
   power the handmaid of His majesty by using it for the greatest possible
   extension of His worship; if they fear, love, worship God; if more than
   their own they love that kingdom in which they are not afraid to have
   partners; if they are slow to punish, ready to pardon; if they apply
   that punishment as necessary to government and defence of the republic,
   and not in order to gratify their own enmity; if they grant pardon, not
   that iniquity may go unpunished, but with the hope that the
   transgressor may amend his ways; if they compensate with the lenity of
   mercy and the liberality of benevolence for whatever severity they may
   be compelled to decree; if their luxury is as much restrained as it
   might have been unrestrained; if they prefer to govern depraved desires
   rather than any nation whatever; and if they do all these things, not
   through ardent desire of empty glory, but through love of eternal
   felicity, not neglecting to offer to the true God, who is their God,
   for their sins, the sacrifices of humility, contrition, and prayer.
   Such Christian emperors, we say, are happy in the present time by hope,
   and are destined to be so in the enjoyment of the reality itself, when
   that which we wait for shall have arrived.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Concerning the Prosperity Which God Granted to the
   Christian Emperor Constantine.

   For the good God, lest men, who believe that He is to be worshipped
   with a view to eternal life, should think that no one could attain to
   all this high estate, and to this terrestrial dominion, unless he
   should be a worshipper of the demons,--supposing that these spirits
   have great power with respect to such things,--for this reason He gave
   to the Emperor Constantine, who was not a worshipper of demons, but of
   the true God Himself, such fullness of earthly gifts as no one would
   even dare wish for.  To him also He granted the honor of founding a
   city, [227] a companion to the Roman empire, the daughter, as it were,
   of Rome itself, but without any temple or image of the demons.  He
   reigned for a long period as sole emperor, and unaided held and
   defended the whole Roman world.  In conducting and carrying on wars he
   was most victorious; in overthrowing tyrants he was most successful.
   He died at a great age, of sickness and old age, and left his sons to
   succeed him in the empire. [228]   But again, lest any emperor should
   become a Christian in order to merit the happiness of Constantine, when
   every one should be a Christian for the sake of eternal life, God took
   away Jovian far sooner than Julian, and permitted that Gratian should
   be slain by the sword of a tyrant.  But in his case there was far more
   mitigation of the calamity than in the case of the great Pompey, for he
   could not be avenged by Cato, whom he had left, as it were, heir to the
   civil war.  But Gratian, though pious minds require not such
   consolations, was avenged by Theodosius, whom he had associated with
   himself in the empire, though he had a little brother of his own, being
   more desirous of a faithful alliance than of extensive power.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [227] Constantinople.

   [228] Constantius, Constantine, and Constans.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--On the Faith and Piety of Theodosius Augustus.

   And on this account, Theodosius not only preserved during the lifetime
   of Gratian that fidelity which was due to him, but also, after his
   death, he, like a true Christian, took his little brother Valentinian
   under his protection, as joint emperor, after he had been expelled by
   Maximus, the murderer of his father.  He guarded him with paternal
   affection, though he might without any difficulty have got rid of him,
   being entirely destitute of all resources, had he been animated with
   the desire of extensive empire, and not with the ambition of being a
   benefactor.  It was therefore a far greater pleasure to him, when he
   had adopted the boy, and preserved to him his imperial dignity, to
   console him by his very humanity and kindness.  Afterwards, when that
   success was rendering Maximus terrible, Theodosius, in the midst of his
   perplexing anxieties, was not drawn away to follow the suggestions of a
   sacrilegious and unlawful curiosity, but sent to John, whose abode was
   in the desert of Egypt,--for he had learned that this servant of God
   (whose fame was spreading abroad) was endowed with the gift of
   prophecy,--and from him he received assurance of victory.  Immediately
   the slayer of the tyrant Maximus, with the deepest feelings of
   compassion and respect, restored the boy Valentinianus to his share in
   the empire from which he had been driven.  Valentinianus being soon
   after slain by secret assassination, or by some other plot or accident,
   Theodosius, having again received a response from the prophet, and
   placing entire confidence in it, marched against the tyrant Eugenius,
   who had been unlawfully elected to succeed that emperor, and defeated
   his very powerful army, more by prayer than by the sword.  Some
   soldiers who were at the battle reported to me that all the missiles
   they were throwing were snatched from their hands by a vehement wind,
   which blew from the direction of Theodosius' army upon the enemy; nor
   did it only drive with greater velocity the darts which were hurled
   against them, but also turned back upon their own bodies the darts
   which they themselves were throwing.  And therefore the poet Claudian,
   although an alien from the name of Christ, nevertheless says in his
   praises of him, "O prince, too much beloved by God, for thee Æolus
   pours armed tempests from their caves; for thee the air fights, and the
   winds with one accord obey thy bugles." [229]   But the victor, as he
   had believed and predicted, overthrew the statues of Jupiter, which had
   been, as it were, consecrated by I know not what kind of rites against
   him, and set up in the Alps.  And the thunderbolts of these statues,
   which were made of gold, he mirthfully and graciously presented to his
   couriers who (as the joy of the occasion permitted) were jocularly
   saying that they would be most happy to be struck by such
   thunderbolts.  The sons of his own enemies, whose fathers had been
   slain not so much by his orders as by the vehemence of war, having fled
   for refuge to a church, though they were not yet Christians, he was
   anxious, taking advantage of the occasion, to bring over to
   Christianity, and treated them with Christian love.  Nor did he deprive
   them of their property, but, besides allowing them to retain it,
   bestowed on them additional honors.  He did not permit private
   animosities to affect the treatment of any man after the war.  He was
   not like Cinna, and Marius, and Sylla, and other such men, who wished
   not to finish civil wars even when they were finished, but rather
   grieved that they had arisen at all, than wished that when they were
   finished they should harm any one.  Amid all these events, from the
   very commencement of his reign, he did not cease to help the troubled
   church against the impious by most just and merciful laws, which the
   heretical Valens, favoring the Arians, had vehemently afflicted.
   Indeed, he rejoiced more to be a member of this church than he did to
   be a king upon the earth.  The idols of the Gentiles he everywhere
   ordered to be overthrown, understanding well that not even terrestrial
   gifts are placed in the power of demons, but in that of the true God.
   And what could be more admirable than his religious humility, when,
   compelled by the urgency of certain of his intimates, he avenged the
   grievous crime of the Thessalonians, which at the prayer of the bishops
   he had promised to pardon, and, being laid hold of by the discipline of
   the church, did penance in such a way that the sight of his imperial
   loftiness prostrated made the people who were interceding for him weep
   more than the consciousness of offence had made them fear it when
   enraged?  These and other similar good works, which it would be long to
   tell, he carried with him from this world of time, where the greatest
   human nobility and loftiness are but vapor.  Of these works the reward
   is eternal happiness, of which God is the giver, though only to those
   who are sincerely pious.  But all other blessings and privileges of
   this life, as the world itself, light, air, earth, water, fruits, and
   the soul of man himself, his body, senses, mind, life, He lavishes on
   good and bad alike.  And among these blessings is also to be reckoned
   the possession of an empire, whose extent He regulates according to the
   requirements of His providential government at various times.  Whence,
   I see, we must now answer those who, being confuted and convicted by
   the most manifest proofs, by which it is shown that for obtaining these
   terrestrial things, which are all the foolish desire to have, that
   multitude of false gods is of no use, attempt to assert that the gods
   are to be worshipped with a view to the interest, not of the present
   life, but of that which is to come after death.  For as to those who,
   for the sake of the friendship of this world, are willing to worship
   vanities, and do not grieve that they are left to their puerile
   understandings, I think they have been sufficiently answered in these
   five books; of which books, when I had published the first three, and
   they had begun to come into the hands of many, I heard that certain
   persons were preparing against them an answer of some kind or other in
   writing.  Then it was told me that they had already written their
   answer, but were waiting a time when they could publish it without
   danger.  Such persons I would advise not to desire what cannot be of
   any advantage to them; for it is very easy for a man to seem to himself
   to have answered arguments, when he has only been unwilling to be
   silent.  For what is more loquacious than vanity?  And though it be
   able, if it like, to shout more loudly than the truth, it is not, for
   all that, more powerful than the truth.  But let men consider
   diligently all the things that we have said, and if, perchance, judging
   without party spirit, they shall clearly perceive that they are such
   things as may rather be shaken than torn up by their most impudent
   garrulity, and, as it were, satirical and mimic levity, let them
   restrain their absurdities, and let them choose rather to be corrected
   by the wise than to be lauded by the foolish.  For if they are waiting
   an opportunity, not for liberty to speak the truth, but for license to
   revile, may not that befall them which Tully says concerning some one,
   "Oh, wretched man! who was at liberty to sin?" [230]   Wherefore,
   whoever he be who deems himself happy because of license to revile, he
   would be far happier if that were not allowed him at all; for he might
   all the while, laying aside empty boast, be contradicting those to
   whose views he is opposed by way of free consultation with them, and be
   listening, as it becomes him, honorably, gravely, candidly, to all that
   can be adduced by those whom he consults by friendly disputation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [229] Panegyr, de tertio Honorii consulatu.

   [230] Tusc. Quæst.v. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [188] Written in the year 415.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book VI.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Hitherto the argument has been conducted against those who
   believe that the gods are to be worshipped for the sake of temporal
   advantages, now it is directed against those who believe that they are
   to be worshipped for the sake of eternal life.  Augustin devotes the
   five following books to the confutation of this latter belief, and
   first of all shows how mean an opinion of the gods was held by Varro
   himself, the most esteemed writer on heathen theology.  Of this
   theology Augustin adopts Varro's division into three kinds, mythical,
   natural, and civil; and at once demonstrates that neither the mythical
   nor the civil can contribute anything to the happiness of the future
   life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface.

   In the five former books, I think I have sufficiently disputed against
   those who believe that the many false gods, which the Christian truth
   shows to be useless images, or unclean spirits and pernicious demons,
   or certainly creatures, not the Creator, are to be worshipped for the
   advantage of this mortal life, and of terrestrial affairs, with that
   rite and service which the Greeks call latreia, and which is due to the
   one true God.  And who does not know that, in the face of excessive
   stupidity and obstinacy, neither these five nor any other number of
   books whatsoever could be enough, when it is esteemed the glory of
   vanity to yield to no amount of strength on the side of
   truth,--certainly to his destruction over whom so heinous a vice
   tyrannizes?  For, notwithstanding all the assiduity of the physician
   who attempts to effect a cure, the disease remains unconquered, not
   through any fault of his, but because of the incurableness of the sick
   man.  But those who thoroughly weigh the things which they read, having
   understood and considered them, without any, or with no great and
   excessive degree of that obstinacy which belongs to a long-cherished
   error, will more readily judge that, in the five books already
   finished, we have done more than the necessity of the question
   demanded, than that we have given it less discussion than it required.
   And they cannot have doubted but that all the hatred which the ignorant
   attempt to bring upon the Christian religion on account of the
   disasters of this life, and the destruction and change which befall
   terrestrial things, whilst the learned do not merely dissimulate, but
   encourage that hatred, contrary to their own consciences, being
   possessed by a mad impiety;--they cannot have doubted, I say, but that
   this hatred is devoid of right reflection and reason, and full of most
   light temerity, and most pernicious animosity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of Those Who Maintain that They Worship the Gods Not for
   the Sake of Temporal But Eternal Advantages.

   Now, as, in the next place (as the promised order demands), those are
   to be refuted and taught who contend that the gods of the nations,
   which the Christian truth destroys, are to be worshipped not on account
   of this life, but on account of that which is to be after death, I
   shall do well to commence my disputation with the truthful oracle of
   the holy psalm, "Blessed is the man whose hope is the Lord God, and who
   respecteth not vanities and lying follies." [231]   Nevertheless, in
   all vanities and lying follies the philosophers are to be listened to
   with far more toleration, who have repudiated those opinions and errors
   of the people; for the people set up images to the deities, and either
   feigned concerning those whom they call immortal gods many false and
   unworthy things, or believed them, already feigned, and, when believed,
   mixed them up with their worship and sacred rites.

   With those men who, though not by free avowal of their convictions, do
   still testify that they disapprove of those things by their muttering
   disapprobation during disputations on the subject, it may not be very
   far amiss to discuss the following question:  Whether for the sake of
   the life which is to be after death, we ought to worship, not the one
   God who made all creatures spiritual and corporeal, but those many gods
   who, as some of these philosophers hold, were made by that one God, and
   placed by Him in their respective sublime spheres, and are therefore
   considered more excellent and more noble than all the others? [232]
   But who will assert that it must be affirmed and contended that those
   gods, certain of whom I have mentioned in the fourth book, [233] to
   whom are distributed, each to each, the charges of minute things, do
   bestow eternal life?  But will those most skilled and most acute men,
   who glory in having written for the great benefit of men, to teach on
   what account each god is to be worshipped, and what is to be sought
   from each, lest with most disgraceful absurdity, such as a mimic is
   wont for the sake of merriment to exhibit, water should be sought from
   Liber, wine from the Lymphs,--will those men indeed affirm to any man
   supplicating the immortal gods, that when he shall have asked wine from
   the Lymphs, and they shall have answered him, "We have water, seek wine
   from Liber," he may rightly say, "If ye have not wine, at least give me
   eternal life?"  What more monstrous than this absurdity?  Will not
   these Lymphs,--for they are wont to be very easily made laugh, [234]
   --laughing loudly (if they do not attempt to deceive like demons),
   answer the suppliant, "O man, dost thou think that we have life (vitam)
   in our power, who thou hearest have not even the vine (vitem)?"  It is
   therefore most impudent folly to seek and hope for eternal life from
   such gods as are asserted so to preside over the separate minute
   concernments of this most sorrowful and short life, and whatever is
   useful for supporting and propping it, as that if anything which is
   under the care and power of one be sought from another, it is so
   incongruous and absurd that it appears very like to mimic
   drollery,--which, when it is done by mimics knowing what they are
   doing, is deservedly laughed at in the theatre, but when it is done by
   foolish persons, who do not know better, is more deservedly ridiculed
   in the world.  Wherefore, as concerns those gods which the states have
   established, it has been cleverly invented and handed down to memory by
   learned men, what god or goddess is to be supplicated in relation to
   every particular thing,--what, for instance, is to be sought from
   Liber, what from the Lymphs, what from Vulcan, and so of all the rest,
   some of whom I have mentioned in the fourth book, and some I have
   thought right to omit.  Further, if it is an error to seek wine from
   Ceres, bread from Liber, water from Vulcan, fire from the Lymphs, how
   much greater absurdity ought it to be thought, if supplication be made
   to any one of these for eternal life?

   Wherefore, if, when we were inquiring what gods or goddesses are to be
   believed to be able to confer earthly kingdoms upon men, all things
   having been discussed, it was shown to be very far from the truth to
   think that even terrestrial kingdoms are established by any of those
   many false deities, is it not most insane impiety to believe that
   eternal life, which is, without any doubt or comparison, to be
   preferred to all terrestrial kingdoms, can be given to any one by any
   of these gods?  For the reason why such gods seemed to us not to be
   able to give even an earthly kingdom, was not because they are very
   great and exalted, whilst that is something small and abject, which
   they, in their so great sublimity, would not condescend to care for,
   but because, however deservedly any one may, in consideration of human
   frailty, despise the falling pinnacles of an earthly kingdom, these
   gods have presented such an appearance as to seem most unworthy to have
   the granting and preserving of even those entrusted to them; and
   consequently, if (as we have taught in the two last books of our work,
   where this matter is treated of) no god out of all that crowd, either
   belonging to, as it were, the plebeian or to the noble gods, is fit to
   give mortal kingdoms to mortals, how much less is he able to make
   immortals of mortals?

   And more than this, if, according to the opinion of those with whom we
   are now arguing, the gods are to be worshipped, not on account of the
   present life, but of that which is to be after death, then, certainly,
   they are not to be worshipped on account of those particular things
   which are distributed and portioned out (not by any law of rational
   truth, but by mere vain conjecture) to the power of such gods, as they
   believe they ought to be worshipped, who contend that their worship is
   necessary for all the desirable things of this mortal life, against
   whom I have disputed sufficiently, as far as I was able, in the five
   preceding books.  These things being so, if the age itself of those who
   worshipped the goddess Juventas should be characterized by remarkable
   vigor, whilst her despisers should either die within the years of
   youth, or should, during that period, grow cold as with the torpor of
   old age; if bearded Fortuna should cover the cheeks of her worshippers
   more handsomely and more gracefully than all others, whilst we should
   see those by whom she was despised either altogether beardless or
   ill-bearded; even then we should most rightly say, that thus far these
   several gods had power, limited in some way by their functions, and
   that, consequently, neither ought eternal life to be sought from
   Juventas, who could not give a beard, nor ought any good thing after
   this life to be expected from Fortuna Barbata, who has no power even in
   this life to give the age itself at which the beard grows.  But now,
   when their worship is necessary not even on account of those very
   things which they think are subjected to their power,--for many
   worshippers of the goddess Juventas have not been at all vigorous at
   that age, and many who do not worship her rejoice in youthful strength;
   and also many suppliants of Fortuna Barbata have either not been able
   to attain to any beard at all, not even an ugly one, although they who
   adore her in order to obtain a beard are ridiculed by her bearded
   despisers,--is the human heart really so foolish as to believe that
   that worship of the gods, which it acknowledges to be vain and
   ridiculous with respect to those very temporal and swiftly passing
   gifts, over each of which one of these gods is said to preside, is
   fruitful in results with respect to eternal life?  And that they are
   able to give eternal life has not been affirmed even by those who, that
   they might be worshipped by the silly populace, distributed in minute
   division among them these temporal occupations, that none of them might
   sit idle; for they had supposed the existence of an exceedingly great
   number.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [231] Ps. xl. 4.

   [232] Plato, in the Timæus.

   [233] Ch. xi. and xxi.

   [234] See Virgil, Ec. iii. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--What We are to Believe that Varro Thought Concerning the
   Gods of the Nations, Whose Various Kinds and Sacred Rites He Has Shown
   to Be Such that He Would Have Acted More Reverently Towards Them Had He
   Been Altogether Silent Concerning Them.

   Who has investigated those things more carefully than Marcus Varro?
   Who has discovered them more learnedly?  Who has considered them more
   attentively?  Who has distinguished them more acutely?  Who has written
   about them more diligently and more fully?--who, though he is less
   pleasing in his eloquence, is nevertheless so full of instruction and
   wisdom, that in all the erudition which we call secular, but they
   liberal, he will teach the student of things as much as Cicero delights
   the student of words.  And even Tully himself renders him such
   testimony, as to say in his Academic books that he had held that
   disputation which is there carried on with Marcus Varro, "a man," he
   adds, "unquestionably the acutest of all men, and, without any doubt,
   the most learned." [235]   He does not say the most eloquent or the
   most fluent, for in reality he was very deficient in this faculty, but
   he says, "of all men the most acute."  And in those books,--that is,
   the Academic,--where he contends that all things are to be doubted, he
   adds of him, "without any doubt the most learned."  In truth, he was so
   certain concerning this thing, that he laid aside that doubt which he
   is wont to have recourse to in all things, as if, when about to dispute
   in favor of the doubt of the Academics, he had, with respect to this
   one thing, forgotten that he was an Academic.  But in the first book,
   when he extols the literary works of the same Varro, he says, "Us
   straying and wandering in our own city like strangers, thy books, as it
   were, brought home, that at length we might come to know of who we were
   and where we were.  Thou has opened up to us the age of the country,
   the distribution of seasons, the laws of sacred things, and of the
   priests; thou hast opened up to us domestic and public discipline; thou
   hast pointed out to us the proper places for religious ceremonies, and
   hast informed us concerning sacred places.  Thou hast shown us the
   names, kinds, offices, causes of all divine and human things." [236]

   This man, then, of so distinguished and excellent acquirements, and, as
   Terentian briefly says of him in a most elegant verse,

   "Varro, a man universally informed," [237]

   who read so much that we wonder when he had time to write, wrote so
   much that we can scarcely believe any one could have read it all,--this
   man, I say, so great in talent, so great in learning, had he been an
   opposer and destroyer of the so-called divine things of which he wrote,
   and had he said that they pertained to superstition rather than to
   religion, might perhaps, even in that case, not have written so many
   things which are ridiculous, contemptible, detestable.  But when he so
   worshipped these same gods, and so vindicated their worship, as to say,
   in that same literary work of his, that he was afraid lest they should
   perish, not by an assault by enemies, but by the negligence of the
   citizens, and that from this ignominy they are being delivered by him,
   and are being laid up and preserved in the memory of the good by means
   of such books, with a zeal far more beneficial than that through which
   Metellus is declared to have rescued the sacred things of Vesta from
   the flames, and Æneas to have rescued the Penates from the burning of
   Troy; and when he nevertheless, gives forth such things to be read by
   succeeding ages as are deservedly judged by wise and unwise to be unfit
   to be read, and to be most hostile to the truth of religion; what ought
   we to think but that a most acute and learned man,--not, however made
   free by the Holy Spirit,--was overpowered by the custom and laws of his
   state, and, not being able to be silent about those things by which he
   was influenced, spoke of them under pretence of commending religion?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [235] Of the four books De Acad., dedicated to Varro, only a part of
   the first is extant.

   [236] Cicero, De Quæst. Acad. i. 3.

   [237] In his book De Metris,, chapter on phalæcian verses.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Varro's Distribution of His Book Which He Composed
   Concerning the Antiquities of Human and Divine Things.

   He wrote forty-one books of antiquities.  These he divided into human
   and divine things.  Twenty-five he devoted to human things, sixteen to
   divine things; following this plan in that division,--namely, to give
   six books to each of the four divisions of human things.  For he
   directs his attention to these considerations:  who perform, where they
   perform, when they perform, what they perform.  Therefore in the first
   six books he wrote concerning men; in the second six, concerning
   places; in the third six, concerning times; in the fourth and last six,
   concerning things.  Four times six, however, make only twenty-four.
   But he placed at the head of them one separate work, which spoke of all
   these things conjointly.

   In divine things, the same order he preserved throughout, as far as
   concerns those things which are performed to the gods.  For sacred
   things are performed by men in places and times.  These four things I
   have mentioned he embraced in twelve books, allotting three to each.
   For he wrote the first three concerning men, the following three
   concerning places, the third three concerning times, and the fourth
   three concerning sacred rites,--showing who should perform, where they
   should perform, when they should perform, what they should perform,
   with most subtle distinction.  But because it was necessary to say--and
   that especially was expected--to whom they should perform sacred rites,
   he wrote concerning the gods themselves the last three books; and these
   five times three made fifteen.  But they are in all, as we have said,
   sixteen.  For he put also at the beginning of these one distinct book,
   speaking by way of introduction of all which follows; which being
   finished, he proceeded to subdivide the first three in that five-fold
   distribution which pertain to men, making the first concerning high
   priests, the second concerning augurs, the third concerning the fifteen
   men presiding over the sacred ceremonies. [238]   The second three he
   made concerning places, speaking in one of them concerning their
   chapels, in the second concerning their temples, and in the third
   concerning religious places.  The next three which follow these, and
   pertain to times,--that is, to festival days,--he distributed so as to
   make one concerning holidays, the other concerning the circus games,
   and the third concerning scenic plays.  Of the fourth three, pertaining
   to sacred things, he devoted one to consecrations, another to private,
   the last to public, sacred rites.  In the three which remain, the gods
   themselves follow this pompous train, as it were, for whom all this
   culture has been expended.  In the first book are the certain gods, in
   the second the uncertain, in the third, and last of all, the chief and
   select gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [238] Tarquin the Proud, having bought the books of the sibyl,
   appointed two men to preserve and interpret them (Dionys. Halic. Antiq.
   iv. 62.  These were afterwards increased to ten, while the plebeians
   were contended for larger privileges; and subsequently five more were
   added.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--That from the Disputation of Varro, It Follows that the
   Worshippers of the Gods Regard Human Things as More Ancient Than Divine
   Things.

   In this whole series of most beautiful and most subtle distributions
   and distinctions, it will most easily appear evident from the things we
   have said already, and from what is to be said hereafter, to any man
   who is not, in the obstinacy of his heart, an enemy to himself, that it
   is vain to seek and to hope for, and even most impudent to wish for
   eternal life.  For these institutions are either the work of men or of
   demons,--not of those whom they call good demons, but, to speak more
   plainly, of unclean, and, without controversy, malign spirits, who with
   wonderful slyness and secretness suggest to the thoughts of the
   impious, and sometimes openly present to their understandings, noxious
   opinions, by which the human mind grows more and more foolish, and
   becomes unable to adapt itself to and abide in the immutable and
   eternal truth, and seek to confirm these opinions by every kind of
   fallacious attestation in their power.  This very same Varro testifies
   that he wrote first concerning human things, but afterwards concerning
   divine things, because the states existed first, and afterward these
   things were instituted by them.  But the true religion was not
   instituted by any earthly state, but plainly it established the
   celestial city.  It, however, is inspired and taught by the true God,
   the giver of eternal life to His true worshippers.

   The following is the reason Varro gives when he confesses that he had
   written first concerning human things, and afterwards of divine things,
   because these divine things were instituted by men:--"As the painter is
   before the painted tablet, the mason before the edifice, so states are
   before those things which are instituted by states."  But he says that
   he would have written first concerning the gods, afterwards concerning
   men, if he had been writing concerning the whole nature of the
   gods,--as if he were really writing concerning some portion of, and not
   all, the nature of the gods; or as if, indeed, some portion of, though
   not all, the nature of the gods ought not to be put before that of
   men.  How, then, comes it that in those three last books, when he is
   diligently explaining the certain, uncertain and select gods, he seems
   to pass over no portion of the nature of the gods?  Why, then, does he
   say, "If we had been writing on the whole nature of the gods, we would
   first have finished the divine things before we touched the human?"
   For he either writes concerning the whole nature of the gods, or
   concerning some portion of it, or concerning no part of it at all.  If
   concerning it all, it is certainly to be put before human things; if
   concerning some part of it, why should it not, from the very nature of
   the case, precede human things?  Is not even some part of the gods to
   be preferred to the whole of humanity?  But if it is too much to prefer
   a part of the divine to all human things, that part is certainly worthy
   to be preferred to the Romans at least.  For he writes the books
   concerning human things, not with reference to the whole world, but
   only to Rome; which books he says he had properly placed, in the order
   of writing, before the books on divine things, like a painter before
   the painted tablet, or a mason before the building, most openly
   confessing that, as a picture or a structure, even these divine things
   were instituted by men.  There remains only the third supposition, that
   he is to be understood to have written concerning no divine nature, but
   that he did not wish to say this openly, but left it to the intelligent
   to infer; for when one says "not all," usage understands that to mean
   "some," but it may be understood as meaning none, because that which is
   none is neither all nor some.  In fact, as he himself says, if he had
   been writing concerning all the nature of the gods, its due place would
   have been before human things in the order of writing.  But, as the
   truth declares, even though Varro is silent, the divine nature should
   have taken precedence of Roman things, though it were not all, but only
   some.  But it is properly put after, therefore it is none.  His
   arrangement, therefore, was due, not to a desire to give human things
   priority to divine things, but to his unwillingness to prefer false
   things to true.  For in what he wrote on human things, he followed the
   history of affairs; but in what he wrote concerning those things which
   they call divine, what else did he follow but mere conjectures about
   vain things?  This, doubtless, is what, in a subtle manner, he wished
   to signify; not only writing concerning divine things after the human,
   but even giving a reason why he did so; for if he had suppressed this,
   some, perchance, would have defended his doing so in one way, and some
   in another.  But in that very reason he has rendered, he has left
   nothing for men to conjecture at will, and has sufficiently proved that
   he preferred men to the institutions of men, not the nature of men to
   the nature of the gods.  Thus he confessed that, in writing the books
   concerning divine things, he did not write concerning the truth which
   belongs to nature, but the falseness which belongs to error; which he
   has elsewhere expressed more openly (as I have mentioned in the fourth
   book [239] ), saying that, had he been founding a new city himself, he
   would have written according to the order of nature; but as he had only
   found an old one, he could not but follow its custom.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [239] Ch. 31.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Concerning the Three Kinds of Theology According to Varro,
   Namely, One Fabulous, the Other Natural, the Third Civil.

   Now what are we to say of this proposition of his, namely, that there
   are three kinds of theology, that is, of the account which is given of
   the gods; and of these, the one is called mythical, the other physical,
   and the third civil?  Did the Latin usage permit, we should call the
   kind which he has placed first in order fabular, [240] but let us call
   it fabulous, [241] for mythical is derived from the Greek muthos, a
   fable; but that the second should be called natural, the usage of
   speech now admits; the third he himself has designated in Latin, call
   ing it civil. [242]   Then he says, "they call that kind mythical which
   the poets chiefly use; physical, that which the philosophers use;
   civil, that which the people use.  As to the first I have mentioned,"
   says he, "in it are many fictions, which are contrary to the dignity
   and nature of the immortals.  For we find in it that one god has been
   born from the head, another from the thigh, another from drops of
   blood; also, in this we find that gods have stolen, committed adultery,
   served men; in a word, in this all manner of things are attributed to
   the gods, such as may befall, not merely any man, but even the most
   contemptible man."  He certainly, where he could, where he dared, where
   he thought he could do it with impunity, has manifested, without any of
   the haziness of ambiguity, how great injury was done to the nature of
   the gods by lying fables; for he was speaking, not concerning natural
   theology, not concerning civil, but concerning fabulous theology, which
   he thought he could freely find fault with.

   Let us see, now, what he says concerning the second kind.  "The second
   kind which I have explained," he says, "is that concerning which
   philosophers have left many books, in which they treat such questions
   as these:  what gods there are, where they are, of what kind and
   character they are, since what time they have existed, or if they have
   existed from eternity; whether they are of fire, as Heraclitus
   believes; or of number, as Pythagoras; or of atoms, as Epicurus says;
   and other such things, which men's ears can more easily hear inside the
   walls of a school than outside in the Forum."  He finds fault with
   nothing in this kind of theology which they call physical, and which
   belongs to philosophers, except that he has related their controversies
   among themselves, through which there has arisen a multitude of
   dissentient sects.  Nevertheless he has removed this kind from the
   Forum, that is, from the populace, but he has shut it up in schools.
   But that first kind, most false and most base, he has not removed from
   the citizens.  Oh, the religious ears of the people, and among them
   even those of the Romans, that are not able to bear what the
   philosophers dispute concerning the gods!  But when the poets sing and
   stage-players act such things as are derogatory to the dignity and the
   nature of the immortals, such as may befall not a man merely, but the
   most contemptible man, they not only bear, but willingly listen to.
   Nor is this all, but they even consider that these things please the
   gods, and that they are propitiated by them.

   But some one may say, Let us distinguish these two kinds of theology,
   the mythical and the physical,--that is, the fabulous and the
   natural,--from this civil kind about which we are now speaking.
   Anticipating this, he himself has distinguished them.  Let us see now
   how he explains the civil theology itself.  I see, indeed, why it
   should be distinguished as fabulous, even because it is false, because
   it is base, because it is unworthy.  But to wish to distinguish the
   natural from the civil, what else is that but to confess that the civil
   itself is false?  For if that be natural, what fault has it that it
   should be excluded?  And if this which is called civil be not natural,
   what merit has it that it should be admitted?  This, in truth, is the
   cause why he wrote first concerning human things, and afterwards
   concerning divine things; since in divine things he did not follow
   nature, but the institution of men.  Let us look at this civil theology
   of his.  "The third kind," says he, "is that which citizens in cities,
   and especially the priests, ought to know and to administer.  From it
   is to be known what god each one may suitably worship, what sacred
   rites and sacrifices each one may suitably perform."  Let us still
   attend to what follows.  "The first theology," he says, "is especially
   adapted to the theatre, the second to the world, the third to the
   city."  Who does not see to which he gives the palm?  Certainly to the
   second, which he said above is that of the philosophers.  For he
   testifies that this pertains to the world, than which they think there
   is nothing better.  But those two theologies, the first and the
   third,--to wit, those of the theatre and of the city,--has he
   distinguished them or united them?  For although we see that the city
   is in the world, we do not see that it follows that any things
   belonging to the city pertain to the world.  For it is possible that
   such things may be worshipped and believed in the city, according to
   false opinions, as have no existence either in the world or out of it.
   But where is the theatre but in the city?  Who instituted the theatre
   but the state?  For what purpose did it constitute it but for scenic
   plays?  And to what class of things do scenic plays belong but to those
   divine things concerning which these books of Varro's are written with
   so much ability?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [240] Fabulare.

   [241] Fabulosum.

   [242] Civile.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Concerning the Mythic, that Is, the Fabulous, Theology, and
   the Civil, Against Varro.

   O Marcus Varro! thou art the most acute, and without doubt the most
   learned, but still a man, not God,--now lifted up by the Spirit of God
   to see and to announce divine things, thou seest, indeed, that divine
   things are to be separated from human trifles and lies, but thou
   fearest to offend those most corrupt opinions of the populace, and
   their customs in public superstitions, which thou thyself, when thou
   considerest them on all sides, perceivest, and all your literature
   loudly pronounces to be abhorrent from the nature of the gods, even of
   such gods as the frailty of the human mind supposes to exist in the
   elements of this world.  What can the most excellent human talent do
   here?  What can human learning, though manifold, avail thee in this
   perplexity?  Thou desirest to worship the natural gods; thou art
   compelled to worship the civil.  Thou hast found some of the gods to be
   fabulous, on whom thou vomitest forth very freely what thou thinkest,
   and, whether thou willest or not, thou wettest therewith even the civil
   gods.  Thou sayest, forsooth, that the fabulous are adapted to the
   theatre, the natural to the world, and the civil to the city; though
   the world is a divine work, but cities and theatres are the works of
   men, and though the gods who are laughed at in the theatre are not
   other than those who are adored in the temples; and ye do not exhibit
   games in honor of other gods than those to whom ye immolate victims.
   How much more freely and more subtly wouldst thou have decided these
   hadst thou said that some gods are natural, others established by men;
   and concerning those who have been so established, the literature of
   the poets gives one account, and that of the priests another,--both of
   which are, nevertheless, so friendly the one to the other, through
   fellowship in falsehood, that they are both pleasing to the demons, to
   whom the doctrine of the truth is hostile.

   That theology, therefore, which they call natural, being put aside for
   a moment, as it is afterwards to be discussed, we ask if any one is
   really content to seek a hope for eternal life from poetical,
   theatrical, scenic gods?  Perish the thought!  The true God avert so
   wild and sacrilegious a madness!  What, is eternal life to be asked
   from those gods whom these things pleased, and whom these things
   propitiate, in which their own crimes are represented?  No one, as I
   think, has arrived at such a pitch of headlong and furious impiety.  So
   then, neither by the fabulous nor by the civil theology does any one
   obtain eternal life.  For the one sows base things concerning the gods
   by feigning them, the other reaps by cherishing them; the one scatters
   lies, the other gathers them together; the one pursues divine things
   with false crimes, the other incorporates among divine things the plays
   which are made up of these crimes; the one sounds abroad in human songs
   impious fictions concerning the gods, the other consecrates these for
   the festivities of the gods themselves; the one sings the misdeeds and
   crimes of the gods, the other loves them; the one gives forth or
   feigns, the other either attests the true or delights in the false.
   Both are base; both are damnable.  But the one which is theatrical
   teaches public abomination, and that one which is of the city adorns
   itself with that abomination.  Shall eternal life be hoped for from
   these, by which this short and temporal life is polluted?  Does the
   society of wicked men pollute our life if they insinuate themselves
   into our affections, and win our assent? and does not the society of
   demons pollute the life, who are worshipped with their own crimes?--if
   with true crimes, how wicked the demons! if with false, how wicked the
   worship!

   When we say these things, it may perchance seem to some one who is very
   ignorant of these matters that only those things concerning the gods
   which are sung in the songs of the poets and acted on the stage are
   unworthy of the divine majesty, and ridiculous, and too detestable to
   be celebrated, whilst those sacred things which not stage-players but
   priests perform are pure and free from all unseemliness.  Had this been
   so, never would any one have thought that these theatrical abominations
   should be celebrated in their honor, never would the gods themselves
   have ordered them to be performed to them.  But men are in nowise
   ashamed to perform these things in the theatres, because similar things
   are carried on in the temples.  In short, when the fore-mentioned
   author attempted to distinguish the civil theology from the fabulous
   and natural, as a sort of third and distinct kind, he wished it to be
   understood to be rather tempered by both than separated from either.
   For he says that those things which the poets write are less than the
   people ought to follow, whilst what the philosophers say is more than
   it is expedient for the people to pry into.  "Which," says he, "differ
   in such a way, that nevertheless not a few things from both of them
   have been taken to the account of the civil theology; wherefore we will
   indicate what the civil theology has in common with that of the poet,
   though it ought to be more closely connected with the theology of
   philosophers."  Civil theology is therefore not quite disconnected from
   that of the poets.  Nevertheless, in another place, concerning the
   generations of the gods, he says that the people are more inclined
   toward the poets than toward the physical theologists.  For in this
   place he said what ought to be done; in that other place, what was
   really done.  He said that the latter had written for the sake of
   utility, but the poets for the sake of amusement.  And hence the things
   from the poets' writings, which the people ought not to follow, are the
   crimes of the gods; which, nevertheless, amuse both the people and the
   gods.  For, for amusement's sake, he says, the poets write, and not for
   that of utility; nevertheless they write such things as the gods will
   desire, and the people perform.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Concerning the Likeness and Agreement of the Fabulous and
   Civil Theologies.

   That theology, therefore, which is fabulous, theatrical, scenic, and
   full of all baseness and unseemliness, is taken up into the civil
   theology; and part of that theology, which in its totality is
   deservedly judged to be worthy of reprobation and rejection, is
   pronounced worthy to be cultivated and observed;--not at all an
   incongruous part, as I have undertaken to show, and one which, being
   alien to the whole body, was unsuitably attached to and suspended from
   it, but a part entirely congruous with, and most harmoniously fitted to
   the rest, as a member of the same body.  For what else do those images,
   forms, ages, sexes, characteristics of the gods show?  If the poets
   have Jupiter with a beard and Mercury beardless, have not the priests
   the same?  Is the Priapus of the priests less obscene than the Priapus
   of the players?  Does he receive the adoration of worshippers in a
   different form from that in which he moves about the stage for the
   amusement of spectators?  Is not Saturn old and Apollo young in the
   shrines where their images stand as well as when represented by actors'
   masks?  Why are Forculus, who presides over doors, and Limentinus, who
   presides over thresholds and lintels, male gods, and Cardea between
   them feminine, who presides over hinges?  Are not those things found in
   books on divine things, which grave poets have deemed unworthy of their
   verses?  Does the Diana of the theatre carry arms, whilst the Diana of
   the city is simply a virgin?  Is the stage Apollo a lyrist, but the
   Delphic Apollo ignorant of this art?  But these things are decent
   compared with the more shameful things.  What was thought of Jupiter
   himself by those who placed his wet nurse in the Capitol?  Did they not
   bear witness to Euhemerus, who, not with the garrulity of a
   fable-teller, but with the gravity of an historian who had diligently
   investigated the matter, wrote that all such gods had been men and
   mortals?  And they who appointed the Epulones as parasites at the table
   of Jupiter, what else did they wish for but mimic sacred rites.  For if
   any mimic had said that parasites of Jupiter were made use of at his
   table, he would assuredly have appeared to be seeking to call forth
   laughter.  Varro said it,--not when he was mocking, but when he was
   commending the gods did he say it.  His books on divine, not on human,
   things testify that he wrote this,--not where he set forth the scenic
   games, but where he explained the Capitoline laws.  In a word, he is
   conquered, and confesses that, as they made the gods with a human form,
   so they believed that they are delighted with human pleasures.

   For also malign spirits were not so wanting to their own business as
   not to confirm noxious opinions in the minds of men by converting them
   into sport.  Whence also is that story about the sacristan of Hercules,
   which says that, having nothing to do, he took to playing at dice as a
   pastime, throwing them alternately with the one hand for Hercules, with
   the other for himself, with this understanding, that if he should win,
   he should from the funds of the temple prepare himself a supper, and
   hire a mistress; but if Hercules should win the game, he himself
   should, at his own expense, provide the same for the pleasure of
   Hercules.  Then, when he had been beaten by himself, as though by
   Hercules, he gave to the god Hercules the supper he owed him, and also
   the most noble harlot Larentina.  But she, having fallen asleep in the
   temple, dreamed that Hercules had had intercourse with her, and had
   said to her that she would find her payment with the youth whom she
   should first meet on leaving the temple, and that she was to believe
   this to be paid to her by Hercules.  And so the first youth that met
   her on going out was the wealthy Tarutius, who kept her a long time,
   and when he died left her his heir.  She, having obtained a most ample
   fortune, that she should not seem ungrateful for the divine hire, in
   her turn made the Roman people her heir, which she thought to be most
   acceptable to the deities; and, having disappeared, the will was
   found.  By which meritorious conduct they say that she gained divine
   honors.

   Now had these things been feigned by the poets and acted by the mimics,
   they would without any doubt have been said to pertain to the fabulous
   theology, and would have been judged worthy to be separated from the
   dig nity of the civil theology.  But when these shameful things,--not
   of the poets, but of the people; not of the mimics, but of the sacred
   things; not of the theatres, but of the temples, that is, not of the
   fabulous, but of the civil theology,--are reported by so great an
   author, not in vain do the actors represent with theatrical art the
   baseness of the gods, which is so great; but surely in vain do the
   priests attempt, by rites called sacred, to represent their nobleness
   of character, which has no existence.  There are sacred rites of Juno;
   and these are celebrated in her beloved island, Samos, where she was
   given in marriage to Jupiter.  There are sacred rites of Ceres, in
   which Proserpine is sought for, having been carried off by Pluto.
   There are sacred rites of Venus, in which, her beloved Adonis being
   slain by a boar's tooth, the lovely youth is lamented.  There are
   sacred rites of the mother of the gods, in which the beautiful youth
   Atys, loved by her, and castrated by her through a woman's jealousy, is
   deplored by men who have suffered the like calamity, whom they call
   Galli.  Since, then, these things are more unseemly than all scenic
   abomination, why is it that they strive to separate, as it were, the
   fabulous fictions of the poet concerning the gods, as, forsooth,
   pertaining to the theatre, from the civil theology which they wish to
   belong to the city, as though they were separating from noble and
   worthy things, things unworthy and base?  Wherefore there is more
   reason to thank the stage-actors, who have spared the eyes of men and
   have not laid bare by theatrical exhibition all the things which are
   hid by the walls of the temples.  What good is to be thought of their
   sacred rites which are concealed in darkness, when those which are
   brought forth into the light are so detestable?  And certainly they
   themselves have seen what they transact in secret through the agency of
   mutilated and effeminate men.  Yet they have not been able to conceal
   those same men miserably and vile enervated and corrupted.  Let them
   persuade whom they can that they transact anything holy through such
   men, who, they cannot deny, are numbered, and live among their sacred
   things.  We know not what they transact, but we know through whom they
   transact; for we know what things are transacted on the stage, where
   never, even in a chorus of harlots, hath one who is mutilated or an
   effeminate appeared.  And, nevertheless, even these things are acted by
   vile and infamous characters; for, indeed, they ought not to be acted
   by men of good character.  What, then, are those sacred rites, for the
   performance of which holiness has chosen such men as not even the
   obscenity of the stage has admitted?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Concerning the Interpretations, Consisting of Natural
   Explanations, Which the Pagan Teachers Attempt to Show for Their Gods.

   But all these things, they say, have certain physical, that is, natural
   interpretations, showing their natural meaning; as though in this
   disputation we were seeking physics and not theology, which is the
   account, not of nature, but of God.  For although He who is the true
   God is God, not by opinion, but by nature, nevertheless all nature is
   not God; for there is certainly a nature of man, of a beast, of a tree,
   of a stone,--none of which is God.  For if, when the question is
   concerning the mother of the gods, that from which the whole system of
   interpretation starts certainly is, that the mother of the gods is the
   earth, why do we make further inquiry? why do we carry our
   investigation through all the rest of it?  What can more manifestly
   favor them who say that all those gods were men?  For they are
   earth-born in the sense that the earth is their mother.  But in the
   true theology the earth is the work, not the mother, of God.  But in
   whatever way their sacred rites may be interpreted, and whatever
   reference they may have to the nature of things, it is not according to
   nature, but contrary to nature, that men should be effeminates.  This
   disease, this crime, this abomination, has a recognized place among
   those sacred things, though even depraved men will scarcely be
   compelled by torments to confess they are guilty of it.  Again, if
   these sacred rites, which are proved to be fouler than scenic
   abominations, are excused and justified on the ground that they have
   their own interpretations, by which they are shown to symbolize the
   nature of things, why are not the poetical things in like manner
   excused and justified?  For many have interpreted even these in like
   fashion, to such a degree that even that which they say is the most
   monstrous and most horrible,--namely, that Saturn devoured his own
   children,--has been interpreted by some of them to mean that length of
   time, which is signified by the name of Saturn, consumes whatever it
   begets; or that, as the same Varro thinks, Saturn belongs to seeds
   which fall back again into the earth from whence they spring.  And so
   one interprets it in one way, and one in another.  And the same is to
   be said of all the rest of this theology.

   And, nevertheless, it is called the fabulous theology, and is censured,
   cast off, rejected, together with all such interpretations belonging to
   it.  And not only by the natural theology, which is that of the
   philosophers, but also by this civil theology, concerning which we are
   speaking, which is asserted to pertain to cities and peoples, it is
   judged worthy of repudiation, because it has invented unworthy things
   concerning the gods.  Of which, I wot, this is the secret:  that those
   most acute and learned men, by whom those things were written,
   understood that both theologies ought to be rejected,--to wit, both
   that fabulous and this civil one,--but the former they dared to reject,
   the latter they dared not; the former they set forth to be censured,
   the latter they showed to be very like it; not that it might be chosen
   to be held in preference to the other, but that it might be understood
   to be worthy of being rejected together with it.  And thus, without
   danger to those who feared to censure the civil theology, both of them
   being brought into contempt, that theology which they call natural
   might find a place in better disposed minds; for the civil and the
   fabulous are both fabulous and both civil.  He who shall wisely inspect
   the vanities and obscenities of both will find that they are both
   fabulous; and he who shall direct his attention to the scenic plays
   pertaining to the fabulous theology in the festivals of the civil gods,
   and in the divine rites of the cities, will find they are both civil.
   How, then, can the power of giving eternal life be attributed to any of
   those gods whose own images and sacred rites convict them of being most
   like to the fabulous gods, which are most openly reprobated, in forms,
   ages, sex, characteristics, marriages, generations, rites; in all which
   things they are understood either to have been men, and to have had
   their sacred rites and solemnities instituted in their honor according
   to the life or death of each of them, the demons suggesting and
   confirming this error, or certainly most foul spirits, who, taking
   advantage of some occasion or other, have stolen into the minds of men
   to deceive them?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Concerning the Special Offices of the Gods.

   And as to those very offices of the gods, so meanly and so minutely
   portioned out, so that they say that they ought to be supplicated, each
   one according to his special function,--about which we have spoken much
   already, though not all that is to be said concerning it,--are they not
   more consistent with mimic buffoonery than divine majesty?  If any one
   should use two nurses for his infant, one of whom should give nothing
   but food, the other nothing but drink, as these make use of two
   goddesses for this purpose, Educa and Potina, he should certainly seem
   to be foolish, and to do in his house a thing worthy of a mimic.  They
   would have Liber to have been named from "liberation," because through
   him males at the time of copulation are liberated by the emission of
   the seed.  They also say that Libera (the same in their opinion as
   Venus) exercises the same function in the case of women, because they
   say that they also emit seed; and they also say that on this account
   the same part of the male and of the female is placed in the temple,
   that of the male to Liber, and that of the female to Libera.  To these
   things they add the women assigned to Liber, and the wine for exciting
   lust.  Thus the Bacchanalia are celebrated with the utmost insanity,
   with respect to which Varro himself confesses that such things would
   not be done by the Bacchanals except their minds were highly excited.
   These things, however, afterwards displeased a saner senate, and it
   ordered them to be discontinued.  Here, at length, they perhaps
   perceived how much power unclean spirits, when held to be gods,
   exercise over the minds of men.  These things, certainly, were not to
   be done in the theatres; for there they play, not rave, although to
   have gods who are delighted with such plays is very like raving.

   But what kind of distinction is this which he makes between the
   religious and the superstitious man, saying that the gods are feared
   [243] by the superstitious man, but are reverenced [244] as parents by
   the religious man, not feared as enemies; and that they are all so good
   that they will more readily spare those who are impious than hurt one
   who is innocent?  And yet he tells us that three gods are assigned as
   guardians to a woman after she has been delivered, lest the god
   Silvanus come in and molest her; and that in order to signify the
   presence of these protectors, three men go round the house during the
   night, and first strike the threshold with a hatchet, next with a
   pestle, and the third time sweep it with a brush, in order that these
   symbols of agriculture having been exhibited, the god Silvanus might be
   hindered from entering, because neither are trees cut down or pruned
   without a hatchet, neither is grain ground without a pestle, nor corn
   heaped up without a besom.  Now from these three things three gods have
   been named:  Intercidona, from the cut [245] made by the hatchet;
   Pilumnus, from the pestle; Diverra, from the besom;--by which guardian
   gods the woman who has been de livered is preserved against the power
   of the god Silvanus.  Thus the guardianship of kindly-disposed gods
   would not avail against the malice of a mischievous god, unless they
   were three to one, and fought against him, as it were, with the
   opposing emblems of cultivation, who, being an inhabitant of the woods,
   is rough, horrible, and uncultivated.  Is this the innocence of the
   gods?  Is this their concord?  Are these the health-giving deities of
   the cities, more ridiculous than the things which are laughed at in the
   theatres?

   When a male and a female are united, the god Jugatinus presides.  Well,
   let this be borne with.  But the married woman must be brought home:
   the god Domiducus also is invoked.  That she may be in the house, the
   god Domitius is introduced.  That she may remain with her husband, the
   goddess Manturnæ is used.  What more is required?  Let human modesty be
   spared.  Let the lust of flesh and blood go on with the rest, the
   secret of shame being respected.  Why is the bed-chamber filled with a
   crowd of deities, when even the groomsmen [246] have departed?  And,
   moreover, it is so filled, not that in consideration of their presence
   more regard may be paid to chastity, but that by their help the woman,
   naturally of the weaker sex, and trembling with the novelty of her
   situation, may the more readily yield her virginity.  For there are the
   goddess Virginiensis, and the god-father Subigus, and the
   goddess-mother Prema, and the goddess Pertunda, and Venus, and Priapus.
   [247]   What is this?  If it was absolutely necessary that a man,
   laboring at this work, should be helped by the gods, might not some one
   god or goddess have been sufficient?  Was Venus not sufficient alone,
   who is even said to be named from this, that without her power a woman
   does not cease to be a virgin?  If there is any shame in men, which is
   not in the deities, is it not the case that, when the married couple
   believe that so many gods of either sex are present, and busy at this
   work, they are so much affected with shame, that the man is less moved,
   and the woman more reluctant?  And certainly, if the goddess
   Virginiensis is present to loose the virgin's zone, if the god Subigus
   is present that the virgin may be got under the man, if the goddess
   Prema is present that, having been got under him, she may be kept down,
   and may not move herself, what has the goddess Pertunda to do there?
   Let her blush; let her go forth.  Let the husband himself do
   something.  It is disgraceful that any one but himself should do that
   from which she gets her name.  But perhaps she is tolerated because she
   is said to be a goddess, and not a god.  For if she were believed to be
   a male, and were called Pertundus, the husband would demand more help
   against him for the chastity of his wife than the newly-delivered woman
   against Silvanus.  But why am I saying this, when Priapus, too, is
   there, a male to excess, upon whose immense and most unsightly member
   the newly-married bride is commanded to sit, according to the most
   honorable and most religious custom of matrons?

   Let them go on, and let them attempt with all the subtlety they can to
   distinguish the civil theology from the fabulous, the cities from the
   theatres, the temples from the stages, the sacred things of the priests
   from the songs of the poets, as honorable things from base things,
   truthful things from fallacious, grave from light, serious from
   ludicrous, desirable things from things to be rejected, we understand
   what they do.  They are aware that that theatrical and fabulous
   theology hangs by the civil, and is reflected back upon it from the
   songs of the poets as from a mirror; and thus, that theology having
   been exposed to view which they do not dare to condemn, they more
   freely assail and censure that picture of it, in order that those who
   perceive what they mean may detest this very face itself of which that
   is the picture,--which, however, the gods themselves, as though seeing
   themselves in the same mirror, love so much, that it is better seen in
   both of them who and what they are.  Whence, also, they have compelled
   their worshippers, with terrible commands, to dedicate to them the
   uncleanness of the fabulous theology, to put them among their
   solemnities, and reckon them among divine things; and thus they have
   both shown themselves more manifestly to be most impure spirits, and
   have made that rejected and reprobated theatrical theology a member and
   a part of this, as it were, chosen and approved theology of the city,
   so that, though the whole is disgraceful and false, and contains in it
   fictitious gods, one part of it is in the literature of the priests,
   the other in the songs of the poets.  Whether it may have other parts
   is another question.  At present, I think, I have sufficiently shown,
   on account of the division of Varro, that the theology of the city and
   that of the theatre belong to one civil theology.  Wherefore, because
   they are both equally disgraceful, absurd, shameful, false, far be it
   from religious men to hope for eternal life from either the one or the
   other.

   In fine, even Varro himself, in his account and enumeration of the
   gods, starts from the moment of a man's conception.  He commences the
   series of those gods who take charge of man with Janus, carries it on
   to the death of the man decrepit with age, and terminates it with the
   goddess Nænia, who is sung at the funerals of the aged.  After that, he
   begins to give an account of the other gods, whose province is not man
   himself, but man's belongings, as food, clothing, and all that is
   necessary for this life; and, in the case of all these, he explains
   what is the special office of each, and for what each ought to be
   supplicated.  But with all this scrupulous and comprehensive diligence,
   he has neither proved the existence, nor so much as mentioned the name,
   of any god from whom eternal life is to be sought,--the one object for
   which we are Christians.  Who, then, is so stupid as not to perceive
   that this man, by setting forth and opening up so diligently the civil
   theology, and by exhibiting its likeness to that fabulous, shameful,
   and disgraceful theology, and also by teaching that that fabulous sort
   is also a part of this other, was laboring to obtain a place in the
   minds of men for none but that natural theology, which he says pertains
   to philosophers, with such subtlety that he censures the fabulous, and,
   not daring openly to censure the civil, shows its censurable character
   by simply exhibiting it; and thus, both being reprobated by the
   judgment of men of right understanding, the natural alone remains to be
   chosen?  But concerning this in its own place, by the help of the true
   God, we have to discuss more diligently.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [243] Timeri.

   [244] Vereri.

   [245] Intercido, I cut or cleave.

   [246] Paranymphi.

   [247] Comp. Tertullian, Adv. Nat. ii. 11; Arnobius, Contra Gent. iv.;
   Lactantius, Inst. i. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Concerning the Liberty of Seneca, Who More Vehemently
   Censured the Civil Theology Than Varro Did the Fabulous.

   That liberty, in truth, which this man wanted, so that he did not dare
   to censure that theology of the city, which is very similar to the
   theatrical, so openly as he did the theatrical itself, was, though not
   fully, yet in part possessed by Annæus Seneca, whom we have some
   evidence to show to have flourished in the times of our apostles.  It
   was in part possessed by him, I say, for he possessed it in writing,
   but not in living.  For in that book which he wrote against
   superstition, [248] he more copiously and vehemently censured that
   civil and urban theology than Varro the theatrical and fabulous.  For,
   when speaking concerning images, he says, "They dedicate images of the
   sacred and inviolable immortals in most worthless and motionless
   matter.  They give them the appearance of man, beasts, and fishes, and
   some make them of mixed sex, and heterogeneous bodies.  They call them
   deities, when they are such that if they should get breath and should
   suddenly meet them, they would be held to be monsters."  Then, a while
   afterwards, when extolling the natural theology, he had expounded the
   sentiments of certain philosophers, he opposes to himself a question,
   and says, "Here some one says, Shall I believe that the heavens and the
   earth are gods, and that some are above the moon and some below it?
   Shall I bring forward either Plato or the peripatetic Strato, one of
   whom made God to be without a body, the other without a mind?"  In
   answer to which he says, "And, really, what truer do the dreams of
   Titus Tatius, or Romulus, or Tullus Hostilius appear to thee?  Tatius
   declared the divinity of the goddess Cloacina; Romulus that of Picus
   and Tiberinus; Tullus Hostilius that of Pavor and Pallor, the most
   disagreeable affections of men, the one of which is the agitation of
   the mind under fright, the other that of the body, not a disease,
   indeed, but a change of color."  Wilt thou rather believe that these
   are deities, and receive them into heaven?  But with what freedom he
   has written concerning the rites themselves, cruel and shameful!
   "One," he says, "castrates himself, another cuts his arms.  Where will
   they find room for the fear of these gods when angry, who use such
   means of gaining their favor when propitious?  But gods who wish to be
   worshipped in this fashion should be worshipped in none.  So great is
   the frenzy of the mind when perturbed and driven from its seat, that
   the gods are propitiated by men in a manner in which not even men of
   the greatest ferocity and fable-renowned cruelty vent their rage.
   Tyrants have lacerated the limbs of some; they never ordered any one to
   lacerate his own.  For the gratification of royal lust, some have been
   castrated; but no one ever, by the command of his lord, laid violent
   hands on himself to emasculate himself.  They kill themselves in the
   temples.  They supplicate with their wounds and with their blood.  If
   any one has time to see the things they do and the things they suffer,
   he will find so many things unseemly for men of respectability, so
   unworthy of freemen, so unlike the doings of sane men, that no one
   would doubt that they are mad, had they been mad with the minority; but
   now the multitude of the insane is the defence of their sanity."

    He next relates those things which are wont to be done in the Capitol,
   and with the utmost intrepidity insists that they are such things as
   one could only believe to be done by men making sport, or by madmen.
   For having spoken with derision of this, that in the Egyptian sacred
   rites Osiris, being lost, is lamented for, but straightway, when found,
   is the occasion of great joy by his reappearance, because both the
   losing and the finding of him are feigned; and yet that grief and that
   joy which are elicited thereby from those who have lost nothing and
   found nothing are real;--having I say, so spoken of this, he says,
   "Still there is a fixed time for this frenzy.  It is tolerable to go
   mad once in the year.  Go into the Capitol.  One is suggesting divine
   commands [249] to a god; another is telling the hours to Jupiter; one
   is a lictor; another is an anointer, who with the mere movement of his
   arms imitates one anointing.  There are women who arrange the hair of
   Juno and Minerva, standing far away not only from her image, but even
   from her temple.  These move their fingers in the manner of
   hairdressers.  There are some women who hold a mirror.  There are some
   who are calling the gods to assist them in court.  There are some who
   are holding up documents to them, and are explaining to them their
   cases.  A learned and distinguished comedian, now old and decrepit, was
   daily playing the mimic in the Capitol, as though the gods would gladly
   be spectators of that which men had ceased to care about.  Every kind
   of artificers working for the immortal gods is dwelling there in
   idleness."  And a little after he says, "Nevertheless these, though
   they give themselves up to the gods for purposes superflous enough, do
   not do so for any abominable or infamous purpose.  There sit certain
   women in the Capitol who think they are beloved by Jupiter; nor are
   they frightened even by the look of the, if you will believe the poets,
   most wrathful Juno."

   This liberty Varro did not enjoy.  It was only the poetical theology he
   seemed to censure.  The civil, which this man cuts to pieces, he was
   not bold enough to impugn.  But if we attend to the truth, the temples
   where these things are performed are far worse than the theatres where
   they are represented.  Whence, with respect to these sacred rites of
   the civil theology, Seneca preferred, as the best course to be followed
   by a wise man, to feign respect for them in act, but to have no real
   regard for them at heart.  "All which things," he says, "a wise man
   will observe as being commanded by the laws, but not as being pleasing
   to the gods."  And a little after he says, "And what of this, that we
   unite the gods in marriage, and that not even naturally, for we join
   brothers and sisters?  We marry Bellona to Mars, Venus to Vulcan,
   Salacia to Neptune.  Some of them we leave unmarried, as though there
   were no match for them, which is surely needless, especially when there
   are certain unmarried goddesses, as Populonia, or Fulgora, or the
   goddess Rumina, for whom I am not astonished that suitors have been
   awanting.  All this ignoble crowd of gods, which the superstition of
   ages has amassed, we ought," he says, "to adore in such a way as to
   remember all the while that its worship belongs rather to custom than
   to reality."  Wherefore, neither those laws nor customs instituted in
   the civil theology that which was pleasing to the gods, or which
   pertained to reality.  But this man, whom philosophy had made, as it
   were, free, nevertheless, because he was an illustrious senator of the
   Roman people, worshipped what he censured, did what he condemned,
   adored what he reproached, because, forsooth, philosophy had taught him
   something great,--namely, not to be superstitious in the world, but, on
   account of the laws of cities and the customs of men, to be an actor,
   not on the stage, but in the temples,--conduct the more to be
   condemned, that those things which he was deceitfully acting he so
   acted that the people thought he was acting sincerely.  But a
   stage-actor would rather delight people by acting plays than take them
   in by false pretences.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [248] Mentioned also by Tertullian, Apol. 12, but not extant.

   [249] Numina.  Another reading is nomina; and with either reading
   another translation is admissible; "One is announcing to a god the
   names (or gods) who salute him."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--What Seneca Thought Concerning the Jews.

   Seneca, among the other superstitions of civil theology, also found
   fault with the sacred things of the Jews, and especially the sabbaths,
   affirming that they act uselessly in keeping those seventh days,
   whereby they lose through idleness about the seventh part of their
   life, and also many things which demand immediate attention are
   damaged.  The Christians, however, who were already most hostile to the
   Jews, he did not dare to mention, either for praise or blame, lest, if
   he praised them, he should do so against the ancient custom of his
   country, or, perhaps, if he should blame them, he should do so against
   his own will.

   When he was speaking concerning those Jews, he said, "When, meanwhile,
   the customs of that most accursed nation have gained such strength that
   they have been now received in all lands, the conquered have given laws
   to the conquerors."  By these words he expresses his astonishment; and,
   not knowing what the providence of God was leading him to say, subjoins
   in plain words an opinion by which he showed what he thought about the
   meaning of those sacred institutions:  "For," he says, "those, however,
   know the cause of their rites, whilst the greater part of the people
   know not why they perform theirs."  But concerning the solemnities of
   the Jews, either why or how far they were instituted by divine
   authority, and afterwards, in due time, by the same authority taken
   away from the people of God, to whom the mystery of eternal life was
   revealed, we have both spoken elsewhere, especially when we were
   treating against the Manichæans, and also intend to speak in this work
   in a more suitable place.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--That When Once the Vanity of the Gods of the Nations Has
   Been Exposed, It Cannot Be Doubted that They are Unable to Bestow
   Eternal Life on Any One, When They Cannot Afford Help Even with Respect
   to the Things Of this Temporal Life.

   Now, since there are three theologies, which the Greeks call
   respectively mythical, physical, and political, and which may be called
   in Latin fabulous, natural, and civil; and since neither from the
   fabulous, which even the worshippers of many and false gods have
   themselves most freely censured, nor from the civil, of which that is
   convicted of being a part, or even worse than it, can eternal life be
   hoped for from any of these theologies,--if any one thinks that what
   has been said in this book is not enough for him, let him also add to
   it the many and various dissertations concerning God as the giver of
   felicity, contained in the former books, especially the fourth one.

   For to what but to felicity should men consecrate themselves, were
   felicity a goddess?  However, as it is not a goddess, but a gift of
   God, to what God but the giver of happiness ought we to consecrate
   ourselves, who piously love eternal life, in which there is true and
   full felicity?  But I think, from what has been said, no one ought to
   doubt that none of those gods is the giver of happiness, who are
   worshipped with such shame, and who, if they are not so worshipped, are
   more shamefully enraged, and thus confess that they are most foul
   spirits.  Moreover, how can he give eternal life who cannot give
   happiness?  For we mean by eternal life that life where there is
   endless happiness.  For if the soul live in eternal punishments, by
   which also those unclean spirits shall be tormented, that is rather
   eternal death than eternal life.  For there is no greater or worse
   death than when death never dies.  But because the soul from its very
   nature, being created immortal, cannot be without some kind of life,
   its utmost death is alienation from the life of God in an eternity of
   punishment.  So, then, He only who gives true happiness gives eternal
   life, that is, an endlessly happy life.  And since those gods whom this
   civil theology worships have been proved to be unable to give this
   happiness, they ought not to be worshipped on account of those temporal
   and terrestrial things, as we showed in the five former books, much
   less on account of eternal life, which is to be after death, as we have
   sought to show in this one book especially, whilst the other books also
   lend it their co-operation.  But since the strength of inveterate habit
   has its roots very deep, if any one thinks that I have not disputed
   sufficiently to show that this civil theology ought to be rejected and
   shunned, let him attend to another book which, with God's help, is to
   be joined to this one.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book VII.

   ------------------------

   Argument--In this book it is shown that eternal life is not obtained by
   the worship of Janus, Jupiter, Saturn, and the other "select gods" of
   the civil theology.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface.

   It will be the duty of those who are endowed with quicker and better
   understandings, in whose case the former books are sufficient, and more
   than sufficient, to effect their intended object, to bear with me with
   patience and equanimity whilst I attempt with more than ordinary
   diligence to tear up and eradicate depraved and ancient opinions
   hostile to the truth of piety, which the long-continued error of the
   human race has fixed very deeply in unenlightened minds; co-operating
   also in this, according to my little measure, with the grace of Him
   who, being the true God, is able to accomplish it, and on whose help I
   depend in my work; and, for the sake of others, such should not deem
   superfluous what they feel to be no longer necessary for themselves.  A
   very great matter is at stake when the true and truly holy divinity is
   commended to men as that which they ought to seek after and to worship;
   not, however, on account of the transitory vapor of mortal life, but on
   account of life eternal, which alone is blessed, although the help
   necessary for this frail life we are now living is also afforded us by
   it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Whether, Since It is Evident that Deity is Not to Be Found
   in the Civil Theology, We are to Believe that It is to Be Found in the
   Select Gods.

   If there is any one whom the sixth book, which I have last finished,
   has not persuaded that this divinity, or, so to speak, deity--for this
   word also our authors do not hesitate to use, in order to translate
   more accurately that which the Greeks call theotes;--if there is any
   one, I say, whom the sixth book has not persuaded that this divinity or
   deity is not to be found in that theology which they call civil, and
   which Marcus Varro has explained in sixteen books,--that is, that the
   happiness of eternal life is not attainable through the worship of gods
   such as states have established to be worshipped, and that in such a
   form,--perhaps, when he has read this book, he will not have anything
   further to desire in order to the clearing up of this question.  For it
   is possible that some one may think that at least the select and chief
   gods, whom Varro comprised in his last book, and of whom we have not
   spoken sufficiently, are to be worshipped on account of the blessed
   life, which is none other than eternal.  In respect to which matter I
   do not say what Tertullian said, perhaps more wittily than truly, "If
   gods are selected like onions, certainly the rest are rejected as bad."
   [250]   I do not say this, for I see that even from among the select,
   some are selected for some greater and more excellent office:  as in
   warfare, when recruits have been elected, there are some again elected
   from among those for the performance of some greater military service;
   and in the church, when persons are elected to be overseers, certainly
   the rest are not rejected, since all good Christians are deservedly
   called elect; in the erection of a building corner-stones are elected,
   though the other stones, which are destined for other parts of the
   structure, are not rejected; grapes are elected for eating, whilst the
   others, which we leave for drinking, are not rejected.  There is no
   need of adducing many illustrations, since the thing is evident.
   Wherefore the selection of certain gods from among many affords no
   proper reason why either he who wrote on this subject, or the
   worshippers of the gods, or the gods themselves, should be spurned.  We
   ought rather to seek to know what gods these are, and for what purpose
   they may appear to have been selected.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [250] Tert. Apol. 13, Nec electio sine reprobatione; and Ad Nationes,
   ii. 9, Si dei bulbi seliguntur, qui non seliguntur, reprobi
   pronuntiantur.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Who are the Select Gods, and Whether They are Held to Be
   Exempt from the Offices of the Commoner Gods.

   The following gods, certainly, Varro signalizes as select, devoting one
   book to this subject:  Janus, Jupiter, Saturn, Genius, Mercury, Apollo,
   Mars, Vulcan, Neptune, Sol, Orcus, father Liber, Tellus, Ceres, Juno,
   Luna, Diana, Minerva, Venus, Vesta; of which twenty gods, twelve are
   males, and eight females.  Whether are these deities called select,
   because of their higher spheres of administration in the world, or
   because they have become better known to the people, and more worship
   has been expended on them?  If it be on account of the greater works
   which are performed by them in the world, we ought not to have found
   them among that, as it were, plebeian crowd of deities, which has
   assigned to it the charge of minute and trifling things.  For, first of
   all, at the conception of a foetus, from which point all the works
   commence which have been distributed in minute detail to many deities,
   Janus himself opens the way for the reception of the seed; there also
   is Saturn, on account of the seed itself; there is Liber, [251] who
   liberates the male by the effusion of the seed; there is Libera, whom
   they also would have to be Venus, who confers this same benefit on the
   woman, namely, that she also be liberated by the emission of the
   seed;--all these are of the number of those who are called select.  But
   there is also the goddess Mena, who presides over the menses; though
   the daughter of Jupiter, ignoble nevertheless.  And this province of
   the menses the same author, in his book on the select gods, assigns to
   Juno herself, who is even queen among the select gods; and here, as
   Juno Lucina, along with the same Mena, her stepdaughter, she presides
   over the same blood.  There also are two gods, exceedingly obscure,
   Vitumnus and Sentinus--the one of whom imparts life to the foetus, and
   the other sensation; and, of a truth, they bestow, most ignoble though
   they be, far more than all those noble and select gods bestow.  For,
   surely, without life and sensation, what is the whole foetus which a
   woman carries in her womb, but a most vile and worthless thing, no
   better than slime and dust?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [251] Cicero, De Nat. Deor ii., distinguishes this Liber from Liber
   Bacchus, son of Jupiter and Semele.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--How There is No Reason Which Can Be Shown for the Selection
   of Certain Gods, When the Administration of More Exalted Offices is
   Assigned to Many Inferior Gods.

    What is the cause, therefore, which has driven so many select gods to
   these very small works, in which they are excelled by Vitumnus and
   Sentinus, though little known and sunk in obscurity, inasmuch as they
   confer the munificent gifts of life and sensation?  For the select
   Janus bestows an entrance, and, as it were, a door [252] for the seed;
   the select Saturn bestows the seed itself; the select Liber bestows on
   men the emission of the same seed; Libera, who is Ceres or Venus,
   confers the same on women; the select Juno confers (not alone, but
   together with Mena, the daughter of Jupiter) the menses, for the growth
   of that which has been conceived; and the obscure and ignoble Vitumnus
   confers life, whilst the obscure and ignoble Sentinus confers
   sensation;--which two last things are as much more excellent than the
   others, as they themselves are excelled by reason and intellect.  For
   as those things which reason and understand are preferable to those
   which, without intellect and reason, as in the case of cattle, live and
   feel; so also those things which have been endowed with life and
   sensation are deservedly preferred to those things which neither live
   nor feel.  Therefore Vitumnus the life-giver, [253] and Sentinus the
   sense-giver, [254] ought to have been reckoned among the select gods,
   rather than Janus the admitter of seed, and Saturn the giver or sower
   of seed, and Liber and Libera the movers and liberators of seed; which
   seed is not worth a thought, unless it attain to life and sensation.
   Yet these select gifts are not given by select gods, but by certain
   unknown, and, considering their dignity, neglected gods.  But if it be
   replied that Janus has dominion over all beginnings, and therefore the
   opening of the way for conception is not without reason assigned to
   him; and that Saturn has dominion over all seeds, and therefore the
   sowing of the seed whereby a human being is generated cannot be
   excluded from his operation; that Liber and Libera have power over the
   emission of all seeds, and therefore preside over those seeds which
   pertain to the procreation of men; that Juno presides over all
   purgations and births, and therefore she has also charge of the
   purgations of women and the births of human beings;--if they give this
   reply, let them find an answer to the question concerning Vitumnus and
   Sentinus, whether they are willing that these likewise should have
   dominion over all things which live and feel.  If they grant this, let
   them observe in how sublime a position they are about to place them.
   For to spring from seeds is in the earth and of the earth, but to live
   and feel are supposed to be properties even of the sidereal gods.  But
   if they say that only such things as come to life in flesh, and are
   supported by senses, are assigned to Sentinus, why does not that God
   who made all things live and feel, bestow on flesh also life and
   sensation, in the universality of His operation conferring also on
   foetuses this gift?  And what, then, is the use of Vitumnus and
   Sentinus?  But if these, as it were, extreme and lowest things have
   been committed by Him who presides universally over life and sense to
   these gods as to servants, are these select gods then so destitute of
   servants, that they could not find any to whom even they might commit
   those things, but with all their dignity, for which they are, it seems,
   deemed worthy to be selected, were compelled to perform their work
   along with ignoble ones?  Juno is select queen of the gods, and the
   sister and wife of Jupiter; nevertheless she is Iterduca, the
   conductor, to boys, and performs this work along with a most ignoble
   pair--the goddesses Abeona and Adeona.  There they have also placed the
   goddess Mena, who gives to boys a good mind, and she is not placed
   among the select gods; as if anything greater could be bestowed on a
   man than a good mind.  But Juno is placed among the select because she
   is Iterduca and Domiduca (she who conducts one on a journey, and who
   conducts him home again); as if it is of any advantage for one to make
   a journey, and to be conducted home again, if his mind is not good.
   And yet the goddess who bestows that gift has not been placed by the
   selectors among the select gods, though she ought indeed to have been
   preferred even to Minerva, to whom, in this minute distribution of
   work, they have allotted the memory of boys.  For who will doubt that
   it is a far better thing to have a good mind, than ever so great a
   memory?  For no one is bad who has a good mind; [255] but some who are
   very bad are possessed of an admirable memory, and are so much the
   worse, the less they are able to forget the bad things which they
   think.  And yet Minerva is among the select gods, whilst the goddess
   Mena is hidden by a worthless crowd.  What shall I say concerning
   Virtus?  What concerning Felicitas?--concerning whom I have already
   spoken much in the fourth book; [256] to whom, though they held them to
   be goddesses, they have not thought fit to assign a place among the
   select gods, among whom they have given a place to Mars and Orcus, the
   one the causer of death, the other the receiver of the dead.

   Since, therefore, we see that even the select gods themselves work
   together with the others, like a senate with the people, in all those
   minute works which have been minutely portioned out among many gods;
   and since we find that far greater and better things are administered
   by certain gods who have not been reckoned worthy to be selected than
   by those who are called select, it remains that we suppose that they
   were called select and chief, not on account of their holding more
   exalted offices in the world, but because it happened to them to become
   better known to the people.  And even Varro himself says, that in that
   way obscurity had fallen to the lot of some father gods and mother
   goddesses, [257] as it fails to the lot of man.  If, therefore,
   Felicity ought not perhaps to have been put among the select gods,
   because they did not attain to that noble position by merit, but by
   chance, Fortune at least should have been placed among them, or rather
   before them; for they say that that goddess distributes to every one
   the gifts she receives, not according to any rational arrangement, but
   according as chance may determine.  She ought to have held the
   uppermost place among the select gods, for among them chiefly it is
   that she shows what power she has.  For we see that they have been
   selected not on account of some eminent virtue or rational happiness,
   but by that random power of Fortune which the worshippers of these gods
   think that she exerts.  For that most eloquent man Sallust also may
   perhaps have the gods themselves in view when he says:  "But, in truth,
   fortune rules in everything; it renders all things famous or obscure,
   according to caprice rather than according to truth." [258]   For they
   cannot discover a reason why Venus should have been made famous, whilst
   Virtus has been made obscure, when the divinity of both of them has
   been solemnly recognized by them, and their merits are not to be
   compared.  Again, if she has deserved a noble position on account of
   the fact that she is much sought after--for there are more who seek
   after Venus than after Virtus--why has Minerva been celebrated whilst
   Pecunia has been left in obscurity, although throughout the whole human
   race avarice allures a far greater number than skill?  And even among
   those who are skilled in the arts, you will rarely find a man who does
   not practise his own art for the purpose of pecuniary gain; and that
   for the sake of which anything is made, is always valued more than that
   which is made for the sake of something else.  If, then, this selection
   of gods has been made by the judgment of the foolish multitude, why has
   not the goddess Pecunia been preferred to Minerva, since there are many
   artificers for the sake of money?  But if this distinction has been
   made by the few wise, why has Virtus been preferred to Venus, when
   reason by far prefers the former?  At all events, as I have already
   said, Fortune herself--who, according to those who attribute most
   influence to her, renders all things famous or obscure according to
   caprice rather than according to the truth--since she has been able to
   exercise so much power even over the gods, as, according to her
   capricious judgment, to render those of them famous whom she would, and
   those obscure whom she would; Fortune herself ought to occupy the place
   of pre-eminence among the select gods, since over them also she has
   such pre-eminent power.  Or must we suppose that the reason why she is
   not among the select is simply this, that even Fortune herself has had
   an adverse fortune?  She was adverse, then, to herself, since, whilst
   ennobling others, she herself has remained obscure.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [252] Januam.

   [253] Vivificator.

   [254] Sensificator.

   [255] As we say, right-minded.

   [256] Ch. 21, 23.

   [257] The father Saturn, and the mother Ops, e.g., being more obscure
   than their son Jupiter and daughter Juno.

   [258] Sallust, Cat. Conj. ch. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--The Inferior Gods, Whose Names are Not Associated with
   Infamy, Have Been Better Dealt with Than the Select Gods, Whose
   Infamies are Celebrated.

   However, any one who eagerly seeks for celebrity and renown, might
   congratulate those select gods, and call them fortunate, were it not
   that he saw that they have been selected more to their injury than to
   their honor.  For that low crowd of gods have been protected by their
   very meanness and obscurity from being overwhelmed with infamy.  We
   laugh, indeed, when we see them distributed by the mere fiction of
   human opinions, according to the special works assigned to them, like
   those who farm small portions of the public revenue, or like workmen in
   the street of the silversmiths, [259] where one vessel, in order that
   it may go out perfect, passes through the hands of many, when it might
   have been finished by one perfect workman.  But the only reason why the
   combined skill of many workmen was thought necessary, was, that it is
   better that each part of an art should be learned by a special workman,
   which can be done speedily and easily, than that they should all be
   compelled to be perfect in one art throughout all its parts, which they
   could only attain slowly and with difficulty.  Nevertheless there is
   scarcely to be found one of the non-select gods who has brought infamy
   on himself by any crime, whilst there is scarce any one of the select
   gods who has not received upon himself the brand of notable infamy.
   These latter have descended to the humble works of the others, whilst
   the others have not come up to their sublime crimes.  Concerning Janus,
   there does not readily occur to my recollection anything infamous; and
   perhaps he was such an one as lived more innocently than the rest, and
   further removed from misdeeds and crimes.  He kindly received and
   entertained Saturn when he was fleeing; he divided his kingdom with his
   guest, so that each of them had a city for himself, [260] the one
   Janiculum, and the other Saturnia.  But those seekers after every kind
   of unseemliness in the worship of the gods have disgraced him, whose
   life they found to be less disgracful than that of the other gods, with
   an image of monstrous deformity, making it sometimes with two faces,
   and sometimes, as it were, double, with four faces. [261]   Did they
   wish that, as the most of the select gods had lost shame [262] through
   the perpetration of shameful crimes, his greater innocence should be
   marked by a greater number of faces? [263]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [259] Vicus argentarius.

   [260] Virgil, Æneid, viii. 357, 358.

   [261] Quadrifrons.

   [262] Frons.

   [263] Quanto iste innocentior esset, tanto frontosior appareret; being
   used for the shamelessness of innocence, as we use "face" for the
   shamelessness of impudence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Concerning the More Secret Doctrine of the Pagans, and
   Concerning the Physical Interpretations.

   But let us hear their own physical interpretations by which they
   attempt to color, as with the appearance of profounder doctrine, the
   baseness of most miserable error.  Varro, in the first place, commends
   these interpretations so strongly as to say, that the ancients invented
   the images, badges, and adornments of the gods, in order that when
   those who went to the mysteries should see them with their bodily eyes,
   they might with the eyes of their mind see the soul of the world, and
   its parts, that is, the true gods; and also that the meaning which was
   intended by those who made their images with the human form, seemed to
   be this,--namely, that the mind of mortals, which is in a human body,
   is very like to the immortal mind, [264] just as vessels might be
   placed to represent the gods, as, for instance, a wine-vessel might be
   placed in the temple of Liber, to signify wine, that which is contained
   being signified by that which contains.  Thus by an image which had the
   human form the rational soul was signified, because the human form is
   the vessel, as it were, in which that nature is wont to be contained
   which they attribute to God, or to the gods.  These are the mysteries
   of doctrine to which that most learned man penetrated in order that he
   might bring them forth to the light.  But, O thou most acute man, hast
   thou lost among those mysteries that prudence which led thee to form
   the sober opinion, that those who first established those images for
   the people took away fear from the citizens and added error, and that
   the ancient Romans honored the gods more chastely without images?  For
   it was through consideration of them that thou wast emboldened to speak
   these things against the later Romans.  For if those most ancient
   Romans also had worshipped images, perhaps thou wouldst have suppressed
   by the silence of fear all those sentiments (true sentiments,
   nevertheless) concerning the folly of setting up images, and wouldst
   have extolled more loftily, and more loquaciously, those mysterious
   doctrines consisting of these vain and pernicious fictions.  Thy soul,
   so learned and so clever (and for this I grieve much for thee), could
   never through these mysteries have reached its God; that is, the God by
   whom, not with whom, it was made, of whom it is not a part, but a
   work,--that God who is not the soul of all things, but who made every
   soul, and in whose light alone every soul is blessed, if it be not
   ungrateful for His grace.

   But the things which follow in this book will show what is the nature
   of these mysteries, and what value is to be set upon them.  Meanwhile,
   this most learned man confesses as his opinion that the soul of the
   world and its parts are the true gods, from which we perceive that his
   theology (to wit, that same natural theology to which he pays great
   regard) has been able, in its completeness, to extend itself even to
   the nature of the rational soul.  For in this book (concerning the
   select gods) he says a very few things by anticipation concerning the
   natural theology; and we shall see whether he has been able in that
   book, by means of physical interpretations, to refer to this natural
   theology that civil theology, concerning which he wrote last when
   treating of the select gods.  Now, if he has been able to do this, the
   whole is natural; and in that case, what need was there for
   distinguishing so carefully the civil from the natural?  But if it has
   been distinguished by a veritable distinction, then, since not even
   this natural theology with which he is so much pleased is true (for
   though it has reached as far as the soul, it has not reached to the
   true God who made the soul), how much more contemptible and false is
   that civil theology which is chiefly occupied about what is corporeal,
   as will be shown by its very interpretations, which they have with such
   diligence sought out and enucleated, some of which I must necessarily
   mention!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [264] Cicero, Tusc. Quæst. v. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Concerning the Opinion of Varro, that God is the Soul of
   the World, Which Nevertheless, in Its Various Parts, Has Many Souls
   Whose Nature is Divine.

   The same Varro, then, still speaking by anticipation, says that he
   thinks that God is the soul of the world (which the Greeks call
   kosmos), and that this world itself is God; but as a wise man, though
   he consists of body and mind, is nevertheless called wise on account of
   his mind, so the world is called God on account of mind, although it
   consists of mind and body. Here he seems, in some fashion at least, to
   acknowledge one God; but that he may introduce more, he adds that the
   world is divided into two parts, heaven and earth, which are again
   divided each into two parts, heaven into ether and air, earth into
   water and land, of all which the ether is the highest, the air second,
   the water third, and the earth the lowest.  All these four parts, he
   says, are full of souls; those which are in the ether and air being
   immortal, and those which are in the water and on the earth mortal.
   From the highest part of the heavens to the orbit of the moon there are
   souls, namely, the stars and planets; and these are not only understood
   to be gods, but are seen to be such.  And between the orbit of the moon
   and the commencement of the region of clouds and winds there are aerial
   souls; but these are seen with the mind, not with the eyes, and are
   called Heroes, and Lares, and Genii.  This is the natural theology
   which is briefly set forth in these anticipatory statements, and which
   satisfied not Varro only, but many philosophers besides.  This I must
   discuss more carefully, when, with the help of God, I shall have
   completed what I have yet to say concerning the civil theology, as far
   as it concerns the select gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Whether It is Reasonable to Separate Janus and Terminus as
   Two Distinct Deities.

   Who, then, is Janus, with whom Varro commences?  He is the world.
   Certainly a very brief and unambiguous reply.  Why, then, do they say
   that the beginnings of things pertain to him, but the ends to another
   whom they call Terminus?  For they say that two months have been
   dedicated to these two gods, with reference to beginnings and
   ends--January to Janus, and February to Terminus--over and above those
   ten months which commence with March and end with December.  And they
   say that that is the reason why the Terminalia are celebrated in the
   month of February, the same month in which the sacred purification is
   made which they call Februum, and from which the month derives its
   name. [265]   Do the beginnings of things, therefore, pertain to the
   world, which is Janus, and not also the ends, since another god has
   been placed over them?  Do they not own that all things which they say
   begin in this world also come to an end in this world?  What folly it
   is, to give him only half power in work, when in his image they give
   him two faces!  Would it not be a far more elegant way of interpreting
   the two-faced image, to say that Janus and Terminus are the same, and
   that the one face has reference to beginnings, the other to ends?  For
   one who works ought to have respect to both.  For he who in every
   forthputting of activity does not look back on the beginning, does not
   look forward to the end.  Wherefore it is necessary that prospective
   intention be connected with retrospective memory.  For how shall one
   find how to finish anything, if he has forgotten what it was which he
   had begun?  But if they thought that the blessed life is begun in this
   world, and perfected beyond the world, and for that reason attributed
   to Janus, that is, to the world, only the power of beginnings, they
   should certainly have preferred Terminus to him, and should not have
   shut him out from the number of the select gods.  Yet even now, when
   the beginnings and ends of temporal things are represented by these two
   gods, more honor ought to have been given to Terminus.  For the greater
   joy is that which is felt when anything is finished; but things begun
   are always cause of much anxiety until they are brought to an end,
   which end he who begins anything very greatly longs for, fixes his mind
   on, expects, desires; nor does any one ever rejoice over anything he
   has begun, unless it be brought to an end.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [265] An interesting account of the changes made in the Roman year by
   Numa is given in Plutarch's life of that king.  Ovid also (Fasti, ii.)
   explains the derivation of February, telling us that it was the last
   month of the old year, and took its name from the lustrations performed
   then:  Februa Romani dixere piamina patres.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--For What Reason the Worshippers of Janus Have Made His
   Image with Two Faces, When They Would Sometimes Have It Be Seen with
   Four.

   But now let the interpretation of the two-faced image be produced.  For
   they say that it has two faces, one before and one behind, because our
   gaping mouths seem to resemble the world:  whence the Greeks call the
   palate ouranos, and some Latin poets, [266] he says, have called the
   heavens palatum [the palate]; and from the gaping mouth, they say,
   there is a way out in the direction of the teeth, and a way in in the
   direction of the gullet.  See what the world has been brought to on
   account of a Greek or a poetical word for our palate!  Let this god be
   worshipped only on account of saliva, which has two open doorways under
   the heavens of the palate,--one through which part of it may be spitten
   out, the other through which part of it may be swallowed down.
   Besides, what is more absurd than not to find in the world itself two
   doorways opposite to each other, through which it may either receive
   anything into itself, or cast it out from itself; and to seek of our
   throat and gullet, to which the world has no resemblance, to make up an
   image of the world in Janus, because the world is said to resemble the
   palate, to which Janus bears no likeness?  But when they make him
   four-faced, and call him double Janus, they interpret this as having
   reference to the four quarters of the world, as though the world looked
   out on anything, like Janus through his four faces.  Again, if Janus is
   the world, and the world consists of four quarters, then the image of
   the two-faced Janus is false.  Or if it is true, because the whole
   world is sometimes understood by the expression east and west, will any
   one call the world double when north and south also are mentioned, as
   they call Janus double when he has four faces?  They have no way at all
   of interpreting, in relation to the world, four doorways by which to go
   in and to come out as they did in the case of the two-faced Janus,
   where they found, at any rate in the human mouth, something which
   answered to what they said about him; unless perhaps Neptune come to
   their aid, and hand them a fish, which, besides the mouth and gullet,
   has also the openings of the gills, one on each side.  Nevertheless,
   with all the doors, no soul escapes this vanity but that one which
   hears the truth saying, "I am the door." [267]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [266] Ennius, in Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 18.

   [267] John x. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Concerning the Power of Jupiter, and a Comparison of
   Jupiter with Janus.

   But they also show whom they would have Jove (who is also called
   Jupiter) understood to be.  He is the god, say they, who has the power
   of the causes by which anything comes to be in the world.  And how
   great a thing this is, that most noble verse of Virgil testifies:

   "Happy is he who has learned the causes of things." [268]

   But why is Janus preferred to him?  Let that most acute and most
   learned man answer us this question.  "Because," says he, "Janus has
   dominion over first things, Jupiter over highest [269] things.
   Therefore Jupiter is deservedly held to be the king of all things; for
   highest things are better than first things:  for although first things
   precede in time, highest things excel by dignity."

   Now this would have been rightly said had the first parts of things
   which are done been distinguished from the highest parts; as, for
   instance, it is the beginning of a thing done to set out, the highest
   part to arrive.  The commencing to learn is the first part of a thing
   begun, the acquirement of knowledge is the highest part.  And so of all
   things:  the beginnings are first, the ends highest.  This matter,
   however, has been already discussed in connection with Janus and
   Terminus.  But the causes which are attributed to Jupiter are things
   effecting, not things effected; and it is impossible for them to be
   prevented in time by things which are made or done, or by the
   beginnings of such things; for the thing which makes is always prior to
   the thing which is made.  Therefore, though the beginnings of things
   which are made or done pertain to Janus, they are nevertheless not
   prior to the efficient causes which they attribute to Jupiter.  For as
   nothing takes place without being preceded by an efficient cause, so
   without an efficient cause nothing begins to take place.  Verily, if
   the people call this god Jupiter, in whose power are all the causes of
   all natures which have been made, and of all natural things, and
   worship him with such insults and infamous criminations, they are
   guilty of more shocking sacrilege than if they should totally deny the
   existence of any god.  It would therefore be better for them to call
   some other god by the name of Jupiter--some one worthy of base and
   criminal honors; substituting instead of Jupiter some vain fiction (as
   Saturn is said to have had a stone given to him to devour instead of
   his son,) which they might make the subject of their blasphemies,
   rather than speak of that god as both thundering and committing
   adultery,--ruling the whole world, and laying himself out for the
   commission of so many licentious acts,--having in his power nature and
   the highest causes of all natural things, but not having his own causes
   good.

   Next, I ask what place they find any longer for this Jupiter among the
   gods, if Janus is the world; for Varro defined the true gods to be the
   soul of the world, and the parts of it.  And therefore whatever falls
   not within this definition, is certainly not a true god, according to
   them.  Will they then say that Jupiter is the soul of the world, and
   Janus the body --that is, this visible world?  If they say this, it
   will not be possible for them to affirm that Janus is a god.  For even,
   according to them, the body of the world is not a god, but the soul of
   the world and its parts.  Wherefore Varro, seeing this, says that he
   thinks God is the soul of the world, and that this world itself is God;
   but that as a wise man though he consists of soul and body, is
   nevertheless called wise from the soul, so the world is called God from
   the soul, though it consists of soul and body.  Therefore the body of
   the world alone is not God, but either the soul of it alone, or the
   soul and the body together, yet so as that it is God not by virtue of
   the body, but by virtue of the soul.  If, therefore, Janus is the
   world, and Janus is a god, will they say, in order that Jupiter may be
   a god, that he is some part of Janus?  For they are wont rather to
   attribute universal existence to Jupiter; whence the saying, "All
   things are full of Jupiter." [270]   Therefore they must think Jupiter
   also, in order that he may be a god, and especially king of the gods,
   to be the world, that he may rule over the other gods--according to
   them, his parts.  To this effect, also, the same Varro expounds certain
   verses of Valerius Soranus [271] in that book which he wrote apart from
   the others concerning the worship of the gods. These are the verses:

   "Almighty Jove, progenitor of kings, and things, and gods,

   And eke the mother of the gods, god one and all."

   But in the same book he expounds these verses by saying that as the
   male emits seed, and the female receives it, so Jupiter, whom they
   believed to be the world, both emits all seeds from himself and
   receives them into himself.  For which reason, he says, Soranus wrote,
   "Jove, progenitor and mother;" and with no less reason said that one
   and all were the same.  For the world is one, and in that one are all
   things.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [268] Georgic, ii. 470.

   [269] Summa, which also includes the meaning--last.

   [270] Virgil, Eclog. iii. 60, who borrows the expression from the
   Phoenomena of Aratus.

   [271] Soranus lived about B.C. 100.  See Smith's Dict.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Whether the Distinction Between Janus and Jupiter is a
   Proper One.

   Since, therefore, Janus is the world, and Jupiter is the world,
   wherefore are Janus and Jupiter two gods, while the world is but one?
   Why do they have separate temples, separate altars, different rites,
   dissimilar images?  If it be because the nature of beginnings is one,
   and the nature of causes another, and the one has received the name of
   Janus, the other of Jupiter; is it then the case, that if one man has
   two distinct offices of authority, or two arts, two judges or two
   artificers are spoken of, because the nature of the offices or the arts
   is different?  So also with respect to one god:  if he have the power
   of beginnings and of causes, must he therefore be thought to be two
   gods, because beginnings and causes are two things?  But if they think
   that this is right, let them also affirm that Jupiter is as many gods
   as they have given him surnames, on account of many powers; for the
   things from which these surnames are applied to him are many and
   diverse.  I shall mention a few of them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Concerning the Surnames of Jupiter, Which are Referred Not
   to Many Gods, But to One and the Same God.

   They have called him Victor, Invictus, Opitulus, Impulsor, Stator,
   Centumpeda, Supinalis, Tigillus, Almus, Ruminus, and other names which
   it were long to enumerate.  But these surnames they have given to one
   god on account of diverse causes and powers, but yet have not compelled
   him to be, on account of so many things, as many gods.  They gave him
   these surnames because he conquered all things; because he was
   conquered by none; because he brought help to the needy; because he had
   the power of impelling, stopping, stablishing, throwing on the back;
   because as a beam [272] he held together and sustained the world;
   because he nourished all things; because, like the pap, [273] he
   nourished animals.  Here, we perceive, are some great things and some
   small things; and yet it is one who is said to perform them all.  I
   think that the causes and the beginnings of things, on account of which
   they have thought that the one world is two gods, Jupiter and Janus,
   are nearer to each other than the holding together of the world, and
   the giving of the pap to animals; and yet, on account of these two
   works so far apart from each other, both in nature and dignity, there
   has not been any necessity for the existence of two gods; but one
   Jupiter has been called, on account of the one Tigillus, on account of
   the other Ruminus.  I am unwilling to say that the giving of the pap to
   sucking animals might have become Juno rather than Jupiter, especially
   when there was the goddess Rumina to help and to serve her in this
   work; for I think it may be replied that Juno herself is nothing else
   than Jupiter, according to those verses of Valerius Soranus, where it
   has been said:

   "Almighty Jove, progenitor of kings, and things, and gods,

   And eke the mother of the gods," etc.

   Why, then, was he called Ruminus, when they who may perchance inquire
   more diligently may find that he is also that goddess Rumina?

   If, then, it was rightly thought unworthy of the majesty of the gods,
   that in one ear of corn one god should have the care of the joint,
   another that of the husk, how much more unworthy of that majesty is it,
   that one thing, and that of the lowest kind, even the giving of the pap
   to animals that they may be nourished, should be under the care of two
   gods, one of whom is Jupiter himself, the very king of all things, who
   does this not along with his own wife, but with some ignoble Rumina
   (unless perhaps he himself is Rumina, being Ruminus for males and
   Rumina for females)!  I should certainly have said that they had been
   unwilling to apply to Jupiter a feminine name, had he not been styled
   in these verses "progenitor and mother," and had I not read among other
   surnames of his that of Pecunia [money], which we found as a goddess
   among those petty deities, as I have already mentioned in the fourth
   book.  But since both males and females have money [pecuniam], why has
   he not been called both Pecunius and Pecunia?  That is their concern.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [272] Tigillus.

   [273] Ruma.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--That Jupiter is Also Called Pecunia.

   How elegantly they have accounted for this name!  "He is also called
   Pecunia," say they, "because all things belong to him."  Oh how grand
   an explanation of the name of a deity!  Yes; he to whom all things
   belong is most meanly and most contumeliously called Pecunia.  In
   comparison of all things which are contained by heaven and earth, what
   are all things together which are possessed by men under the name of
   money? [274]   And this name, forsooth, hath avarice given to Jupiter,
   that whoever was a lover of money might seem to himself to love not an
   ordinary god, but the very king of all things himself.  But it would be
   a far different thing if he had been called Riches.  For riches are one
   thing, money another.  For we call rich the wise, the just, the good,
   who have either no money or very little.  For they are more truly rich
   in possessing virtue, since by it, even as re spects things necessary
   for the body, they are content with what they have.  But we call the
   greedy poor, who are always craving and always wanting.  For they may
   possess ever so great an amount of money; but whatever be the abundance
   of that, they are not able but to want.  And we properly call God
   Himself rich; not, however, in money, but in omnipotence.  Therefore
   they who have abundance of money are called rich, but inwardly needy if
   they are greedy.  So also, those who have no money are called poor, but
   inwardly rich if they are wise.

   What, then, ought the wise man to think of this theology, in which the
   king of the gods receives the name of that thing "which no wise man has
   desired?" [275]   For had there been anything wholesomely taught by
   this philosophy concerning eternal life, how much more appropriately
   would that god who is the ruler of the world have been called by them,
   not money, but wisdom, the love of which purges from the filth of
   avarice, that is, of the love of money!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [274] Pecunia,that is, property; the original meaning of pecunia being
   property in cattle, then property or wealth of any kind.  Comp.
   Augustin, De discipl. Christ. 6.

   [275] Sallust, Catil. c. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--That When It is Expounded What Saturn Is, What Genius Is,
   It Comes to This, that Both of Them are Shown to Be Jupiter.

   But why speak more of this Jupiter, with whom perchance all the rest
   are to be identified; so that, he being all, the opinion as to the
   existence of many gods may remain as a mere opinion, empty of all
   truth?  And they are all to be referred to him, if his various parts
   and powers are thought of as so many gods, or if the principle of mind
   which they think to be diffused through all things has received the
   names of many gods from the various parts which the mass of this
   visible world combines in itself, and from the manifold administration
   of nature.  For what is Saturn also?  "One of the principal gods," he
   says, "who has dominion over all sowings."  Does not the exposition of
   the verses of Valerius Soranus teach that Jupiter is the world, and
   that he emits all seeds from himself, and receives them into himself?

   It is he, then, with whom is the dominion of all sowings.  What is
   Genius?  "He is the god who is set over, and has the power of
   begetting, all things."  Who else than the world do they believe to
   have this power, to which it has been said:

   "Almighty Jove, progenitor and mother?"

   And when in another place he says that Genius is the rational soul of
   every one, and therefore exists separately in each individual, but that
   the corresponding soul of the world is God, he just comes back to this
   same thing,--namely, that the soul of the world itself is to be held to
   be, as it were, the universal genius.  This, therefore, is what he
   calls Jupiter.  For if every genius is a god, and the soul of every man
   a genius, it follows that the soul of every man is a god.  But if very
   absurdity compels even these theologists themselves to shrink from
   this, it remains that they call that genius god by special and
   pre-eminent distinction, whom they call the soul of the world, and
   therefore Jupiter.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Concerning the Offices of Mercury and Mars.

   But they have not found how to refer Mercury and Mars to any parts of
   the world, and to the works of God which are in the elements; and
   therefore they have set them at least over human works, making them
   assistants in speaking and in carrying on wars.  Now Mercury, if he has
   also the power of the speech of the gods, rules also over the king of
   the gods himself, if Jupiter, as he receives from him the faculty of
   speech, also speaks according as it is his pleasure to permit
   him--which surely is absurd; but if it is only the power over human
   speech which is held to be attributed to him, then we say it is
   incredible that Jupiter should have condescended to give the pap not
   only to children, but also to beasts--from which he has been surnamed
   Ruminus--and yet should have been unwilling that the care of our
   speech, by which we excel the beasts, should pertain to him.  And thus
   speech itself both belongs to Jupiter, and is Mercury.  But if speech
   itself is said to be Mercury, as those things which are said concerning
   him by way of interpretation show it to be;--for he is said to have
   been called Mercury, that is, he who runs between, [276] because speech
   runs between men:  they say also that the Greeks call him Ermes,
   because speech, or interpretation, which certainly belongs to speech,
   is called by them hermeneia:  also he is said to preside over payments,
   because speech passes between sellers and buyers:  the wings, too,
   which he has on his head and on his feet, they say mean that speech
   passes winged through the air:  he is also said to have been called the
   messenger, [277] because by means of speech all our thoughts are
   expressed; [278] --if, therefore, speech itself is Mercury, then, even
   by their own confession, he is not a god.  But when they make to
   themselves gods of such as are not even demons, by praying to unclean
   spirits, they are possessed by such as are not gods, but demons.  In
   like manner, because they have not been able to find for Mars any
   element or part of the world in which he might perform some works of
   nature of whatever kind, they have said that he is the god of war,
   which is a work of men, and that not one which is considered desirable
   by them.  If, therefore, Felicitas should give perpetual peace, Mars
   would have nothing to do.  But if war itself is Mars, as speech is
   Mercury, I wish it were as true that there were no war to be falsely
   called a god, as it is true that it is not a god.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [276] Quasi medius currens.

   [277] Nuncius.

   [278] Enunciantur.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Concerning Certain Stars Which the Pagans Have Called by
   the Names of Their Gods.

   But possibly these stars which have been called by their names are
   these gods.  For they call a certain star Mercury, and likewise a
   certain other star Mars.  But among those stars which are called by the
   names of gods, is that one which they call Jupiter, and yet with them
   Jupiter is the world.  There also is that one they call Saturn, and yet
   they give to him no small property besides,--namely, all seeds.  There
   also is that brightest of them all which is called by them Venus, and
   yet they will have this same Venus to be also the moon:--not to mention
   how Venus and Juno are said by them to contend about that most
   brilliant star, as though about another golden apple.  For some say
   that Lucifer belongs to Venus, and some to Juno.  But, as usual, Venus
   conquers.  For by far the greatest number assign that star to Venus, so
   much so that there is scarcely found one of them who thinks otherwise.
   But since they call Jupiter the king of all, who will not laugh to see
   his star so far surpassed in brilliancy by the star of Venus?  For it
   ought to have been as much more brilliant than the rest, as he himself
   is more powerful.  They answer that it only appears so because it is
   higher up, and very much farther away from the earth.  If, therefore,
   its greater dignity has deserved a higher place, why is Saturn higher
   in the heavens than Jupiter?  Was the vanity of the fable which made
   Jupiter king not able to reach the stars?  And has Saturn been
   permitted to obtain at least in the heavens, what he could not obtain
   in his own kingdom nor in the Capitol?

   But why has Janus received no star?  If it is because he is the world,
   and they are all in him, the world is also Jupiter's, and yet he has
   one.  Did Janus compromise his case as best he could, and instead of
   the one star which he does not have among the heavenly bodies, accept
   so many faces on earth?  Again, if they think that on account of the
   stars alone Mercury and Mars are parts of the world, in order that they
   may be able to have them for gods, since speech and war are not parts
   of the world, but acts of men, how is it that they have made no altars,
   established no rites, built no temples for Aries, and Taurus, and
   Cancer, and Scorpio, and the rest which they number as the celestial
   signs, and which consist not of single stars, but each of them of many
   stars, which also they say are situated above those already mentioned
   in the highest part of the heavens, where a more constant motion causes
   the stars to follow an undeviating course?  And why have they not
   reckoned them as gods, I do not say among those select gods, but not
   even among those, as it were, plebeian gods?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Concerning Apollo and Diana, and the Other Select Gods
   Whom They Would Have to Be Parts of the World.

   Although they would have Apollo to be a diviner and physician, they
   have nevertheless given him a place as some part of the world.  They
   have said that he is also the sun; and likewise they have said that
   Diana, his sister, is the moon, and the guardian of roads.  Whence also
   they will have her be a virgin, because a road brings forth nothing.
   They also make both of them have arrows, because those two planets send
   their rays from the heavens to the earth.  They make Vulcan to be the
   fire of the world; Neptune the waters of the world; Father Dis, that
   is, Orcus, the earthy and lowest part of the world.  Liber and Ceres
   they set over seeds,--the former over the seeds of males, the latter
   over the seeds of females; or the one over the fluid part of seed, but
   the other over the dry part.  And all this together is referred to the
   world, that is, to Jupiter, who is called "progenitor and mother,"
   because he emitted all seeds from himself, and received them into
   himself.  For they also make this same Ceres to be the Great Mother,
   who they say is none other than the earth, and call her also Juno.  And
   therefore they assign to her the second causes of things,
   notwithstanding that it has been said to Jupiter, "progenitor and
   mother of the gods;" because, according to them, the whole world itself
   is Jupiter's.  Minerva, also, because they set her over human arts, and
   did not find even a star in which to place her, has been said by them
   to be either the highest ether, or even the moon.  Also Vesta herself
   they have thought to be the highest of the goddesses, because she is
   the earth; although they have thought that the milder fire of the
   world, which is used for the ordinary purposes of human life, not the
   more violent fire, such as belongs to Vulcan, is to be assigned to
   her.  And thus they will have all those select gods to be the world and
   its parts,--some of them the whole world, others of them its parts; the
   whole of it Jupiter,--its parts, Genius, Mater Magna, Sol and Luna, or
   rather Apollo and Diana, and so on.  And sometimes they make one god
   many things; sometimes one thing many gods.  Many things are one god in
   the case of Jupiter; for both the whole world is Jupiter, and the sky
   alone is Jupiter, and the star alone is said and held to be Jupiter.
   Juno also is mistress of second causes,--Juno is the air, Juno is the
   earth; and had she won it over Venus, Juno would have been the star.
   Likewise Minerva is the highest ether, and Minerva is likewise the
   moon, which they suppose to be in the lowest limit of the ether.  And
   also they make one thing many gods in this way.  The world is both
   Janus and Jupiter; also the earth is Juno, and Mater Magna, and Ceres.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--That Even Varro Himself Pronounced His Own Opinions
   Regarding the Gods Ambiguous.

   And the same is true with respect to all the rest, as is true with
   respect to those things which I have mentioned for the sake of
   example.  They do not explain them, but rather involve them.  They rush
   hither and thither, to this side or to that, according as they are
   driven by the impulse of erratic opinion; so that even Varro himself
   has chosen rather to doubt concerning all things, than to affirm
   anything.  For, having written the first of the three last books
   concerning the certain gods, and having commenced in the second of
   these to speak of the uncertain gods, he says:  "I ought not to be
   censured for having stated in this book the doubtful opinions
   concerning the gods.  For he who, when he has read them, shall think
   that they both ought to be, and can be, conclusively judged of, will do
   so himself.  For my own part, I can be more easily led to doubt the
   things which I have written in the first book, than to attempt to
   reduce all the things I shall write in this one to any orderly
   system."  Thus he makes uncertain not only that book concerning the
   uncertain gods, but also that other concerning the certain gods.
   Moreover, in that third book concerning the select gods, after having
   exhibited by anticipation as much of the natural theology as he deemed
   necessary, and when about to commence to speak of the vanities and
   lying insanities of the civil theology, where he was not only without
   the guidance of the truth of things, but was also pressed by the
   authority of tradition, he says:  "I will write in this book concerning
   the public gods of the Roman people, to whom they have dedicated
   temples, and whom they have conspicuously distinguished by many
   adornments; but, as Xenophon of Colophon writes, I will state what I
   think, not what I am prepared to maintain:  it is for man to think
   those things, for God to know them."

   It is not, then, an account of things comprehended and most certainly
   believed which he promised, when about to write those things which were
   instituted by men.  He only timidly promises an account of things which
   are but the subject of doubtful opinion.  Nor, indeed, was it possible
   for him to affirm with the same certainty that Janus was the world, and
   such like things; or to discover with the same certainty such things as
   how Jupiter was the son of Saturn, while Saturn was made subject to him
   as king:--he could, I say, neither affirm nor discover such things with
   the same certainty with which he knew such things as that the world
   existed, that the heavens and earth existed, the heavens bright with
   stars, and the earth fertile through seeds; or with the same perfect
   conviction with which he believed that this universal mass of nature is
   governed and administered by a certain invisible and mighty force.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--A More Credible Cause of the Rise of Pagan Error.

   A far more credible account of these gods is given, when it is said
   that they were men, and that to each one of them sacred rites and
   solemnities were instituted, according to his particular genius,
   manners, actions, circumstances; which rites and solemnities, by
   gradually creeping through the souls of men, which are like demons, and
   eager for things which yield them sport, were spread far and wide; the
   poets adorning them with lies, and false spirits seducing men to
   receive them.  For it is far more likely that some youth, either
   impious himself, or afraid of being slain by an impious father, being
   desirous to reign, dethroned his father, than that (according to
   Varro's interpretation) Saturn was overthrown by his son Jupiter:  for
   cause, which belongs to Jupiter, is before seed, which belongs to
   Saturn.  For had this been so, Saturn would never have been before
   Jupiter, nor would he have been the father of Jupiter.  For cause
   always precedes seed, and is never generated from seed.  But when they
   seek to honor by natural interpretation most vain fables or deeds of
   men, even the acutest men are so perplexed that we are compelled to
   grieve for their folly also.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Concerning the Interpretations Which Compose the Reason of
   the Worship of Saturn.

   They said, says Varro, that Saturn was wont to devour all that sprang
   from him, because seeds returned to the earth from whence they sprang.
   And when it is said that a lump of earth was put before Saturn to be
   devoured instead of Jupiter, it is signified, he says, that before the
   art of ploughing was discovered, seeds were buried in the earth by the
   hands of men.  The earth itself, then, and not seeds, should have been
   called Saturn, because it in a manner devours what it has brought
   forth, when the seeds which have sprung from it return again into it.
   And what has Saturn's receiving of a lump of earth instead of Jupiter
   to do with this, that the seeds were covered in the soil by the hands
   of men?  Was the seed kept from being devoured, like other things, by
   being covered with the soil?  For what they say would imply that he who
   put on the soil took away the seed, as Jupiter is said to have been
   taken away when the lump of soil was offered to Saturn instead of him,
   and not rather that the soil, by covering the seed, only caused it to
   be devoured the more eagerly.  Then, in that way, Jupiter is the seed,
   and not the cause of the seed, as was said a little before.

   But what shall men do who cannot find anything wise to say, because
   they are interpreting foolish things?  Saturn has a pruning-knife.
   That, says Varro, is on account of agriculture.  Certainly in Saturn's
   reign there as yet existed no agriculture, and therefore the former
   times of Saturn are spoken of, because, as the same Varro interprets
   the fables, the primeval men lived on those seeds which the earth
   produced spontaneously.  Perhaps he received a pruning-knife when he
   had lost his sceptre; that he who had been a king, and lived at ease
   during the first part of his time, should become a laborious workman
   whilst his son occupied the throne.  Then he says that boys were wont
   to be immolated to him by certain peoples, the Carthaginians for
   instance; and also that adults were immolated by some nations, for
   example the Gauls--because, of all seeds, the human race is the best.
   What need we say more concerning this most cruel vanity.  Let us rather
   attend to and hold by this, that these interpretations are not carried
   up to the true God,--a living, incorporeal, unchangeable nature, from
   whom a blessed life enduring for ever may be obtained,--but that they
   end in things which are corporeal, temporal, mutable, and mortal.  And
   whereas it is said in the fables that Saturn castrated his father
   Coelus, this signifies, says Varro, that the divine seed belongs to
   Saturn, and not to Coelus; for this reason, as far as a reason can be
   discovered, namely, that in heaven [279] nothing is born from seed.
   But, lo!  Saturn, if he is the son of Coelus, is the son of Jupiter.
   For they affirm times without number, and that emphatically, that the
   heavens [280] are Jupiter.  Thus those things which come not of the
   truth, do very often, without being impelled by any one, themselves
   overthrow one another.  He says that Saturn was called Kronos, which in
   the Greek tongue signifies a space of time, [281] because, without
   that, seed cannot be productive.  These and many other things are said
   concerning Saturn, and they are all referred to seed.  But Saturn
   surely, with all that great power, might have sufficed for seed.  Why
   are other gods demanded for it, especially Liber and Libera, that is,
   Ceres?--concerning whom again, as far as seed is concerned, he says as
   many things as if he had said nothing concerning Saturn.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [279] Cælo.

   [280] Cælum.

   [281] Sc. Chronos.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Concerning the Rites of Eleusinian Ceres.

   Now among the rites of Ceres, those Eleusinian rites are much famed
   which were in the highest repute among the Athenians, of which Varro
   offers no interpretation except with respect to corn, which Ceres
   discovered, and with respect to Proserpine, whom Ceres lost, Orcus
   having carried her away.  And this Proserpine herself, he says,
   signifies the fecundity of seeds.  But as this fecundity departed at a
   certain season, whilst the earth wore an aspect of sorrow through the
   consequent sterility, there arose an opinion that the daughter of
   Ceres, that is, fecundity itself, who was called Proserpine, from
   proserpere (to creep forth, to spring), had been carried away by Orcus,
   and detained among the inhabitants of the nether world; which
   circumstance was celebrated with public mourning.  But since the same
   fecundity again returned, there arose joy because Proserpine had been
   given back by Orcus, and thus these rites were instituted.  Then Varro
   adds, that many things are taught in the mysteries of Ceres which only
   refer to the discovery of fruits.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Concerning the Shamefulness of the Rites Which are
   Celebrated in Honor of Liber.

   Now as to the rites of Liber, whom they have set over liquid seeds, and
   therefore not only over the liquors of fruits, among which wine holds,
   so to speak, the primacy, but also over the seeds of animals:--as to
   these rites, I am unwilling to undertake to show to what excess of
   turpitude they had reached, because that would entail a lengthened
   discourse, though I am not unwilling to do so as a demonstration of the
   proud stupidity of those who practise them.  Among other rites which I
   am compelled from the greatness of their number to omit, Varro says
   that in Italy, at the places where roads crossed each other the rites
   of Liber were celebrated with such unrestrained turpitude, that the
   private parts of a man were worshipped in his honor.  Nor was this
   abomination transacted in secret that some regard at least might be
   paid to modesty, but was openly and wantonly displayed.  For during the
   festival of Liber this obscene member, placed on a car, was carried
   with great honor, first over the crossroads in the country, and then
   into the city.  But in the town of Lavinium a whole month was devoted
   to Liber alone, during the days of which all the people gave themselves
   up to the must dissolute conversation, until that member had been
   carried through the forum and brought to rest in its own place; on
   which unseemly member it was necessary that the most honorable matron
   should place a wreath in the presence of all the people.  Thus,
   forsooth, was the god Liber to be appeased in order to the growth of
   seeds.  Thus was enchantment to be driven away from fields, even by a
   matron's being compelled to do in public what not even a harlot ought
   to be permitted to do in a theatre, if there were matrons among the
   spectators.  For these reasons, then, Saturn alone was not believed to
   be sufficient for seeds,--namely, that the impure mind might find
   occasions for multiplying the gods; and that, being righteously
   abandoned to uncleanness by the one true God, and being prostituted to
   the worship of many false gods, through an avidity for ever greater and
   greater uncleanness, it should call these sacrilegious rites sacred
   things, and should abandon itself to be violated and polluted by crowds
   of foul demons.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Concerning Neptune, and Salacia and Venilia.

   Now Neptune had Salacia to wife, who they say is the nether waters of
   the sea.  Wherefore was Venilia also joined to him?  Was it not simply
   through the lust of the soul desiring a greater number of demons to
   whom to prostitute itself, and not because this goddess was necessary
   to the perfection of their sacred rites?  But let the interpretation of
   this illustrious theology be brought forward to restrain us from this
   censuring by rendering a satisfactory reason.  Venilia, says this
   theology, is the wave which comes to the shore, Salacia the wave which
   returns into the sea.  Why, then, are there two goddesses, when it is
   one wave which comes and returns?  Certainly it is mad lust itself,
   which in its eagerness for many deities resembles the waves which break
   on the shore.  For though the water which goes is not different from
   that which returns, still the soul which goes and returns not is
   defiled by two demons, whom it has taken occasion by this false pretext
   to invite.  I ask thee, O Varro, and you who have read such works of
   learned men, and think ye have learned something great,--I ask you to
   interpret this, I do not say in a manner consistent with the eternal
   and unchangeable nature which alone is God, but only in a manner
   consistent with the doctrine concerning the soul of the world and its
   parts, which ye think to be the true gods.  It is a somewhat more
   tolerable thing that ye have made that part of the soul of the world
   which pervades the sea your god Neptune.  Is the wave, then, which
   comes to the shore and returns to the main, two parts of the world, or
   two parts of the soul of the world?  Who of you is so silly as to think
   so?  Why, then, have they made to you two goddesses?  The only reason
   seems to be, that your wise ancestors have provided, not that many gods
   should rule you, but that many of such demons as are delighted with
   those vanities and falsehoods should possess you.  But why has that
   Salacia, according to this interpretation, lost the lower part of the
   sea, seeing that she was represented as subject to her husband?  For in
   saying that she is the receding wave, ye have put her on the surface.
   Was she enraged at her husband for taking Venilia as a concubine, and
   thus drove him from the upper part of the sea?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Concerning the Earth, Which Varro Affirms to Be a Goddess,
   Because that Soul of the World Which He Thinks to Be God Pervades Also
   This Lowest Part of His Body, and Imparts to It a Divine Force.

   Surely the earth, which we see full of its own living creatures, is
   one; but for all that, it is but a mighty mass among the elements, and
   the lowest part of the world.  Why, then, would they have it to be a
   goddess?  Is it because it is fruitful?  Why, then, are not men rather
   held to be gods, who render it fruitful by cultivating it; but though
   they plough it, do not adore it?  But, say they, the part of the soul
   of the world which pervades it makes it a goddess.  As if it were not a
   far more evident thing, nay, a thing which is not called in question,
   that there is a soul in man.  And yet men are not held to be gods, but
   (a thing to be sadly lamented), with wonderful and pitiful delusion,
   are subjected to those who are not gods, and than whom they themselves
   are better, as the objects of deserved worship and adoration.  And
   certainly the same Varro, in the book concerning the select gods,
   affirms that there are three grades of soul in universal nature.  One
   which pervades all the living parts of the body, and has not sensation,
   but only the power of life,--that principle which penetrates into the
   bones, nails and hair.  By this principle in the world trees are
   nourished, and grow without being possessed of sensation, and live in a
   manner peculiar to themselves.  The second grade of soul is that in
   which there is sensation.  This principle penetrates into the eyes,
   ears, nostrils, mouth, and the organs of sensation.  The third grade of
   soul is the highest, and is called mind, where intelligence has its
   throne.  This grade of soul no mortal creatures except man are
   possessed of.  Now this part of the soul of the world, Varro says, is
   called God, and in us is called Genius.  And the stones and earth in
   the world, which we see, and which are not pervaded by the power of
   sensation, are, as it were, the bones and nails of God.  Again, the
   sun, moon, and stars, which we perceive, and by which He perceives, are
   His organs of perception.  Moreover, the ether is His mind; and by the
   virtue which is in it, which penetrates into the stars, it also makes
   them gods; and because it penetrates through them into the earth, it
   makes it the goddess Tellus, whence again it enters and permeates the
   sea and ocean, making them the god Neptune.

   Let him return from this, which he thinks to be natural theology, back
   to that from which he went out, in order to rest from the fatigue
   occasioned by the many turnings and windings of his path.  Let him
   return, I say, let him return to the civil theology.  I wish to detain
   him there a while.  I have somewhat to say which has to do with that
   theology.  I am not yet saying, that if the earth and stones are
   similar to our bones and nails, they are in like manner devoid of
   intelligence, as they are devoid of sensation.  Nor am I saying that,
   if our bones and nails are said to have intelligence, because they are
   in a man who has intelligence, he who says that the things analogous to
   these in the world are gods, is as stupid as he is who says that our
   bones and nails are men.  We shall perhaps have occasion to dispute
   these things with the philosophers.  At present, however, I wish to
   deal with Varro as a political theologian.  For it is possible that,
   though he may seem to have wished to lift up his head, as it were, into
   the liberty of natural theology, the consciousness that the book with
   which he was occupied was one concerning a subject belonging to civil
   theology, may have caused him to relapse into the point of view of that
   theology, and to say this in order that the ancestors of his nation,
   and other states, might not be believed to have bestowed on Neptune an
   irrational worship.  What I am to say is this:  Since the earth is one,
   why has not that part of the soul of the world which permeates the
   earth made it that one goddess which he calls Tellus?  But had it done
   so, what then had become of Orcus, the brother of Jupiter and Neptune,
   whom they call Father Dis? [282]   And where, in that case, had been
   his wife Proserpine, who, according to another opinion given in the
   same book, is called, not the fecundity of the earth, but its lower
   part? [283]   But if they say that part of the soul of the world, when
   it permeates the upper part of the earth, makes the god Father Dis, but
   when it pervades the nether part of the same the goddess Proserpine;
   what, in that case, will that Tellus be?  For all that which she was
   has been divided into these two parts, and these two gods; so that it
   is impossible to find what to make or where to place her as a third
   goddess, except it be said that those divinities Orcus and Proserpine
   are the one goddess Tellus, and that they are not three gods, but one
   or two, whilst notwithstanding they are called three, held to be three,
   worshipped as three, having their own several altars, their own
   shrines, rites, images, priests, whilst their own false demons also
   through these things defile the prostituted soul.  Let this further
   question be answered:  What part of the earth does a part of the soul
   of the world permeate in order to make the god Tellumo?  No, says he;
   but the earth being one and the same, has a double life,--the
   masculine, which produces seed, and the feminine, which receives and
   nourishes the seed.  Hence it has been called Tellus from the feminine
   principle, and Tellumo from the masculine.  Why, then, do the priests,
   as he indicates, perform divine service to four gods, two others being
   added,--namely, to Tellus, Tellumo, Altor, and Rusor?  We have already
   spoken concerning Tellus and Tellumo.  But why do they worship Altor?
   [284]   Because, says he, all that springs of the earth is nourished by
   the earth.  Wherefore do they worship Rusor? [285]   Because all things
   return back again to the place whence they proceeded.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [282] See ch. 16.

   [283] Varro, De Ling. Lat. v. 68.

   [284] Nourisher.

   [285] Returner.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Concerning the Surnames of Tellus and Their
   Significations, Which, Although They Indicate Many Properties, Ought
   Not to Have Established the Opinion that There is a Corresponding
   Number of Gods.

   The one earth, then, on account of this fourfold virtue, ought to have
   had four surnames, but not to have been considered as four gods,--as
   Jupiter and Juno, though they have so many surnames, are for all that
   only single deities,--for by all these surnames it is signified that a
   manifold virtue belongs to one god or to one goddess; but the multitude
   of surnames does not imply a multitude of gods.  But as sometimes even
   the vilest women themselves grow tired of those crowds which they have
   sought after under the impulse of wicked passion, so also the soul,
   become vile, and prostituted to impure spirits, sometimes begins to
   loathe to multiply to itself gods to whom to surrender itself to be
   polluted by them, as much as it once delighted in so doing.  For Varro
   himself, as if ashamed of that crowd of gods, would make Tellus to be
   one goddess.  "They say," says he, "that whereas the one great mother
   has a tympanum, it is signified that she is the orb of the earth;
   whereas she has towers on her head, towns are signified; and whereas
   seats are fixed round about her, it is signified that whilst all things
   move, she moves not.  And their having made the Galli to serve this
   goddess, signifies that they who are in need of seed ought to follow
   the earth for in it all seeds are found.  By their throwing themselves
   down before her, it is taught," he says, "that they who cultivate the
   earth should not sit idle, for there is always something for them to
   do.  The sound of the cymbals signifies the noise made by the throwing
   of iron utensils, and by men's hands, and all other noises connected
   with agricultural operations; and these cymbals are of brass, because
   the ancients used brazen utensils in their agriculture before iron was
   discovered.  They place beside the goddess an unbound and tame lion, to
   show that there is no kind of land so wild and so excessively barren as
   that it would be profitless to attempt to bring it in and cultivate
   it."  Then he adds that, because they gave many names and surnames to
   mother Tellus, it came to be thought that these signified many gods.
   "They think," says he, "that Tellus is Ops, because the earth is
   improved by labor; Mother, because it brings forth much; Great, because
   it brings forth seed; Proserpine, because fruits creep forth from it;
   Vesta, because it is invested with herbs.  And thus," says he, "they
   not at all absurdly identify other goddesses with the earth."  If,
   then, it is one goddess (though, if the truth were consulted, it is not
   even that), why do they nevertheless separate it into many?  Let there
   be many names of one goddess, and let there not be as many goddesses as
   there are names.

   But the authority of the erring ancients weighs heavily on Varro, and
   compels him, after having expressed this opinion, to show signs of
   uneasiness; for he immediately adds, "With which things the opinion of
   the ancients, who thought that there were really many goddesses, does
   not conflict."  How does it not conflict, when it is entirely a
   different thing to say that one goddess has many names, and to say that
   there are many goddesses?  But it is possible, he says, that the same
   thing may both be one, and yet have in it a plurality of things.  I
   grant that there are many things in one man; are there therefore in him
   many men?  In like manner, in one goddess there are many things; are
   there therefore also many goddesses?  But let them divide, unite,
   multiply, reduplicate, and implicate as they like.

   These are the famous mysteries of Tellus and the Great Mother, all of
   which are shown to have reference to mortal seeds and to agriculture.
   Do these things, then,--namely, the tympanum, the towers, the Galli,
   the tossing to and fro of limbs, the noise of cymbals, the images of
   lions,--do these things, having this reference and this end, promise
   eternal life?  Do the mutilated Galli, then, serve this Great Mother in
   order to signify that they who are in need of seed should follow the
   earth, as though it were not rather the case that this very service
   caused them to want seed?  For whether do they, by following this
   goddess, acquire seed, being in want of it, or, by following her, lose
   seed when they have it?  Is this to interpret or to deprecate?  Nor is
   it considered to what a degree malign demons have gained the upper
   hand, inasmuch as they have been able to exact such cruel rites without
   having dared to promise any great things in return for them.  Had the
   earth not been a goddess, men would have, by laboring, laid their hands
   on it in order to obtain seed through it, and would not have laid
   violent hands on themselves in order to lose seed on account of it.
   Had it not been a goddess, it would have become so fertile by the hands
   of others, that it would not have compelled a man to be rendered barren
   by his own hands; nor that in the festival of Liber an honorable matron
   put a wreath on the private parts of a man in the sight of the
   multitude, where perhaps her husband was standing by blushing and
   perspiring, if there is any shame left in men; and that in the
   celebration of marriages the newly-married bride was ordered to sit
   upon Priapus.  These things are bad enough, but they are small and
   contemptible in comparison with that most cruel abomination, or most
   abominable cruelty, by which either set is so deluded that neither
   perishes of its wound.  There the enchantment of fields is feared; here
   the amputation of members is not feared.  There the modesty of the
   bride is outraged, but in such a manner as that neither her
   fruitfulness nor even her virginity is taken away; here a man is so
   mutilated that he is neither changed into a woman nor remains a man.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--The Interpretation of the Mutilation of Atys Which the
   Doctrine of the Greek Sages Set Forth.

   Varro has not spoken of that Atys, nor sought out any interpretation
   for him, in memory of whose being loved by Ceres the Gallus is
   mutilated.  But the learned and wise Greeks have by no means been
   silent about an interpretation so holy and so illustrious.  The
   celebrated philosopher Porphyry has said that Atys signifies the
   flowers of spring, which is the most beautiful season, and therefore
   was mutilated because the flower falls before the fruit appears. [286]
     They have not, then, compared the man himself, or rather that
   semblance of a man they called Atys, to the flower, but his male
   organs,--these, indeed, fell whilst he was living.  Did I say fell?
   nay, truly they did not fall, nor were they plucked off, but torn
   away.  Nor when that flower was lost did any fruit follow, but rather
   sterility.  What, then, do they say is signified by the castrated Atys
   himself, and whatever remained to him after his castration?  To what do
   they refer that?  What interpretation does that give rise to?  Do they,
   after vain endeavors to discover an interpretation, seek to persuade
   men that that is rather to be believed which report has made public,
   and which has also been written concerning his having been a mutilated
   man?  Our Varro has very properly opposed this, and has been unwilling
   to state it; for it certainly was not unknown to that most learned man.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [286] In the book De Ratione Naturali Deorum.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Concerning the Abomination of the Sacred Rites of the
   Great Mother.

   Concerning the effeminates consecrated to the same Great Mother, in
   defiance of all the modesty which belongs to men and women, Varro has
   not wished to say anything, nor do I remember to have read anywhere
   aught concerning them.  These effeminates, no later than yesterday,
   were going through the streets and places of Carthage with anointed
   hair, whitened faces, relaxed bodies, and feminine gait, exacting from
   the people the means of maintaining their ignominious lives.  Nothing
   has been said concerning them.  Interpretation failed, reason blushed,
   speech was silent.  The Great Mother has surpassed all her sons, not in
   greatness of deity, but of crime.  To this monster not even the
   monstrosity of Janus is to be compared.  His deformity was only in his
   image; hers was the deformity of cruelty in her sacred rites.  He has a
   redundancy of members in stone images; she inflicts the loss of members
   on men.  This abomination is not surpassed by the licentious deeds of
   Jupiter, so many and so great.  He, with all his seductions of women,
   only disgraced heaven with one Ganymede; she, with so many avowed and
   public effeminates, has both defiled the earth and outraged heaven.
   Perhaps we may either compare Saturn to this Magna Mater, or even set
   him before her in this kind of abominable cruelty, for he mutilated his
   father.  But at the festivals of Saturn, men could rather be slain by
   the hands of others than mutilated by their own.  He devoured his sons,
   as the poets say, and the natural theologists interpret this as they
   list.  History says he slew them.  But the Romans never received, like
   the Carthaginians, the custom of sacrificing their sons to him.  This
   Great Mother of the gods, however, has brought mutilated men into Roman
   temples, and has preserved that cruel custom, being believed to promote
   the strength of the Romans by emasculating their men.  Compared with
   this evil, what are the thefts of Mercury, the wantonness of Venus, and
   the base and flagitious deeds of the rest of them, which we might bring
   forward from books, were it not that they are daily sung and danced in
   the theatres?  But what are these things to so great an evil,--an evil
   whose magnitude was only proportioned to the greatness of the Great
   Mother,--especially as these are said to have been invented by the
   poets? as if the poets had also invented this that they are acceptable
   to the gods.  Let it be imputed, then, to the audacity and impudence of
   the poets that these things have been sung and written of.  But that
   they have been incorporated into the body of divine rites and honors,
   the deities themselves demanding and extorting that incorporation, what
   is that but the crime of the gods? nay more, the confession of demons
   and the deception of wretched men?  But as to this that the Great
   Mother is considered to be worshipped in the appropriate form when she
   is worshipped by the consecration of mutilated men, this is not an
   invention of the poets, nay, they have rather shrunk from it with
   horror than sung of it.  Ought any one, then, to be consecrated to
   these select gods, that he may live blessedly after death, consecrated
   to whom he could not live decently before death, being subjected to
   such foul superstitions, and bound over to unclean demons?  But all
   these things, says Varro, are to be referred to the world. [287]   Let
   him consider if it be not rather to the unclean. [288]   But why not
   refer that to the world which is demonstrated to be in the world?  We,
   however, seek for a mind which, trusting to true religion, does not
   adore the world as its god, but for the sake of God praises the world
   as a work of God, and, purified from mundane defilements, comes pure
   [289] to God Himself who founded the world. [290]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [287] Mundum.

   [288] Immundum.

   [289] Mundus.

   [290] Mundum.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Concerning the Figments of the Physical Theologists, Who
   Neither Worship the True Divinity, Nor Perform the Worship Wherewith
   the True Divinity Should Be Served.

   We see that these select gods have, indeed, become more famous than the
   rest; not, however, that their merits may be brought to light, but that
   their opprobrious deeds may not be hid.  Whence it is more credible
   that they were men, as not only poetic but also historical literature
   has handed down.  For this which Virgil says,

   "Then from Olympus' heights came down

   Good Saturn, exiled from his throne

   By Jove, his mightier heir;" [291]

   and what follows with reference to this affair, is fully related by the
   historian Euhemerus, and has been translated into Latin by Ennius.  And
   as they who have written before us in the Greek or in the Latin tongue
   against such errors as these have said much concerning this matter, I
   have thought it unnecessary to dwell upon it.  When I consider those
   physical reasons, then, by which learned and acute men attempt to turn
   human things into divine things, all I see is that they have been able
   to refer these things only to temporal works and to that which has a
   corporeal nature, and even though invisible still mutable; and this is
   by no means the true God.  But if this worship had been performed as
   the symbolism of ideas at least congruous with religion, though it
   would indeed have been cause of grief that the true God was not
   announced and proclaimed by its symbolism, nevertheless it could have
   been in some degree borne with, when it did not occasion and command
   the performance of such foul and abominable things.  But since it is
   impiety to worship the body or the soul for the true God, by whose
   indwelling alone the soul is happy, how much more impious is it to
   worship those things through which neither soul nor body can obtain
   either salvation or human honor?  Wherefore if with temple, priest, and
   sacrifice, which are due to the true God, any element of the world be
   worshipped, or any created spirit, even though not impure and evil,
   that worship is still evil, not because the things are evil by which
   the worship is performed, but because those things ought only to be
   used in the worship of Him to whom alone such worship and service are
   due.  But if any one insist that he worships the one true God,--that
   is, the Creator of every soul and of every body,--with stupid and
   monstrous idols, with human victims, with putting a wreath on the male
   organ, with the wages of unchastity, with the cutting of limbs, with
   emasculation, with the consecration of effeminates, with impure and
   obscene plays, such a one does not sin because he worships One who
   ought not to be worshipped, but because he worships Him who ought to be
   worshipped in a way in which He ought not to be worshipped.  But he who
   worships with such things,--that is, foul and obscene things,--and that
   not the true God, namely, the maker of soul and body, but a creature,
   even though not a wicked creature, whether it be soul or body, or soul
   and body together, twice sins against God, because he both worships for
   God what is not God, and also worships with such things as neither God
   nor what is not God ought to be worshipped with.  It is, indeed,
   manifest how these pagans worship,--that is, how shamefully and
   criminally they worship; but what or whom they worship would have been
   left in obscurity, had not their history testi fied that those same
   confessedly base and foul rites were rendered in obedience to the
   demands of the gods, who exacted them with terrible severity.
   Wherefore it is evident beyond doubt that this whole civil theology is
   occupied in inventing means for attracting wicked and most impure
   spirits, inviting them to visit senseless images, and through these to
   take possession of stupid hearts.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [291] Virgil, Æneid, viii. 319-20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--That the Doctrine of Varro Concerning Theology is in No
   Part Consistent with Itself.

   To what purpose, then, is it that this most learned and most acute man
   Varro attempts, as it were, with subtle disputation, to reduce and
   refer all these gods to heaven and earth?  He cannot do it.  They go
   out of his hands like water; they shrink back; they slip down and
   fall.  For when about to speak of the females, that is, the goddesses,
   he says, "Since, as I observed in the first book concerning places,
   heaven and earth are the two origins of the gods, on which account they
   are called celestials and terrestrials, and as I began in the former
   books with heaven, speaking of Janus, whom some have said to be heaven,
   and others the earth, so I now commence with Tellus in speaking
   concerning the goddesses."  I can understand what embarrassment so
   great a mind was experiencing.  For he is influenced by the perception
   of a certain plausible resemblance, when he says that the heaven is
   that which does, and the earth that which suffers, and therefore
   attributes the masculine principle to the one, and the feminine to the
   other, not considering that it is rather He who made both heaven and
   earth who is the maker of both activity and passivity.  On this
   principle he interprets the celebrated mysteries of the Samothracians,
   and promises, with an air of great devoutness, that he will by writing
   expound these mysteries, which have not been so much as known to his
   countrymen, and will send them his exposition.  Then he says that he
   had from many proofs gathered that, in those mysteries, among the
   images one signifies heaven, another the earth, another the patterns of
   things, which Plato calls ideas.  He makes Jupiter to signify heaven,
   Juno the earth, Minerva the ideas.  Heaven, by which anything is made;
   the earth, from which it is made; and the pattern, according to which
   it is made.  But, with respect to the last, I am forgetting to say that
   Plato attributed so great an importance to these ideas as to say, not
   that anything was made by heaven according to them, but that according
   to them heaven itself was made. [292]   To return, however,--it is to
   be observed that Varro has, in the book on the select gods, lost that
   theory of these gods, in whom he has, as it were, embraced all things.
   For he assigns the male gods to heaven, the females to earth; among
   which latter he has placed Minerva, whom he had before placed above
   heaven itself.  Then the male god Neptune is in the sea, which pertains
   rather to earth than to heaven.  Last of all, father Dis, who is called
   in Greek Plouton, another male god, brother of both (Jupiter and
   Neptune), is also held to be a god of the earth, holding the upper
   region of the earth himself, and allotting the nether region to his
   wife Proserpine.  How, then, do they attempt to refer the gods to
   heaven, and the goddesses to earth?  What solidity, what consistency,
   what sobriety has this disputation?  But that Tellus is the origin of
   the goddesses,--the great mother, to wit, beside whom there is
   continually the noise of the mad and abominable revelry of effeminates
   and mutilated men, and men who cut themselves, and indulge in frantic
   gesticulations,--how is it, then, that Janus is called the head of the
   gods, and Tellus the head of the goddesses?  In the one case error does
   not make one head, and in the other frenzy does not make a sane one.
   Why do they vainly attempt to refer these to the world?  Even if they
   could do so, no pious person worships the world for the true God.
   Nevertheless, plain truth makes it evident that they are not able even
   to do this.  Let them rather identify them with dead men and most
   wicked demons, and no further question will remain.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [292] In the Timæus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--That All Things Which the Physical Theologists Have
   Referred to the World and Its Parts, They Ought to Have Referred to the
   One True God.

   For all those things which, according to the account given of those
   gods, are referred to the world by so-called physical interpretation,
   may, without any religious scruple, be rather assigned to the true God,
   who made heaven and earth, and created every soul and every body; and
   the following is the manner in which we see that this may be done.  We
   worship God,--not heaven and earth, of which two parts this world
   consists, nor the soul or souls diffused through all living
   things,--but God who made heaven and earth, and all things which are in
   them; who made every soul, whatever be the nature of its life, whether
   it have life without sensation and reason, or life with sensation, or
   life with both sensation and reason.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--How Piety Distinguishes the Creator from the Creatures, So
   That, Instead of One God, There are Not Worshipped as Many Gods as
   There are Works of the One Author.

   And now, to begin to go over those works of the one true God, on
   account of which these have made to themselves many and false gods,
   whilst they attempt to give an honorable interpretation to their many
   most abominable and most infamous mysteries,--we worship that God who
   has appointed to the natures created by Him both the beginnings and the
   end of their existing and moving; who holds, knows, and disposes the
   causes of things; who hath created the virtue of seeds; who hath given
   to what creatures He would a rational soul, which is called mind; who
   hath bestowed the faculty and use of speech; who hath imparted the gift
   of foretelling future things to whatever spirits it seemed to Him good;
   who also Himself predicts future things, through whom He pleases, and
   through whom He will, removes diseases who, when the human race is to
   be corrected and chastised by wars, regulates also the beginnings,
   progress, and ends of these wars who hath created and governs the most
   vehement and most violent fire of this world, in due relation and
   proportion to the other elements of immense nature; who is the governor
   of all the waters; who hath made the sun brightest of all material
   lights, and hath given him suitable power and motion; who hath not
   withdrawn, even from the inhabitants of the nether world, His dominion
   and power; who hath appointed to mortal natures their suitable seed and
   nourishment, dry or liquid; who establishes and makes fruitful the
   earth; who bountifully bestows its fruits on animals and on men; who
   knows and ordains, not only principal causes, but also subsequent
   causes; who hath determined for the moon her motion; who affords ways
   in heaven and on earth for passage from one place to another; who hath
   granted also to human minds, which He hath created, the knowledge of
   the various arts for the help of life and nature; who hath appointed
   the union of male and female for the propagation of offspring; who hath
   favored the societies of men with the gift of terrestrial fire for the
   simplest and most familiar purposes, to burn on the hearth and to give
   light.  These are, then, the things which that most acute and most
   learned man Varro has labored to distribute among the select gods, by I
   know not what physical interpretation, which he has got from other
   sources, and also conjectured for himself.  But these things the one
   true God makes and does, but as the same God,--that is, as He who is
   wholly everywhere, included in no space, bound by no chains, mutable in
   no part of His being, filling heaven and earth with omnipresent power,
   not with a needy nature.  Therefore He governs all things in such a
   manner as to allow them to perform and exercise their own proper
   movements.  For although they can be nothing without Him, they are not
   what He is.  He does also many things through angels; but only from
   Himself does He beatify angels.  So also, though He send angels to men
   for certain purposes, He does not for all that beatify men by the good
   inherent in the angels, but by Himself, as He does the angels
   themselves.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--What Benefits God Gives to the Followers of the Truth to
   Enjoy Over and Above His General Bounty.

   For, besides such benefits as, according to this administration of
   nature of which we have made some mention, He lavishes on good and bad
   alike, we have from Him a great manifestation of great love, which
   belongs only to the good.  For although we can never sufficiently give
   thanks to Him, that we are, that we live, that we behold heaven and
   earth, that we have mind and reason by which to seek after Him who made
   all these things, nevertheless, what hearts, what number of tongues,
   shall affirm that they are sufficient to render thanks to Him for this,
   that He hath not wholly departed from us, laden and overwhelmed with
   sins, averse to the contemplation of His light, and blinded by the love
   of darkness, that is, of iniquity, but hath sent to us His own Word,
   who is His only Son, that by His birth and suffering for us in the
   flesh, which He assumed, we might know how much God valued man, and
   that by that unique sacrifice we might be purified from all our sins,
   and that, love being shed abroad in our hearts by His Spirit, we might,
   having surmounted all difficulties, come into eternal rest, and the
   ineffable sweetness of the contemplation of Himself?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--That at No Time in the Past Was the Mystery of Christ's
   Redemption Awanting, But Was at All Times Declared, Though in Various
   Forms.

   This mystery of eternal life, even from the beginning of the human
   race, was, by certain signs and sacraments suitable to the times,
   announced through angels to those to whom it was meet.  Then the Hebrew
   people was congregated into one republic, as it were, to perform this
   mystery; and in that republic was foretold, sometimes through men who
   understood what they spake, and sometimes through men who understood
   not, all that had transpired since the advent of Christ until now, and
   all that will transpire.  This same nation, too, was afterwards
   dispersed through the nations, in order to testify to the scriptures in
   which eternal salvation in Christ had been declared.  For not only the
   prophecies which are contained in words, nor only the precepts for the
   right conduct of life, which teach morals and piety, and are contained
   in the sacred writings,--not only these, but also the rites,
   priesthood, tabernacle or temple, altars, sacrifices, ceremonies, and
   whatever else belongs to that service which is due to God, and which in
   Greek is properly called latreia,--all these signified and
   fore-announced those things which we who believe in Jesus Christ unto
   eternal life believe to have been fulfilled, or behold in process of
   fulfillment, or confidently believe shall yet be fulfilled.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--That Only Through the Christian Religion Could the Deceit
   of Malign Spirits, Who Rejoice in the Errors of Men, Have Been
   Manifested.

   This, the only true religion, has alone been able to manifest that the
   gods of the nations are most impure demons, who desire to be thought
   gods, availing themselves of the names of certain defunct souls, or the
   appearance of mundane creatures, and with proud impurity rejoicing in
   things most base and infamous, as though in divine honors, and envying
   human souls their conversion to the true God.  From whose most cruel
   and most impious dominion a man is liberated when he believes on Him
   who has afforded an example of humility, following which men may rise
   as great as was that pride by which they fell.  Hence are not only
   those gods, concerning whom we have already spoken much, and many
   others belonging to different nations and lands, but also those of whom
   we are now treating, who have been selected as it were into the senate
   of the gods,--selected, however, on account of the notoriousness of
   their crimes, not on account of the dignity of their virtues,--whose
   sacred things Varro attempts to refer to certain natural reasons,
   seeking to make base things honorable, but cannot find how to square
   and agree with these reasons, because these are not the causes of those
   rites, which he thinks, or rather wishes to be thought to be so.  For
   had not only these, but also all others of this kind, been real causes,
   even though they had nothing to do with the true God and eternal life,
   which is to be sought in religion, they would, by affording some sort
   of reason drawn from the nature of things, have mitigated in some
   degree that offence which was occasioned by some turpitude or absurdity
   in the sacred rites, which was not understood.  This he attempted to do
   in respect to certain fables of the theatres, or mysteries of the
   shrines; but he did not acquit the theatres of likeness to the shrines,
   but rather condemned the shrines for likeness to the theatres.
   However, he in some way made the attempt to soothe the feelings shocked
   by horrible things, by rendering what he would have to be natural
   interpretations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--Concerning the Books of Numa Pompilius, Which the Senate
   Ordered to Be Burned, in Order that the Causes of Sacred Rights Therein
   Assigned Should Not Become Known.

   But, on the other hand, we find, as the same most learned man has
   related, that the causes of the sacred rites which were given from the
   books of Numa Pompilius could by no means be tolerated, and were
   considered unworthy, not only to become known to the religious by being
   read, but even to lie written in the darkness in which they had been
   concealed.  For now let me say what I promised in the third book of
   this work to say in its proper place.  For, as we read in the same
   Varro's book on the worship of the gods, "A certain one Terentius had a
   field at the Janiculum, and once, when his ploughman was passing the
   plough near to the tomb of Numa Pompilius, he turned up from the ground
   the books of Numa, in which were written the causes of the sacred
   institutions; which books he carried to the prætor, who, having read
   the beginnings of them, referred to the senate what seemed to be a
   matter of so much importance.  And when the chief senators had read
   certain of the causes why this or that rite was instituted, the senate
   assented to the dead Numa, and the conscript fathers, as though
   concerned for the interests of religion, ordered the prætor to burn the
   books." [293]   Let each one believe what he thinks; nay, let every
   champion of such impiety say whatever mad contention may suggest.  For
   my part, let it suffice to suggest that the causes of those sacred
   things which were written down by King Numa Pompilius, the institutor
   of the Roman rites, ought never to have become known to people or
   senate, or even to the priests themselves; and also that Numa him self
   attained to these secrets of demons by an illicit curiosity, in order
   that he might write them down, so as to be able, by reading, to be
   reminded of them.  However, though he was king, and had no cause to be
   afraid of any one, he neither dared to teach them to any one, nor to
   destroy them by obliteration, or any other form of destruction.
   Therefore, because he was unwilling that any one should know them, lest
   men should be taught infamous things, and because he was afraid to
   violate them, lest he should enrage the demons against himself, he
   buried them in what he thought a safe place, believing that a plough
   could not approach his sepulchre.  But the senate, fearing to condemn
   the religious solemnities of their ancestors, and therefore compelled
   to assent to Numa, were nevertheless so convinced that those books were
   pernicious, that they did not order them to be buried again, knowing
   that human curiosity would thereby be excited to seek with far greater
   eagerness after the matter already divulged, but ordered the scandalous
   relics to be destroyed with fire; because, as they thought it was now a
   necessity to perform those sacred rites, they judged that the error
   arising from ignorance of their causes was more tolerable than the
   disturbance which the knowledge of them would occasion the state.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [293] Plutarch's Numa; Livy, xl. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 35.--Concerning the Hydromancy Through Which Numa Was Befooled
   by Certain Images of Demons Seen in the Water.

   For Numa himself also, to whom no prophet of God, no holy angel was
   sent, was driven to have recourse to hydromancy, that he might see the
   images of the gods in the water (or, rather, appearances whereby the
   demons made sport of him), and might learn from them what he ought to
   ordain and observe in the sacred rites.  This kind of divination, says
   Varro, was introduced from the Persians, and was used by Numa himself,
   and at an after time by the philosopher Pythagoras.  In this
   divination, he says, they also inquire at the inhabitants of the nether
   world, and make use of blood; and this the Greeks call nekromanteian.
   But whether it be called necromancy or hydromancy it is the same thing,
   for in either case the dead are supposed to foretell future things.
   But by what artifices these things are done, let themselves consider;
   for I am unwilling to say that these artifices were wont to be
   prohibited by the laws, and to be very severely punished even in the
   Gentile states, before the advent of our Saviour.  I am unwilling, I
   say, to affirm this, for perhaps even such things were then allowed.
   However, it was by these arts that Pompilius learned those sacred rites
   which he gave forth as facts, whilst he concealed their causes; for
   even he himself was afraid of that which he had learned.  The senate
   also caused the books in which those causes were recorded to be
   burned.  What is it, then, to me, that Varro attempts to adduce all
   sorts of fanciful physical interpretations, which if these books had
   contained, they would certainly not have been burned?  For otherwise
   the conscript fathers would also have burned those books which Varro
   published and dedicated to the high priest Cæsar. [294]   Now Numa is
   said to have married the nymph Egeria, because (as Varro explains it in
   the forementioned book) he carried forth [295] water wherewith to
   perform his hydromancy.  Thus facts are wont to be converted into
   fables through false colorings.  It was by that hydromancy, then, that
   that over-curious Roman king learned both the sacred rites which were
   to be written in the books of the priests, and also the causes of those
   rites,--which latter, however, he was unwilling that any one besides
   himself should know.  Wherefore he made these causes, as it were, to
   die along with himself, taking care to have them written by themselves,
   and removed from the knowledge of men by being buried in the earth.
   Wherefore the things which are written in those books were either
   abominations of demons, so foul and noxious as to render that whole
   civil theology execrable even in the eyes of such men as those
   senators, who had accepted so many shameful things in the sacred rites
   themselves, or they were nothing else than the accounts of dead men,
   whom, through the lapse of ages, almost all the Gentile nations had
   come to believe to be immortal gods; whilst those same demons were
   delighted even with such rites, having presented themselves to receive
   worship under pretence of being those very dead men whom they had
   caused to be thought immortal gods by certain fallacious miracles,
   performed in order to establish that belief.  But, by the hidden
   providence of the true God, these demons were permitted to confess
   these things to their friend Numa, having been gained by those arts
   through which necromancy could be performed, and yet were not
   constrained to admonish him rather at his death to burn than to bury
   the books in which they were written.  But, in order that these books
   might be unknown, the demons could not resist the plough by which they
   were thrown up, or the pen of Varro, through which the things which
   were done in reference to this matter have come down even to our
   knowledge.  For they are not able to effect anything which they are not
   allowed; but they are permitted to influence those whom God, in His
   deep and just judgment, according to their deserts, gives over either
   to be simply afflicted by them, or to be also subdued and deceived.
   But how pernicious these writings were judged to be, or how alien from
   the worship of the true Divinity, may be understood from the fact that
   the senate preferred to burn what Pompilius had hid, rather than to
   fear what he feared, so that he could not dare to do that.  Wherefore
   let him who does not desire to live a pious life even now, seek eternal
   life by means of such rites.  But let him who does not wish to have
   fellowship with malign demons have no fear for the noxious superstition
   wherewith they are worshipped, but let him recognize the true religion
   by which they are unmasked and vanquished.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [294] Comp. Lactantius, Instit. i. 6.

   [295] Egesserit.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book VIII.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Augustin comes now to the third kind of theology, that is,
   the natural, and takes up the question, whether the worship of the gods
   of the natural theology is of any avail towards securing blessedness in
   the life to come.  This question he prefers to discuss with the
   Platonists, because the Platonic system is "facile princeps" among
   philosophies, and makes the nearest approximation to Christian truth.
   In pursuing this argument, he first refutes Apuleius, and all who
   maintain that the demons should be worshipped as messengers and
   mediators between gods and men; demonstrating that by no possibility
   can men be reconciled to good gods by demons, who are the slaves of
   vice, and who delight in and patronize what good and wise men abhor and
   condemn,--The blasphemous fictions of poets, theatrical exhibitions,
   and magical arts.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--That the Question of Natural Theology is to Be Discussed
   with Those Philosophers Who Sought a More Excellent Wisdom.

   We shall require to apply our mind with far greater intensity to the
   present question than was requisite in the solution and unfolding of
   the questions handled in the preceding books; for it is not with
   ordinary men, but with philosophers that we must confer concerning the
   theology which they call natural.  For it is not like the fabulous,
   that is, the theatrical; nor the civil, that is, the urban theology:
   the one of which displays the crimes of the gods, whilst the other
   manifests their criminal desires, which demonstrate them to be rather
   malign demons than gods.  It is, we say, with philosophers we have to
   confer with respect to this theology,--men whose very name, if rendered
   into Latin, signifies those who profess the love of wisdom.  Now, if
   wisdom is God, who made all things, as is attested by the divine
   authority and truth, [296] then the philosopher is a lover of God.  But
   since the thing itself, which is called by this name, exists not in all
   who glory in the name,--for it does not follow, of course, that all who
   are called philosophers are lovers of true wisdom,--we must needs
   select from the number of those with whose opinions we have been able
   to acquaint ourselves by reading, some with whom we may not unworthily
   engage in the treatment of this question.  For I have not in this work
   undertaken to refute all the vain opinions of the philosophers, but
   only such as pertain to theology, which Greek word we understand to
   mean an account or explanation of the divine nature.  Nor, again, have
   I undertaken to refute all the vain theological opinions of all the
   philosophers, but only of such of them as, agreeing in the belief that
   there is a divine nature, and that this divine nature is concerned
   about human affairs, do nevertheless deny that the worship of the one
   unchangeable God is sufficient for the obtaining of a blessed life
   after death, as well as at the present time; and hold that, in order to
   obtain that life, many gods, created, indeed, and appointed to their
   several spheres by that one God, are to be worshipped.  These approach
   nearer to the truth than even Varro; for, whilst he saw no difficulty
   in extending natural theology in its entirety even to the world and the
   soul of the world, these acknowledge God as existing above all that is
   of the nature of soul, and as the Creator not only of this visible
   world, which is often called heaven and earth, but also of every soul
   whatsoever, and as Him who gives blessedness to the rational soul,--of
   which kind is the human soul,--by participation in His own unchangeable
   and incorporeal light.  There is no one, who has even a slender
   knowledge of these things, who does not know of the Platonic
   philosophers, who derive their name from their master Plato.
   Concerning this Plato, then, I will briefly state such things as I deem
   necessary to the present question, mentioning beforehand those who
   preceded him in time in the same department of literature.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [296] Wisdom vii. 24-27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Concerning the Two Schools of Philosophers, that Is, the
   Italic and Ionic, and Their Founders.

   As far as concerns the literature of the Greeks, whose language holds a
   more illustrious place than any of the languages of the other nations,
   history mentions two schools of philosophers, the one called the Italic
   school, originating in that part of Italy which was formerly called
   Magna Græcia; the other called the Ionic school, having its origin in
   those regions which are still called by the name of Greece.  The Italic
   school had for its founder Pythagoras of Samos, to whom also the term
   "philosophy" is said to owe its origin.  For whereas formerly those who
   seemed to excel others by the laudable manner in which they regulated
   their lives were called sages, Pythagoras, on being asked what he
   professed, replied that he was a philosopher, that is, a student or
   lover of wisdom; for it seemed to him to be the height of arrogance to
   profess oneself a sage. [297]   The founder of the Ionic school, again,
   was Thales of Miletus, one of those seven who were styled the "seven
   sages," of whom six were distinguished by the kind of life they lived,
   and by certain maxims which they gave forth for the proper conduct of
   life.  Thales was distinguished as an investigator into the nature of
   things; and, in order that he might have successors in his school, he
   committed his dissertations to writing.  That, however, which
   especially rendered him eminent was his ability, by means of
   astronomical calculations, even to predict eclipses of the sun and
   moon.  He thought, however, that water was the first principle of
   things, and that of it all the elements of the world, the world itself,
   and all things which are generated in it, ultimately consist.  Over all
   this work, however, which, when we consider the world, appears so
   admirable, he set nothing of the nature of divine mind.  To him
   succeeded Anaximander, his pupil, who held a different opinion
   concerning the nature of things; for he did not hold that all things
   spring from one principle, as Thales did, who held that principle to be
   water, but thought that each thing springs from its own proper
   principle.  These principles of things he believed to be infinite in
   number, and thought that they generated innumerable worlds, and all the
   things which arise in them.  He thought, also, that these worlds are
   subject to a perpetual process of alternate dissolution and
   regeneration, each one continuing for a longer or shorter period of
   time, according to the nature of the case; nor did he, any more than
   Thales, attribute anything to a divine mind in the production of all
   this activity of things.  Anaximander left as his successor his
   disciple Anaximenes, who attributed all the causes of things to an
   infinite air.  He neither denied nor ignored the existence of gods,
   but, so far from believing that the air was made by them, he held, on
   the contrary, that they sprang from the air.  Anaxagoras, however, who
   was his pupil, perceived that a divine mind was the productive cause of
   all things which we see, and said that all the various kinds of things,
   according to their several modes and species, were produced out of an
   infinite matter consisting of homogeneous particles, but by the
   efficiency of a divine mind.  Diogenes, also, another pupil of
   Anaximenes, said that a certain air was the original substance of
   things out of which all things were produced, but that it was possessed
   of a divine reason, without which nothing could be produced from it.
   Anaxagoras was succeeded by his disciple Archelaus, who also thought
   that all things consisted of homogeneous particles, of which each
   particular thing was made, but that those particles were pervaded by a
   divine mind, which perpetually energized all the eternal bodies,
   namely, those particles, so that they are alternately united and
   separated.  Socrates, the master of Plato, is said to have been the
   disciple of Archelaus; and on Plato's account it is that I have given
   this brief historical sketch of the whole history of these schools.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [297] Sapiens,that is, a wise man, one who had attained to wisdom.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Of the Socratic Philosophy.

   Socrates is said to have been the first who directed the entire effort
   of philosophy to the correction and regulation of manners, all who went
   before him having expended their greatest efforts in the investigation
   of physical, that is, natural phenomena.  However, it seems to me that
   it cannot be certainly discovered whether Socrates did this because he
   was wearied of obscure and uncertain things, and so wished to direct
   his mind to the discovery of something manifest and certain, which was
   necessary in order to the obtaining of a blessed life,--that one great
   object toward which the labor, vigilance, and industry of all
   philosophers seem to have been directed,--or whether (as some yet more
   favorable to him suppose) he did it because he was unwilling that minds
   defiled with earthly desires should essay to raise themselves upward to
   divine things.  For he saw that the causes of things were sought for by
   them,--which causes he believed to be ultimately reducible to nothing
   else than the will of the one true and supreme God,--and on this
   account he thought they could only be comprehended by a purified mind;
   and therefore that all diligence ought to be given to the purification
   of the life by good morals, in order that the mind, delivered from the
   depressing weight of lusts, might raise itself upward by its native
   vigor to eternal things, and might, with purified understanding,
   contemplate that nature which is incorporeal and unchangeable light,
   where live the causes of all created natures.  It is evident, however,
   that he hunted out and pursued, with a wonderful pleasantness of style
   and argument, and with a most pointed and insinuating urbanity, the
   foolishness of ignorant men, who thought that they knew this or
   that,--sometimes confessing his own ignorance, and sometimes
   dissimulating his knowledge, even in those very moral questions to
   which he seems to have directed the whole force of his mind.  And hence
   there arose hostility against him, which ended in his being
   calumniously impeached, and condemned to death.  Afterwards, however,
   that very city of the Athenians, which had publicly condemned him, did
   publicly bewail him,--the popular indignation having turned with such
   vehemence on his accusers, that one of them perished by the violence of
   the multitude, whilst the other only escaped a like punishment by
   voluntary and perpetual exile.

   Illustrious, therefore, both in his life and in his death, Socrates
   left very many disciples of his philosophy, who vied with one another
   in desire for proficiency in handling those moral questions which
   concern the chief good (summum bonum), the possession of which can make
   a man blessed; and because, in the disputations of Socrates, where he
   raises all manner of questions, makes assertions, and then demolishes
   them, it did not evidently appear what he held to be the chief good,
   every one took from these disputations what pleased him best, and every
   one placed the final good [298] in whatever it appeared to himself to
   consist.  Now, that which is called the final good is that at which,
   when one has arrived, he is blessed.  But so diverse were the opinions
   held by those followers of Socrates concerning this final good, that (a
   thing scarcely to be credited with respect to the followers of one
   master) some placed the chief good in pleasure, as Aristippus, others
   in virtue, as Antisthenes.  Indeed, it were tedious to recount the
   various opinions of various disciples.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [298] Finem boni.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Concerning Plato, the Chief Among the Disciples of
   Socrates, and His Threefold Division of Philosophy.

   But, among the disciples of Socrates, Plato was the one who shone with
   a glory which far excelled that of the others, and who not unjustly
   eclipsed them all.  By birth, an Athenian of honorable parentage, he
   far surpassed his fellow-disciples in natural endowments, of which he
   was possessed in a wonderful degree.  Yet, deeming himself and the
   Socratic discipline far from sufficient for bringing philosophy to
   perfection, he travelled as extensively as he was able, going to every
   place famed for the cultivation of any science of which he could make
   himself master.  Thus he learned from the Egyptians whatever they held
   and taught as important; and from Egypt, passing into those parts of
   Italy which were filled with the fame of the Pythagoreans, he mastered,
   with the greatest facility, and under the most eminent teachers, all
   the Italic philosophy which was then in vogue.  And, as he had a
   peculiar love for his master Socrates, he made him the speaker in all
   his dialogues, putting into his mouth whatever he had learned, either
   from others, or from the efforts of his own powerful intellect,
   tempering even his moral disputations with the grace and politeness of
   the Socratic style.  And, as the study of wisdom consists in action and
   contemplation, so that one part of it may be called active, and the
   other contemplative,--the active part having reference to the conduct
   of life, that is, to the regulation of morals, and the contemplative
   part to the investigation into the causes of nature and into pure
   truth,--Socrates is said to have excelled in the active part of that
   study, while Pythagoras gave more attention to its contemplative part,
   on which he brought to bear all the force of his great intellect.  To
   Plato is given the praise of having perfected philosophy by combining
   both parts into one. He then divides it into three parts,--the first
   moral, which is chiefly occupied with action; the second natural, of
   which the object is contemplation; and the third rational, which
   discriminates between the true and the false.  And though this last is
   necessary both to action and contemplation, it is contemplation,
   nevertheless, which lays peculiar claim to the office of investigating
   the nature of truth.  Thus this tripartite division is not contrary to
   that which made the study of wisdom to consist in action and
   contemplation.  Now, as to what Plato thought with respect to each of
   these parts,--that is, what he believed to be the end of all actions,
   the cause of all natures, and the light of all intelligences,--it would
   be a question too long to discuss, and about which we ought not to make
   any rash affirmation.  For, as Plato liked and constantly affected the
   well-known method of his master Socrates, namely, that of dissimulating
   his knowledge or his opinions, it is not easy to discover clearly what
   he himself thought on various matters, any more than it is to discover
   what were the real opinions of Socrates.  We must, nevertheless, insert
   into our work certain of those opinions which he expresses in his
   writings, whether he himself uttered them, or narrates them as
   expressed by others, and seems himself to approve of,--opinions
   sometimes favorable to the true religion, which our faith takes up and
   defends, and sometimes contrary to it, as, for example, in the
   questions concerning the existence of one God or of many, as it relates
   to the truly blessed life which is to be after death.  For those who
   are praised as having most closely followed Plato, who is justly
   preferred to all the other philosophers of the Gentiles, and who are
   said to have manifested the greatest acuteness in understanding him, do
   perhaps entertain such an idea of God as to admit that in Him are to be
   found the cause of existence, the ultimate reason for the
   understanding, and the end in reference to which the whole life is to
   be regulated.  Of which three things, the first is understood to
   pertain to the natural, the second to the rational, and the third to
   the moral part of philosophy.  For if man has been so created as to
   attain, through that which is most excellent in him, to that which
   excels all things,--that is, to the one true and absolutely good God,
   without whom no nature exists, no doctrine instructs, no exercise
   profits,--let Him be sought in whom all things are secure to us, let
   Him be discovered in whom all truth becomes certain to us, let Him be
   loved in whom all becomes right to us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--That It is Especially with the Platonists that We Must
   Carry on Our Disputations on Matters of Theology, Their Opinions Being
   Preferable to Those of All Other Philosophers.

   If, then, Plato defined the wise man as one who imitates, knows, loves
   this God, and who is rendered blessed through fellowship with Him in
   His own blessedness, why discuss with the other philosophers?  It is
   evident that none come nearer to us than the Platonists.  To them,
   therefore, let that fabulous theology give place which delights the
   minds of men with the crimes of the gods; and that civil theology also,
   in which impure demons, under the name of gods, have seduced the
   peoples of the earth given up to earthly pleasures, desiring to be
   honored by the errors of men, and by filling the minds of their
   worshippers with impure desires, exciting them to make the
   representation of their crimes one of the rites of their worship,
   whilst they themselves found in the spectators of these exhibitions a
   most pleasing spectacle,--a theology in which, whatever was honorable
   in the temple, was defiled by its mixture with the obscenity of the
   theatre, and whatever was base in the theatre was vindicated by the
   abominations of the temples.  To these philosophers also the
   interpretations of Varro must give place, in which he explains the
   sacred rites as having reference to heaven and earth, and to the seeds
   and operations of perishable things; for, in the first place, those
   rites have not the signification which he would have men believe is
   attached to them, and therefore truth does not follow him in his
   attempt so to interpret them; and even if they had this signification,
   still those things ought not to be worshipped by the rational soul as
   its god which are placed below it in the scale of nature, nor ought the
   soul to prefer to itself as gods things to which the true God has given
   it the preference.  The same must be said of those writings pertaining
   to the sacred rites, which Numa Pompilius took care to conceal by
   causing them to be buried along with himself, and which, when they were
   afterwards turned up by the plough, were burned by order of the
   senate.  And, to treat Numa with all honor, let us mention as belonging
   to the same rank as these writings that which Alexander of Macedon
   wrote to his mother as communicated to him by Leo, an Egyptian high
   priest.  In this letter not only Picus and Faunus, and Æneas and
   Romulus or even Hercules, and Æsculapius and Liber, born of Semele, and
   the twin sons of Tyndareus, or any other mortals who have been deified,
   but even the principal gods themselves, [299] to whom Cicero, in his
   Tusculan questions, [300] alludes without mentioning their names,
   Jupiter, Juno, Saturn, Vulcan, Vesta, and many others whom Varro
   attempts to identify with the parts or the elements of the world, are
   shown to have been men.  There is, as we have said, a similarity
   between this case and that of Numa; for the priest being afraid because
   he had revealed a mystery, earnestly begged of Alexander to command his
   mother to burn the letter which conveyed these communications to her.
   Let these two theologies, then, the fabulous and the civil, give place
   to the Platonic philosophers, who have recognized the true God as the
   author of all things, the source of the light of truth, and the
   bountiful bestower of all blessedness.  And not these only, but to
   these great acknowledgers of so great a God, those philosophers must
   yield who, having their mind enslaved to their body, supposed the
   principles of all things to be material; as Thales, who held that the
   first principle of all things was water; Anaximenes, that it was air;
   the Stoics, that it was fire; Epicurus, who affirmed that it consisted
   of atoms, that is to say, of minute corpuscules; and many others whom
   it is needless to enumerate, but who believed that bodies, simple or
   compound, animate or inanimate, but nevertheless bodies, were the cause
   and principle of all things.  For some of them--as, for instance, the
   Epicureans--believed that living things could originate from things
   without life; others held that all things living or without life spring
   from a living principle, but that, nevertheless, all things, being
   material, spring from a material principle.  For the Stoics thought
   that fire, that is, one of the four material elements of which this
   visible world is composed, was both living and intelligent, the maker
   of the world and of all things contained in it,--that it was in fact
   God.  These and others like them have only been able to suppose that
   which their hearts enslaved to sense have vainly suggested to them.
   And yet they have within themselves something which they could not
   see:  they represented to themselves inwardly things which they had
   seen without, even when they were not seeing them, but only thinking of
   them.  But this representation in thought is no longer a body, but only
   the similitude of a body; and that faculty of the mind by which this
   similitude of a body is seen is neither a body nor the similitude of a
   body; and the faculty which judges whether the representation is
   beautiful or ugly is without doubt superior to the object judged of.
   This principle is the understanding of man, the rational soul; and it
   is certainly not a body, since that similitude of a body which it
   beholds and judges of is itself not a body.  The soul is neither earth,
   nor water, nor air, nor fire, of which four bodies, called the four
   elements, we see that this world is composed.  And if the soul is not a
   body, how should God, its Creator, be a body?  Let all those
   philosophers, then, give place, as we have said, to the Platonists, and
   those also who have been ashamed to say that God is a body, but yet
   have thought that our souls are of the same nature as God.  They have
   not been staggered by the great changeableness of the soul,--an
   attribute which it would be impious to ascribe to the divine
   nature,--but they say it is the body which changes the soul, for in
   itself it is unchangeable.  As well might they say, "Flesh is wounded
   by some body, for in itself it is invulnerable."  In a word, that which
   is unchangeable can be changed by nothing, so that that which can be
   changed by the body cannot properly be said to be immutable.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [299] Dii majorum gentium.

   [300] Book i. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Concerning the Meaning of the Platonists in that Part of
   Philosophy Called Physical.

   These philosophers, then, whom we see not undeservedly exalted above
   the rest in fame and glory, have seen that no material body is God, and
   therefore they have transcended all bodies in seeking for God.  They
   have seen that whatever is changeable is not the most high God, and
   therefore they have transcended every soul and all changeable spirits
   in seeking the supreme.  They have seen also that, in every changeable
   thing, the form which makes it that which it is, whatever be its mode
   or nature, can only be through Him who truly is, because He is
   unchangeable.  And therefore, whether we consider the whole body of the
   world, its figure, qualities, and orderly movement, and also all the
   bodies which are in it; or whether we consider all life, either that
   which nourishes and maintains, as the life of trees, or that which,
   besides this, has also sensation, as the life of beasts; or that which
   adds to all these intelligence, as the life of man; or that which does
   not need the support of nutriment, but only maintains, feels,
   understands, as the life of angels,--all can only be through Him who
   absolutely is.  For to Him it is not one thing to be, and another to
   live, as though He could be, not living; nor is it to Him one thing to
   live, and another thing to understand, as though He could live, not
   understanding; nor is it to Him one thing to understand, another thing
   to be blessed, as though He could understand and not be blessed.  But
   to Him to live, to understand, to be blessed, are to be.  They have
   understood, from this unchangeableness and this simplicity, that all
   things must have been made by Him, and that He could Himself have been
   made by none.  For they have considered that whatever is is either body
   or life, and that life is something better than body, and that the
   nature of body is sensible, and that of life intelligible.  Therefore
   they have preferred the intelligible nature to the sensible.  We mean
   by sensible things such things as can be perceived by the sight and
   touch of the body; by intelligible things, such as can be understood by
   the sight of the mind.  For there is no corporeal beauty, whether in
   the condition of a body, as figure, or in its movement, as in music, of
   which it is not the mind that judges.  But this could never have been,
   had there not existed in the mind itself a superior form of these
   things, without bulk, without noise of voice, without space and time.
   But even in respect of these things, had the mind not been mutable, it
   would not have been possible for one to judge better than another with
   regard to sensible forms.  He who is clever, judges better than he who
   is slow, he who is skilled than he who is unskillful, he who is
   practised than he who is unpractised; and the same person judges better
   after he has gained experience than he did before.  But that which is
   capable of more and less is mutable; whence able men, who have thought
   deeply on these things, have gathered that the first form is not to be
   found in those things whose form is changeable.  Since, therefore, they
   saw that body and mind might be more or less beautiful in form, and
   that, if they wanted form, they could have no existence, they saw that
   there is some existence in which is the first form, unchangeable, and
   therefore not admitting of degrees of comparison, and in that they most
   rightly believed was the first principle of things which was not made,
   and by which all things were made.  Therefore that which is known of
   God He manifested to them when His invisible things were seen by them,
   being understood by those things which have been made; also His eternal
   power and Godhead by whom all visible and temporal things have been
   created. [301]   We have said enough upon that part of theology which
   they call physical, that is, natural.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [301] Rom. i. 19, 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--How Much the Platonists are to Be Held as Excelling Other
   Philosophers in Logic, i.e. Rational Philosophy.

   Then, again, as far as regards the doctrine which treats of that which
   they call logic, that is, rational philosophy, far be it from us to
   compare them with those who attributed to the bodily senses the faculty
   of discriminating truth, and thought, that all we learn is to be
   measured by their untrustworthy and fallacious rules.  Such were the
   Epicureans, and all of the same school.  Such also were the Stoics, who
   ascribed to the bodily senses that expertness in disputation which they
   so ardently love, called by them dialectic, asserting that from the
   senses the mind conceives the notions (ennoiai) of those things which
   they explicate by definition.  And hence is developed the whole plan
   and connection of their learning and teaching.  I often wonder, with
   respect to this, how they can say that none are beautiful but the wise;
   for by what bodily sense have they perceived that beauty, by what eyes
   of the flesh have they seen wisdom's comeliness of form?  Those,
   however, whom we justly rank before all others, have distinguished
   those things which are conceived by the mind from those which are
   perceived by the senses, neither taking away from the senses anything
   to which they are competent, nor attributing to them anything beyond
   their competency.  And the light of our understandings, by which all
   things are learned by us, they have affirmed to be that selfsame God by
   whom all things were made.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--That the Platonists Hold the First Rank in Moral Philosophy
   Also.

   The remaining part of philosophy is morals, or what is called by the
   Greeks ethike, in which is discussed the question concerning the chief
   good,--that which will leave us nothing further to seek in order to be
   blessed, if only we make all our actions refer to it, and seek it not
   for the sake of something else, but for its own sake.  Therefore it is
   called the end, because we wish other things on account of it, but
   itself only for its own sake.  This beatific good, therefore, according
   to some, comes to a man from the body, according to others, from the
   mind, and, according to others, from both together.  For they saw that
   man himself consists of soul and body; and therefore they believed that
   from either of these two, or from both together, their well-being must
   proceed, consisting in a certain final good, which could render them
   blessed, and to which they might refer all their actions, not requiring
   anything ulterior to which to refer that good itself.  This is why
   those who have added a third kind of good things, which they call
   extrinsic,--as honor, glory, wealth, and the like,--have not regarded
   them as part of the final good, that is, to be sought after for their
   own sake, but as things which are to be sought for the sake of
   something else, affirming that this kind of good is good to the good,
   and evil to the evil.  Wherefore, whether they have sought the good of
   man from the mind or from the body, or from both together, it is still
   only from man they have supposed that it must be sought.  But they who
   have sought it from the body have sought it from the inferior part of
   man; they who have sought it from the mind, from the superior part; and
   they who have sought it from both, from the whole man.  Whether
   therefore, they have sought it from any part, or from the whole man,
   still they have only sought it from man; nor have these differences,
   being three, given rise only to three dissentient sects of
   philosophers, but to many.  For diverse philosophers have held diverse
   opinions, both concerning the good of the body, and the good of the
   mind, and the good of both together.  Let, therefore, all these give
   place to those philosophers who have not affirmed that a man is blessed
   by the enjoyment of the body, or by the enjoyment of the mind, but by
   the enjoyment of God,--enjoying Him, however, not as the mind does the
   body or itself, or as one friend enjoys another, but as the eye enjoys
   light, if, indeed, we may draw any comparison between these things.
   But what the nature of this comparison is, will, if God help me, be
   shown in another place, to the best of my ability.  At present, it is
   sufficient to mention that Plato determined the final good to be to
   live according to virtue, and affirmed that he only can attain to
   virtue who knows and imitates God,--which knowledge and imitation are
   the only cause of blessedness.  Therefore he did not doubt that to
   philosophize is to love God, whose nature is incorporeal.  Whence it
   certainly follows that the student of wisdom, that is, the philosopher,
   will then become blessed when he shall have begun to enjoy God.  For
   though he is not necessarily blessed who enjoys that which he loves
   (for many are miserable by loving that which ought not to be loved, and
   still more miserable when they enjoy it), nevertheless no one is
   blessed who does not enjoy that which he loves.  For even they who love
   things which ought not to be loved do not count themselves blessed by
   loving merely, but by enjoying them.  Who, then, but the most miserable
   will deny that he is blessed, who enjoys that which he loves, and loves
   the true and highest good?  But the true and highest good, according to
   Plato, is God, and therefore he would call him a philosopher who loves
   God; for philosophy is directed to the obtaining of the blessed life,
   and he who loves God is blessed in the enjoyment of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Concerning that Philosophy Which Has Come Nearest to the
   Christian Faith.

   Whatever philosophers, therefore, thought concerning the supreme God,
   that He is both the maker of all created things, the light by which
   things are known, and the good in reference to which things are to be
   done; that we have in Him the first principle of nature, the truth of
   doctrine, and the happiness of life,--whether these philosophers may be
   more suitably called Platonists, or whether they may give some other
   name to their sect; whether, we say, that only the chief men of the
   Ionic school, such as Plato himself, and they who have well understood
   him, have thought thus; or whether we also include the Italic school,
   on account of Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, and all who may have
   held like opinions; and, lastly, whether also we include all who have
   been held wise men and philosophers among all nations who are
   discovered to have seen and taught this, be they Atlantics, Libyans,
   Egyptians, Indians, Persians, Chaldeans, Scythians, Gauls, Spaniards,
   or of other nations,--we prefer these to all other philosophers, and
   confess that they approach nearest to us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--That the Excellency of the Christian Religion is Above All
   the Science of Philosophers.

   For although a Christian man instructed only in ecclesiastical
   literature may perhaps be ignorant of the very name of Platonists, and
   may not even know that there have existed two schools of philosophers
   speaking the Greek tongue, to wit, the Ionic and Italic, he is
   nevertheless not so deaf with respect to human affairs, as not to know
   that philosophers profess the study, and even the possession, of
   wisdom.  He is on his guard, however, with respect to those who
   philosophize according to the elements of this world, not according to
   God, by whom the world itself was made; for he is warned by the precept
   of the apostle, and faithfully hears what has been said, "Beware that
   no one deceive you through philosophy and vain deceit, according to the
   elements of the world." [302]   Then, that he may not suppose that all
   philosophers are such as do this, he hears the same apostle say
   concerning certain of them, "Because that which is known of God is
   manifest among them, for God has manifested it to them.  For His
   invisible things from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being
   understood by the things which are made, also His eternal power and
   Godhead." [303]   And, when speaking to the Athenians, after having
   spoken a mighty thing concerning God, which few are able to understand,
   "In Him we live, and move, and have our being," [304] he goes on to
   say, "As certain also of your own have said."  He knows well, too, to
   be on his guard against even these philosophers in their errors.  For
   where it has been said by him, "that God has manifested to them by
   those things which are made His invisible things, that they might be
   seen by the understanding," there it has also been said that they did
   not rightly worship God Himself, because they paid divine honors, which
   are due to Him alone, to other things also to which they ought not to
   have paid them,--"because, knowing God, they glorified Him not as God:
   neither were thankful, but became vain in their imaginations, and their
   foolish heart was darkened.  Professing themselves to be wise, they
   became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the
   likeness of the image of corruptible man, and of birds, and fourfooted
   beasts, and creeping things;" [305] --where the apostle would have us
   understand him as meaning the Romans, and Greeks, and Egyptians, who
   gloried in the name of wisdom; but concerning this we will dispute with
   them afterwards.  With respect, however, to that wherein they agree
   with us we prefer them to all others namely, concerning the one God,
   the author of this universe, who is not only above every body, being
   incorporeal, but also above all souls, being incorruptible--our
   principle, our light, our good.  And though the Christian man, being
   ignorant of their writings, does not use in disputation words which he
   has not learned,--not calling that part of philosophy natural (which is
   the Latin term), or physical (which is the Greek one), which treats of
   the investigation of nature; or that part rational, or logical, which
   deals with the question how truth may be discovered; or that part
   moral, or ethical, which concerns morals, and shows how good is to be
   sought, and evil to be shunned,--he is not, therefore, ignorant that it
   is from the one true and supremely good God that we have that nature in
   which we are made in the image of God, and that doctrine by which we
   know Him and ourselves, and that grace through which, by cleaving to
   Him, we are blessed.  This, therefore, is the cause why we prefer these
   to all the others, because, whilst other philosophers have worn out
   their minds and powers in seeking the causes of things, and endeavoring
   to discover the right mode of learning and of living, these, by knowing
   God, have found where resides the cause by which the universe has been
   constituted, and the light by which truth is to be discovered, and the
   fountain at which felicity is to be drunk.  All philosophers, then, who
   have had these thoughts concerning God, whether Platonists or others,
   agree with us.  But we have thought it better to plead our cause with
   the Platonists, because their writings are better known.  For the
   Greeks, whose tongue holds the highest place among the languages of the
   Gentiles, are loud in their praises of these writings; and the Latins,
   taken with their excellence, or their renown, have studied them more
   heartily than other writings, and, by translating them into our tongue,
   have given them greater celebrity and notoriety.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [302] Col. ii. 8.

   [303] Rom. i. 19, 20.

   [304] Acts xvii. 28.

   [305] Rom. i. 21-23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--How Plato Has Been Able to Approach So Nearly to Christian
   Knowledge.

   Certain partakers with us in the grace of Christ, wonder when they hear
   and read that Plato had conceptions concerning God, in which they
   recognize considerable agreement with the truth of our religion.  Some
   have concluded from this, that when he went to Egypt he had heard the
   prophet Jeremiah, or, whilst travelling in the same country, had read
   the prophetic scriptures, which opinion I myself have expressed in
   certain of my writings. [306]   But a careful calculation of dates,
   contained in chronological history, shows that Plato was born about a
   hundred years after the time in which Jeremiah prophesied, and, as he
   lived eighty-one years, there are found to have been about seventy
   years from his death to that time when Ptolemy, king of Egypt,
   requested the prophetic scriptures of the Hebrew people to be sent to
   him from Judea, and committed them to seventy Hebrews, who also knew
   the Greek tongue, to be translated and kept.  Therefore, on that voyage
   of his, Plato could neither have seen Jeremiah, who was dead so long
   before, nor have read those same scriptures which had not yet been
   translated into the Greek language, of which he was a master, unless,
   indeed, we say that, as he was most earnest in the pursuit of
   knowledge, he also studied those writings through an interpreter, as he
   did those of the Egyptians,--not, indeed, writing a translation of them
   (the facilities for doing which were only gained even by Ptolemy in
   return for munificent acts of kindness, [307] though fear of his kingly
   authority might have seemed a sufficient motive), but learning as much
   as he possibly could concerning their contents by means of
   conversation.  What warrants this supposition are the opening verses of
   Genesis:  "In the beginning God made the heaven and earth.  And the
   earth was invisible, and without order; and darkness was over the
   abyss:  and the Spirit of God moved over the waters." [308]   For in
   the Timæus, when writing on the formation of the world, he says that
   God first united earth and fire; from which it is evident that he
   assigns to fire a place in heaven.  This opinion bears a certain
   resemblance to the statement, "In the beginning God made heaven and
   earth."  Plato next speaks of those two intermediary elements, water
   and air, by which the other two extremes, namely, earth and fire, were
   mutually united; from which circumstance he is thought to have so
   understood the words, "The Spirit of God moved over the waters."  For,
   not paying sufficient attention to the designations given by those
   scriptures to the Spirit of God, he may have thought that the four
   elements are spoken of in that place, because the air also is called
   spirit. [309]   Then, as to Plato's saying that the philosopher is a
   lover of God, nothing shines forth more conspicuously in those sacred
   writings.  But the most striking thing in this connection, and that
   which most of all inclines me almost to assent to the opinion that
   Plato was not ignorant of those writings, is the answer which was given
   to the question elicited from the holy Moses when the words of God were
   conveyed to him by the angel; for, when he asked what was the name of
   that God who was commanding him to go and deliver the Hebrew people out
   of Egypt, this answer was given:  "I am who am; and thou shalt say to
   the children of Israel, He who is sent me unto you;" [310] as though
   compared with Him that truly is, because He is unchangeable, those
   things which have been created mutable are not,--a truth which Plato
   zealously held, and most diligently commended.  And I know not whether
   this sentiment is anywhere to be found in the books of those who were
   before Plato, unless in that book where it is said, "I am who am; and
   thou shalt say to the children of Israel, who is sent me unto you."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [306] De Doctrina Christiana, ii. 43.  Comp. Retract. ii. 4, 2.

   [307] Liberating Jewish slaves, and sending gifts to the temple.  See
   Josephus, Ant. xii. 2.

   [308] Gen. i. 1, 2.

   [309] Spiritus.

   [310] Ex. iii. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--That Even the Platonists, Though They Say These Things
   Concerning the One True God, Nevertheless Thought that Sacred Rites
   Were to Be Performed in Honor of Many Gods.

   But we need not determine from what source he learned these
   things,--whether it was from the books of the ancients who preceded
   him, or, as is more likely, from the words of the apostle:  "Because
   that which is known of God, has been manifested among them, for God
   hath manifested it to them.  For His invisible things from the creation
   of the world are clearly seen, being understood by those things which
   have been made, also His eternal power and Godhead." [311]   From
   whatever source he may have derived this knowledge, then, I think I
   have made it sufficiently plain that I have not chosen the Platonic
   philosophers undeservedly as the parties with whom to discuss; because
   the question we have just taken up concerns the natural theology,--the
   question, namely, whether sacred rites are to be performed to one God,
   or to many, for the sake of the happiness which is to be after death.
   I have specially chosen them because their juster thoughts concerning
   the one God who made heaven and earth, have made them illustrious among
   philosophers.  This has given them such superiority to all others in
   the judgment of posterity, that, though Aristotle, the disciple of
   Plato, a man of eminent abilities, inferior in eloquence to Plato, yet
   far superior to many in that respect, had founded the Peripatetic
   sect,--so called because they were in the habit of walking about during
   their disputations,--and though he had, through the greatness of his
   fame, gathered very many disciples into his school, even during the
   life of his master; and though Plato at his death was succeeded in his
   school, which was called the Academy, by Speusippus, his sister's son,
   and Xenocrates, his beloved disciple, who, together with their
   successors, were called from this name of the school, Academics;
   nevertheless the most illustrious recent philosophers, who have chosen
   to follow Plato, have been unwilling to be called Peripatetics, or
   Academics, but have preferred the name of Platonists.  Among these were
   the renowned Plotinus, Iamblichus, and Porphyry, who were Greeks, and
   the African Apuleius, who was learned both in the Greek and Latin
   tongues.  All these, however, and the rest who were of the same school,
   and also Plato himself, thought that sacred rites ought to be performed
   in honor of many gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [311] Rom. i. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Concerning the Opinion of Plato, According to Which He
   Defined the Gods as Beings Entirely Good and the Friends of Virtue.

   Therefore, although in many other important respects they differ from
   us, nevertheless with respect to this particular point of difference,
   which I have just stated, as it is one of great moment, and the
   question on hand concerns it, I will first ask them to what gods they
   think that sacred rites are to be performed,--to the good or to the
   bad, or to both the good and the bad?  But we have the opinion of Plato
   affirming that all the gods are good, and that there is not one of the
   gods bad.  It follows, therefore, that these are to be performed to the
   good, for then they are performed to gods; for if they are not good,
   neither are they gods.  Now, if this be the case (for what else ought
   we to believe concerning the gods?), certainly it explodes the opinion
   that the bad gods are to be propitiated by sacred rites in order that
   they may not harm us, but the good gods are to be invoked in order that
   they may assist us.  For there are no bad gods, and it is to the good
   that, as they say, the due honor of such rites is to be paid.  Of what
   character, then, are those gods who love scenic displays, even
   demanding that a place be given them among divine things, and that they
   be exhibited in their honor?  The power of these gods proves that they
   exist, but their liking such things proves that they are bad.  For it
   is well-known what Plato's opinion was concerning scenic plays.  He
   thinks that the poets themselves, because they have composed songs so
   unworthy of the majesty and goodness of the gods, ought to be banished
   from the state.  Of what character, therefore, are those gods who
   contend with Plato himself about those scenic plays?  He does not
   suffer the gods to be defamed by false crimes; the gods command those
   same crimes to be celebrated in their own honor.

   In fine, when they ordered these plays to be inaugurated, they not only
   demanded base things, but also did cruel things, taking from Titus
   Latinius his son, and sending a disease upon him because he had refused
   to obey them, which they removed when he had fulfilled their commands.
   Plato, however, bad though they were, did not think they were to be
   feared; but, holding to his opinion with the utmost firmness and
   constancy, does not hesitate to remove from a well-ordered state all
   the sacrilegious follies of the poets, with which these gods are
   delighted because they themselves are impure.  But Labeo places this
   same Plato (as I have mentioned already in the second book [312] )
   among the demi-gods.  Now Labeo thinks that the bad deities are to be
   propitiated with bloody victims, and by fasts accompanied with the
   same, but the good deities with plays, and all other things which are
   associated with joyfulness.  How comes it, then, that the demi-god
   Plato so persistently dares to take away those pleasures, because he
   deems them base, not from the demi-gods but from the gods, and these
   the good gods?  And, moreover, those very gods themselves do certainly
   refute the opinion of Labeo, for they showed themselves in the case of
   Latinius to be not only wanton and sportive, but also cruel and
   terrible.  Let the Platonists, therefore, explain these things to us,
   since, following the opinion of their master, they think that all the
   gods are good and honorable, and friendly to the virtues of the wise,
   holding it unlawful to think otherwise concerning any of the gods.  We
   will explain it, say they.  Let us then attentively listen to them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [312] Ch. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Opinion of Those Who Have Said that Rational Souls
   are of Three Kinds, to Wit, Those of the Celestial Gods, Those of the
   Aerial Demons, and Those of Terrestrial Men.

   There is, say they, a threefold division of all animals endowed with a
   rational soul, namely, into gods, men, and demons.  The gods occupy the
   loftiest region, men the lowest, the demons the middle region.  For the
   abode of the gods is heaven, that of men the earth, that of the demons
   the air.  As the dignity of their regions is diverse, so also is that
   of their natures; therefore the gods are better than men and demons.
   Men have been placed below the gods and demons, both in respect of the
   order of the regions they inhabit, and the difference of their merits.
   The demons, therefore, who hold the middle place, as they are inferior
   to the gods, than whom they inhabit a lower region, so they are
   superior to men, than whom they inhabit a loftier one.  For they have
   immortality of body in common with the gods, but passions of the mind
   in common with men.  On which account, say they, it is not wonderful
   that they are delighted with the obscenities of the theatre, and the
   fictions of the poets, since they are also subject to human passions,
   from which the gods are far removed, and to which they are altogether
   strangers.  Whence we conclude that it was not the gods, who are all
   good and highly exalted, that Plato deprived of the pleasure of
   theatric plays, by reprobating and prohibiting the fictions of the
   poets, but the demons.

   Of these things many have written:  among others Apuleius, the
   Platonist of Madaura, who composed a whole work on the subject,
   entitled, Concerning the God of Socrates.  He there discusses and
   explains of what kind that deity was who attended on Socrates, a sort
   of familiar, by whom it is said he was admon ished to desist from any
   action which would not turn out to his advantage.  He asserts most
   distinctly, and proves at great length, that it was not a god but a
   demon; and he discusses with great diligence the opinion of Plato
   concerning the lofty estate of the gods, the lowly estate of men, and
   the middle estate of demons.  These things being so, how did Plato dare
   to take away, if not from the gods, whom he removed from all human
   contagion, certainly from the demons, all the pleasures of the theatre,
   by expelling the poets from the state?  Evidently in this way he wished
   to admonish the human soul, although still confined in these moribund
   members, to despise the shameful commands of the demons, and to detest
   their impurity, and to choose rather the splendor of virtue.  But if
   Plato showed himself virtuous in answering and prohibiting these
   things, then certainly it was shameful of the demons to command them.
   Therefore either Apuleius is wrong, and Socrates' familiar did not
   belong to this class of deities, or Plato held contradictory opinions,
   now honoring the demons, now removing from the well-regulated state the
   things in which they delighted, or Socrates is not to be congratulated
   on the friendship of the demon, of which Apuleius was so ashamed that
   he entitled his book On the God of Socrates, whilst according to the
   tenor of his discussion, wherein he so diligently and at such length
   distinguishes gods from demons, he ought not to have entitled it,
   Concerning the God, but Concerning the Demon of Socrates.  But he
   preferred to put this into the discussion itself rather than into the
   title of his book.  For, through the sound doctrine which has
   illuminated human society, all, or almost all men have such a horror at
   the name of demons, that every one who before reading the dissertation
   of Apuleius, which sets forth the dignity of demons, should have read
   the title of the book, On the Demon of Socrates, would certainly have
   thought that the author was not a sane man.  But what did even Apuleius
   find to praise in the demons, except subtlety and strength of body and
   a higher place of habitation?  For when he spoke generally concerning
   their manners, he said nothing that was good, but very much that was
   bad.  Finally, no one, when he has read that book, wonders that they
   desired to have even the obscenity of the stage among divine things, or
   that, wishing to be thought gods, they should be delighted with the
   crimes of the gods, or that all those sacred solemnities, whose
   obscenity occasions laughter, and whose shameful cruelty causes horror,
   should be in agreement with their passions.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--That the Demons are Not Better Than Men Because of Their
   Aerial Bodies, or on Account of Their Superior Place of Abode.

   Wherefore let not the mind truly religious, and submitted to the true
   God, suppose that demons are better than men, because they have better
   bodies.  Otherwise it must put many beasts before itself which are
   superior to us both in acuteness of the senses, in ease and quickness
   of movement, in strength and in long-continued vigor of body.  What man
   can equal the eagle or the vulture in strength of vision?  Who can
   equal the dog in acuteness of smell?  Who can equal the hare, the stag,
   and all the birds in swiftness?  Who can equal in strength the lion or
   the elephant?  Who can equal in length of life the serpents, which are
   affirmed to put off old age along with their skin, and to return to
   youth again?  But as we are better than all these by the possession of
   reason and understanding, so we ought also to be better than the demons
   by living good and virtuous lives.  For divine providence gave to them
   bodies of a better quality than ours, that that in which we excel them
   might in this way be commended to us as deserving to be far more cared
   for than the body, and that we should learn to despise the bodily
   excellence of the demons compared with goodness of life, in respect of
   which we are better than they, knowing that we too shall have
   immortality of body,--not an immortality tortured by eternal
   punishment, but that which is consequent on purity of soul.

   But now, as regards loftiness of place, it is altogether ridiculous to
   be so influenced by the fact that the demons inhabit the air, and we
   the earth, as to think that on that account they are to be put before
   us; for in this way we put all the birds before ourselves.  But the
   birds, when they are weary with flying, or require to repair their
   bodies with food, come back to the earth to rest or to feed, which the
   demons, they say, do not.  Are they, therefore, inclined to say that
   the birds are superior to us, and the demons superior to the birds?
   But if it be madness to think so, there is no reason why we should
   think that, on account of their inhabiting a loftier element, the
   demons have a claim to our religious submission.  But as it is really
   the case that the birds of the air are not only not put before us who
   dwell on the earth; but are even subjected to us on account of the
   dignity of the rational soul which is in us, so also it is the case
   that the demons, though they are aerial, are not better than we who are
   terrestrial because the air is higher than the earth, but, on the
   contrary, men are to be put before demons because their despair is not
   to be compared to the hope of pious men.  Even that law of Plato's,
   according to which he mutually orders and arranges the four elements,
   inserting between the two extreme elements--namely, fire, which is in
   the highest degree mobile, and the immoveable earth--the two middle
   ones, air and water, that by how much the air is higher up than the
   water, and the fire than the air, by so much also are the waters higher
   than the earth,--this law, I say, sufficiently admonishes us not to
   estimate the merits of animated creatures according to the grades of
   the elements.  And Apuleius himself says that man is a terrestrial
   animal in common with the rest, who is nevertheless to be put far
   before aquatic animals, though Plato puts the waters themselves before
   the land.  By this he would have us understand that the same order is
   not to be observed when the question concerns the merits of animals,
   though it seems to be the true one in the gradation of bodies; for it
   appears to be possible that a soul of a higher order may inhabit a body
   of a lower, and a soul of a lower order a body of a higher.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--What Apuleius the Platonist Thought Concerning the Manners
   and Actions of Demons.

   The same Apuleius, when speaking concerning the manners of demons, said
   that they are agitated with the same perturbations of mind as men; that
   they are provoked by injuries, propitiated by services and by gifts,
   rejoice in honors, are delighted with a variety of sacred rites, and
   are annoyed if any of them be neglected.  Among other things, he also
   says that on them depend the divinations of augurs, soothsayers, and
   prophets, and the revelations of dreams, and that from them also are
   the miracles of the magicians.  But, when giving a brief definition of
   them, he says, "Demons are of an animal nature, passive in soul,
   rational in mind, aerial in body, eternal in time."  "Of which five
   things, the three first are common to them and us, the fourth peculiar
   to themselves, and the fifth common to therewith the gods." [313]   But
   I see that they have in common with the gods two of the first things,
   which they have in common with us.  For he says that the gods also are
   animals; and when he is assigning to every order of beings its own
   element, he places us among the other terrestrial animals which live
   and feel upon the earth.  Wherefore, if the demons are animals as to
   genus, this is common to them, not only with men, but also with the
   gods and with beasts; if they are rational as to their mind, this is
   common to them with the gods and with men; if they are eternal in time,
   this is common to them with the gods only; if they are passive as to
   their soul, this is common to them with men only; if they are aerial in
   body, in this they are alone.  Therefore it is no great thing for them
   to be of an animal nature, for so also are the beasts; in being
   rational as to mind, they are not above ourselves, for so are we also;
   and as to their being eternal as to time, what is the advantage of that
   if they are not blessed? for better is temporal happiness than eternal
   misery.  Again, as to their being passive in soul, how are they in this
   respect above us, since we also are so, but would not have been so had
   we not been miserable?  Also, as to their being aerial in body, how
   much value is to be set on that, since a soul of any kind whatsoever is
   to be set above every body? and therefore religious worship, which
   ought to be rendered from the soul, is by no means due to that thing
   which is inferior to the soul.  Moreover, if he had, among those things
   which he says belong to demons, enumerated virtue, wisdom, happiness,
   and affirmed that they have those things in common with the gods, and,
   like them, eternally, he would assuredly have attributed to them
   something greatly to be desired, and much to be prized.  And even in
   that case it would not have been our duty to worship them like God on
   account of these things, but rather to worship Him from whom we know
   they had received them.  But how much less are they really worthy of
   divine honor,--those aerial animals who are only rational that they may
   be capable of misery, passive that they may be actually miserable, and
   eternal that it may be impossible for them to end their misery!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [313] De Deo Socratis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Whether It is Proper that Men Should Worship Those Spirits
   from Whose Vices It is Necessary that They Be Freed.

   Wherefore, to omit other things, and confine our attention to that
   which he says is common to the demons with us, let us ask this
   question:  If all the four elements are full of their own animals, the
   fire and the air of immortal, and the water and the earth of mortal
   ones, why are the souls of demons agitated by the whirlwinds and
   tempests of passions?--for the Greek word pathos means perturbation,
   whence he chose to call the demons "passive in soul," because the word
   passion, which is derived from pathos, signified a commotion of the
   mind contrary to reason.  Why, then, are these things in the minds of
   demons which are not in beasts?  For if anything of this kind appears
   in beasts, it is not perturbation, because it is not contrary to
   reason, of which they are devoid.  Now it is foolishness or misery
   which is the cause of these perturbations in the case of men, for we
   are not yet blessed in the possession of that perfection of wisdom
   which is promised to us at last, when we shall be set free from our
   present mortality.  But the gods, they say, are free from these
   perturbations, because they are not only eternal, but also blessed; for
   they also have the same kind of rational souls, but most pure from all
   spot and plague.  Wherefore, if the gods are free from perturbation
   because they are blessed, not miserable animals, and the beasts are
   free from them because they are animals which are capable neither of
   blessedness nor misery, it remains that the demons, like men, are
   subject to perturbations because they are not blessed but miserable
   animals.  What folly, therefore, or rather what madness, to submit
   ourselves through any sentiment of religion to demons, when it belongs
   to the true religion to deliver us from that depravity which makes us
   like to them!  For Apuleius himself, although he is very sparing toward
   them, and thinks they are worthy of divine honors, is nevertheless
   compelled to confess that they are subject to anger; and the true
   religion commands us not to be moved with anger, but rather to resist
   it.  The demons are won over by gifts; and the true religion commands
   us to favor no one on account of gifts received.  The demons are
   flattered by honors; but the true religion commands us by no means to
   be moved by such things.  The demons are haters of some men and lovers
   of others, not in consequence of a prudent and calm judgment, but
   because of what he calls their "passive soul;" whereas the true
   religion commands us to love even our enemies.  Lastly, the true
   religion commands us to put away all disquietude of heart and agitation
   of mind, and also all commotions and tempests of the soul, which
   Apuleius asserts to be continually swelling and surging in the souls of
   demons.  Why, therefore, except through foolishness and miserable error
   shouldst thou humble thyself to worship a being to whom thou desirest
   to be unlike in thy life?  And why shouldst thou pay religious homage
   to him whom thou art unwilling to imitate, when it is the highest duty
   of religion to imitate Him whom thou worshippest?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--What Kind of Religion that is Which Teaches that Men Ought
   to Employ the Advocacy of Demons in Order to Be Recommended to the
   Favor of the Good Gods.

   In vain, therefore, have Apuleius, and they who think with him,
   conferred on the demons the honor of placing them in the air, between
   the ethereal heavens and the earth, that they may carry to the gods the
   prayers of men, to men the answers of the gods:  for Plato held, they
   say, that no god has intercourse with man.  They who believe these
   things have thought it unbecoming that men should have intercourse with
   the gods, and the gods with men, but a befitting thing that the demons
   should have intercourse with both gods and men, presenting to the gods
   the petitions of men, and conveying to men what the gods have granted;
   so that a chaste man, and one who is a stranger to the crimes of the
   magic arts, must use as patrons, through whom the gods may be induced
   to hear him, demons who love these crimes, although the very fact of
   his not loving them ought to have recommended him to them as one who
   deserved to be listened to with greater readiness and willingness on
   their part.  They love the abominations of the stage, which chastity
   does not love.  They love, in the sorceries of the magicians, "a
   thousand arts of inflicting harm," [314] which innocence does not
   love.  Yet both chastity and innocence, if they wish to obtain anything
   from the gods, will not be able to do so by their own merits, except
   their enemies act as mediators on their behalf.  Apuleius need not
   attempt to justify the fictions of the poets, and the mockeries of the
   stage.  If human modesty can act so faithlessly towards itself as not
   only to love shameful things, but even to think that they are pleasing
   to the divinity, we can cite on the other side their own highest
   authority and teacher, Plato.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [314] Virgil, Æn. 7, 338.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of the Impiety of the Magic Art, Which is Dependent on the
   Assistance of Malign Spirits.

   Moreover, against those magic arts, concerning which some men,
   exceedingly wretched and exceedingly impious, delight to boast, may not
   public opinion itself be brought forward as a witness?  For why are
   those arts so severely punished by the laws, if they are the works of
   deities who ought to be worshipped?  Shall it be said that the
   Christians have or dained those laws by which magic arts are punished?
   With what other meaning, except that these sorceries are without doubt
   pernicious to the human race, did the most illustrious poet say,

   "By heaven, I swear, and your dear life,

   Unwillingly these arms I wield,

   And take, to meet the coming strife,

   Enchantment's sword and shield." [315]

   And that also which he says in another place concerning magic arts,

   "I've seen him to another place transport the standing corn," [316]

   has reference to the fact that the fruits of one field are said to be
   transferred to another by these arts which this pestiferous and
   accursed doctrine teaches.  Does not Cicero inform us that, among the
   laws of the Twelve Tables, that is, the most ancient laws of the
   Romans, there was a law written which appointed a punishment to be
   inflicted on him who should do this? [317]   Lastly, was it before
   Christian judges that Apuleius himself was accused of magic arts? [318]
     Had he known these arts to be divine and pious, and congruous with
   the works of divine power, he ought not only to have confessed, but
   also to have professed them, rather blaming the laws by which these
   things were prohibited and pronounced worthy of condemnation, while
   they ought to have been held worthy of admiration and respect.  For by
   so doing, either he would have persuaded the judges to adopt his own
   opinion, or, if they had shown their partiality for unjust laws, and
   condemned him to death notwithstanding his praising and commending such
   things, the demons would have bestowed on his soul such rewards as he
   deserved, who, in order to proclaim and set forth their divine works,
   had not feared the loss of his human life.  As our martyrs, when that
   religion was charged on them as a crime, by which they knew they were
   made safe and most glorious throughout eternity, did not choose, by
   denying it, to escape temporal punishments, but rather by confessing,
   professing, and proclaiming it, by enduring all things for it with
   fidelity and fortitude, and by dying for it with pious calmness, put to
   shame the law by which that religion was prohibited, and caused its
   revocation.  But there is extant a most copious and eloquent oration of
   this Platonic philosopher, in which he defends himself against the
   charge of practising these arts, affirming that he is wholly a stranger
   to them, and only wishing to show his innocence by denying such things
   as cannot be innocently committed.  But all the miracles of the
   magicians, who he thinks are justly deserving of condemnation, are
   performed according to the teaching and by the power of demons.  Why,
   then, does he think that they ought to be honored?  For he asserts that
   they are necessary, in order to present our prayers to the gods, and
   yet their works are such as we must shun if we wish our prayers to
   reach the true God.  Again, I ask, what kind of prayers of men does he
   suppose are presented to the good gods by the demons?  If magical
   prayers, they will have none such; if lawful prayers, they will not
   receive them through such beings.  But if a sinner who is penitent pour
   out prayers, especially if he has committed any crime of sorcery, does
   he receive pardon through the intercession of those demons by whose
   instigation and help he has fallen into the sin he mourns? or do the
   demons themselves, in order that they may merit pardon for the
   penitent, first become penitents because they have deceived them?  This
   no one ever said concerning the demons; for had this been the case,
   they would never have dared to seek for themselves divine honors.  For
   how should they do so who desired by penitence to obtain the grace of
   pardon; seeing that such detestable pride could not exist along with a
   humility worthy of pardon?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [315] Virgil, Æn. 4. 492, 493.

   [316] Virgil, Ec. 8. 99.

   [317] Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxviii. 2) and others quote the law as
   running:  Qui fruges incantasit, qui malum carmen incantasit...neu
   alienam segetem pelexeris.

   [318] Before Claudius, the prefect of Africa, a heathen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Whether We are to Believe that the Good Gods are More
   Willing to Have Intercourse with Demons Than with Men.

   But does any urgent and most pressing cause compel the demons to
   mediate between the gods and men, that they may offer the prayers of
   men, and bring back the answers from the gods? and if so, what, pray,
   is that cause, what is that so great necessity?  Because, say they, no
   god has intercourse with man.  Most admirable holiness of God, which
   has no intercourse with a supplicating man, and yet has intercourse
   with an arrogant demon! which has no intercourse with a penitent man,
   and yet has intercourse with a deceiving demon! which has no
   intercourse with a man fleeing for refuge to the divine nature, and yet
   has intercourse with a demon feigning divinity! which has no
   intercourse with a man seeking pardon, and yet has intercourse with a
   demon persuading to wickedness! which has no intercourse with a man
   expelling the poets by means of philosophical writings from a
   well-regulated state, and yet has intercourse with a demon requesting
   from the princes and priests of a state the theatri cal performance of
   the mockeries of the poets! which has no intercourse with the man who
   prohibits the ascribing of crime to the gods, and yet has intercourse
   with a demon who takes delight in the fictitious representation of
   their crimes! which has no intercourse with a man punishing the crimes
   of the magicians by just laws, and yet has intercourse with a demon
   teaching and practising magical arts! which has no intercourse with a
   man shunning the imitation of a demon, and yet has intercourse with a
   demon lying in wait for the deception of a man!
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Whether the Gods Use the Demons as Messengers and
   Interpreters, and Whether They are Deceived by Them Willingly, or
   Without Their Own Knowledge.

   But herein, no doubt, lies the great necessity for this absurdity, so
   unworthy of the gods, that the ethereal gods, who are concerned about
   human affairs, would not know what terrestrial men were doing unless
   the aerial demons should bring them intelligence, because the ether is
   suspended far away from the earth and far above it, but the air is
   contiguous both to the ether and to the earth.  O admirable wisdom!
   what else do these men think concerning the gods who, they say, are all
   in the highest degree good, but that they are concerned about human
   affairs, lest they should seem unworthy of worship, whilst, on the
   other hand, from the distance between the elements, they are ignorant
   of terrestrial things?  It is on this account that they have supposed
   the demons to be necessary as agents, through whom the gods may inform
   themselves with respect to human affairs, and through whom, when
   necessary, they may succor men; and it is on account of this office
   that the demons themselves have been held as deserving of worship.  If
   this be the case, then a demon is better known by these good gods
   through nearness of body, than a man is by goodness of mind.  O
   mournful necessity, or shall I not rather say detestable and vain
   error, that I may not impute vanity to the divine nature!  For if the
   gods can, with their minds free from the hindrance of bodies, see our
   mind, they do not need the demons as messengers from our mind to them;
   but if the ethereal gods, by means of their bodies, perceive the
   corporeal indices of minds, as the countenance, speech, motion, and
   thence understand what the demons tell them, then it is also possible
   that they may be deceived by the falsehoods of demons.  Moreover, if
   the divinity of the gods cannot be deceived by the demons, neither can
   it be ignorant of our actions.  But I would they would tell me whether
   the demons have informed the gods that the fictions of the poets
   concerning the crimes of the gods displease Plato, concealing the
   pleasure which they themselves take in them; or whether they have
   concealed both, and have preferred that the gods should be ignorant
   with respect to this whole matter, or have told both, as well the pious
   prudence of Plato with respect to the gods as their own lust, which is
   injurious to the gods; or whether they have concealed Plato's opinion,
   according to which he was unwilling that the gods should be defamed
   with falsely alleged crimes through the impious license of the poets,
   whilst they have not been ashamed nor afraid to make known their own
   wickedness, which make them love theatrical plays, in which the
   infamous deeds of the gods are celebrated.  Let them choose which they
   will of these four alternatives, and let them consider how much evil
   any one of them would require them to think of the gods.  For if they
   choose the first, they must then confess that it was not possible for
   the good gods to dwell with the good Plato, though he sought to
   prohibit things injurious to them, whilst they dwelt with evil demons,
   who exulted in their injuries; and this because they suppose that the
   good gods can only know a good man, placed at so great a distance from
   them, through the mediation of evil demons, whom they could know on
   account of their nearness to themselves. [319]   If they shall choose
   the second, and shall say that both these things are concealed by the
   demons, so that the gods are wholly ignorant both of Plato's most
   religious law and the sacrilegious pleasure of the demons, what, in
   that case, can the gods know to any profit with respect to human
   affairs through these mediating demons, when they do not know those
   things which are decreed, through the piety of good men, for the honor
   of the good gods against the lust of evil demons?  But if they shall
   choose the third, and reply that these intermediary demons have
   communicated, not only the opinion of Plato, which prohibited wrongs to
   be done to the gods, but also their own delight in these wrongs, I
   would ask if such a communication is not rather an insult?  Now the
   gods, hearing both and knowing both, not only permit the approach of
   those malign demons, who desire and do things contrary to the dignity
   of the gods and the religion of Plato, but also, through these wicked
   demons, who are near to them, send good things to the good Plato, who
   is far away from them; for they inhabit such a place in the
   concatenated series of the elements, that they can come into contact
   with those by whom they are accused, but not with him by whom they are
   defended,--knowing the truth on both sides, but not being able to
   change the weight of the air and the earth.  There remains the fourth
   supposition; but it is worse than the rest.  For who will suffer it to
   be said that the demons have made known the calumnious fictions of the
   poets concerning the immortal gods, and also the disgraceful mockeries
   of the theatres, and their own most ardent lust after, and most sweet
   pleasure in these things, whilst they have concealed from them that
   Plato, with the gravity of a philosopher, gave it as his opinion that
   all these things ought to be removed from a well-regulated republic; so
   that the good gods are now compelled, through such messengers, to know
   the evil doings of the most wicked beings, that is to say, of the
   messengers themselves, and are not allowed to know the good deeds of
   the philosophers, though the former are for the injury, but these
   latter for the honor of the gods themselves?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [319] Another reading, whom they could not know, though near to
   themselves.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--That We Must, Notwithstanding the Opinion of Apuleius,
   Reject the Worship of Demons.

   None of these four alternatives, then, is to be chosen; for we dare not
   suppose such unbecoming things concerning the gods as the adoption of
   any one of them would lead us to think.  It remains, therefore, that no
   credence whatever is to be given to the opinion of Apuleius and the
   other philosophers of the same school, namely, that the demons act as
   messengers and interpreters between the gods and men to carry our
   petitions from us to the gods, and to bring back to us the help of the
   gods.  On the contrary, we must believe them to be spirits most eager
   to inflict harm, utterly alien from righteousness, swollen with pride,
   pale with envy, subtle in deceit; who dwell indeed in this air as in a
   prison, in keeping with their own character, because, cast down from
   the height of the higher heaven, they have been condemned to dwell in
   this element as the just reward of irretrievable transgression.  But,
   though the air is situated above the earth and the waters, they are not
   on that account superior in merit to men, who, though they do not
   surpass them as far as their earthly bodies are concerned, do
   nevertheless far excel them through piety of mind,--they having made
   choice of the true God as their helper.  Over many, however, who are
   manifestly unworthy of participation in the true religion, they
   tyrannize as over captives whom they have subdued,--the greatest part
   of whom they have persuaded of their divinity by wonderful and lying
   signs, consisting either of deeds or of predictions.  Some,
   nevertheless, who have more attentively and diligently considered their
   vices, they have not been able to persuade that they are gods, and so
   have feigned themselves to be messengers between the gods and men.
   Some, indeed, have thought that not even this latter honor ought to be
   acknowledged as belonging to them, not believing that they were gods,
   because they saw that they were wicked, whereas the gods, according to
   their view, are all good.  Nevertheless they dared not say that they
   were wholly unworthy of all divine honor, for fear of offending the
   multitude, by whom, through inveterate superstition, the demons were
   served by the performance of many rites, and the erection of many
   temples.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--What Hermes Trismegistus Thought Concerning Idolatry, and
   from What Source He Knew that the Superstitions of Egypt Were to Be
   Abolished.

   The Egyptian Hermes, whom they call Trismegistus, had a different
   opinion concerning those demons.  Apuleius, indeed, denies that they
   are gods; but when he says that they hold a middle place between the
   gods and men, so that they seem to be necessary for men as mediators
   between them and the gods, he does not distinguish between the worship
   due to them and the religious homage due to the supernal gods.  This
   Egyptian, however, says that there are some gods made by the supreme
   God, and some made by men.  Any one who hears this, as I have stated
   it, no doubt supposes that it has reference to images, because they are
   the works of the hands of men; but he asserts that visible and tangible
   images are, as it were, only the bodies of the gods, and that there
   dwell in them certain spirits, which have been invited to come into
   them, and which have power to inflict harm, or to fulfil the desires of
   those by whom divine honors and services are rendered to them.  To
   unite, therefore, by a certain art, those invisible spirits to visible
   and material things, so as to make, as it were, animated bodies,
   dedicated and given up to those spirits who inhabit them,--this, he
   says, is to make gods, adding that men have received this great and
   wonderful power.  I will give the words of this Egyptian as they have
   been translated into our tongue:  "And, since we have undertaken to
   discourse concerning the relationship and fellowship between men and
   the gods, know, O Æsculapius, the power and strength of man.  As the
   Lord and Father, or that which is highest, even God, is the maker of
   the celestial gods, so man is the maker of the gods who are in the
   temples, content to dwell near to men." [320]   And a little after he
   says, "Thus humanity, always mindful of its nature and origin,
   perseveres in the imitation of divinity; and as the Lord and Father
   made eternal gods, that they should be like Himself, so humanity
   fashioned its own gods according to the likeness of its own
   countenance."  When this Æsculapius, to whom especially he was
   speaking, had answered him, and had said, "Dost thou mean the statues,
   O Trismegistus?"--"Yes, the statues," replied he, "however unbelieving
   thou art, O Æsculapius,--the statues, animated and full of sensation
   and spirit, and who do such great and wonderful things,--the statues
   prescient of future things, and foretelling them by lot, by prophet, by
   dreams, and many other things, who bring diseases on men and cure them
   again, giving them joy or sorrow according to their merits.  Dost thou
   not know, O Æsculapius, that Egypt is an image of heaven, or, more
   truly, a translation and descent of all things which are ordered and
   transacted there, that it is, in truth, if we may say so, to be the
   temple of the whole world?  And yet, as it becomes the prudent man to
   know all things beforehand, ye ought not to be ignorant of this, that
   there is a time coming when it shall appear that the Egyptians have all
   in vain, with pious mind, and with most scrupulous diligence, waited on
   the divinity, and when all their holy worship shall come to nought, and
   be found to be in vain."

   Hermes then follows out at great length the statements of this passage,
   in which he seems to predict the present time, in which the Christian
   religion is overthrowing all lying figments with a vehemence and
   liberty proportioned to its superior truth and holiness, in order that
   the grace of the true Saviour may deliver men from those gods which man
   has made, and subject them to that God by whom man was made.  But when
   Hermes predicts these things, he speaks as one who is a friend to these
   same mockeries of demons, and does not clearly express the name of
   Christ.  On the contrary, he deplores, as if it had already taken
   place, the future abolition of those things by the observance of which
   there was maintained in Egypt a resemblance of heaven,--he bears
   witness to Christianity by a kind of mournful prophecy.  Now it was
   with reference to such that the apostle said, that "knowing God, they
   glorified Him not as God, neither were thankful, but became vain in
   their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened; professing
   themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the
   incorruptible God into the likeness of the image of corruptible man,"
   [321] and so on, for the whole passage is too long to quote.  For
   Hermes makes many such statements agreeable to the truth concerning the
   one true God who fashioned this world.  And I know not how he has
   become so bewildered by that "darkening of the heart" as to stumble
   into the expression of a desire that men should always continue in
   subjection to those gods which he confesses to be made by men, and to
   bewail their future removal; as if there could be anything more
   wretched than mankind tyrannized over by the work of his own hands,
   since man, by worshipping the works of his own hands, may more easily
   cease to be man, than the works of his hands can, through his worship
   of them, become gods.  For it can sooner happen that man, who has
   received an honorable position, may, through lack of understanding,
   become comparable to the beasts, than that the works of man may become
   preferable to the work of God, made in His own image, that is, to man
   himself.  Wherefore deservedly is man left to fall away from Him who
   made Him, when he prefers to himself that which he himself has made.

   For these vain, deceitful, pernicious, sacrilegious things did the
   Egyptian Hermes sorrow, because he knew that the time was coming when
   they should be removed.  But his sorrow was as impudently expressed as
   his knowledge was imprudently obtained; for it was not the Holy Spirit
   who revealed these things to him, as He had done to the holy prophets,
   who, foreseeing these things, said with exultation, "If a man shall
   make gods, lo, they are no gods;" [322] and in another place, "And it
   shall come to pass in that day, saith the Lord, that I will cut off the
   names of the idols out of the land, and they shall no more be
   remembered." [323]   But the holy Isaiah prophesies expressly
   concerning Egypt in reference to this matter, saying, "And the idols of
   Egypt shall be moved at His presence, and their heart shall be overcome
   in them," [324] and other things to the same effect.  And with the
   prophet are to be classed those who rejoiced that that which they knew
   was to come had actually come,--as Simeon, or Anna, who immediately
   recognized Jesus when He was born, or Elisabeth, who in the Spirit
   recognized Him when He was conceived, or Peter, who said by the
   revelation of the Father, "Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God."
   [325]   But to this Egyptian those spirits indicated the time of their
   own destruction, who also, when the Lord was present in the flesh, said
   with trembling, "Art Thou come hither to destroy us before the time?"
   [326] meaning by destruction before the time, either that very
   destruction which they expected to come, but which they did not think
   would come so suddenly as it appeared to have done, or only that
   destruction which consisted in their being brought into contempt by
   being made known.  And, indeed, this was a destruction before the time,
   that is, before the time of judgment, when they are to be punished with
   eternal damnation, together with all men who are implicated in their
   wickedness, as the true religion declares, which neither errs nor leads
   into error; for it is not like him who, blown hither and thither by
   every wind of doctrine, and mixing true things with things which are
   false, bewails as about to perish a religion, which he afterwards
   confesses to be error.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [320] These quotations are from a dialogue between Hermes and
   Æsculapius, which is said to have been translated into Latin by
   Apuleius.

   [321] Rom. i. 21.

   [322] Jer. xvi. 10.

   [323] Zech. xiii. 2.

   [324] Isa. xix. 1.

   [325] Matt. xvi. 16.

   [326] Matt. viii. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--How Hermes Openly Confessed the Error of His Forefathers,
   the Coming Destruction of Which He Nevertheless Bewailed.

   After a long interval, Hermes again comes back to the subject of the
   gods which men have made, saying as follows:  "But enough on this
   subject.  Let us return to man and to reason, that divine gift on
   account of which man has been called a rational animal.  For the things
   which have been said concerning man, wonderful though they are, are
   less wonderful than those which have been said concerning reason.  For
   man to discover the divine nature, and to make it, surpasses the wonder
   of all other wonderful things.  Because, therefore, our forefathers
   erred very far with respect to the knowledge of the gods, through
   incredulity and through want of attention to their worship and service,
   they invented this art of making gods; and this art once invented, they
   associated with it a suitable virtue borrowed from universal nature,
   and being incapable of making souls, they evoked those of demons or of
   angels, and united them with these holy images and divine mysteries, in
   order that through these souls the images might have power to do good
   or harm to men."  I know not whether the demons themselves could have
   been made, even by adjuration, to confess as he has confessed in these
   words:  "Because our forefathers erred very far with respect to the
   knowledge of the gods, through incredulity and through want of
   attention to their worship and service, they invented the art of making
   gods."  Does he say that it was a moderate degree of error which
   resulted in their discovery of the art of making gods, or was he
   content to say "they erred?"  No; he must needs add "very far," and
   say, "They erred very far."  It was this great error and incredulity,
   then, of their forefathers who did not attend to the worship and
   service of the gods, which was the origin of the art of making gods.
   And yet this wise man grieves over the ruin of this art at some future
   time, as if it were a divine religion.  Is he not verily compelled by
   divine influence, on the one hand, to reveal the past error of his
   forefathers, and by a diabolical influence, on the other hand, to
   bewail the future punishment of demons?  For if their forefathers, by
   erring very far with respect to the knowledge of the gods, through
   incredulity and aversion of mind from their worship and service,
   invented the art of making gods, what wonder is it that all that is
   done by this detestable art, which is opposed to the divine religion,
   should be taken away by that religion, when truth corrects error, faith
   refutes incredulity, and conversion rectifies aversion?

   For if he had only said, without mentioning the cause, that his
   forefathers had discovered the art of making gods, it would have been
   our duty, if we paid any regard to what is right and pious, to consider
   and to see that they could never have attained to this art if they had
   not erred from the truth, if they had believed those things which are
   worthy of God, if they had attended to divine worship and service.
   However, if we alone should say that the causes of this art were to be
   found in the great error and incredulity of men, and aversion of the
   mind erring from and unfaithful to divine religion, the impudence of
   those who resist the truth were in some way to be borne with; but when
   he who admires in man, above all other things, this power which it has
   been granted him to practise, and sorrows because a time is coming when
   all those figments of gods invented by men shall even be commanded by
   the laws to be taken away,--when even this man confesses nevertheless,
   and explains the causes which led to the discovery of this art, saying
   that their ancestors, through great error and incredulity, and through
   not attending to the worship and service of the gods, invented this art
   of making gods,--what ought we to say, or rather to do, but to give to
   the Lord our God all the thanks we are able, because He has taken away
   those things by causes the contrary of those which led to their
   institution?  For that which the prevalence of error instituted, the
   way of truth took away; that which incredulity instituted, faith took
   away; that which aversion from divine worship and service instituted,
   conversion to the one true and holy God took away.  Nor was this the
   case only in Egypt, for which country alone the spirit of the demons
   lamented in Hermes, but in all the earth, which sings to the Lord a new
   song, [327] as the truly holy and truly prophetic Scriptures have
   predicted, in which it is written, "Sing unto the Lord a new song; sing
   unto the Lord, all the earth."  For the title of this psalm is, "When
   the house was built after the captivity."  For a house is being built
   to the Lord in all the earth, even the city of God, which is the holy
   Church, after that captivity in which demons held captive those men
   who, through faith in God, became living stones in the house. For
   although man made gods, it did not follow that he who made them was not
   held captive by them, when, by worshipping them, he was drawn into
   fellowship with them,--into the fellowship not of stolid idols, but of
   cunning demons; for what are idols but what they are represented to be
   in the same scriptures, "They have eyes, but they do not see," [328]
   and, though artistically fashioned, are still without life and
   sensation?  But unclean spirits, associated through that wicked art
   with these same idols, have miserably taken captive the souls of their
   worshippers, by bringing them down into fellowship with themselves.
   Whence the apostle says, "We know that an idol is nothing, but those
   things which the Gentiles sacrifice they sacrifice to demons, and not
   to God; and I would not ye should have fellowship with demons." [329]
   After this captivity, therefore, in which men were held by malign
   demons, the house of God is being built in all the earth; whence the
   title of that psalm in which it is said, "Sing unto the Lord a new
   song; sing unto the Lord, all the earth.  Sing unto the Lord, bless His
   name; declare well His salvation from day to day.  Declare His glory
   among the nations, among all people His wonderful things.  For great is
   the Lord, and much to be praised:  He is terrible above all gods.  For
   all the gods of the nations are demons:  but the Lord made the
   heavens." [330]

   Wherefore he who sorrowed because a time was coming when the worship of
   idols should be abolished, and the domination of the demons over those
   who worshipped them, wished, under the influence of a demon, that that
   captivity should always continue, at the cessation of which that psalm
   celebrates the building of the house of the Lord in all the earth.
   Hermes foretold these things with grief, the prophet with joyfulness;
   and because the Spirit is victorious who sang these things through the
   ancient prophets, even Hermes himself was compelled in a wonderful
   manner to confess, that those very things which he wished not to be
   removed, and at the prospect of whose removal he was sorrowful, had
   been instituted, not by prudent, faithful, and religious, but by erring
   and unbelieving men, averse to the worship and service of the gods.
   And although he calls them gods, nevertheless, when he says that they
   were made by such men as we certainly ought not to be, he shows,
   whether he will or not, that they are not to be worshipped by those who
   do not resemble these image-makers, that is, by prudent, faithful, and
   religious men, at the same time also making it manifest that the very
   men who made them involved themselves in the worship of those as gods
   who were not gods.  For true is the saying of the prophet, "If a man
   make gods, lo, they are no gods." [331]   Such gods, therefore,
   acknowledged by such worshippers and made by such men, did Hermes call
   "gods made by men," that is to say, demons, through some art of I know
   not what description, bound by the chains of their own lusts to
   images.  But, nevertheless, he did not agree with that opinion of the
   Platonic Apuleius, of which we have already shown the incongruity and
   absurdity, namely, that they were interpreters and intercessors between
   the gods whom God made, and men whom the same God made, bringing to God
   the prayers of men, and from God the gifts given in answer to these
   prayers.  For it is exceedingly stupid to believe that gods whom men
   have made have more influence with gods whom God has made than men
   themselves have, whom the very same God has made.  And consider, too,
   that it is a demon which, bound by a man to an image by means of an
   impious art, has been made a god, but a god to such a man only, not to
   every man.  What kind of god, therefore, is that which no man would
   make but one erring, incredulous, and averse to the true God?
   Moreover, if the demons which are worshipped in the temples, being
   introduced by some kind of strange art into images, that is, into
   visible representations of themselves, by those men who by this art
   made gods when they were straying away from, and were averse to the
   worship and service of the gods,--if, I say, those demons are neither
   mediators nor interpreters between men and the gods, both on account of
   their own most wicked and base manners, and because men, though erring,
   incredulous, and averse from the worship and service of the gods, are
   nevertheless beyond doubt better than the demons whom they themselves
   have evoked, then it remains to be affirmed that what power they
   possess they possess as demons, doing harm by bestowing pretended
   benefits,--harm all the greater for the deception,--or else openly and
   undisguisedly doing evil to men.  They cannot, however, do anything of
   this kind unless where they are permitted by the deep and secret
   providence of God, and then only so far as they are permitted.  When,
   however, they are permitted, it is not because they, being midway
   between men and the gods, have through the friendship of the gods great
   power over men; for these demons cannot possibly be friends to the good
   gods who dwell in the holy and heavenly habitation, by whom we mean
   holy angels and rational creatures, whether thrones, or dominations, or
   principalities, or powers, from whom they are as far separated in
   disposition and character as vice is distant from virtue, wickedness
   from goodness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [327] Ps. xcvi. 1.

   [328] Ps. cxv. 5, etc.

   [329] 1 Cor. x. 19, 20.

   [330] Ps. xcvi. 1-5.

   [331] Jer. xvi. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Concerning Those Things Which May Be Common to the Holy
   Angels and to Men.

   Wherefore we must by no means seek, through the supposed mediation of
   demons, to avail ourselves of the benevolence or beneficence of the
   gods, or rather of the good angels, but through resembling them in the
   possession of a good will, through which we are with them, and live
   with them, and worship with them the same God, although we cannot see
   them with the eyes of our flesh.  But it is not in locality we are
   distant from them, but in merit of life, caused by our miserable
   unlikeness to them in will, and by the weakness of our character; for
   the mere fact of our dwelling on earth under the conditions of life in
   the flesh does not prevent our fellowship with them.  It is only
   prevented when we, in the impurity of our hearts, mind earthly things.
   But in this present time, while we are being healed that we may
   eventually be as they are, we are brought near to them by faith, if by
   their assistance we believe that He who is their blessedness is also
   ours.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--That All the Religion of the Pagans Has Reference to Dead
   Men.

   It is certainly a remarkable thing how this Egyptian, when expressing
   his grief that a time was coming when those things would be taken away
   from Egypt, which he confesses to have been invented by men erring,
   incredulous, and averse to the service of divine religion, says, among
   other things, "Then shall that land, the most holy place of shrines and
   temples, be full of sepulchres and dead men," as if, in sooth, if these
   things were not taken away, men would not die! as if dead bodies could
   be buried elsewhere than in the ground! as if, as time advanced, the
   number of sepulchres must not necessarily increase in proportion to the
   increase of the number of the dead!  But they who are of a perverse
   mind, and opposed to us, suppose that what he grieves for is that the
   memorials of our martyrs were to succeed to their temples and shrines,
   in order, forsooth, that they may have grounds for thinking that gods
   were worshipped by the pagans in temples, but that dead men are
   worshipped by us in sepulchres.  For with such blindness do impious
   men, as it were, stumble over mountains, and will not see the things
   which strike their own eyes, that they do not attend to the fact that
   in all the literature of the pagans there are not found any, or
   scarcely any gods, who have not been men, to whom, when dead, divine
   honors have been paid.  I will not enlarge on the fact that Varro says
   that all dead men are thought by them to be gods--Manes and proves it
   by those sacred rites which are performed in honor of almost all the
   dead, among which he mentions funeral games, considering this the very
   highest proof of divinity, because games are only wont to be celebrated
   in honor of divinities.  Hermes himself, of whom we are now treating,
   in that same book in which, as if foretelling future things, he says
   with sorrow "Then shall that land, the most holy place of shrines and
   temples, be full of sepulchres and dead men," testifies that the gods
   of Egypt were dead men.  For, having said that their forefathers,
   erring very far with respect to the knowledge of the gods, incredulous
   and inattentive to the divine worship and service, invented the art of
   making gods, with which art, when invented, they associated the
   appropriate virtue which is inherent in universal nature, and by mixing
   up that virtue with this art, they called forth the souls of demons or
   of angels (for they could not make souls), and caused them to take
   possession of, or associate themselves with holy images and divine
   mysteries, in order that through these souls the images might have
   power to do good or harm to men;--having said this, he goes on, as it
   were, to prove it by illustrations, saying, "Thy grandsire, O
   Æsculapius, the first discoverer of medicine, to whom a temple was
   consecrated in a mountain of Libya, near to the shore of the
   crocodiles, in which temple lies his earthly man, that is, his
   body,--for the better part of him, or rather the whole of him, if the
   whole man is in the intelligent life, went back to heaven,--affords
   even now by his divinity all those helps to infirm men which formerly
   he was wont to afford to them by the art of medicine."  He says,
   therefore that a dead man was worshipped as a god in that place where
   he had his sepulchre.  He deceives men by a falsehood, for the man
   "went back to heaven."  Then he adds "Does not Hermes, who was my
   grandsire, and whose name I bear, abiding in the country which is
   called by his name, help and preserve all mortals who come to him from
   every quarter?"  For this elder Hermes, that is, Mercury, who, he says,
   was his grandsire, is said to be buried in Hermopolis, that is, in the
   city called by his name; so here are two gods whom he affirms to have
   been men, Æsculapius and Mercury.  Now concerning Æsculapius, both the
   Greeks and the Latins think the same thing; but as to Mercury, there
   are many who do not think that he was formerly a mortal, though Hermes
   testifies that he was his grandsire.  But are these two different
   individuals who were called by the same name?  I will not dispute much
   whether they are different individuals or not.  It is sufficient to
   know that this Mercury of whom Hermes speaks is, as well as Æsculapius,
   a god who once was a man, according, to the testimony of this same
   Trismegistus, esteemed so great by his countrymen, and also the
   grandson of Mercury himself.

   Hermes goes on to say, "But do we know how many good things Isis, the
   wife of Osiris, bestows when she is propitious, and what great
   opposition she can offer when enraged?"  Then, in order to show that
   there were gods made by men through this art, he goes on to say, "For
   it is easy for earthly and mundane gods to be angry, being made and
   composed by men out of either nature;" thus giving us to understand
   that he believed that demons were formerly the souls of dead men,
   which, as he says, by means of a certain art invented by men very far
   in error, incredulous, and irreligious, were caused to take possession
   of images, because they who made such gods were not able to make
   souls.  When, therefore, he says "either nature," he means soul and
   body,--the demon being the soul, and the image the body.  What, then,
   becomes of that mournful complaint, that the land of Egypt, the most
   holy place of shrines and temples, was to be full of sepulchres and
   dead men?  Verily, the fallacious spirit, by whose inspiration Hermes
   spoke these things, was compelled to confess through him that even
   already that land was full of sepulchres and of dead men, whom they
   were worshipping as gods.  But it was the grief of the demons which was
   expressing itself through his mouth, who were sorrowing on account of
   the punishments which were about to fall upon them at the tombs of the
   martyrs.  For in many such places they are tortured and compelled to
   confess, and are cast out of the bodies of men, of which they had taken
   possession.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Concerning the Nature of the Honor Which the Christians
   Pay to Their Martyrs.

   But, nevertheless, we do not build temples, and ordain priests, rites,
   and sacrifices for these same martyrs; for they are not our gods, but
   their God is our God.  Certainly we honor their reliquaries, as the
   memorials of holy men of God who strove for the truth even to the death
   of their bodies, that the true religion might be made known, and false
   and fictitious religions exposed.  For if there were some before them
   who thought that these religions were really false and fictitious, they
   were afraid to give expression to their convictions.  But who ever
   heard a priest of the faithful, standing at an altar built for the
   honor and worship of God over the holy body of some martyr, say in the
   prayers, I offer to thee a sacrifice, O Peter, or O Paul, or O Cyprian?
   for it is to God that sacrifices are offered at their tombs,--the God
   who made them both men and martyrs, and associated them with holy
   angels in celestial honor; and the reason why we pay such honors to
   their memory is, that by so doing we may both give thanks to the true
   God for their victories, and, by recalling them afresh to remembrance,
   may stir ourselves up to imitate them by seeking to obtain like crowns
   and palms, calling to our help that same God on whom they called.
   Therefore, whatever honors the religious may pay in the places of the
   martyrs, they are but honors rendered to their memory, [332] not sacred
   rites or sacrifices offered to dead men as to gods.  And even such as
   bring thither food,--which, indeed, is not done by the better
   Christians, and in most places of the world is not done at all,--do so
   in order that it may be sanctified to them through the merits of the
   martyrs, in the name of the Lord of the martyrs, first presenting the
   food and offering prayer, and thereafter taking it away to be eaten, or
   to be in part bestowed upon the needy. [333]   But he who knows the one
   sacrifice of Christians, which is the sacrifice offered in those
   places, also knows that these are not sacrifices offered to the
   martyrs.  It is, then, neither with divine honors nor with human
   crimes, by which they worship their gods, that we honor our martyrs;
   neither do we offer sacrifices to them, or convert the crimes of the
   gods into their sacred rites.  For let those who will and can read the
   letter of Alexander to his mother Olympias, in which he tells the
   things which were revealed to him by the priest Leon, and let those who
   have read it recall to memory what it contains, that they may see what
   great abominations have been handed down to memory, not by poets, but
   by the mystic writings of the Egyptians, concerning the goddess Isis,
   the wife of Osiris, and the parents of both, all of whom, according to
   these writings, were royal personages.  Isis, when sacrificing to her
   parents, is said to have discovered a crop of barley, of which she
   brought some ears to the king her husband, and his councillor
   Mercurius, and hence they identify her with Ceres.  Those who read the
   letter may there see what was the character of those people to whom
   when dead sacred rites were instituted as to gods, and what those deeds
   of theirs were which furnished the occasion for these rites.  Let them
   not once dare to compare in any respect those people, though they hold
   them to be gods, to our holy martyrs, though we do not hold them to be
   gods.  For we do not ordain priests and offer sacrifices to our
   martyrs, as they do to their dead men, for that would be incongruous,
   undue, and unlawful, such being due only to God; and thus we do not
   delight them with their own crimes, or with such shameful plays as
   those in which the crimes of the gods are celebrated, which are either
   real crimes committed by them at a time when they were men, or else, if
   they never were men, fictitious crimes invented for the pleasure of
   noxious demons.  The god of Socrates, if he had a god, cannot have
   belonged to this class of demons.  But perhaps they who wished to excel
   in this art of making gods, imposed a god of this sort on a man who was
   a stranger to, and innocent of any connection with that art.  What need
   we say more?  No one who is even moderately wise imagines that demons
   are to be worshipped on account of the blessed life which is to be
   after death.  But perhaps they will say that all the gods are good, but
   that of the demons some are bad and some good, and that it is the good
   who are to be worshipped, in order that through them we may attain to
   the eternally blessed life.  To the examination of this opinion we will
   devote the following book.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [332] Ornamenta memoriarum.

   [333] Comp. The Confessions, vi. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book IX.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Having in the preceding book shown that the worship of demons
   must be abjured, since they in a thousand ways proclaim themselves to
   be wicked spirits, Augustin in this book meets those who allege a
   distinction among demons, some being evil, while others are good; and,
   having exploded this distinction, he proves that to no demon, but to
   Christ alone, belongs the office of providing men with eternal
   blessedness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--The Point at Which the Discussion Has Arrived, and What
   Remains to Be Handled.

   Some have advanced the opinion that there are both good and bad gods;
   but some, thinking more respectfully of the gods, have attributed to
   them so much honor and praise as to preclude the supposition of any god
   being wicked.  But those who have maintained that there are wicked gods
   as well as good ones have included the demons under the name "gods,"
   and sometimes though more rarely, have called the gods demons; so that
   they admit that Jupiter, whom they make the king and head of all the
   rest, is called a demon by Homer. [334]   Those, on the other hand, who
   maintain that the gods are all good, and far more excellent than the
   men who are justly called good, are moved by the actions of the demons,
   which they can neither deny nor impute to the gods whose goodness they
   affirm, to distinguish between gods and demons; so that, whenever they
   find anything offensive in the deeds or sentiments by which unseen
   spirits manifest their power, they believe this to proceed not from the
   gods, but from the demons.  At the same time they believe that, as no
   god can hold direct intercourse with men, these demons hold the
   position of mediators, ascending with prayers, and returning with
   gifts.  This is the opinion of the Platonists, the ablest and most
   esteemed of their philosophers, with whom we therefore chose to debate
   this question,--whether the worship of a number of gods is of any
   service toward obtaining blessedness in the future life.  And this is
   the reason why, in the preceding book, we have inquired how the demons,
   who take pleasure in such things as good and wise men loathe and
   execrate, in the sacrilegious and immoral fictions which the poets have
   written not of men, but of the gods themselves, and in the wicked and
   criminal violence of magical arts, can be regarded as more nearly
   related and more friendly to the gods than men are, and can mediate
   between good men and the good gods; and it has been demonstrated that
   this is absolutely impossible.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [334] See Plutarch, on the Cessation of Oracles.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Whether Among the Demons, Inferior to the Gods, There are
   Any Good Spirits Under Whose Guardianship the Human Soul Might Reach
   True Blessedness.

   This book, then, ought, according to the promise made in the end of the
   preceding one, to contain a discussion, not of the difference which
   exists among the gods, who, according to the Platonists, are all good,
   nor of the difference between gods and demons, the former of whom they
   separate by a wide interval from men, while the latter are placed
   intermediately between the gods and men, but of the difference, since
   they make one, among the demons themselves.  This we shall discuss so
   far as it bears on our theme.  It has been the common and usual belief
   that some of the demons are bad, others good; and this opinon, whether
   it be that of the Platonists or any other sect, must by no means be
   passed over in silence, lest some one suppose he ought to cultivate the
   good demons in order that by their mediation he may be accepted by the
   gods, all of whom he believes to be good, and that he may live with
   them after death; whereas he would thus be ensnared in the toils of
   wicked spirits, and would wander far from the true God, with whom
   alone, and in whom alone, the human soul, that is to say, the soul that
   is rational and intellectual, is blessed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--What Apuleius Attributes to the Demons, to Whom, Though He
   Does Not Deny Them Reason, He Does Not Ascribe Virtue.

   What, then, is the difference between good and evil demons?  For the
   Platonist Apuleius, in a treatise on this whole subject, [335] while he
   says a great deal about their aerial bodies, has not a word to say of
   the spiritual virtues with which, if they were good, they must have
   been endowed.  Not a word has he said, then, of that which could give
   them happiness; but proof of their misery he has given, acknowledging
   that their mind, by which they rank as reasonable beings, is not only
   not imbued and fortified with virtue so as to resist all unreasonable
   passions, but that it is somehow agitated with tempestuous emotions,
   and is thus on a level with the mind of foolish men.  His own words
   are:  "It is this class of demons the poets refer to, when, without
   serious error, they feign that the gods hate and love individuals among
   men, prospering and ennobling some, and opposing and distressing
   others.  Therefore pity, indignation, grief, joy, every human emotion
   is experienced by the demons, with the same mental disturbance, and the
   same tide of feeling and thought.  These turmoils and tempests banish
   them far from the tranquility of the celestial gods."  Can there be any
   doubt that in these words it is not some inferior part of their
   spiritual nature, but the very mind by which the demons hold their rank
   as rational beings, which he says is tossed with passion like a stormy
   sea?  They cannot, then, be compared even to wise men, who with
   undisturbed mind resist these perturbations to which they are exposed
   in this life, and from which human infirmity is never exempt, and who
   do not yield themselves to approve of or perpetrate anything which
   might deflect them from the path of wisdom and law of rectitude.  They
   resemble in character, though not in bodily appearance, wicked and
   foolish men.  I might indeed say they are worse, inasmuch as they have
   grown old in iniquity, and incorrigible by punishment.  Their mind, as
   Apuleius says, is a sea tossed with tempest, having no rallying point
   of truth or virtue in their soul from which they can resist their
   turbulent and depraved emotions.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [335] The De Deo Socratis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--The Opinion of the Peripatetics and Stoics About Mental
   Emotions.

   Among the philosophers there are two opinions about these mental
   emotions, which the Greeks call pathe, while some of our own writers,
   as Cicero, call them perturbations, [336] some affections, and some, to
   render the Greek word more accurately, passions.  Some say that even
   the wise man is subject to these perturbations, though moderated and
   controlled by reason, which imposes laws upon them, and so restrains
   them within necessary bounds.  This is the opinion of the Platonists
   and Aristotelians; for Aristotle was Plato's disciple, and the founder
   of the Peripatetic school.  But others, as the Stoics, are of opinion
   that the wise man is not subject to these perturbations.  But Cicero,
   in his book De Finibus, shows that the Stoics are here at variance with
   the Platonists and Peripatetics rather in words than in reality; for
   the Stoics decline to apply the term "goods" to external and bodily
   advantages, [337] because they reckon that the only good is virtue, the
   art of living well, and this exists only in the mind.  The other
   philosophers, again, use the simple and customary phraseology, and do
   not scruple to call these things goods, though in comparison of virtue,
   which guides our life, they are little and of small esteem.  And thus
   it is obvious that, whether these outward things are called goods or
   advantages, they are held in the same estimation by both parties, and
   that in this matter the Stoics are pleasing themselves merely with a
   novel phraseology.  It seems, then, to me that in this question,
   whether the wise man is subject to mental passions, or wholly free from
   them, the controversy is one of words rather than of things; for I
   think that, if the reality and not the mere sound of the words is
   considered, the Stoics hold precisely the same opinion as the
   Platonists and Peripatetics.  For, omitting for brevity's sake other
   proofs which I might adduce in support of this opinion, I will state
   but one which I consider conclusive.  Aulus Gellius, a man of extensive
   erudition, and gifted with an eloquent and graceful style, relates, in
   his work entitled Noctes Atticæ [338] that he once made a voyage with
   an eminent Stoic philosopher; and he goes on to relate fully and with
   gusto what I shall barely state, that when the ship was tossed and in
   danger from a violent storm, the philosopher grew pale with terror.
   This was noticed by those on board, who, though themselves threatened
   with death, were curious to see whether a philosopher would be agitated
   like other men.  When the tempest had passed over, and as soon as their
   security gave them freedom to resume their talk, one of the passengers,
   a rich and luxurious Asiatic, begins to banter the philosopher, and
   rally him because he had even become pale with fear, while he himself
   had been unmoved by the impending destruction.  But the philosopher
   availed himself of the reply of Aristippus the Socratic, who, on
   finding himself similarly bantered by a man of the same character,
   answered, "You had no cause for anxiety for the soul of a profligate
   debauchee, but I had reason to be alarmed for the soul of Aristippus."
   The rich man being thus disposed of, Aulus Gellius asked the
   philosopher, in the interests of science and not to annoy him, what was
   the reason of his fear?  And he willing to instruct a man so zealous in
   the pursuit of knowledge, at once took from his wallet a book of
   Epictetus the Stoic, [339] in which doctrines were advanced which
   precisely harmonized with those of Zeno and Chrysippus, the founders of
   the Stoical school.  Aulus Gellius says that he read in this book that
   the Stoics maintain that there are certain impressions made on the soul
   by external objects which they call phantasiæ, and that it is not in
   the power of the soul to determine whether or when it shall be invaded
   by these.  When these impressions are made by alarming and formidable
   objects, it must needs be that they move the soul even of the wise man,
   so that for a little he trembles with fear, or is depressed by sadness,
   these impressions anticipating the work of reason and self-control; but
   this does not imply that the mind accepts these evil impressions, or
   approves or consents to them.  For this consent is, they think, in a
   man's power; there being this difference between the mind of the wise
   man and that of the fool, that the fool's mind yields to these passions
   and consents to them, while that of the wise man, though it cannot help
   being invaded by them, yet retains with unshaken firmness a true and
   steady persuasion of those things which it ought rationally to desire
   or avoid.  This account of what Aulus Gellius relates that he read in
   the book of Epictetus about the sentiments and doctrines of the Stoics
   I have given as well as I could, not, perhaps, with his choice
   language, but with greater brevity, and, I think, with greater
   clearness.  And if this be true, then there is no difference, or next
   to none, between the opinion of the Stoics and that of the other
   philosophers regarding mental passions and perturbations, for both
   parties agree in maintaining that the mind and reason of the wise man
   are not subject to these.  And perhaps what the Stoics mean by
   asserting this, is that the wisdom which characterizes the wise man is
   clouded by no error and sullied by no taint, but, with this reservation
   that his wisdom remains undisturbed, he is exposed to the impressions
   which the goods and ills of this life (or, as they prefer to call them,
   the advantages or disadvantages) make upon them.  For we need not say
   that if that philosopher had thought nothing of those things which he
   thought he was forthwith to lose, life and bodily safety, he would not
   have been so terrified by his danger as to betray his fear by the
   pallor of his cheek.  Nevertheless, he might suffer this mental
   disturbance, and yet maintain the fixed persuasion that life and bodily
   safety, which the violence of the tempest threatened to destroy, are
   not those good things which make their possessors good, as the
   possession of righteousness does.  But in so far as they persist that
   we must call them not goods but advantages, they quarrel about words
   and neglect things.  For what difference does it make whether goods or
   advantages be the better name, while the Stoic no less than the
   Peripatetic is alarmed at the prospect of losing them, and while,
   though they name them differently, they hold them in like esteem?  Both
   parties assure us that, if urged to the commission of some immorality
   or crime by the threatened loss of these goods or advantages, they
   would prefer to lose such things as preserve bodily comfort and
   security rather than commit such things as violate righteousness.  And
   thus the mind in which this resolution is well grounded suffers no
   perturbations to prevail with it in opposition to reason, even though
   they assail the weaker parts of the soul; and not only so, but it rules
   over them, and, while it refuses its consent and resists them,
   administers a reign of virtue.  Such a character is ascribed to Æneas
   by Virgil when he says,

   "He stands immovable by tears,

   Nor tenderest words with pity hears." [340]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [336] De Fin. iii. 20; Tusc. Disp. iii. 4.

   [337] The distinction between bona and commoda is thus given by Seneca
   (Ep. 87, ad fin.):  Commodum est quod plus usus est quam molestiæ;
   bonum sincerum debet esse et ab omni parte innoxium.

   [338] Book xix. ch. 1.

   [339] See Diog. Laert. ii. 71.

   [340] Virgil, Æn. iv. 449.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--That the Passions Which Assail the Souls of Christians Do
   Not Seduce Them to Vice, But Exercise Their Virtue.

   We need not at present give a careful and copious exposition of the
   doctrine of Scripture, the sum of Christian knowledge, regarding these
   passions.  It subjects the mind itself to God, that He may rule and aid
   it, and the passions, again, to the mind, to moderate and bridle them,
   and turn them to righteous uses.  In our ethics, we do not so much
   inquire whether a pious soul is angry, as why he is angry; not whether
   he is sad, but what is the cause of his sadness; not whether he fears,
   but what he fears.  For I am not aware that any right thinking person
   would find fault with anger at a wrongdoer which seeks his amendment,
   or with sadness which intends relief to the suffering, or with fear
   lest one in danger be destroyed.  The Stoics, indeed, are accustomed to
   condemn compassion. [341]   But how much more honorable had it been in
   that Stoic we have been telling of, had he been disturbed by compassion
   prompting him to relieve a fellow-creature, than to be disturbed by the
   fear of shipwreck!  Far better and more humane, and more consonant with
   pious sentiments, are the words of Cicero in praise of Cæsar, when he
   says, "Among your virtues none is more admirable and agreeable than
   your compassion." [342]   And what is compassion but a fellow-feeling
   for another's misery, which prompts us to help him if we can?  And this
   emotion is obedient to reason, when compassion is shown without
   violating right, as when the poor are relieved, or the penitent
   forgiven.  Cicero, who knew how to use language, did not hesitate to
   call this a virtue, which the Stoics are not ashamed to reckon among
   the vices, although, as the book of the eminent Stoic, Epictetus,
   quoting the opinions of Zeno and Chrysippus, the founders of the
   school, has taught us, they admit that passions of this kind invade the
   soul of the wise man, whom they would have to be free from all vice.
   Whence it follows that these very passions are not judged by them to be
   vices, since they assail the wise man without forcing him to act
   against reason and virtue; and that, therefore, the opinion of the
   Peripatetics or Platonists and of the Stoics is one and the same.  But,
   as Cicero says, [343] mere logomachy is the bane of these pitiful
   Greeks, who thirst for contention rather than for truth.  However, it
   may justly be asked, whether our subjection to these affections, even
   while we follow virtue, is a part of the infirmity of this life?  For
   the holy angels feel no anger while they punish those whom the eternal
   law of God consigns to punishment, no fellow-feeling with misery while
   they relieve the miserable, no fear while they aid those who are in
   danger; and yet ordinary language ascribes to them also these mental
   emotions, because, though they have none of our weakness, their acts
   resemble the actions to which these emotions move us; and thus even God
   Himself is said in Scripture to be angry, and yet without any
   perturbation.  For this word is used of the effect of His vengeance,
   not of the disturbing mental affection.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [341] Seneca, De Clem. ii. 4 and 5.

   [342] Pro. Lig. c. 12.

   [343] De Oratore,i. 11, 47.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Of the Passions Which, According to Apuleius, Agitate the
   Demons Who Are Supposed by Him to Mediate Between Gods and Men.

   Deferring for the present the question about the holy angels, let us
   examine the opinion of the Platonists, that the demons who mediate
   between gods and men are agitated by passions.  For if their mind,
   though exposed to their incursion, still remained free and superior to
   them, Apuleius could not have said that their hearts are tossed with
   passions as the sea by stormy winds. [344]   Their mind, then,--that
   superior part of their soul whereby they are rational beings, and
   which, if it actually exists in them, should rule and bridle the
   turbulent passions of the inferior parts of the soul,--this mind of
   theirs, I say, is, according to the Platonist referred to, tossed with
   a hurricane of passions.  The mind of the demons, therefore, is subject
   to the emotions of fear, anger, lust, and all similar affections.  What
   part of them, then, is free, and endued with wisdom, so that they are
   pleasing to the gods, and the fit guides of men into purity of life,
   since their very highest part, being the slave of passion and subject
   to vice, only makes them more intent on deceiving and seducing, in
   proportion to the mental force and energy of desire they possess?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [344] De Deo Soc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--That the Platonists Maintain that the Poets Wrong the Gods
   by Representing Them as Distracted by Party Feeling, to Which the
   Demons and Not the Gods, are Subject.

   But if any one says that it is not of all the demons, but only of the
   wicked, that the poets, not without truth, say that they violently love
   or hate certain men,--for it was of them Apuleius said that they were
   driven about by strong currents of emotion,--how can we accept this
   interpretation, when Apuleius, in the very same connection, represents
   all the demons, and not only the wicked, as intermediate between gods
   and men by their aerial bodies?  The fiction of the poets, according to
   him, consists in their making gods of demons, and giving them the names
   of gods, and assigning them as allies or enemies to individual men,
   using this poetical license, though they profess that the gods are very
   different in character from the demons, and far exalted above them by
   their celestial abode and wealth of beatitude.  This, I say, is the
   poets' fiction, to say that these are gods who are not gods, and that,
   under the names of gods, they fight among themselves about the men whom
   they love or hate with keen partisan feeling.  Apuleius says that this
   is not far from the truth, since, though they are wrongfully called by
   the names of the gods, they are described in their own proper character
   as demons.  To this category, he says, belongs the Minerva of Homer,
   "who interposed in the ranks of the Greeks to restrain Achilles." [345]
     For that this was Minerva he supposes to be poetical fiction; for he
   thinks that Minerva is a goddess, and he places her among the gods whom
   he believes to be all good and blessed in the sublime ethereal region,
   remote from intercourse with men.  But that there was a demon favorable
   to the Greeks and adverse to the Trojans, as another, whom the same
   poet mentions under the name of Venus or Mars (gods exalted above
   earthly affairs in their heavenly habitations), was the Trojans' ally
   and the foe of the Greeks, and that these demons fought for those they
   loved against those they hated,--in all this he owned that the poets
   stated something very like the truth.  For they made these statements
   about beings to whom he ascribes the same violent and tempestuous
   passions as disturb men, and who are therefore capable of loves and
   hatreds not justly formed, but formed in a party spirit, as the
   spectators in races or hunts take fancies and prejudices.  It seems to
   have been the great fear of this Platonist that the poetical fictions
   should be believed of the gods, and not of the demons who bore their
   names.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [345] De Deo. Soc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--How Apuleius Defines the Gods Who Dwell in Heaven, the
   Demons Who Occupy the Air, and Men Who Inhabit Earth.

   The definition which Apuleius gives of demons, and in which he of
   course includes all demons, is that they are in nature animals, in soul
   subject to passion, in mind reasonable, in body aerial, in duration
   eternal.  Now in these five qualities he has named absolutely nothing
   which is proper to good men and not also to bad.  For when Apuleius had
   spoken of the celestials first, and had then extended his description
   so as to include an account of those who dwell far below on the earth,
   that, after describing the two extremes of rational being, he might
   proceed to speak of the intermediate demons, he says, "Men, therefore,
   who are endowed with the faculty of reason and speech, whose soul is
   immortal and their members mortal, who have weak and anxious spirits,
   dull and corruptible bodies, dissimilar characters, similar ignorance,
   who are obstinate in their audacity, and persistent in their hope,
   whose labor is vain, and whose fortune is ever on the wane, their race
   immortal, themselves perishing, each generation replenished with
   creatures whose life is swift and their wisdom slow, their death sudden
   and their life a wail,--these are the men who dwell on the earth."
   [346]   In recounting so many qualities which belong to the large
   proportion of men, did he forget that which is the property of the few
   when he speaks of their wisdom being slow?  If this had been omitted,
   this his description of the human race, so carefully elaborated, would
   have been defective. And when he commended the excellence of the gods,
   he affirmed that they excelled in that very blessedness to which he
   thinks men must attain by wisdom.  And therefore, if he had wished us
   to believe that some of the demons are good, he should have inserted in
   his description something by which we might see that they have, in
   common with the gods, some share of blessedness, or, in common with
   men, some wisdom.  But, as it is, he has mentioned no good quality by
   which the good may be distinguished from the bad.  For although he
   refrained from giving a full account of their wickedness, through fear
   of offending, not themselves but their worshippers, for whom he was
   writing, yet he sufficiently indicated to discerning readers what
   opinion he had of them; for only in the one article of the eternity of
   their bodies does he assimilate them to the gods, all of whom, he
   asserts, are good and blessed, and absolutely free from what he himself
   calls the stormy passions of the demons; and as to the soul, he quite
   plainly affirms that they resemble men and not the gods, and that this
   resemblance lies not in the possession of wisdom, which even men can
   attain to, but in the perturbation of passions which sway the foolish
   and wicked, but is so ruled by the good and wise that they prefer not
   to admit rather than to conquer it.  For if he had wished it to be
   understood that the demons resembled the gods in the eternity not of
   their bodies but of their souls, he would certainly have admitted men
   to share in this privilege, because, as a Platonist, he of course must
   hold that the human soul is eternal.  Accordingly, when describing this
   race of living beings, he said that their souls were immortal, their
   members mortal.  And, consequently, if men have not eternity in common
   with the gods because they have mortal bodies, demons have eternity in
   common with the gods because their bodies are immortal.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [346] De Deo Soc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Whether the Intercession of the Demons Can Secure for Men
   the Friendship of the Celestial Gods.

   How, then, can men hope for a favorable introduction to the friendship
   of the gods by such mediators as these, who are, like men, defective in
   that which is the better part of every living creature, viz., the soul,
   and who resemble the gods only in the body, which is the inferior
   part?  For a living creature or animal consists of soul and body, and
   of these two parts the soul is undoubtedly the better; even though
   vicious and weak, it is obviously better than even the soundest and
   strongest body, for the greater excellence of its nature is not reduced
   to the level of the body even by the pollution of vice, as gold, even
   when tarnished, is more precious than the purest silver or lead.  And
   yet these mediators, by whose interposition things human and divine are
   to be harmonized, have an eternal body in common with the gods, and a
   vicious soul in common with men,--as if the religion by which these
   demons are to unite gods and men were a bodily, and not a spiritual
   matter.  What wickedness, then, or punishment has suspended these false
   and deceitful mediators, as it were head downwards, so that their
   inferior part, their body, is linked to the gods above, and their
   superior part, the soul, bound to men beneath; united to the celestial
   gods by the part that serves, and miserable, together with the
   inhabitants of earth, by the part that rules?  For the body is the
   servant, as Sallust says:  "We use the soul to rule, the body to obey;"
   [347] adding, "the one we have in common with the gods, the other with
   the brutes."  For he was here speaking of men; and they have, like the
   brutes, a mortal body.  These demons, whom our philosophic friends have
   provided for us as mediators with the gods, may indeed say of the soul
   and body, the one we have in common with the gods, the other with men;
   but, as I said, they are as it were suspended and bound head downwards,
   having the slave, the body, in common with the gods, the master, the
   soul, in common with miserable men,--their inferior part exalted, their
   superior part depressed.  And therefore, if any one supposes that,
   because they are not subject, like terrestrial animals, to the
   separation of soul and body by death, they therefore resemble the gods
   in their eternity, their body must not be considered a chariot of an
   eternal triumph, but rather the chain of an eternal punishment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [347] Cat. Conj.i.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--That, According to Plotinus, Men, Whose Body is Mortal,
   are Less Wretched Than Demons, Whose Body is Eternal.

   Plotinus, whose memory is quite recent, [348] enjoys the reputation of
   having understood Plato better than any other of his disciples.  In
   speaking of human souls, he says, "The Father in compassion made their
   bonds mortal;" [349] that is to say, he considered it due to the
   Father's mercy that men, having a mortal body, should not be forever
   confined in the misery of this life.  But of this mercy the demons have
   been judged unworthy, and they have received, in conjunction with a
   soul subject to passions, a body not mortal like man's, but eternal.
   For they should have been happier than men if they had, like men, had a
   mortal body, and, like the gods, a blessed soul.  And they should have
   been equal to men, if in conjunction with a miserable soul they had at
   least received, like men, a mortal body, so that death might have freed
   them from trouble, if, at least, they should have attained some degree
   of piety.  But, as it is, they are not only no happier than men,
   having, like them, a miserable soul, they are also more wretched, being
   eternally bound to the body; for he does not leave us to infer that by
   some progress in wisdom and piety they can become gods, but expressly
   says that they are demons forever.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [348] Plotinus died in 270 A.D.  For his relation to Plato, see
   Augustin's Contra Acad. iii. 41.

   [349] Ennead. iv. 3. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of the Opinion of the Platonists, that the Souls of Men
   Become Demons When Disembodied.

   He [350] says, indeed, that the souls of men are demons, and that men
   become Lares if they are good, Lemures or Larvæ if they are bad, and
   Manes if it is uncertain whether they de serve well or ill.  Who does
   not see at a glance that this is a mere whirlpool sucking men to moral
   destruction?  For, however wicked men have been, if they suppose they
   shall become Larvæ or divine Manes, they will become the worse the more
   love they have for inflicting injury; for, as the Larvæ are hurtful
   demons made out of wicked men, these men must suppose that after death
   they will be invoked with sacrifices and divine honors that they may
   inflict injuries.  But this question we must not pursue.  He also
   states that the blessed are called in Greek eudaimones, because they
   are good souls, that is to say, good demons, confirming his opinion
   that the souls of men are demons.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [350] Apuleius, not Plotinus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Of the Three Opposite Qualities by Which the Platonists
   Distinguish Between the Nature of Men and that of Demons.

   But at present we are speaking of those beings whom he described as
   being properly intermediate between gods and men, in nature animals, in
   mind rational, in soul subject to passion, in body aerial, in duration
   eternal.  When he had distinguished the gods, whom he placed in the
   highest heaven, from men, whom he placed on earth, not only by position
   but also by the unequal dignity of their natures, he concluded in these
   words:  "You have here two kinds of animals:  the gods, widely
   distinguished from men by sublimity of abode, perpetuity of life,
   perfection of nature; for their habitations are separated by so wide an
   interval that there can be no intimate communication between them, and
   while the vitality of the one is eternal and indefeasible, that of the
   others is fading and precarious, and while the spirits of the gods are
   exalted in bliss, those of men are sunk in miseries." [351]   Here I
   find three opposite qualities ascribed to the extremes of being, the
   highest and lowest.  For, after mentioning the three qualities for
   which we are to admire the gods, he repeated, though in other words,
   the same three as a foil to the defects of man.  The three qualities
   are, "sublimity of abode, perpetuity of life, perfection of nature."
   These he again mentioned so as to bring out their contrasts in man's
   condition.  As he had mentioned "sublimity of abode," he says, "Their
   habitations are separated by so wide an interval;" as he had mentioned
   "perpetuity of life," he says, that "while divine life is eternal and
   indefeasible, human life is fading and precarious;" and as he had
   mentioned "perfection of nature," he says, that "while the spirits of
   the gods are exalted in bliss, those of men are sunk in miseries."
   These three things, then, he predicates of the gods, exaltation,
   eternity, blessedness; and of man he predicates the opposite, lowliness
   of habitation, mortality, misery.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [351] De Deo Socratis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--How the Demons Can Mediate Between Gods and Men If They
   Have Nothing in Common with Both, Being Neither Blessed Like the Gods,
   Nor Miserable Like Men.

   If, now, we endeavor to find between these opposites the mean occupied
   by the demons, there can be no question as to their local position;
   for, between the highest and lowest place, there is a place which is
   rightly considered and called the middle place.  The other two
   qualities remain, and to them we must give greater care, that we may
   see whether they are altogether foreign to the demons, or how they are
   so bestowed upon them without infringing upon their mediate position.
   We may dismiss the idea that they are foreign to them.  For we cannot
   say that the demons, being rational animals, are neither blessed nor
   wretched, as we say of the beasts and plants, which are void of feeling
   and reason, or as we say of the middle place, that it is neither the
   highest nor the lowest.  The demons, being rational, must be either
   miserable or blessed.  And, in like manner, we cannot say that they are
   neither mortal nor immortal; for all living things either live
   eternally or end life in death.  Our author, besides, stated that the
   demons are eternal.  What remains for us to suppose, then, but that
   these mediate beings are assimilated to the gods in one of the two
   remaining qualities, and to men in the other?  For if they received
   both from above, or both from beneath, they should no longer be
   mediate, but either rise to the gods above, or sink to men beneath.
   Therefore, as it has been demonstrated that they must possess these two
   qualities, they will hold their middle place if they receive one from
   each party.  Consequently, as they cannot receive their eternity from
   beneath, because it is not there to receive, they must get it from
   above; and accordingly they have no choice but to complete their
   mediate position by accepting misery from men.

   According to the Platonists, then, the gods, who occupy the highest
   place, enjoy eternal blessedness, or blessed eternity; men, who occupy
   the lowest, a mortal misery, or a miserable mortality; and the demons,
   who occupy the mean, a miserable eternity, or an eternal misery.  As to
   those five things which Apu leius included in his definition of demons,
   he did not show, as he promised, that the demons are mediate.  For
   three of them, that their nature is animal, their mind rational, their
   soul subject to passions, he said that they have in common with men;
   one thing, their eternity, in common with the gods; and one proper to
   themselves, their aerial body.  How, then, are they intermediate, when
   they have three things in common with the lowest, and only one in
   common with the highest?  Who does not see that the intermediate
   position is abandoned in proportion as they tend to, and are depressed
   towards, the lowest extreme?  But perhaps we are to accept them as
   intermediate because of their one property of an aerial body, as the
   two extremes have each their proper body, the gods an ethereal, men a
   terrestrial body, and because two of the qualities they possess in
   common with man they possess also in common with the gods, namely,
   their animal nature and rational mind.  For Apuleius himself, in
   speaking of gods and men, said, "You have two animal natures."  And
   Platonists are wont to ascribe a rational mind to the gods.  Two
   qualities remain, their liability to passion, and their eternity,--the
   first of which they have in common with men, the second with the gods;
   so that they are neither wafted to the highest nor depressed to the
   lowest extreme, but perfectly poised in their intermediate position.
   But then, this is the very circumstance which constitutes the eternal
   misery, or miserable eternity, of the demons.  For he who says that
   their soul is subject to passions would also have said that they are
   miserable, had he not blushed for their worshippers.  Moreover, as the
   world is governed, not by fortuitous haphazard, but, as the Platonists
   themselves avow, by the providence of the supreme God, the misery of
   the demons would not be eternal unless their wickedness were great.

   If, then, the blessed are rightly styled eudemons, the demons
   intermediate between gods and men are not eudemons.  What, then, is the
   local position of those good demons, who, above men but beneath the
   gods, afford assistance to the former, minister to the latter?  For if
   they are good and eternal, they are doubtless blessed.  But eternal
   blessedness destroys their intermediate character, giving them a close
   resemblance to the gods, and widely separating them from men.  And
   therefore the Platonists will in vain strive to show how the good
   demons, if they are both immortal and blessed, can justly be said to
   hold a middle place between the gods, who are immortal and blessed, and
   men, who are mortal and miserable.  For if they have both immortality
   and blessedness in common with the gods, and neither of these in common
   with men, who are both miserable and mortal, are they not rather remote
   from men and united with the gods, than intermediate between them.
   They would be intermediate if they held one of their qualities in
   common with the one party, and the other with the other, as man is a
   kind of mean between angels and beasts,--the beast being an irrational
   and mortal animal, the angel a rational and immortal one, while man,
   inferior to the angel and superior to the beast, and having in common
   with the one mortality, and with the other reason, is a rational and
   mortal animal.  So, when we seek for an intermediate between the
   blessed immortals and miserable mortals, we should find a being which
   is either mortal and blessed, or immortal and miserable.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Whether Men, Though Mortal, Can Enjoy True Blessedness.

   It is a great question among men, whether man can be mortal and
   blessed.  Some, taking the humbler view of his condition, have denied
   that he is capable of blessedness so long as he continues in this
   mortal life; others, again, have spurned this idea, and have been bold
   enough to maintain that, even though mortal, men may be blessed by
   attaining wisdom.  But if this be the case, why are not these wise men
   constituted mediators between miserable mortals and the blessed
   immortals, since they have blessedness in common with the latter, and
   mortality in common with the former?  Certainly, if they are blessed,
   they envy no one (for what more miserable than envy?), but seek with
   all their might to help miserable mortals on to blessedness, so that
   after death they may become immortal, and be associated with the
   blessed and immortal angels.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Of the Man Christ Jesus, the Mediator Between God and Men.

   But if, as is much more probable and credible, it must needs be that
   all men, so long as they are mortal, are also miserable, we must seek
   an intermediate who is not only man, but also God, that, by the
   interposition of His blessed mortality, He may bring men out of their
   mortal misery to a blessed immortality.  In this intermediate two
   things are requisite, that He become mortal, and that He do not
   continue mortal.  He did become mortal, not rendering the divinity of
   the Word infirm, but assuming the infirmity of flesh.  Neither did He
   continue mortal in the flesh, but raised it from the dead; for it is
   the very fruit of His mediation that those, for the sake of whose
   redemption He became the Mediator, should not abide eternally in bodily
   death.  Wherefore it became the Mediator between us and God to have
   both a transient mortality and a permanent blessedness, that by that
   which is transient He might be assimilated to mortals, and might
   translate them from mortality to that which is permanent.  Good angels,
   therefore, cannot mediate between miserable mortals and blessed
   immortals, for they themselves also are both blessed and immortal; but
   evil angels can mediate, because they are immortal like the one party,
   miserable like the other.  To these is opposed the good Mediator, who,
   in opposition to their immortality and misery, has chosen to be mortal
   for a time, and has been able to continue blessed in eternity.  It is
   thus He has destroyed, by the humility of His death and the benignity
   of His blessedness, those proud immortals and hurtful wretches, and has
   prevented them from seducing to misery by their boast of immortality
   those men whose hearts He has cleansed by faith, and whom He has thus
   freed from their impure dominion.

   Man, then, mortal and miserable, and far removed from the immortal and
   the blessed, what medium shall he choose by which he may be united to
   immortality and blessedness?  The immortality of the demons, which
   might have some charm for man, is miserable; the mortality of Christ,
   which might offend man, exists no longer.  In the one there is the fear
   of an eternal misery; in the other, death, which could not be eternal,
   can no longer be feared, and blessedness, which is eternal, must be
   loved.  For the immortal and miserable mediator interposes himself to
   prevent us from passing to a blessed immortality, because that which
   hinders such a passage, namely, misery, continues in him; but the
   mortal and blessed Mediator interposed Himself, in order that, having
   passed through mortality, He might of mortals make immortals (showing
   His power to do this in His own resurrection), and from being miserable
   to raise them to the blessed company from the number of whom He had
   Himself never departed.  There is, then, a wicked mediator, who
   separates friends, and a good Mediator, who reconciles enemies.  And
   those who separate are numerous, because the multitude of the blessed
   are blessed only by their participation in the one God; of which
   participation the evil angels being deprived, they are wretched, and
   interpose to hinder rather than to help to this blessedness, and by
   their very number prevent us from reaching that one beatific good, to
   obtain which we need not many but one Mediator, the uncreated Word of
   God, by whom all things were made, and in partaking of whom we are
   blessed.  I do not say that He is Mediator because He is the Word, for
   as the Word He is supremely blessed and supremely immortal, and
   therefore far from miserable mortals; but He is Mediator as He is man,
   for by His humanity He shows us that, in order to obtain that blessed
   and beatific good, we need not seek other mediators to lead us through
   the successive steps of this attainment, but that the blessed and
   beatific God, having Himself become a partaker of our humanity, has
   afforded us ready access to the participation of His divinity.  For in
   delivering us from our mortality and misery, He does not lead us to the
   immortal and blessed angels, so that we should become immortal and
   blessed by participating in their nature, but He leads us straight to
   that Trinity, by participating in which the angels themselves are
   blessed.  Therefore, when He chose to be in the form of a servant, and
   lower than the angels, that He might be our Mediator, He remained
   higher than the angels, in the form of God,--Himself at once the way of
   life on earth and life itself in heaven.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Whether It is Reasonable in the Platonists to Determine
   that the Celestial Gods Decline Contact with Earthly Things and
   Intercourse with Men, Who Therefore Require the Intercession of the
   Demons.

   That opinion, which the same Platonist avers that Plato uttered, is not
   true, "that no god holds intercourse with men." [352]   And this, he
   says, is the chief evidence of their exaltation, that they are never
   contaminated by contact with men.  He admits, therefore, that the
   demons are contaminated; and it follows that they cannot cleanse those
   by whom they are themselves contaminated, and thus all alike become
   impure, the demons by associating with men, and men by worshipping the
   demons.  Or, if they say that the demons are not contaminated by
   associating and dealing with men, then they are better than the gods,
   for the gods, were they to do so, would be contaminated.  For this, we
   are told, is the glory of the gods, that they are so highly exalted
   that no human intercourse can sully them.  He affirms, indeed, that the
   supreme God, the Creator of all things, whom we call the true God, is
   spoken of by Plato as the only God whom the poverty of human speech
   fails even passably to describe; and that even the wise, when their
   mental energy is as far as possible delivered from the trammels of
   connection with the body, have only such gleams of insight into His
   nature as may be compared to a flash of lightning illumining the
   darkness.  If, then, this supreme God, who is truly exalted above all
   things, does nevertheless visit the minds of the wise, when emancipated
   from the body, with an intelligible and ineffable presence, though this
   be only occasional, and as it were a swift flash of light athwart the
   darkness, why are the other gods so sublimely removed from all contact
   with men, as if they would be polluted by it? as if it were not a
   sufficient refutation of this to lift up our eyes to those heavenly
   bodies which give the earth its needful light.  If the stars, though
   they, by his account, are visible gods, are not contaminated when we
   look at them, neither are the demons contaminated when men see them
   quite closely.  But perhaps it is the human voice, and not the eye,
   which pollutes the gods; and therefore the demons are appointed to
   mediate and carry men's utterances to the gods, who keep themselves
   remote through fear of pollution?  What am I to say of the other
   senses?  For by smell neither the demons, who are present, nor the
   gods, though they were present and inhaling the exhalations of living
   men, would be polluted if they are not contaminated with the effluvia
   of the carcasses offered in sacrifice.  As for taste, they are pressed
   by no necessity of repairing bodily decay, so as to be reduced to ask
   food from men.  And touch is in their own power.  For while it may seem
   that contact is so called, because the sense of touch is specially
   concerned in it, yet the gods, if so minded, might mingle with men, so
   as to see and be seen, hear and be heard; and where is the need of
   touching?  For men would not dare to desire this, if they were favored
   with the sight or conversation of gods or good demons; and if through
   excessive curiosity they should desire it, how could they accomplish
   their wish without the consent of the god or demon, when they cannot
   touch so much as a sparrow unless it be caged?

   There is, then, nothing to hinder the gods from mingling in a bodily
   form with men, from seeing and being seen, from speaking and hearing.
   And if the demons do thus mix with men, as I said, and are not
   polluted, while the gods, were they to do so, should be polluted, then
   the demons are less liable to pollution than the gods.  And if even the
   demons are contaminated, how can they help men to attain blessedness
   after death, if, so far from being able to cleanse them, and present
   them clean to the unpolluted gods, these mediators are themselves
   polluted?  And if they cannot confer this benefit on men, what good can
   their friendly mediation do?  Or shall its result be, not that men find
   entrance to the gods, but that men and demons abide together in a state
   of pollution, and consequently of exclusion from blessedness?  Unless,
   perhaps, some one may say that, like sponges or things of that sort,
   the demons themselves, in the process of cleansing their friends,
   become themselves the filthier in proportion as the others become
   clean.  But if this is the solution, then the gods, who shun contact or
   intercourse with men for fear of pollution, mix with demons who are far
   more polluted.  Or perhaps the gods, who cannot cleanse men without
   polluting themselves, can without pollution cleanse the demons who have
   been contaminated by human contact?  Who can believe such follies,
   unless the demons have practised their deceit upon him?  If seeing and
   being seen is contamination, and if the gods, whom Apuleius himself
   calls visible, "the brilliant lights of the world," [353] and the other
   stars, are seen by men, are we to believe that the demons, who cannot
   be seen unless they please, are safer from contamination?  Or if it is
   only the seeing and not the being seen which contaminates, then they
   must deny that these gods of theirs, these brilliant lights of the
   world, see men when their rays beam upon the earth.  Their rays are not
   contaminated by lighting on all manner of pollution, and are we to
   suppose that the gods would be contaminated if they mixed with men, and
   even if contact were needed in order to assist them?  For there is
   contact between the earth and the sun's or moon's rays, and yet this
   does not pollute the light.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [352] Apuleius, ibid.

   [353] Virgil, Georg. i. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--That to Obtain the Blessed Life, Which Consists in
   Partaking of the Supreme Good, Man Needs Such Mediation as is Furnished
   Not by a Demon, But by Christ Alone.

   I am considerably surprised that such learned men, men who pronounce
   all material and sensible things to be altogether inferior to those
   that are spiritual and intelligible, should mention bodily contact in
   connection with the blessed life.  Is that sentiment of Plotinus
   forgotten?--"We must fly to our beloved fatherland.  There is the
   Father, there our all.  What fleet or flight shall convey us thither?
   Our way is, to become like God." [354]   If, then, one is nearer to God
   the liker he is to Him, there is no other distance from God than
   unlikeness to Him.  And the soul of man is unlike that incorporeal and
   unchangeable and eternal essence, in proportion as it craves things
   temporal and mutable.  And as the things beneath, which are mortal and
   impure, cannot hold intercourse with the immortal purity which is
   above, a mediator is indeed needed to remove this difficulty; but not a
   mediator who resembles the highest order of being by possessing an
   immortal body, and the lowest by having a diseased soul, which makes
   him rather grudge that we be healed than help our cure.  We need a
   Mediator who, being united to us here below by the mortality of His
   body, should at the same time be able to afford us truly divine help in
   cleansing and liberating us by means of the immortal righteousness of
   His spirit, whereby He remained heavenly even while here upon earth.
   Far be it from the incontaminable God to fear pollution from the man
   [355] He assumed, or from the men among whom He lived in the form of a
   man.  For, though His incarnation showed us nothing else, these two
   wholesome facts were enough, that true divinity cannot be polluted by
   flesh, and that demons are not to be considered better than ourselves
   because they have not flesh. [356]   This, then, as Scripture says, is
   the "Mediator between God and man, the man Christ Jesus," [357] of
   whose divinity, whereby He is equal to the Father, and humanity,
   whereby He has become like us, this is not the place to speak as fully
   as I could.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [354] Augustin apparently quotes from memory from two passages of the
   Enneades, l. vi. 8, and ii. 3.

   [355] Or, humanity.

   [356] Comp. De Trin. 13. 22.

   [357] 1 Tim. ii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--That the Deceitful Demons, While Promising to Conduct Men
   to God by Their Intercession, Mean to Turn Them from the Path of Truth.

   As to the demons, these false and deceitful mediators, who, though
   their uncleanness of spirit frequently reveals their misery and
   malignity, yet, by virtue of the levity of their aerial bodies and the
   nature of the places they inhabit, do contrive to turn us aside and
   hinder our spiritual progress; they do not help us towards God, but
   rather prevent us from reaching Him.  Since even in the bodily way,
   which is erroneous and misleading, and in which righteousness does not
   walk,--for we must rise to God not by bodily ascent, but by incorporeal
   or spiritual conformity to Him,--in this bodily way, I say, which the
   friends of the demons arrange according to the weight of the various
   elements, the aerial demons being set between the ethereal gods and
   earthy men, they imagine the gods to have this privilege, that by this
   local interval they are preserved from the pollution of human contact.
   Thus they believe that the demons are contaminated by men rather than
   men cleansed by the demons, and that the gods themselves should be
   polluted unless their local superiority preserved them.  Who is so
   wretched a creature as to expect purification by a way in which men are
   contaminating, demons contaminated, and gods contaminable?  Who would
   not rather choose that way whereby we escape the contamination of the
   demons, and are cleansed from pollution by the incontaminable God, so
   as to be associated with the uncontaminated angels?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--That Even Among Their Own Worshippers the Name "Demon" Has
   Never a Good Signification.

   But as some of these demonolators, as I may call them, and among them
   Labeo, allege that those whom they call demons are by others called
   angels, I must, if I would not seem to dispute merely about words, say
   something about the good angels.  The Platonists do not deny their
   existence, but prefer to call them good demons.  But we, following
   Scripture, according to which we are Christians, have learned that some
   of the angels are good, some bad, but never have we read in Scripture
   of good demons; but wherever this or any cognate term occurs, it is
   applied only to wicked spirits.  And this usage has become so
   universal, that, even among those who are called pagans, and who
   maintain that demons as well as gods should be worshipped, there is
   scarcely a man, no matter how well read and learned, who would dare to
   say by way of praise to his slave, You have a demon, or who could doubt
   that the man to whom he said this would consider it a curse?  Why,
   then, are we to subject ourselves to the necessity of explaining away
   what we have said when we have given offence by using the word demon,
   with which every one, or almost every one, connects a bad meaning,
   while we can so easily evade this necessity by using the word angel?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Kind of Knowledge Which Puffs Up the Demons.

   However, the very origin of the name suggests something worthy of
   consideration, if we compare it with the divine books.  They are called
   demons from a Greek word meaning knowledge. [358]   Now the apostle,
   speaking with the Holy Spirit, says, "Knowledge puffeth up, but charity
   buildeth up." [359]   And this can only be understood as meaning that
   without charity knowledge does no good, but inflates a man or magnifies
   him with an empty windiness.  The demons, then, have knowledge without
   charity, and are thereby so inflated or proud, that they crave those
   divine honors and religious services which they know to be due to the
   true God, and still, as far as they can, exact these from all over whom
   they have influence.  Against this pride of the demons, under which the
   human race was held subject as its merited punishment, there was
   exerted the mighty influence of the humility of God, who appeared in
   the form of a servant; but men, resembling the demons in pride, but not
   in knowledge, and being puffed up with uncleanness, failed to recognize
   Him.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [358] daimon=daemon, knowing; so Plato, Cratylus, 398. B.

   [359] 1 Cor. viii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--To What Extent the Lord Was Pleased to Make Himself Known
   to the Demons.

   The devils themselves knew this manifestation of God so well, that they
   said to the Lord though clothed with the infirmity of flesh, "What have
   we to do with Thee, Jesus of Nazareth?  Art Thou come to destroy us
   before the time?" [360]   From these words, it is clear that they had
   great knowledge, and no charity.  They feared His power to punish, and
   did not love His righteousness.  He made known to them so much as He
   pleased, and He was pleased to make known so much as was needful.  But
   He made Himself known not as to the holy angels, who know Him as the
   Word of God, and rejoice in His eternity, which they partake, but as
   was requisite to strike with terror the beings from whose tyranny He
   was going to free those who were predestined to His kingdom and the
   glory of it, eternally true and truly eternal.  He made Himself known,
   therefore, to the demons, not by that which is life eternal, and the
   unchangeable light which illumines the pious, whose souls are cleansed
   by the faith that is in Him, but by some temporal effects of His power,
   and evidences of His mysterious presence, which were more easily
   discerned by the angelic senses even of wicked spirits than by human
   infirmity.  But when He judged it advisable gradually to suppress these
   signs, and to retire into deeper obscurity, the prince of the demons
   doubted whether He were the Christ, and endeavored to ascertain this by
   tempting Him, in so far as He permitted Himself to be tempted, that He
   might adapt the manhood He wore to be an example for our imitation.
   But after that temptation, when, as Scripture says, He was ministered
   to [361] by the angels who are good and holy, and therefore objects of
   terror to the impure spirits, He revealed more and more distinctly to
   the demons how great He was, so that, even though the infirmity of His
   flesh might seem contemptible, none dared to resist His authority.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [360] Mark i. 24.

   [361] Matt. iv. 3-11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--The Difference Between the Knowledge of the Holy Angels
   and that of the Demons.

   The good angels, therefore, hold cheap all that knowledge of material
   and transitory things which the demons are so proud of possessing,--not
   that they are ignorant of these things, but because the love of God,
   whereby they are sanctified, is very dear to them, and because, in
   comparison of that not merely immaterial but also unchangeable and
   ineffable beauty, with the holy love of which they are inflamed, they
   despise all things which are beneath it, and all that is not it, that
   they may with every good thing that is in them enjoy that good which is
   the source of their goodness.  And therefore they have a more certain
   knowledge even of those temporal and mutable things, because they
   contemplate their principles and causes in the word of God, by which
   the world was made,--those causes by which one thing is, approved,
   another rejected, and all arranged.  But the demons do not behold in
   the wisdom of God these eternal, and, as it were, cardinal causes of
   things temporal, but only foresee a larger part of the future than men
   do, by reason of their greater acquaintance with the signs which are
   hidden from us.  Sometimes, too, it is their own intentions they
   predict.  And, finally, the demons are frequently, the angels never,
   deceived.  For it is one thing, by the aid of things temporal and
   changeable, to conjecture the changes that may occur in time, and to
   modify such things by one's own will and faculty,--and this is to a
   certain extent permitted to the demons,--it is another thing to foresee
   the changes of times in the eternal and immutable laws of God, which
   live in His wisdom, and to know the will of God, the most infallible
   and powerful of all causes, by participating in His spirit; and this is
   granted to the holy angels by a just discretion.  And thus they are not
   only eternal, but blessed.  And the good wherein they are blessed is
   God, by whom they were created.  For without end they enjoy the
   contemplation and participation of Him.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--That the Name of Gods is Falsely Given to the Gods of the
   Gentiles, Though Scripture Applies It Both to the Holy Angels and Just
   Men.

   If the Platonists prefer to call these angels gods rather than demons,
   and to reckon them with those whom Plato, their founder and master,
   maintains were created by the supreme God, [362] they are welcome to do
   so, for I will not spend strength in fighting about words.  For if they
   say that these beings are immortal, and yet created by the supreme God,
   blessed but by cleaving to their Creator and not by their own power,
   they say what we say, whatever name they call these beings by.  And
   that this is the opinion either of all or the best of the Platonists
   can be ascertained by their writings.  And regarding the name itself,
   if they see fit to call such blessed and immortal creatures gods, this
   need not give rise to any serious discussion between us, since in our
   own Scriptures we read, "The God of gods, the Lord hath spoken;" [363]
   and again, "Confess to the God of gods;" [364] and again, "He is a
   great King above all gods." [365]   And where it is said, "He is to be
   feared above all gods," the reason is forthwith added, for it follows,
   "for all the gods of the nations are idols, but the Lord made the
   heavens." [366]   He said, "above all gods," but added, "of the
   nations;" that is to say, above all those whom the nations count gods,
   in other words, demons.  By them He is to be feared with that terror in
   which they cried to the Lord, "Hast Thou come to destroy us?"  But
   where it is said, "the God of gods," it cannot be understood as the god
   of the demons; and far be it from us to say that "great King above all
   gods" means "great King above all demons."  But the same Scripture also
   calls men who belong to God's people "gods:"  "I have said, Ye are
   gods, and all of you children of the Most High." [367]   Accordingly,
   when God is styled God of gods, this may be understood of these gods;
   and so, too, when He is styled a great King above all gods.

    Nevertheless, some one may say, if men are called gods because they
   belong to God's people, whom He addresses by means of men and angels,
   are not the immortals, who already enjoy that felicity which men seek
   to attain by worshipping God, much more worthy of the title?  And what
   shall we reply to this, if not that it is not without reason that in
   holy Scripture men are more expressly styled gods than those immortal
   and blessed spirits to whom we hope to be equal in the resurrection,
   because there was a fear that the weakness of unbelief, being overcome
   with the excellence of these beings, might presume to constitute some
   of them a god?  In the case of men this was a result that need not be
   guarded against.  Besides, it was right that the men belonging to God's
   people should be more expressly called gods, to assure and certify them
   that He who is called God of gods is their God; because, although those
   immortal and blessed spirits who dwell in the heavens are called gods,
   yet they are not called gods of gods, that is to say, gods of the men
   who constitute God's people, and to whom it is said, "I have said, Ye
   are gods, and all of you the children of the Most High."  Hence the
   saying of the apostle, "Though there be that are called gods, whether
   in heaven or in earth, as there be gods many and lords many, but to us
   there is but one God, the Father, of whom are all things, and we in
   Him; and one Lord Jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by Him."
   [368]

   We need not, therefore, laboriously contend about the name, since the
   reality is so obvious as to admit of no shadow of doubt.  That which we
   say, that the angels who are sent to announce the will of God to men
   belong to the order of blessed immortals, does not satisfy the
   Platonists, because they believe that this ministry is discharged, not
   by those whom they call gods, in other words, not by blessed immortals,
   but by demons, whom they dare not affirm to be blessed, but only
   immortal, or if they do rank them among the blessed immortals, yet only
   as good demons, and not as gods who dwell in the heaven of heavens
   remote from all human contact.  But, though it may seem mere wrangling
   about a name, yet the name of demon is so detestable that we cannot
   bear in any sense to apply it to the holy angels.  Now, therefore, let
   us close this book in the assurance that, whatever we call these
   immortal and blessed spirits, who yet are only creatures, they do not
   act as mediators to introduce to everlasting felicity miserable
   mortals, from whom they are severed by a twofold distinction.  And
   those others who are mediators, in so far as they have immortality in
   common with their superiors, and misery in common with their inferiors
   (for they are justly miserable in punishment of their wickedness),
   cannot bestow upon us, but rather grudge that we should possess, the
   blessedness from which they themselves are excluded.  And so the
   friends of the demons have nothing considerable to allege why we should
   rather worship them as our helpers than avoid them as traitors to our
   interests.  As for those spirits who are good, and who are therefore
   not only immortal but also blessed, and to whom they suppose we should
   give the title of gods, and offer worship and sacrifices for the sake
   of inheriting a future life, we shall, by God's help, endeavor in the
   following book to show that these spirits, call them by what name, and
   ascribe to them what nature you will, desire that religious worship be
   paid to God alone, by whom they were created, and by whose
   communications of Himself to them they are blessed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [362] Timæus.

   [363] Ps. l. 1.

   [364] Ps. cxxxvi. 2.

   [365] Ps. xcv. 3.

   [366] Ps. xcvi. 5, 6.

   [367] Ps. lxxxii. 6.

   [368] 1 Cor. viii. 5, 6.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book X.

   ------------------------

   Argument--In this book Augustin teaches that the good angels wish God
   alone, whom they themselves serve, to receive that divine honor which
   is rendered by sacrifice, and which is called "latreia."  He then goes
   on to dispute against Porphyry about the principle and way of the
   soul's cleansing and deliverance.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--That the Platonists Themselves Have Determined that God
   Alone Can Confer Happiness Either on Angels or Men, But that It Yet
   Remains a Question Whether Those Spirits Whom They Direct Us to
   Worship, that We May Obtain Happiness, Wish Sacrifice to Be Offered to
   Themselves, or to the One God Only.

   It is the decided opinion of all who use their brains, that all men
   desire to be happy.  But who are happy, or how they become so, these
   are questions about which the weakness of human understanding stirs
   endless and angry controversies, in which philosophers have wasted
   their strength and expended their leisure.  To adduce and discuss their
   various opinions would be tedious, and is unnecessary.  The reader may
   remember what we said in the eighth book, while making a selection of
   the philosophers with whom we might discuss the question regarding the
   future life of happiness, whether we can reach it by paying divine
   honors to the one true God, the Creator of all gods, or by worshipping
   many gods, and he will not expect us to repeat here the same argument,
   especially as, even if he has forgotten it, he may refresh his memory
   by reperusal.  For we made selection of the Platonists, justly esteemed
   the noblest of the philosophers, because they had the wit to perceive
   that the human soul, immortal and rational, or intellectual, as it is,
   cannot be happy except by partaking of the light of that God by whom
   both itself and the world were made; and also that the happy life which
   all men desire cannot be reached by any who does not cleave with a pure
   and holy love to that one supreme good, the unchangeable God.  But as
   even these philosophers, whether accommodating to the folly and
   ignorance of the people, or, as the apostle says, "becoming vain in
   their imaginations," [369] supposed or allowed others to suppose that
   many gods should be worshipped, so that some of them considered that
   divine honor by worship and sacrifice should be rendered even to the
   demons (an error I have already exploded), we must now, by God's help,
   ascertain what is thought about our religious worship and piety by
   those immortal and blessed spirits, who dwell in the heavenly places
   among dominations, principalities, powers, whom the Platonists call
   gods, and some either good demons, or, like us, angels,--that is to
   say, to put it more plainly, whether the angels desire us to offer
   sacrifice and worship, and to consecrate our possessions and ourselves,
   to them or only to God, theirs and ours.

   For this is the worship which is due to the Divinity, or, to speak more
   accurately, to the Deity; and, to express this worship in a single word
   as there does not occur to me any Latin term sufficiently exact, I
   shall avail myself, whenever necessary, of a Greek word. Latreia,
   whenever it occurs in Scripture, is rendered by the word service.  But
   that service which is due to men, and in reference to which the apostle
   writes that servants must be subject to their own masters, [370] is
   usually designated by another word in Greek, [371] whereas the service
   which is paid to God alone by worship, is always, or almost always,
   called latreia in the usage of those who wrote from the divine
   oracles.  This cannot so well be called simply "cultus," for in that
   case it would not seem to be due exclusively to God; for the same word
   is applied to the respect we pay either to the memory or the living
   presence of men.  From it, too, we derive the words agriculture,
   colonist, and others. [372]   And the heathen call their gods
   "coelicolæ," not because they worship heaven, but because they dwell in
   it, and as it were colonize it,--not in the sense in which we call
   those colonists who are attached to their native soil to cultivate it
   under the rule of the owners, but in the sense in which the great
   master of the Latin language says, "There was an ancient city inhabited
   by Tyrian colonists." [373]   He called them colonists, not because
   they cultivated the soil, but because they inhabited the city.  So,
   too, cities that have hived off from larger cities are called
   colonies.  Consequently, while it is quite true that, using the word in
   a special sense, "cult" can be rendered to none but God, yet, as the
   word is applied to other things besides, the cult due to God cannot in
   Latin be expressed by this word alone.

   The word "religion" might seem to express more definitely the worship
   due to God alone, and therefore Latin translators have used this word
   to represent threskeia; yet, as not only the uneducated, but also the
   best instructed, use the word religion to express human ties, and
   relationships, and affinities, it would inevitably introduce ambiguity
   to use this word in discussing the worship of God, unable as we are to
   say that religion is nothing else than the worship of God, without
   contradicting the common usage which applies this word to the
   observance of social relationships.  "Piety," again, or, as the Greeks
   say, eusebeia, is commonly understood as the proper designation of the
   worship of God.  Yet this word also is used of dutifulness to parents.
   The common people, too, use it of works of charity, which, I suppose,
   arises from the circumstance that God enjoins the performance of such
   works, and declares that He is pleased with them instead of, or in
   preference to sacrifices.  From this usage it has also come to pass
   that God Himself is called pious, [374] in which sense the Greeks never
   use eusebein, though eusebeia is applied to works of charity by their
   common people also.  In some passages of Scripture, therefore, they
   have sought to preserve the distinction by using not eusebeia, the more
   general word, but theosebeia, which literally denotes the worship of
   God.  We, on the other hand, cannot express either of these ideas by
   one word.  This worship, then, which in Greek is called latreia, and in
   Latin "servitus" [service], but the service due to God only; this
   worship, which in Greek is called threskeia, and in Latin "religio,"
   but the religion by which we are bound to God only; this worship, which
   they call theosebeia, but which we cannot express in one word, but call
   it the worship of God,--this, we say, belongs only to that God who is
   the true God, and who makes His worshippers gods. [375]   And
   therefore, whoever these immortal and blessed inhabitants of heaven be,
   if they do not love us, and wish us to be blessed, then we ought not to
   worship them; and if they do love us and desire our happiness, they
   cannot wish us to be made happy by any other means than they themselves
   have enjoyed,--for how could they wish our blessedness to flow from one
   source, theirs from another?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [369] Rom. i. 21.

   [370] Eph. vi. 5.

   [371] Namely, douleia:  comp. Quæst in Exod. 94; Quæst. in Gen. 21;
   Contra Faustum, 15. 9, etc.

   [372] Agricolæ, coloni, incolæ.

   [373] Virgil, Æn., i. 12.

   [374] 2 Chron. xxx. 9; Eccl. xi. 13; Judith vii. 20.

   [375] Ps. lxxxii. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--The Opinion of Plotinus the Platonist Regarding
   Enlightenment from Above.

   But with these more estimable philosophers we have no dispute in this
   matter.  For they perceived, and in various forms abundantly expressed
   in their writings, that these spirits have the same source of happiness
   as ourselves,--a certain intelligible light, which is their God, and is
   different from themselves, and illumines them that they may be
   penetrated with light, and enjoy perfect happiness in the participation
   of God.  Plotinus, commenting on Plato, repeatedly and strongly asserts
   that not even the soul which they believe to be the soul of the world,
   derives its blessedness from any other source than we do, viz., from
   that Light which is distinct from it and created it, and by whose
   intelligible illumination it enjoys light in things intelligible.  He
   also compares those spiritual things to the vast and conspicuous
   heavenly bodies, as if God were the sun, and the soul the moon; for
   they suppose that the moon derives its light from the sun.  That great
   Platonist, therefore, says that the rational soul, or rather the
   intellectual soul,--in which class he comprehends the souls of the
   blessed immortals who inhabit heaven,--has no nature superior to it
   save God, the Creator of the world and the soul itself, and that these
   heavenly spirits derive their blessed life, and the light of truth from
   their blessed life, and the light of truth, the source as ourselves,
   agreeing with the gospel where we read, "There was a man sent from God
   whose name was John; the same came for a witness to bear witness of
   that Light, that through Him all might believe.  He was not that Light,
   but that he might bear witness of the Light.  That was the true Light
   which lighteth every man that cometh into the world;" [376] a
   distinction which sufficiently proves that the rational or intellectual
   soul such as John had cannot be its own light, but needs to receive
   illumination from another, the true Light.  This John himself avows
   when he delivers his witness:  "We have all received of His fullness."
   [377]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [376] John i. 6-9.

   [377] Ibid. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--That the Platonists, Though Knowing Something of the
   Creator of the Universe, Have Misunderstood the True Worship of God, by
   Giving Divine Honor to Angels, Good or Bad.

   This being so, if the Platonists, or those who think with them, knowing
   God, glorified Him as God and gave thanks, if they did not become vain
   in their own thoughts, if they did not originate or yield to the
   popular errors, they would certainly acknowledge that neither could the
   blessed immortals retain, nor we miserable mortals reach, a happy
   condition without worshipping the one God of gods, who is both theirs
   and ours.  To Him we owe the service which is called in Greek latreia,
   whether we render it outwardly or inwardly; for we are all His temple,
   each of us severally and all of us together, because He condescends to
   inhabit each individually and the whole harmonious body, being no
   greater in all than in each, since He is neither expanded nor divided.
   Our heart when it rises to Him is His altar; the priest who intercedes
   for us is His Only-begotten; we sacrifice to Him bleeding victims when
   we contend for His truth even unto blood; to Him we offer the sweetest
   incense when we come before Him burning with holy and pious love; to
   Him we devote and surrender ourselves and His gifts in us; to Him, by
   solemn feasts and on appointed days, we consecrate the memory of His
   benefits, lest through the lapse of time ungrateful oblivion should
   steal upon us; to Him we offer on the altar of our heart the sacrifice
   of humility and praise, kindled by the fire of burning love.  It is
   that we may see Him, so far as He can be seen; it is that we may cleave
   to Him, that we are cleansed from all stain of sins and evil passions,
   and are consecrated in His name.  For He is the fountain of our
   happiness, He the end of all our desires.  Being attached to Him, or
   rather let me say, re-attached,--for we had detached ourselves and lost
   hold of Him,--being, I say, re-attached to Him, [378] we tend towards
   Him by love, that we may rest in Him, and find our blessedness by
   attaining that end.  For our good, about which philosophers have so
   keenly contended, is nothing else than to be united to God.  It is, if
   I may say so, by spiritually embracing Him that the intellectual soul
   is filled and impregnated with true virtues.  We are enjoined to love
   this good with all our heart, with all our soul, with all our
   strength.  To this good we ought to be led by those who love us, and to
   lead those we love.  Thus are fulfilled those two commandments on which
   hang all the law and the prophets:  "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God
   with all thy heart, and with all thy mind, and with all thy soul;" and
   "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." [379]   For, that man might
   be intelligent in his self-love, there was appointed for him an end to
   which he might refer all his actions, that he might be blessed.  For he
   who loves himself wishes nothing else than this.  And the end set
   before him is "to draw near to God." [380]   And so, when one who has
   this intelligent self-love is commanded to love his neighbor as
   himself, what else is enjoined than that he shall do all in his power
   to commend to him the love of God?  This is the worship of God, this is
   true religion, this right piety, this the service due to God only.  If
   any immortal power, then, no matter with what virtue endowed, loves us
   as himself, he must desire that we find our happiness by submitting
   ourselves to Him, in submission to whom he himself finds happiness.  If
   he does not worship God, he is wretched, because deprived of God; if he
   worships God, he cannot wish to be worshipped in God's stead.  On the
   contrary, these higher powers acquiesce heartily in the divine sentence
   in which it is written, "He that sacrificeth unto any god, save unto
   the Lord only, he shall be utterly destroyed." [381]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [378] Augustin here remarks, in a clause that cannot be given in
   English, that the word religio is derived from religere.--So Cicero, De
   Nat. Deor. ii. 28.

   [379] Matt. xxii. 37-40.

   [380] Ps. lxxiii. 28.

   [381] Ex. xxii. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--That Sacrifice is Due to the True God Only.

   But, putting aside for the present the other religious services with
   which God is worshipped, certainly no man would dare to say that
   sacrifice is due to any but God.  Many parts, indeed, of divine worship
   are unduly used in showing honor to men, whether through an excessive
   humility or pernicious flattery; yet, while this is done, those persons
   who are thus worshipped and venerated, or even adored, are reckoned no
   more than human; and who ever thought of sacrificing save to one whom
   he knew, supposed, or feigned to be a god?  And how ancient a part of
   God's worship sacrifice is, those two brothers, Cain and Abel,
   sufficiently show, of whom God rejected the elder's sacrifice, and
   looked favorably on the younger's.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of the Sacrifices Which God Does Not Require, But Wished to
   Be Observed for the Exhibition of Those Things Which He Does Require.

   And who is so foolish as to suppose that the things offered to God are
   needed by Him for some uses of His own?  Divine Scripture in many
   places explodes this idea.  Not to be wearisome, suffice it to quote
   this brief saying from a psalm:  "I have said to the Lord, Thou art my
   God:  for Thou needest not my goodness." [382]   We must believe, then,
   that God has no need, not only of cattle, or any other earthly and
   material thing, but even of man's righteousness, and that whatever
   right worship is paid to God profits not Him, but man.  For no man
   would say he did a benefit to a fountain by drinking, or to the light
   by seeing.  And the fact that the ancient church offered animal
   sacrifices, which the people of God now-a-days read of without
   imitating, proves nothing else than this, that those sacrifices
   signified the things which we do for the purpose of drawing near to
   God, and inducing our neighbor to do the same.  A sacrifice, therefore,
   is the visible sacrament or sacred sign of an invisible sacrifice.
   Hence that penitent in the psalm, or it may be the Psalmist himself,
   entreating God to be merciful to his sins, says, "If Thou desiredst
   sacrifice, I would give it:  Thou delightest not in whole
   burnt-offerings.  The sacrifice of God is a broken heart:  a heart
   contrite and humble God will not despise." [383]   Observe how, in the
   very words in which he is expressing God's refusal of sacrifice, he
   shows that God requires sacrifice.  He does not desire the sacrifice of
   a slaughtered beast, but He desires the sacrifice of a contrite heart.
   Thus, that sacrifice which he says God does not wish, is the symbol of
   the sacrifice which God does wish.  God does not wish sacrifices in the
   sense in which foolish people think He wishes them, viz., to gratify
   His own pleasure.  For if He had not wished that the sacrifices He
   requires, as, e.g., a heart contrite and humbled by penitent sorrow,
   should be symbolized by those sacrifices which He was thought to desire
   because pleasant to Himself, the old law would never have enjoined
   their presentation; and they were destined to be merged when the fit
   opportunity arrived, in order that men might not suppose that the
   sacrifices themselves, rather than the things symbolized by them, were
   pleasing to God or acceptable in us.  Hence, in another passage from
   another psalm, he says, "If I were hungry, I would not tell thee; for
   the world is mine and the fullness thereof.  Will I eat the flesh of
   bulls, or drink the blood of goats?" [384] as if He should say,
   Supposing such things were necessary to me, I would never ask thee for
   what I have in my own hand.  Then he goes on to mention what these
   signify:  "Offer unto God the sacrifice of praise, and pay thy vows
   unto the Most High.  And call upon me in the day of trouble:  I will
   deliver thee, and thou shall glorify me." [385]   So in another
   prophet:  "Wherewith shall I come before the Lord, and bow myself
   before the High God?  Shall I come before Him with burnt-offerings,
   with calves of a year old?  Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of
   rams, or with ten thousands of rivers of oil?  Shall I give my
   first-born for my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my
   soul?  Hath He showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord
   require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk
   humbly with thy God?" [386]   In the words of this prophet, these two
   things are distinguished and set forth with sufficient explicitness,
   that God does not require these sacrifices for their own sakes, and
   that He does require the sacrifices which they symbolize.  In the
   epistle entitled "To the Hebrews" it is said, "To do good and to
   communicate, forget not:  for with such sacrifices God is well
   pleased." [387]   And so, when it is written, "I desire mercy rather
   than sacrifice," [388] nothing else is meant than that one sacrifice is
   preferred to another; for that which in common speech is called
   sacrifice is only the symbol of the true sacrifice.  Now mercy is the
   true sacrifice, and therefore it is said, as I have just quoted, "with
   such sacrifices God is well pleased."  All the divine ordinances,
   therefore, which we read concerning the sacrifices in the service of
   the tabernacle or the temple, we are to refer to the love of God and
   our neighbor.  For "on these two commandments," as it is written, "hang
   all the law and the prophets." [389]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [382] Ps. xvi. 2.

   [383] Ps. li. 16, 17.

   [384] Ps. l. 12, 13.

   [385] Ps. l. 14, 15.

   [386] Micah vi. 6-8.

   [387] Heb. xiii. 16.

   [388] Hos. vi. 6.

   [389] Matt. xxii. 40.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Of the True and Perfect Sacrifice.

   Thus a true sacrifice is every work which is done that we may be united
   to God in holy fellowship, and which has a reference to that supreme
   good and end in which alone we can be truly blessed. [390]   And
   therefore even the mercy we show to men, if it is not shown for God's
   sake, is not a sacrifice.  For, though made or offered by man,
   sacrifice is a divine thing, as those who called it sacrifice [391]
   meant to indicate.  Thus man himself, consecrated in the name of God,
   and vowed to God, is a sacrifice in so far as he dies to the world that
   he may live to God.  For this is a part of that mercy which each man
   shows to himself; as it is written, "Have mercy on thy soul by pleasing
   God." [392]   Our body, too, as a sacrifice when we chasten it by
   temperance, if we do so as we ought, for God's sake, that we may not
   yield our members instruments of unrighteousness unto sin, but
   instruments of righteousness unto God. [393]   Exhorting to this
   sacrifice, the apostle says, "I beseech you, therefore, brethren, by
   the mercy of God, that ye present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy,
   acceptable to God, which is your reasonable service." [394]   If, then,
   the body, which, being inferior, the soul uses as a servant or
   instrument, is a sacrifice when it is used rightly, and with reference
   to God, how much more does the soul itself become a sacrifice when it
   offers itself to God, in order that, being inflamed by the fire of His
   love, it may receive of His beauty and become pleasing to Him, losing
   the shape of earthly desire, and being remoulded in the image of
   permanent loveliness?  And this, indeed, the apostle subjoins, saying,
   "And be not conformed to this world; but be ye transformed in the
   renewing of your mind, that ye may prove what is that good, and
   acceptable, and perfect will of God." [395]   Since, therefore, true
   sacrifices are works of mercy to ourselves or others, done with a
   reference to God, and since works of mercy have no other object than
   the relief of distress or the conferring of happiness, and since there
   is no happiness apart from that good of which it is said, "It is good
   for me to be very near to God," [396] it follows that the whole
   redeemed city, that is to say, the congregation or community of the
   saints, is offered to God as our sacrifice through the great High
   Priest, who offered Himself to God in His passion for us, that we might
   be members of this glorious head, according to the form of a servant.
   For it was this form He offered, in this He was offered, because it is
   according to it He is Mediator, in this He is our Priest, in this the
   Sacrifice.  Accordingly, when the apostle had exhorted us to present
   our bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable to God, our reasonable
   service, and not to be conformed to the world, but to be transformed in
   the renewing of our mind, that we might prove what is that good, and
   acceptable, and perfect will of God, that is to say, the true sacrifice
   of ourselves, he says, "For I say, through the grace of God which is
   given unto me, to every man that is among you, not to think of himself
   more highly than he ought to think, but to think soberly, according as
   God hath dealt to every man the measure of faith.  For, as we have many
   members in one body, and all members have not the same office, so we,
   being many, are one body in Christ, and every one members one of
   another, having gifts differing according to the grace that is given to
   us." [397]   This is the sacrifice of Christians:  we, being many, are
   one body in Christ.  And this also is the sacrifice which the Church
   continually celebrates in the sacrament of the altar, known to the
   faithful, in which she teaches that she herself is offered in the
   offering she makes to God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [390] On the service rendered to the Church by this definition, see
   Waterland's Works, v. 124.

   [391] Literally, a sacred action.

   [392] Ecclus. xxx. 24.

   [393] Rom. vi. 13.

   [394] Rom. xii. 1.

   [395] Rom. xii. 2.

   [396] Ps. lxxiii. 28.

   [397] Rom. xii. 3-6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Of the Love of the Holy Angels, Which Prompts Them to
   Desire that We Worship the One True God, and Not Themselves.

   It is very right that these blessed and immortal spirits, who inhabit
   celestial dwellings, and rejoice in the communications of their
   Creator's fullness, firm in His eternity, assured in His truth, holy by
   His grace, since they compassionately and tenderly regard us miserable
   mortals, and wish us to become immortal and happy, do not desire us to
   sacrifice to themselves, but to Him whose sacrifice they know
   themselves to be in common with us.  For we and they together are the
   one city of God, to which it is said in the psalm, "Glorious things are
   spoken of thee, O city of God;" [398] the human part sojourning here
   below, the angelic aiding from above.  For from that heavenly city, in
   which God's will is the intelligible and unchangeable law, from that
   heavenly council-chamber,--for they sit in counsel regarding us,--that
   holy Scripture, descended to us by the ministry of angels, in which it
   is written, "He that sacrificeth unto any god, save unto the Lord only,
   he shall be utterly destroyed," [399] --this Scripture, this law, these
   precepts, have been confirmed by such miracles, that it is sufficiently
   evident to whom these immortal and blessed spirits, who desire us to be
   like themselves, wish us to sacrifice.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [398] Ps. lxxxvii. 3.

   [399] Ex. xxii. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Of the Miracles Which God Has Condescended to Adhibit
   Through the Ministry of Angels, to His Promises for the Confirmation of
   the Faith of the Godly.

   I should seem tedious were I to recount all the ancient miracles, which
   were wrought in attestation of God's promises which He made to Abraham
   thousands of years ago, that in his seed all the nations of the earth
   should be blessed. [400]   For who can but marvel that Abraham's barren
   wife should have given birth to a son at an age when not even a
   prolific woman could bear children; or, again, that when Abraham
   sacrificed, a flame from heaven should have run between the divided
   parts; [401] or that the angels in human form, whom he had hospitably
   entertained, and who had renewed God's promise of offspring, should
   also have predicted the destruction of Sodom by fire from heaven; [402]
   and that his nephew Lot should have been rescued from Sodom by the
   angels as the fire was just descending, while his wife, who looked back
   as she went, and was immediately turned into salt, stood as a sacred
   beacon warning us that no one who is being saved should long for what
   he is leaving?  How striking also were the wonders done by Moses to
   rescue God's people from the yoke of slavery in Egypt, when the magi of
   the Pharaoh, that is, the king of Egypt, who tyrannized over this
   people, were suffered to do some wonderful things that they might be
   vanquished all the more signally!  They did these things by the magical
   arts and incantations to which the evil spirits or demons are addicted;
   while Moses, having as much greater power as he had right on his side,
   and having the aid of angels, easily conquered them in the name of the
   Lord who made heaven and earth.  And, in fact, the magicians failed at
   the third plague; whereas Moses, dealing out the miracles delegated to
   him, brought ten plagues upon the land, so that the hard hearts of
   Pharaoh and the Egyptians yielded, and the people were let go.  But,
   quickly repenting, and essaying to overtake the departing Hebrews, who
   had crossed the sea on dry ground, they were covered and overwhelmed in
   the returning waters.  What shall I say of those frequent and
   stupendous exhibitions of divine power, while the people were conducted
   through the wilderness?--of the waters which could not be drunk, but
   lost their bitterness, and quenched the thirsty, when at God's command
   a piece of wood was cast into them? of the manna that descended from
   heaven to appease their hunger, and which begat worms and putrefied
   when any one collected more than the appointed quantity, and yet,
   though double was gathered on the day before the Sabbath (it not being
   lawful to gather it on that day), remained fresh? of the birds which
   filled the camp, and turned appetite into satiety when they longed for
   flesh, which it seemed impossible to supply to so vast a population? of
   the enemies who met them, and opposed their passage with arms, and were
   defeated without the loss of a single Hebrew, when Moses prayed with
   his hands extended in the form of a cross? of the seditious persons who
   arose among God's people, and separated themselves from the
   divinely-ordered community, and were swallowed up alive by the earth, a
   visible token of an invisible punishment? of the rock struck with the
   rod, and pouring out waters more than enough for all the host? of the
   deadly serpents' bites, sent in just punishment of sin, but healed by
   looking at the lifted brazen serpent, so that not only were the
   tormented people healed, but a symbol of the crucifixion of death set
   before them in this destruction of death by death?  It was this serpent
   which was preserved in memory of this event, and was afterwards
   worshipped by the mistaken people as an idol, and was destroyed by the
   pious and God-fearing king Hezekiah, much to his credit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [400] Gen. xviii. 18.

   [401] Gen. xv. 17.  In his Retractations, ii. 43, Augustin says that he
   should not have spoken of this as miraculous, because it was an
   appearance seen in sleep.

   [402] Gen. xviii.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Of the Illicit Arts Connected with Demonolatry, and of
   Which the Platonist Porphyry Adopts Some, and Discards Others.

   These miracles, and many others of the same nature, which it were
   tedious to mention, were wrought for the purpose of commending the
   worship of the one true God, and prohibiting the worship of a multitude
   of false gods.  Moreover, they were wrought by simple faith and godly
   confidence, not by the incantations and charms composed under the
   influence of a criminal tampering with the unseen world, of an art
   which they call either magic, or by the more abominable title
   necromancy, [403] or the more honorable designation theurgy; for they
   wish to discriminate between those whom the people call magicians, who
   practise necromancy, and are addicted to illicit arts and condemned,
   and those others who seem to them to be worthy of praise for their
   practice of theurgy,--the truth, however, being that both classes are
   the slaves of the deceitful rites of the demons whom they invoke under
   the names of angels.

   For even Porphyry promises some kind of purgation of the soul by the
   help of theurgy, though he does so with some hesitation and shame, and
   denies that this art can secure to any one a return to God; so that you
   can detect his opinion vacillating between the profession of philosophy
   and an art which he feels to be presumptuous and sacrilegious.  For at
   one time he warns us to avoid it as deceitful, and prohibited by law,
   and dangerous to those who practise it; then again, as if in deference
   to its advocates, he declares it useful for cleansing one part of the
   soul, not, indeed, the intellectual part, by which the truth of things
   intelligible, which have no sensible images, is recognized, but the
   spiritual part, which takes cognizance of the images of things
   material.  This part, he says, is prepared and fitted for intercourse
   with spirits and angels, and for the vision of the gods, by the help of
   certain theurgic consecrations, or, as they call them, mysteries.  He
   acknowledges, however, that these theurgic mysteries impart to the
   intellectual soul no such purity as fits it to see its God, and
   recognize the things that truly exist.  And from this acknowledgment we
   may infer what kind of gods these are, and what kind of vision of them
   is imparted by theurgic consecrations, if by it one cannot see the
   things which truly exist.  He says, further, that the rational, or, as
   he prefers calling it, the intellectual soul, can pass into the heavens
   without the spiritual part being cleansed by theurgic art, and that
   this art cannot so purify the spiritual part as to give it entrance to
   immortality and eternity.  And therefore, although he distinguishes
   angels from demons, asserting that the habitation of the latter is in
   the air, while the former dwell in the ether and empyrean, and although
   he advises us to cultivate the friendship of some demon, who may be
   able after our death to assist us, and elevate us at least a little
   above the earth,--for he owns that it is by another way we must reach
   the heavenly society of the angels,--he at the same time distinctly
   warns us to avoid the society of demons, saying that the soul,
   expiating its sin after death, execrates the worship of demons by whom
   it was entangled.  And of theurgy itself, though he recommends it as
   reconciling angels and demons, he cannot deny that it treats with
   powers which either themselves envy the soul its purity, or serve the
   arts of those who do envy it.  He complains of this through the mouth
   of some Chaldæan or other:  "A good man in Chaldæa complains," he says,
   "that his most strenuous efforts to cleanse his soul were frustrated,
   because another man, who had influence in these matters, and who envied
   him purity, had prayed to the powers, and bound them by his conjuring
   not to listen to his request.  Therefore," adds Porphyry, "what the one
   man bound, the other could not loose."  And from this he concludes that
   theurgy is a craft which accomplishes not only good but evil among gods
   and men; and that the gods also have passions, and are perturbed and
   agitated by the emotions which Apuleius attributed to demons and men,
   but from which he preserved the gods by that sublimity of residence,
   which, in common with Plato, he accorded to them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [403] Goetia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Concerning Theurgy, Which Promises a Delusive Purification
   of the Soul by the Invocation of Demons.

   But here we have another and a much more learned Platonist than
   Apuleius, Porphyry, to wit, asserting that, by I know not what theurgy,
   even the gods themselves are subjected to passions and perturbations;
   for by adjurations they were so bound and terrified that they could not
   confer purity of soul,--were so terrified by him who imposed on them a
   wicked command, that they could not by the same theurgy be freed from
   that terror, and fulfill the righteous behest of him who prayed to
   them, or do the good he sought.  Who does not see that all these things
   are fictions of deceiving demons, unless he be a wretched slave of
   theirs, and an alien from the grace of the true Liberator?  For if the
   Chaldæan had been dealing with good gods, certainly a well-disposed
   man, who sought to purify his own soul, would have had more influence
   with them than an evil-disposed man seeking to hinder him.  Or, if the
   gods were just, and considered the man unworthy of the purification he
   sought, at all events they should not have been terrified by an envious
   person, nor hindered, as Porphyry avows, by the fear of a stronger
   deity, but should have simply denied the boon on their own free
   judgment.  And it is surprising that that well-disposed Chaldæan, who
   desired to purify his soul by theurgical rites, found no superior deity
   who could either terrify the frightened gods still more, and force them
   to confer the boon, or compose their fears, and so enable them to do
   good without compulsion,--even supposing that the good theurgist had no
   rites by which he himself might purge away the taint of fear from the
   gods whom he invoked for the purification of his own soul.  And why is
   it that there is a god who has power to terrify the inferior gods, and
   none who has power to free them from fear?  Is there found a god who
   listens to the envious man, and frightens the gods from doing good? and
   is there not found a god who listens to the well-disposed man, and
   removes the fear of the gods that they may do him good?  O excellent
   theurgy!  O admirable purification of the soul!--a theurgy in which the
   violence of an impure envy has more influence than the entreaty of
   purity and holiness.  Rather let us abominate and avoid the deceit of
   such wicked spirits, and listen to sound doctrine.  As to those who
   perform these filthy cleansings by sacrilegious rites, and see in their
   initiated state (as he further tells us, though we may question this
   vision) certain wonderfully lovely appearances of angels or gods, this
   is what the apostle refers to when he speaks of "Satan transforming
   himself into an angel of light." [404]   For these are the delusive
   appearances of that spirit who longs to entangle wretched souls in the
   deceptive worship of many and false gods, and to turn them aside from
   the true worship of the true God, by whom alone they are cleansed and
   healed, and who, as was said of Proteus, "turns himself into all
   shapes," [405] equally hurtful, whether he assaults us as an enemy, or
   assumes the disguise of a friend.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [404] 2 Cor. xi. 14.

   [405] Virgil, Georg. iv. 411.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of Porphyry's Epistle to Anebo, in Which He Asks for
   Information About the Differences Among Demons.

   It was a better tone which Porphyry adopted in his letter to Anebo the
   Egyptian, in which, assuming the character of an inquirer consulting
   him, he unmasks and explodes these sacrilegious arts.  In that letter,
   indeed, he repudiates all demons, whom he maintains to be so foolish as
   to be attracted by the sacrificial vapors, and therefore residing not
   in the ether, but in the air beneath the moon, and indeed in the moon
   itself.  Yet he has not the boldness to attribute to all the demons all
   the deceptions and malicious and foolish practices which justly move
   his indignation.  For, though he acknowledges that as a race demons are
   foolish, he so far accommodates himself to popular ideas as to call
   some of them benignant demons.  He expresses surprise that sacrifices
   not only incline the gods, but also compel and force them to do what
   men wish; and he is at a loss to understand how the sun and moon, and
   other visible celestial bodies,--for bodies he does not doubt that they
   are,--are considered gods, if the gods are distinguished from the
   demons by their incorporeality; also, if they are gods, how some are
   called beneficent and others hurtful, and how they, being corporeal,
   are numbered with the gods, who are incorporeal.  He inquires further,
   and still as one in doubt, whether diviners and wonderworkers are men
   of unusually powerful souls, or whether the power to do these things is
   communicated by spirits from without.  He inclines to the latter
   opinion, on the ground that it is by the use of stones and herbs that
   they lay spells on people, and open closed doors, and do similar
   wonders.  And on this account, he says, some suppose that there is a
   race of beings whose property it is to listen to men,--a race
   deceitful, full of contrivances, capable of assuming all forms,
   simulating gods, demons, and dead men,--and that it is this race which
   bring about all these things which have the appearance of good or evil,
   but that what is really good they never help us in, and are indeed
   unacquainted with, for they make wickedness easy, but throw obstacles
   in the path of those who eagerly follow virtue; and that they are
   filled with pride and rashness, delight in sacrificial odors, are taken
   with flattery.  These and the other characteristics of this race of
   deceitful and malicious spirits, who come into the souls of men and
   delude their senses, both in sleep and waking, he describes not as
   things of which he is himself convinced, but only with so much
   suspicion and doubt as to cause him to speak of them as commonly
   received opinions.  We should sympathize with this great philosopher in
   the difficulty he experienced in acquainting himself with and
   confidently assailing the whole fraternity of devils, which any
   Christian old woman would unhesitatingly describe and most unreservedly
   detest.  Perhaps, however, he shrank from offending Anebo, to whom he
   was writing, himself the most eminent patron of these mysteries, or the
   others who marvelled at these magical feats as divine works, and
   closely allied to the worship of the gods.

   However, he pursues this subject, and, still in the character of an
   inquirer, mentions some things which no sober judgment could attribute
   to any but malicious and deceitful powers.  He asks why, after the
   better class of spirits have been invoked, the worse should be
   commanded to perform the wicked desires of men; why they do not hear a
   man who has just left a woman's embrace, while they themselves make no
   scruple of tempting men to incest and adultery; why their priests are
   commanded to abstain from animal food for fear of being polluted by the
   corporeal exhalations, while they themselves are attracted by the fumes
   of sacrifices and other exhalations; why the initiated are forbidden to
   touch a dead body, while their mysteries are celebrated almost entirely
   by means of dead bodies; why it is that a man addicted to any vice
   should utter threats, not to a demon or to the soul of a dead man, but
   to the sun and moon, or some of the heavenly bodies, which he
   intimidates by imaginary terrors, that he may wring from them a real
   boon,--for he threatens that he will demolish the sky, and such like
   impossibilities,--that those gods, being alarmed, like silly children,
   with imaginary and absurd threats, may do what they are ordered.
   Porphyry further relates that a man, Chæremon, profoundly versed in
   these sacred or rather sacrilegious mysteries, had written that the
   famous Egyptian mysteries of Isis and her husband Osiris had very great
   influence with the gods to compel them to do what they were ordered,
   when he who used the spells threatened to divulge or do away with these
   mysteries, and cried with a threatening voice that he would scatter the
   members of Osiris if they neglected his orders.  Not without reason is
   Porphyry surprised that a man should utter such wild and empty threats
   against the gods,--not against gods of no account, but against the
   heavenly gods, and those that shine with sidereal light,--and that
   these threats should be effectual to constrain them with resistless
   power, and alarm them so that they fulfill his wishes.  Not without
   reason does he, in the character of an inquirer into the reasons of
   these surprising things, give it to be understood that they are done by
   that race of spirits which he previously described as if quoting other
   people's opinions,--spirits who deceive not, as he said, by nature, but
   by their own corruption, and who simulate gods and dead men, but not,
   as he said, demons, for demons they really are.  As to his idea that by
   means of herbs, and stones, and animals, and certain incantations and
   noises, and drawings, sometimes fanciful, and sometimes copied from the
   motions of the heavenly bodies, men create upon earth powers capable of
   bringing about various results, all that is only the mystification
   which these demons practise on those who are subject to them, for the
   sake of furnishing themselves with merriment at the expense of their
   dupes.  Either, then, Porphyry was sincere in his doubts and inquiries,
   and mentioned these things to demonstrate and put beyond question that
   they were the work, not of powers which aid us in obtaining life, but
   of deceitful demons; or, to take a more favorable view of the
   philosopher, he adopted this method with the Egyptian who was wedded to
   these errors, and was proud of them, that he might not offend him by
   assuming the attitude of a teacher, nor discompose his mind by the
   altercation of a professed assailant, but, by assuming the character of
   an inquirer, and the humble attitude of one who was anxious to learn,
   might turn his attention to these matters, and show how worthy they are
   to be despised and relinquished.  Towards the conclusion of his letter,
   he requests Anebo to inform him what the Egyptian wisdom indicates as
   the way to blessedness.  But as to those who hold intercourse with the
   gods, and pester them only for the sake of finding a runaway slave, or
   acquiring property, or making a bargain of a marriage, or such things,
   he declares that their pretensions to wisdom are vain.  He adds that
   these same gods, even granting that on other points their utterances
   were true, were yet so ill-advised and unsatisfactory in their
   disclosures about blessedness, that they cannot be either gods or good
   demons, but are either that spirit who is called the deceiver, or mere
   fictions of the imagination.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Of the Miracles Wrought by the True God Through the
   Ministry of the Holy Angels.

   Since by means of these arts wonders are done which quite surpass human
   power, what choice have we but to believe that these predictions and
   operations, which seem to be miraculous and divine, and which at the
   same time form no part of the worship of the one God, in adherence to
   whom, as the Platonists themselves abundantly testify, all blessedness
   consists, are the pastime of wicked spirits, who thus seek to seduce
   and hinder the truly godly?  On the other hand, we cannot but believe
   that all miracles, whether wrought by angels or by other means, so long
   as they are so done as to commend the worship and religion of the one
   God in whom alone is blessedness, are wrought by those who love us in a
   true and godly sort, or through their means, God Himself working in
   them.  For we cannot listen to those who maintain that the invisible
   God works no visible miracles; for even they believe that He made the
   world, which surely they will not deny to be visible.  Whatever marvel
   happens in this world, it is certainly less marvellous than this whole
   world itself,--I mean the sky and earth, and all that is in them,--and
   these God certainly made.  But, as the Creator Himself is hidden and
   incomprehensible to man, so also is the manner of creation.  Although,
   therefore, the standing miracle of this visible world is little thought
   of, because always before us, yet, when we arouse ourselves to
   contemplate it, it is a greater miracle than the rarest and most
   unheard-of marvels.  For man himself is a greater miracle than any
   miracle done through his instrumentality.  Therefore God, who made the
   visible heaven and earth, does not disdain to work visible miracles in
   heaven or earth, that He may thereby awaken the soul which is immersed
   in  things visible to worship Himself, the Invisible.  But the place
   and time of these miracles are dependent on His unchangeable will, in
   which things future are ordered as if already they were accomplished.
   For He moves things temporal without Himself moving in time, He does
   not in one way know things that are to be, and, in another, things that
   have been; neither does He listen to those who pray otherwise than as
   He sees those that will pray.  For, even when His angels hear us, it is
   He Himself who hears us in them, as in His true temple not made with
   hands, as in those men who are His saints; and His answers, though
   accomplished in time, have been arranged by His eternal appointment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Of the Invisible God, Who Has Often Made Himself Visible,
   Not as He Really Is, But as the Beholders Could Bear the Sight.

   Neither need we be surprised that God, invisible as He is, should often
   have appeared visibly to the patriarchs.  For as the sound which
   communicates the thought conceived in the silence of the mind is not
   the thought itself, so the form by which God, invisible in His own
   nature, became visible, was not God Himself.  Nevertheless it is He
   Himself who was seen under that form, as that thought itself is heard
   in the sound of the voice; and the patriarchs recognized that, though
   the bodily form was not God, they saw the invisible God.  For, though
   Moses conversed with God, yet he said, "If I have found grace in Thy
   sight, show me Thyself, that I may see and know Thee." [406]   And as
   it was fit that the law, which was given, not to one man or a few
   enlightened men, but to the whole of a populous nation, should be
   accompanied by awe-inspiring signs, great marvels were wrought, by the
   ministry of angels, before the people on the mount where the law was
   being given to them through one man, while the multitude beheld the
   awful appearances.  For the people of Israel believed Moses, not as the
   Lacedæmonians believed their Lycurgus, because he had received from
   Jupiter or Apollo the laws he gave them.  For when the law which
   enjoined the worship of one God was given to the people, marvellous
   signs and earthquakes, such as the divine wisdom judged sufficient,
   were brought about in the sight of all, that they might know that it
   was the Creator who could thus use creation to promulgate His law.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [406] Ex. xxxiii. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--That the One God is to Be Worshipped Not Only for the Sake
   of Eternal Blessings, But Also in Connection with Temporal Prosperity,
   Because All Things are Regulated by His Providence.

   The education of the human race, represented by the people of God, has
   advanced, like that of an individual, through certain epochs, or, as it
   were, ages, so that it might gradually rise from earthly to heavenly
   things, and from the visible to the invisible.  This object was kept so
   clearly in view, that, even in the period when temporal rewards were
   promised, the one God was presented as the object of worship, that men
   might not acknowledge any other than the true Creator and Lord of the
   spirit, even in connection with the earthly blessings of this
   transitory life.  For he who denies that all things, which either
   angels or men can give us, are in the hand of the one Almighty, is a
   madman.  The Platonist Plotinus discourses concerning providence, and,
   from the beauty of flowers and foliage, proves that from the supreme
   God, whose beauty is unseen and ineffable, providence reaches down even
   to these earthly things here below; and he argues that all these frail
   and perishing things could not have so exquisite and elaborate a
   beauty, were they not fashioned by Him whose unseen and unchangeable
   beauty continually pervades all things. [407]   This is proved also by
   the Lord Jesus, where He says, "Consider the lilies, how they grow;
   they toil not, neither do they spin.  And yet I say unto you that
   Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these.  But if God
   so clothe the grass of the field, which to-day is and to-morrow is cast
   into the oven, how much more shall He clothe you, O ye of little
   faith.!" [408]   It was best, therefore, that the soul of man, which
   was still weakly desiring earthly things, should be accustomed to seek
   from God alone even these petty temporal boons, and the earthly
   necessaries of this transitory life, which are contemptible in
   comparison with eternal blessings, in order that the desire even of
   these things might not draw it aside from the worship of Him, to whom
   we come by despising and forsaking such things.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [407] Plotin. Ennead. III. ii. 13.

   [408] Matt. vi. 28-30.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Of the Ministry of the Holy Angels, by Which They Fulfill
   the Providence of God.

   And so it has pleased Divine Providence, as I have said, and as we read
   in the Acts of the Apostles, [409] that the law enjoining the worship
   of one God should be given by the disposition of angels.  But among
   them the person of God Himself visibly appeared, not, indeed, in His
   proper substance, which ever remains invisible to mortal eyes, but by
   the infallible signs furnished by creation in obedience to its
   Creator.  He made use, too, of the words of human speech, uttering them
   syllable by syllable successively, though in His own nature He speaks
   not in a bodily but in a spiritual way; not to sense, but to the mind;
   not in words that occupy time, but, if I may so say, eternally, neither
   beginning to speak nor coming to an end.  And what He says is
   accurately heard, not by the bodily but by the mental ear of His
   ministers and messengers, who are immortally blessed in the enjoyment
   of His unchangeable truth; and the directions which they in some
   ineffable way receive, they execute without delay or difficulty in the
   sensible and visible world.  And this law was given in conformity with
   the age of the world, and contained at the first earthly promises, as I
   have said, which, however, symbolized eternal ones; and these eternal
   blessings few understood, though many took a part in the celebration of
   their visible signs.  Nevertheless, with one consent both the words and
   the visible rites of that law enjoin the worship of one God,--not one
   of a crowd of gods, but Him who made heaven and earth, and every soul
   and every spirit which is other than Himself.  He created; all else was
   created; and, both for being and well-being, all things need Him who
   created them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [409] Acts vii. 53.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Whether Those Angels Who Demand that We Pay Them Divine
   Honor, or Those Who Teach Us to Render Holy Service, Not to Themselves,
   But to God, are to Be Trusted About the Way to Life Eternal.

   What angels, then, are we to believe in this matter of blessed and
   eternal life?--those who wish to be worshipped with religious rites and
   observances, and require that men sacrifice to them; or those who say
   that all this worship is due to one God, the Creator, and teach us to
   render it with true piety to Him, by the vision of whom they are
   themselves already blessed, and in whom they promise that we shall be
   so?  For that vision of God is the beauty of a vision so great, and is
   so infinitely desirable, that Plotinus does not hesitate to say that he
   who enjoys all other blessings in abundance, and has not this, is
   supremely miserable. [410]   Since, therefore, miracles are wrought by
   some angels to induce us to worship this God, by others, to induce us
   to worship themselves; and since the former forbid us to worship these,
   while the latter dare not forbid us to worship God, which are we to
   listen to?  Let the Platonists reply, or any philosophers, or the
   theurgists, or rather, periurgists, [411] --for this name is good
   enough for those who practise such arts.  In short, let all men
   answer,--if, at least, there survives in them any spark of that natural
   perception which, as rational beings, they possess when created,--let
   them, I say, tell us whether we should sacrifice to the gods or angels
   who order us to sacrifice to them, or to that One to whom we are
   ordered to sacrifice by those who forbid us to worship either
   themselves or these others.  If neither the one party nor the other had
   wrought miracles, but had merely uttered commands, the one to sacrifice
   to themselves, the other forbidding that, and ordering us to sacrifice
   to God, a godly mind would have been at no loss to discern which
   command proceeded from proud arrogance, and which from true religion.
   I will say more.  If miracles had been wrought only by those who demand
   sacrifice for themselves, while those who forbade this, and enjoined
   sacrificing to the one God only, thought fit entirely to forego the use
   of visible miracles, the authority of the latter was to be preferred by
   all who would use, not their eyes only, but their reason.  But since
   God, for the sake of commending to us the oracles of His truth, has, by
   means of these immortal messengers, who proclaim His majesty and not
   their own pride, wrought miracles of surpassing grandeur, certainty,
   and distinctness, in order that the weak among the godly might not be
   drawn away to false religion by those who require us to sacrifice to
   them and endeavor to convince us by stupendous appeals to our senses,
   who is so utterly unreasonable as not to choose and follow the truth,
   when he finds that it is heralded by even more striking evidences than
   falsehood?

   As for those miracles which history ascribes to the gods of the
   heathen,--I do not refer to those prodigies which at intervals happen
   from some unknown physical causes, and which are arranged and appointed
   by Divine Providence, such as monstrous births, and unusual
   meteorological phenomena, whether startling only, or also injurious,
   and which are said to be brought about and removed by communication
   with demons, and by their most deceitful craft,--but I refer to these
   prodigies which manifestly enough are wrought by their power and force,
   as, that the household gods which Æneas carried from Troy in his flight
   moved from place to place; that Tarquin cut a whetstone with a razor;
   that the Epidaurian serpent attached himself as a companion to
   Æsculapius on his voyage to Rome; that the ship in which the image of
   the Phrygian mother stood, and which could not be moved by a host of
   men and oxen, was moved by one weak woman, who attached her girdle to
   the vessel and drew it, as proof of her chastity; that a vestal, whose
   virginity was questioned, removed the suspicion by carrying from the
   Tiber a sieve full of water without any of it dropping:  these, then,
   and the like, are by no means to be compared for greatness and virtue
   to those which, we read, were wrought among God's people.  How much
   less can we compare those marvels, which even the laws of heathen
   nations prohibit and punish,--I mean the magical and theurgic marvels,
   of which the great part are merely illusions practised upon the senses,
   as the drawing down of the moon, "that," as Lucan says, "it may shed a
   stronger influence on the plants?" [412]   And if some of these do seem
   to equal those which are wrought by the godly, the end for which they
   are wrought distinguishes the two, and shows that ours are incomparably
   the more excellent.  For those miracles commend the worship of a
   plurality of gods, who deserve worship the less the more they demand
   it; but these of ours commend the worship of the one God, who, both by
   the testimony of His own Scriptures, and by the eventual abolition of
   sacrifices, proves that He needs no such offerings.  If, therefore, any
   angels demand sacrifice for themselves, we must prefer those who demand
   it, not for themselves, but for God, the Creator of all, whom they
   serve.  For thus they prove how sincerely they love us, since they wish
   by sacrifice to subject us, not to themselves, but to Him by the
   contemplation of whom they themselves are blessed, and to bring us to
   Him from whom they themselves have never strayed.  If, on the other
   hand, any angels wish us to sacrifice, not to one, but to many, not,
   indeed, to themselves, but to the gods whose angels they are, we must
   in this case also prefer those who are the angels of the one God of
   gods, and who so bid us to worship Him as to preclude our worshipping
   any other.  But, further, if it be the case, as their pride and
   deceitfulness rather indicate, that they are neither good angels nor
   the angels of good gods, but wicked demons, who wish sacrifice to be
   paid, not to the one only and supreme God, but to themselves, what
   better protection against them can we choose than that of the one God
   whom the good angels serve, the angels who bid us sacrifice, not to
   themselves, but to Him whose sacrifice we ourselves ought to be?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [410] Ennead. 1. vi. 7.

   [411] Meaning, officious meddlers.

   [412] Pharsal. vi. 503.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Concerning the Ark of the Covenant, and the Miraculous
   Signs Whereby God Authenticated the Law and the Promise.

   On this account it was that the law of God, given by the disposition of
   angels, and which commanded that the one God of gods alone receive
   sacred worship, to the exclusion of all others, was deposited in the
   ark, called the ark of the testimony.  By this name it is sufficiently
   indicated, not that God, who was worshipped by all those rites, was
   shut up and enclosed in that place, though His responses emanated from
   it along with signs appreciable by the senses, but that His will was
   declared from that throne.  The law itself, too, was engraven on tables
   of stone, and, as I have said, deposited in the ark, which the priests
   carried with due reverence during the sojourn in the wilderness, along
   with the tabernacle, which was in like manner called the tabernacle of
   the testimony; and there was then an accompanying sign, which appeared
   as a cloud by day and as a fire by night; when the cloud moved, the
   camp was shifted, and where it stood the camp was pitched.  Besides
   these signs, and the voices which proceeded from the place where the
   ark was, there were other miraculous testimonies to the law.  For when
   the ark was carried across Jordan, on the entrance to the land of
   promise, the upper part of the river stopped in its course, and the
   lower part flowed on, so as to present both to the ark and the people
   dry ground to pass over.  Then, when it was carried seven times round
   the first hostile and polytheistic city they came to, its walls
   suddenly fell down, though assaulted by no hand, struck by no
   battering-ram.  Afterwards, too, when they were now resident in the
   land of promise, and the ark had, in punishment of their sin, been
   taken by their enemies, its captors triumphantly placed it in the
   temple of their favorite god, and left it shut up there, but, on
   opening the temple next day, they found the image they used to pray to
   fallen to the ground and shamefully shattered.  Then, being them selves
   alarmed by portents, and still more shamefully punished, they restored
   the ark of the testimony to the people from whom they had taken it.
   And what was the manner of its restoration?  They placed it on a wagon,
   and yoked to it cows from which they had taken the calves, and let them
   choose their own course, expecting that in this way the divine will
   would be indicated; and the cows without any man driving or directing
   them, steadily pursued the way to the Hebrews, without regarding the
   lowing of their calves, and thus restored the ark to its worshippers.
   To God these and such like wonders are small, but they are mighty to
   terrify and give wholesome instruction to men.  For if philosophers,
   and especially the Platonists, are with justice esteemed wiser than
   other men, as I have just been mentioning, because they taught that
   even these earthly and insignificant things are ruled by Divine
   Providence, inferring this from the numberless beauties which are
   observable not only in the bodies of animals, but even in plants and
   grasses, how much more plainly do these things attest the presence of
   divinity which happen at the time predicted, and in which that religion
   is commended which forbids the offering of sacrifice to any celestial,
   terrestrial, or infernal being, and commands it to be offered to God
   only, who alone blesses us by His love for us, and by our love to Him,
   and who, by arranging the appointed times of those sacrifices, and by
   predicting that they were to pass into a better sacrifice by a better
   Priest, testified that He has no appetite for these sacrifices, but
   through them indicated others of more substantial blessing,--and all
   this not that He Himself may be glorified by these honors, but that we
   may be stirred up to worship and cleave to Him, being inflamed by His
   love, which is our advantage rather than His?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Against Those Who Deny that the Books of the Church are to
   Be Believed About the Miracles Whereby the People of God Were Educated.

   Will some one say that these miracles are false, that they never
   happened, and that the records of them are lies?  Whoever says so, and
   asserts that in such matters no records whatever can be credited, may
   also say that there are no gods who care for human affairs.  For they
   have induced men to worship them only by means of miraculous works,
   which the heathen histories testify, and by which the gods have made a
   display of their own power rather than done any real service.  This is
   the reason why we have not undertaken in this work, of which we are now
   writing the tenth book, to refute those who either deny that there is
   any divine power, or contend that it does not interfere with human
   affairs, but those who prefer their own god to our God, the Founder of
   the holy and most glorious city, not knowing that He is also the
   invisible and unchangeable Founder of this visible and changing world,
   and the truest bestower of the blessed life which resides not in things
   created, but in Himself.  For thus speaks His most trustworthy
   prophet:  "It is good for me to be united to God." [413]   Among
   philosophers it is a question, what is that end and good to the
   attainment of which all our duties are to have a relation?  The
   Psalmist did not say, It is good for me to have great wealth, or to
   wear imperial insignia, purple, sceptre, and diadem; or, as some even
   of the philosophers have not blushed to say, It is good for me to enjoy
   sensual pleasure; or, as the better men among them seemed to say, My
   good is my spiritual strength; but, "It is good for me to be united to
   God."  This he had learned from Him whom the holy angels, with the
   accompanying witness of miracles, presented as the sole object of
   worship.  And hence he himself became the sacrifice of God, whose
   spiritual love inflamed him, and into whose ineffable and incorporeal
   embrace he yearned to cast himself.  Moreover, if the worshippers of
   many gods (whatever kind of gods they fancy their own to be) believe
   that the miracles recorded in their civil histories, or in the books of
   magic, or of the more respectable theurgy, were wrought by these gods,
   what reason have they for refusing to believe the miracles recorded in
   those writings, to which we owe a credence as much greater as He is
   greater to whom alone these writings teach us to sacrifice?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [413] Ps. lxxiii. 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--On the Reasonableness of Offering, as the True Religion
   Teaches, a Visible Sacrifice to the One True and Invisible God.

   As to those who think that these visible sacrifices are suitably
   offered to other gods, but that invisible sacrifices, the graces of
   purity of mind and holiness of will, should be offered, as greater and
   better, to the invisible God, Himself greater and better than all
   others, they must be oblivious that these visible sacrifices are signs
   of the invisible, as the words we utter are the signs of things.  And
   therefore, as in prayer or praise we direct intelligible words to Him
   to whom in our heart we offer the very feelings we are expressing, so
   we are to understand that in sacrifice we offer visible sacrifice only
   to Him to whom in our heart we ought to present ourselves an invisible
   sacrifice.  It is then that the angels, and all those superior powers
   who are mighty by their goodness and piety, regard us with pleasure,
   and rejoice with us and assist us to the utmost of their power.  But if
   we offer such worship to them, they decline it; and when on any mission
   to men they become visible to the senses, they positively forbid it.
   Examples of this occur in holy writ.  Some fancied they should, by
   adoration or sacrifice, pay the same honor to angels as is due to God,
   and were prevented from doing so by the angels themselves, and ordered
   to render it to Him to whom alone they know it to be due.  And the holy
   angels have in this been imitated by holy men of God.  For Paul and
   Barnabas, when they had wrought a miracle of healing in Lycaonia, were
   thought to be gods, and the Lycaonians desired to sacrifice to them,
   and they humbly and piously declined this honor, and announced to them
   the God in whom they should believe.  And those deceitful and proud
   spirits, who exact worship, do so simply because they know it to be due
   to the true God.  For that which they take pleasure in is not, as
   Porphyry says and some fancy, the smell of the victims, but divine
   honors.  They have, in fact, plenty odors on all hands, and if they
   wished more, they could provide them for themselves.  But the spirits
   who arrogate to themselves divinity are delighted not with the smoke of
   carcasses but with the suppliant spirit which they deceive and hold in
   subjection, and hinder from drawing near to God, preventing him from
   offering himself in sacrifice to God by inducing him to sacrifice to
   others.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Supreme and True Sacrifice Which Was Effected by
   the Mediator Between God and Men.

   And hence that true Mediator, in so far as, by assuming the form of a
   servant, He became the Mediator between God and men, the man Christ
   Jesus, though in the form of God He received sacrifice together with
   the Father, with whom He is one God, yet in the form of a servant He
   chose rather to be than to receive a sacrifice, that not even by this
   instance any one might have occasion to suppose that sacrifice should
   be rendered to any creature.  Thus He is both the Priest who offers and
   the Sacrifice offered.  And He designed that there should be a daily
   sign of this in the sacrifice of the Church, which, being His body,
   learns to offer herself through Him.  Of this true Sacrifice the
   ancient sacrifices of the saints were the various and numerous signs;
   and it was thus variously figured, just as one thing is signified by a
   variety of words, that there may be less weariness when we speak of it
   much.  To this supreme and true sacrifice all false sacrifices have
   given place.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21 .--Of the Power Delegated to Demons for the Trial and
   Glorification of the Saints, Who Conquer Not by Propitiating the
   Spirits of the Air, But by Abiding in God.

   The power delegated to the demons at certain appointed and
   well-adjusted seasons, that they may give expression to their hostility
   to the city of God by stirring up against it the men who are under
   their influence, and may not only receive sacrifice from those who
   willingly offer it, but may also extort it from the unwilling by
   violent persecution;--this power is found to be not merely harmless,
   but even useful to the Church, completing as it does the number of
   martyrs, whom the city of God esteems as all the more illustrious and
   honored citizens, because they have striven even to blood against the
   sin of impiety.  If the ordinary language of the Church allowed it, we
   might more elegantly call these men our heroes.  For this name is said
   to be derived from Juno, who in Greek is called Hêrê, and hence,
   according to the Greek myths, one of her sons was called Heros.  And
   these fables mystically signified that Juno was mistress of the air,
   which they suppose to be inhabited by the demons and the heroes,
   understanding by heroes the souls of the well-deserving dead.  But for
   a quite opposite reason would we call our martyrs heroes,--supposing,
   as I said, that the usage of ecclesiastical language would admit of
   it,--not because they lived along with the demons in the air, but
   because they conquered these demons or powers of the air, and among
   them Juno herself, be she what she may, not unsuitably represented, as
   she commonly is by the poets, as hostile to virtue, and jealous of men
   of mark aspiring to the heavens.  Virgil, however, unhappily gives way,
   and yields to her; for, though he represents her as saying, "I am
   conquered by Æneas," [414] Helenus gives Æneas himself this religious
   advice:

   "Pay vows to Juno:  overbear

   Her queenly soul with gift and prayer." [415]

   In conformity with this opinion, Porphyry-- expressing, however, not so
   much his own views as other people's--says that a good god or genius
   cannot come to a man unless the evil genius has been first of all
   propitiated, implying that the evil deities had greater power than the
   good; for, until they have been appeased and give place, the good can
   give no assistance; and if the evil deities oppose, the good can give
   no help; whereas the evil can do injury without the good being able to
   prevent them.  This is not the way of the true and truly holy religion;
   not thus do our martyrs conquer Juno, that is to say, the powers of the
   air, who envy the virtues of the pious.  Our heroes, if we could so
   call them, overcome Hêrê, not by suppliant gifts, but by divine
   virtues.  As Scipio, who conquered Africa by his valor, is more
   suitably styled Africanus than if he had appeased his enemies by gifts,
   and so won their mercy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [414] Æn., vii. 310.

   [415] Æn., iii. 438, 439.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Whence the Saints Derive Power Against Demons and True
   Purification of Heart.

   It is by true piety that men of God cast out the hostile power of the
   air which opposes godliness; it is by exorcising it, not by
   propitiating it; and they overcome all the temptations of the adversary
   by praying, not to him, but to their own God against him.  For the
   devil cannot conquer or subdue any but those who are in league with
   sin; and therefore he is conquered in the name of Him who assumed
   humanity, and that without sin, that Himself being both Priest and
   Sacrifice, He might bring about the remission of sins, that is to say,
   might bring it about through the Mediator between God and men, the man
   Christ Jesus, by whom we are reconciled to God, the cleansing from sin
   being accomplished.  For men are separated from God only by sins, from
   which we are in this life cleansed not by our own virtue, but by the
   divine compassion; through His indulgence, not through our own power.
   For, whatever virtue we call our own is itself bestowed upon us by His
   goodness.  And we might attribute too much to ourselves while in the
   flesh, unless we lived in the receipt of pardon until we laid it down.
   This is the reason why there has been vouchsafed to us, through the
   Mediator, this grace, that we who are polluted by sinful flesh should
   be cleansed by the likeness of sinful flesh.  By this grace of God,
   wherein He has shown His great compassion toward us, we are both
   governed by faith in this life, and, after this life, are led onwards
   to the fullest perfection by the vision of immutable truth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Of the Principles Which, According to the Platonists,
   Regulate the Purification of the Soul.

   Even Porphyry asserts that it was revealed by divine oracles that we
   are not purified by any sacrifices [416] to sun or moon, meaning it to
   be inferred that we are not purified by sacrificing to any gods.  For
   what mysteries can purify, if those of the sun and moon, which are
   esteemed the chief of the celestial gods, do not purify?  He says, too,
   in the same place, that "principles" can purify, lest it should be
   supposed, from his saying that sacrificing to the sun and moon cannot
   purify, that sacrificing to some other of the host of gods might do
   so.  And what he as a Platonist means by "principles," we know. [417]
   For he speaks of God the Father and God the Son, whom he calls (writing
   in Greek) the intellect or mind of the Father; [418] but of the Holy
   Spirit he says either nothing, or nothing plainly, for I do not
   understand what other he speaks of as holding the middle place between
   these two.  For if, like Plotinus in his discussion regarding the three
   principal substances, [419] he wished us to understand by this third
   the soul of nature, he would certainly not have given it the middle
   place between these two, that is, between the Father and the Son.  For
   Plotinus places the soul of nature after the intellect of the Father,
   while Porphyry, making it the mean, does not place it after, but
   between the others.  No doubt he spoke according to his light, or as he
   thought expedient; but we assert that the Holy Spirit is the Spirit not
   of the Father only, nor of the Son only, but of both.  For philosophers
   speak as they have a mind to, and in the most difficult matters do not
   scruple to offend religious ears; but we are bound to speak according
   to a certain rule, lest freedom of speech beget impiety of opinion
   about the matters themselves of which we speak.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [416] Teletis.

   [417] The Platonists of the Alexandrian and Athenian schools, from
   Plotinus to Proclus, are at one in recognizing in God three principles
   or hypostases:  1st, the One or the Good, which is the Father; 2nd, the
   Intelligence or Word, which is the Son; 3rd, the Soul, which is the
   universal principle of life.  But as to the nature and order of these
   hypostases, the Alexandrians are no longer at one with the school of
   Athens.  On the very subtle differences between the Trinity of Plotinus
   and that of Porphyry, consult M. Jules Simon, ii. 110, and M. Vacherot,
   ii. 37.--Saisset.

   [418] See below, c. 28.

   [419] Ennead. v. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Of the One Only True Principle Which Alone Purifies and
   Renews Human Nature.

   Accordingly, when we speak of God, we do not affirm two or three
   principles, no more than we are at liberty to affirm two or three gods;
   although, speaking of each, of the Father, or of the Son, or of the
   Holy Ghost, we confess that each is God:  and yet we do not say, as the
   Sabellian heretics say, that the Father is the same as the Son, and the
   Holy Spirit the same as the Father and the Son; but we say that the
   Father is the Father of the Son, and the Son the Son of the Father, and
   that the Holy Spirit of the Father and the Son is neither the Father
   nor the Son.  It was therefore truly said that man is cleansed only by
   a Principle, although the Platonists erred in speaking in the plural of
   principles.  But Porphyry, being under the dominion of these envious
   powers, whose influence he was at once ashamed of and afraid to throw
   off, refused to recognize that Christ is the Principle by whose
   incarnation we are purified.  Indeed he despised Him, because of the
   flesh itself which He assumed, that He might offer a sacrifice for our
   purification,--a great mystery, unintelligible to Porphyry's pride,
   which that true and benignant Redeemer brought low by His humility,
   manifesting Himself to mortals by the mortality which He assumed, and
   which the malignant and deceitful mediators are proud of wanting,
   promising, as the boon of immortals, a deceptive assistance to wretched
   men.  Thus the good and true Mediator showed that it is sin which is
   evil, and not the substance or nature of flesh; for this, together with
   the human soul, could without sin be both assumed and retained, and
   laid down in death, and changed to something better by resurrection.
   He showed also that death itself, although the punishment of sin, was
   submitted to by Him for our sakes without sin, and must not be evaded
   by sin on our part, but rather, if opportunity serves, be borne for
   righteousness' sake.  For he was able to expiate sins by dying, because
   He both died, and not for sin of His own.  But He has not been
   recognized by Porphyry as the Principle, otherwise he would have
   recognized Him as the Purifier.  The Principle is neither the flesh nor
   the human soul in Christ but the Word by which all things were made.
   The flesh, therefore, does not by its own virtue purify, but by virtue
   of the Word by which it was assumed, when "the Word became flesh and
   dwelt among us." [420]   For speaking mystically of eating His flesh,
   when those who did not understand Him were offended and went away,
   saying, "This is an hard saying, who can hear it?" He answered to the
   rest who remained, "It is the Spirit that quickeneth; the flesh
   profiteth nothing." [421]   The Principle, therefore, having assumed a
   human soul and flesh, cleanses the soul and flesh of believers.
   Therefore, when the Jews asked Him who He was, He answered that He was
   the Principle. [422]   And this we carnal and feeble men, liable to
   sin, and involved in the darkness of ignorance, could not possibly
   understand, unless we were cleansed and healed by Him, both by means of
   what we were, and of what we were not.  For we were men, but we were
   not righteous; whereas in His incarnation there was a human nature, but
   it was righteous, and not sinful.  This is the mediation whereby a hand
   is stretched to the lapsed and fallen; this is the seed "ordained by
   angels," by whose ministry the law also was given enjoining the worship
   of one God, and promising that this Mediator should come.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [420] John i. 14.

   [421] John vi. 60-64.

   [422] John viii. 25; or "the beginning," following a different reading
   from ours.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--That All the Saints, Both Under the Law and Before It,
   Were Justified by Faith in the Mystery of Christ's Incarnation.

   It was by faith in this mystery, and godliness of life, that
   purification was attainable even by the saints of old, whether before
   the law was given to the Hebrews (for God and the angels were even then
   present as instructors), or in the periods under the law, although the
   promises of spiritual things, being presented in figure, seemed to be
   carnal, and hence the name of Old Testament.  For it was then the
   prophets lived, by whom, as by angels, the same promise was announced;
   and among them was he whose grand and divine sentiment regarding the
   end and supreme good of man I have just now quoted, "It is good for me
   to cleave to God." [423]   In this psalm the distinction between the
   Old and New Testaments is distinctly announced.  For the Psalmist says,
   that when he saw that the carnal and earthly promises were abundantly
   enjoyed by the ungodly, his feet were almost gone, his steps had
   well-nigh slipped; and that it seemed to him as if he had served God in
   vain, when he saw that those who despised God increased in that
   prosperity which he looked for at God's hand.  He says, too, that, in
   investigating this matter with the desire of understanding why it was
   so, he had labored in vain, until he went into the sanctuary of God,
   and understood the end of those whom he had erroneously considered
   happy.  Then he understood that they were cast down by that very thing,
   as he says, which they had made their boast, and that they had been
   consumed and perished for their inequities; and that that whole fabric
   of temporal prosperity had become as a dream when one awaketh, and
   suddenly finds himself destitute of all the joys he had imaged in
   sleep.  And, as in this earth or earthy city they seemed to themselves
   to be great, he says, "O Lord, in Thy city Thou wilt reduce their image
   to nothing."  He also shows how beneficial it had been for him to seek
   even earthly blessings only from the one true God, in whose power are
   all things, for he says, "As a beast was I before Thee, and I am always
   with Thee."  "As a beast," he says, meaning that he was stupid.  For I
   ought to have sought from Thee such things as the ungodly could not
   enjoy as well as I, and not those things which I saw them enjoying in
   abundance, and hence concluded I was serving Thee in vain, because they
   who declined to serve Thee had what I had not.  Nevertheless, "I am
   always with Thee," because even in my desire for such things I did not
   pray to other gods.  And consequently he goes on, "Thou hast holden me
   by my right hand, and by Thy counsel Thou hast guided me, and with
   glory hast taken me up;" as if all earthly advantages were left-hand
   blessings, though, when he saw them enjoyed by the wicked, his feet had
   almost gone.  "For what," he says, "have I in heaven, and what have I
   desired from Thee upon earth?"  He blames himself, and is justly
   displeased with himself; because, though he had in heaven so vast a
   possession (as he afterwards understood), he yet sought from his God on
   earth a transitory and fleeting happiness;--a happiness of mire, we may
   say.  "My heart and my flesh," he says, "fail, O God of my heart."
   Happy failure, from things below to things above!  And hence in another
   psalm He says, "My soul longeth, yea, even faileth, for the courts of
   the Lord." [424]   Yet, though he had said of both his heart and his
   flesh that they were failing, he did not say, O God of my heart and my
   flesh, but, O God of my heart; for by the heart the flesh is made
   clean.  Therefore, says the Lord, "Cleanse that which is within, and
   the outside shall be clean also." [425]   He then says that God
   Himself,--not anything received from Him, but Himself,--is his
   portion.  "The God of my heart, and my portion for ever."  Among the
   various objects of human choice, God alone satisfied him.  "For, lo,"
   he says, "they that are far from Thee shall perish:  Thou destroyest
   all them that go a-whoring from Thee,"--that is, who prostitute
   themselves to many gods.  And then follows the verse for which all the
   rest of the psalm seems to prepare:  "It is good for me to cleave to
   God,"--not to go far off; not to go a-whoring with a multitude of
   gods.  And then shall this union with God be perfected, when all that
   is to be redeemed in us has been redeemed.  But for the present we
   must, as he goes on to say, "place our hope in God."  "For that which
   is seen," says the apostle, "is not hope.  For what a man sees, why
   does he yet hope for?  But if we hope for that we see not, then do we
   with patience wait for it." [426]   Being, then, for the present
   established in this hope, let us do what the Psalmist further
   indicates, and become in our measure angels or messengers of God,
   declaring His will, and praising His glory and His grace.  For when he
   had said, "To place my hope in God," he goes on, "that I may declare
   all Thy praises in the gates of the daughter of Zion."  This is the
   most glorious city of God; this is the city which knows and worships
   one God:  she is celebrated by the holy angels, who invite us to their
   society, and desire us to become fellow-citizens with them in this
   city; for they do not wish us to worship them as our gods, but to join
   them in worshipping their God and ours; nor to sacrifice to them, but,
   together with them, to become a sacrifice to God.  Accordingly, whoever
   will lay aside malignant obstinacy, and consider these things, shall be
   assured that all these blessed and immortal spirits, who do not envy us
   (for if they envied they were not blessed), but rather love us, and
   desire us to be as blessed as themselves, look on us with greater
   pleasure, and give us greater assistance, when we join them in
   worshipping one God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, than if we were to
   offer to themselves sacrifice and worship.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [423] Ps. lxxiii. 28.

   [424] Ps. lxxxiv. 2.

   [425] Matt. xxiii. 26.

   [426] Rom. viii. 24, 25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Of Porphyry's Weakness in Wavering Between the Confession
   of the True God and the Worship of Demons.

   I know not how it is so, but it seems to me that Porphyry blushed for
   his friends the theurgists; for he knew all that I have adduced, but
   did not frankly condemn polytheistic worship.  He said, in fact, that
   there are some angels who visit earth, and reveal divine truth to
   theurgists, and others who publish on earth the things that belong to
   the Father, His height and depth.  Can we believe, then, that the
   angels whose office it is to declare the will of the Father, wish us to
   be subject to any but Him whose will they declare?  And hence, even
   this Platonist himself judiciously observes that we should rather
   imitate than invoke them.  We ought not, then, to fear that we may
   offend these immortal and happy subjects of the one God by not
   sacrificing to them; for this they know to be due only to the one true
   God, in allegiance to whom they themselves find their blessedness, and
   therefore they will not have it given to them, either in figure or in
   the reality, which the mysteries of sacrifice symbolized.  Such
   arrogance belongs to proud and wretched demons, whose disposition is
   diametrically opposite to the piety of those who are subject to God,
   and whose blessedness consists in attachment to Him.  And, that we also
   may attain to this bliss, they aid us, as is fit, with sincere
   kindliness, and usurp over us no dominion, but declare to us Him under
   whose rule we are then fellow-subjects.  Why, then, O philosopher, do
   you still fear to speak freely against the powers which are inimical
   both to true virtue and to the gifts of the true God?  Already you have
   discriminated between the angels who proclaim God's will, and those who
   visit theurgists, drawn down by I know not what art.  Why do you still
   ascribe to these latter the honor of declaring divine truth?  If they
   do not declare the will of the Father, what divine revelations can they
   make?  Are not these the evil spirits who were bound over by the
   incantations of an envious man, [427] that they should not grant purity
   of soul to another, and could not, as you say, be set free from these
   bonds by a good man anxious for purity, and recover power over their
   own actions?  Do you still doubt whether these are wicked demons; or do
   you, perhaps, feign ignorance, that you may not give offence to the
   theurgists, who have allured you by their secret rites, and have taught
   you, as a mighty boon, these insane and pernicious devilries?  Do you
   dare to elevate above the air, and even to heaven, these envious
   powers, or pests, let me rather call them, less worthy of the name of
   sovereign than of slave, as you yourself own; and are you not ashamed
   to place them even among your sidereal gods, and so put a slight upon
   the stars themselves?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [427] See above, c. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of the Impiety of Porphyry, Which is Worse Than Even the
   Mistake of Apuleius.

   How much more tolerable and accordant with human feeling is the error
   of your Platonist co-sectary Apuleius! for he attributed the diseases
   and storms of human passions only to the demons who occupy a grade
   beneath the moon, and makes even this avowal as by constraint regarding
   gods whom he honors; but the superior and celestial gods, who inhabit
   the ethereal regions, whether visible, as the sun, moon, and other
   luminaries, whose brilliancy makes them conspicuous, or invisible, but
   believed in by him, he does his utmost to remove beyond the slightest
   stain of these perturbations.  It is not, then, from Plato, but from
   your Chaldæan teachers you have learned to elevate human vices to the
   ethereal and empyreal regions of the world and to the celestial
   firmament, in order that your theurgists might be able to obtain from
   your gods divine revelations; and yet you make yourself superior to
   these divine revelations by your intellectual life, which dispenses
   with these theurgic purifications as not needed by a philosopher.  But,
   by way of rewarding your teachers, you recommend these arts to other
   men, who, not being philosophers, may be persuaded to use what you
   acknowledge to be useless to yourself, who are capable of higher
   things; so that those who cannot avail themselves of the virtue of
   philosophy, which is too arduous for the multitude, may, at your
   instigation, betake themselves to theurgists by whom they may be
   purified, not, indeed, in the intellectual, but in the spiritual part
   of the soul.  Now, as the persons who are unfit for philosophy form
   incomparably the majority of mankind, more may be compelled to consult
   these secret and illicit teachers of yours than frequent the Platonic
   schools.  For these most impure demons, pretending to be ethereal gods,
   whose herald and messenger you have become, have promised that those
   who are purified by theurgy in the spiritual part of their soul shall
   not indeed return to the Father, but shall dwell among the ethereal
   gods above the aerial regions.  But such fancies are not listened to by
   the multitudes of men whom Christ came to set free from the tyranny of
   demons.  For in Him they have the most gracious cleansing, in which
   mind, spirit, and body alike participate.  For, in order that He might
   heal the whole man from the plague of sin, He took without sin the
   whole human nature.  Would that you had known Him, and would that you
   had committed yourself for healing to Him rather than to your own frail
   and infirm human virtue, or to pernicious and curious arts!  He would
   not have deceived you; for Him your own oracles, on your own showing,
   acknowledged holy and immortal.  It is of Him, too, that the most
   famous poet speaks, poetically indeed, since he applies it to the
   person of another, yet truly, if you refer it to Christ , saying,
   "Under thine auspices, if any traces of our crimes remain, they shall
   be obliterated, and earth freed from its perpetual fear." [428]   By
   which he indicates that, by reason of the infirmity which attaches to
   this life, the greatest progress in virtue and righteousness leaves
   room for the existence, if not of crimes, yet of the traces of crimes,
   which are obliterated only by that Saviour of whom this verse speaks.
   For that he did not say this at the prompting of his own fancy, Virgil
   tells us in almost the last verse of that 4th Eclogue, when he says,
   "The last age predicted by the Cumæan sibyl has now arrived;" whence it
   plainly appears that this had been dictated by the Cumæan sibyl.  But
   those theurgists, or rather demons, who assume the appearance and form
   of gods, pollute rather than purify the human spirit by false
   appearances and the delusive mockery of unsubstantial forms.  How can
   those whose own spirit is unclean cleanse the spirit of man?  Were they
   not unclean, they would not be bound by the incantations of an envious
   man, and would neither be afraid nor grudge to bestow that hollow boon
   which they promise.  But it is sufficient for our purpose that you
   acknowledge that the intellectual soul, that is, our mind, cannot be
   justified by theurgy; and that even the spiritual or inferior part of
   our soul cannot by this act be made eternal and immortal, though you
   maintain that it can be purified by it.  Christ, however, promises life
   eternal; and therefore to Him the world flocks, greatly to your
   indignation, greatly also to your astonishment and confusion.  What
   avails your forced avowal that theurgy leads men astray, and deceives
   vast numbers by its ignorant and foolish teaching, and that it is the
   most manifest mistake to have recourse by prayer and sacrifice to
   angels and principalities, when at the same time, to save yourself from
   the charge of spending labor in vain on such arts, you direct men to
   the theurgists, that by their means men, who do not live by the rule of
   the intellectual soul, may have their spiritual soul purified?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [428] Virgil, Eclog. iv. 13, 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--How It is that Porphyry Has Been So Blind as Not to
   Recognize the True Wisdom--Christ.

   You drive men, therefore, into the most palpable error.  And yet you
   are not ashamed of doing so much harm, though you call yourself a lover
   of virtue and wisdom.  Had you been true and faithful in this
   profession, you would have recognized Christ, the virtue of God and the
   wisdom of God, and would not, in the pride of vain science, have
   revolted from His wholesome humility.  Nevertheless you acknowledge
   that the spiritual part of the soul can be purified by the virtue of
   chastity without the aid of those theurgic arts and mysteries which you
   wasted your time in learning.  You even say, sometimes, that these
   mysteries do not raise the soul after death, so that, after the
   termination of this life, they seem to be of no service even to the
   part you call spiritual; and yet you recur on every opportunity to
   these arts, for no other purpose, so far as I see, than to appear an
   accomplished theurgist, and gratify those who are curious in illicit
   arts, or else to inspire others with the same curiosity.  But we give
   you all praise for saying that this art is to be feared, both on
   account of the legal enactments against it, and by reason of the danger
   involved in the very practice of it.  And would that in this, at least,
   you were listened to by its wretched votaries, that they might be
   withdrawn from entire absorption in it, or might even be preserved from
   tampering with it at all!  You say, indeed, that ignorance, and the
   numberless vices resulting from it, cannot be removed by any mysteries,
   but only by the patrikos nous, that is, the Father's mind or intellect
   conscious of the Father's will.  But that Christ is this mind you do
   not believe; for Him you despise on account of the body He took of a
   woman and the shame of the cross; for your lofty wisdom spurns such low
   and contemptible things, and soars to more exalted regions.  But He
   fulfills what the holy prophets truly predicted regarding Him:  "I will
   destroy the wisdom of the wise, and bring to nought the prudence of the
   prudent." [429]   For He does not destroy and bring to nought His own
   gift in them, but what they arrogate to themselves, and do not hold of
   Him.  And hence the apostle, having quoted this testimony from the
   prophet, adds, "Where is the wise? where is the scribe? where is the
   disputer of this world?  Hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this
   world?  For after that, in the wisdom of God, the world by wisdom knew
   not God, it pleased God by the foolishness of preaching to save them
   that believe.  For the Jews require a sign, and the Greeks seek after
   wisdom; but we preach Christ crucified, unto the Jews a
   stumbling-block, and unto the Greeks foolishness; but unto them which
   are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God, and the
   wisdom of God.  Because the foolishness of God is wiser than men; and
   the weakness of God is stronger than men." [430]   This is despised as
   a weak and foolish thing by those who are wise and strong in
   themselves; yet this is the grace which heals the weak, who do not
   proudly boast a blessedness of their own, but rather humbly acknowledge
   their real misery.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [429] Isa. xxix. 14.

   [430] 1 Cor. i. 19-25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--Of the Incarnation of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Which the
   Platonists in Their Impiety Blush to Acknowledge.

   You proclaim the Father and His Son, whom you call the Father's
   intellect or mind, and between these a third, by whom we suppose you
   mean the Holy Spirit, and in your own fashion you call these three
   Gods.  In this, though your expressions are inaccurate, you do in some
   sort, and as through a veil, see what we should strive towards; but the
   incarnation of the unchangeable Son of God, whereby we are saved, and
   are enabled to reach the things we believe, or in part understand, this
   is what you refuse to recognize.  You see in a fashion, although at a
   distance, although with filmy eye, the country in which we should
   abide; but the way to it you know not.  Yet you believe in grace, for
   you say it is granted to few to reach God by virtue of intelligence.
   For you do not say, "Few have thought fit or have wished," but, "It has
   been granted to few,"--distinctly acknowledging God's grace, not man's
   sufficiency.  You also use this word more expressly, when, in
   accordance with the opinion of Plato, you make no doubt that in this
   life a man cannot by any means attain to perfect wisdom, but that
   whatever is lacking is in the future life made up to those who live
   intellectually, by God's providence and grace.  Oh, had you but
   recognized the grace of God in Jesus Christ our Lord, and that very
   incarnation of His, wherein He assumed a human soul and body, you might
   have seemed the brightest example of grace! [431]   But what am I
   doing?  I know it is useless to speak to a dead man,--useless, at
   least, so far as regards you, but perhaps not in vain for those who
   esteem you highly, and love you on account of their love of wisdom or
   curiosity about those arts which you ought not to have learned; and
   these persons I address in your name.  The grace of God could not have
   been more graciously commended to us than thus, that the only Son of
   God, remaining unchangeable in Himself, should assume humanity, and
   should give us the hope of His love, by means of the mediation of a
   human nature, through which we, from the condition of men, might come
   to Him who was so far off,--the immortal from the mortal; the
   unchangeable from the changeable; the just from the unjust; the blessed
   from the wretched.  And, as He had given us a natural instinct to
   desire blessedness and immortality, He Himself continuing to be
   blessed; but assuming mortality, by enduring what we fear, taught us to
   despise it, that what we long for He might bestow upon us.

   But in order to your acquiescence in this truth, it is lowliness that
   is requisite, and to this it is extremely difficult to bend you.  For
   what is there incredible, especially to men like you, accustomed to
   speculation, which might have predisposed you to believe in this,--what
   is there incredible, I say, in the assertion that God assumed a human
   soul and body?  You yourselves ascribe such excellence to the
   intellectual soul, which is, after all, the human soul, that you
   maintain that it can become consubstantial with that intelligence of
   the Father whom you believe in as the Son of God.  What incredible
   thing is it, then, if some one soul be assumed by Him in an ineffable
   and unique manner for the salvation of many?  Moreover, our nature
   itself testifies that a man is incomplete unless a body be united with
   the soul.  This certainly would be more incredible, were it not of all
   things the most common; for we should more easily believe in a union
   between spirit and spirit, or, to use your own terminology, between the
   incorporeal and the incorporeal, even though the one were human, the
   other divine, the one changeable and the other unchangeable, than in a
   union between the corporeal and the incorporeal.  But perhaps it is the
   unprecedented birth of a body from a virgin that staggers you?  But, so
   far from this being a difficulty, it ought rather to assist you to
   receive our religion, that a miraculous person was born miraculously.
   Or, do you find a difficulty in the fact that, after His body had been
   given up to death, and had been changed into a higher kind of body by
   resurrection, and was now no longer mortal but incorruptible, He
   carried it up into heavenly places?  Perhaps you refuse to believe
   this, because you remember that Porphyry, in these very books from
   which I have cited so much, and which treat of the return of the soul,
   so frequently teaches that a body of every kind is to be escaped from,
   in order that the soul may dwell in blessedness with God.  But here, in
   place of following Porphyry, you ought rather to have corrected him,
   especially since you agree with him in believing such incredible things
   about the soul of this visible world and huge material frame.  For, as
   scholars of Plato, you hold that the world is an animal, and a very
   happy animal, which you wish to be also everlasting.  How, then, is it
   never to be loosed from a body, and yet never lose its happiness, if,
   in order to the happiness of the soul, the body must be left behind?
   The sun, too, and the other stars, you not only acknowledge to be
   bodies, in which you have the cordial assent of all seeing men, but
   also, in obedience to what you reckon a profounder insight, you declare
   that they are very blessed animals, and eternal, together with their
   bodies.  Why is it, then, that when the Christian faith is pressed upon
   you, you forget, or pretend to ignore, what you habitually discuss or
   teach?  Why is it that you refuse to be Christians, on the ground that
   you hold opinions which, in fact, you yourselves demolish?  Is it not
   because Christ came in lowliness, and ye are proud?  The precise nature
   of the resurrection bodies of the saints may sometimes occasion
   discussion among those who are best read in the Christian Scriptures;
   yet there is not among us the smallest doubt that they shall be
   everlasting, and of a nature exemplified in the instance of Christ's
   risen body.  But whatever be their nature, since we maintain that they
   shall be absolutely incorruptible and immortal, and shall offer no
   hindrance to the soul's contemplation, by which it is fixed in God, and
   as you say that among the celestials the bodies of the eternally
   blessed are eternal, why do you maintain that, in order to blessedness,
   every body must be escaped from?  Why do you thus seek such a plausible
   reason for escaping from the Christian faith, if not because, as I
   again say, Christ is humble and ye proud?  Are ye ashamed to be
   corrected?  This is the vice of the proud.  It is, forsooth, a
   degradation for learned men to pass from the school of Plato to the
   discipleship of Christ, who by His Spirit taught a fisherman to think
   and to say, "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God,
   and the Word was God.  The same was in the beginning with God.  All
   things were made by Him; and without Him was not anything made that was
   made.  In Him was life; and the life was the light of men.  And the
   light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not." [432]
     The old saint Simplicianus, afterwards bishop of Milan, used to tell
   me that a certain Platonist was in the habit of saying that this
   opening passage of the holy gospel, entitled, According to John, should
   be written in letters of gold, and hung up in all churches in the most
   conspicuous place.  But the proud scorn to take God for their Master,
   because "the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us." [433]   So that,
   with these miserable creatures, it is not enough that they are sick,
   but they boast of their sickness, and are ashamed of the medicine which
   could heal them.  And, doing so, they secure not elevation, but a more
   disastrous fall.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [431] According to another reading, "You might have seen it to be,"
   etc.

   [432] John i. 1-5.

   [433] John i. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--Porphyry's Emendations and Modifications of Platonism.

   If it is considered unseemly to emend anything which Plato has touched,
   why did Porphyry himself make emendations, and these not a few? for it
   is very certain that Plato wrote that the souls of men return after
   death to the bodies of beasts. [434]   Plotinus also, Porphyry's
   teacher, held this opinion; [435] yet Porphyry justly rejected it.  He
   was of opinion that human souls return indeed into human bodies, but
   not into the bodies they had left, but other new bodies.  He shrank
   from the other opinion, lest a woman who had returned into a mule might
   possibly carry her own son on her back.  He did not shrink, however,
   from a theory which admitted the possibility of a mother coming back
   into a girl and marrying her own son.  How much more honorable a creed
   is that which was taught by the holy and truthful angels, uttered by
   the prophets who were moved by God's Spirit, preached by Him who was
   foretold as the coming Saviour by His forerunning heralds, and by the
   apostles whom He sent forth, and who filled the whole world with the
   gospel,--how much more honorable, I say, is the belief that souls
   return once for all to their own bodies, than that they return again
   and again to divers bodies?  Nevertheless Porphyry, as I have said, did
   considerably improve upon this opinion, in so far, at least, as he
   maintained that human souls could transmigrate only into human bodies,
   and made no scruple about demolishing the bestial prisons into which
   Plato had wished to cast them.  He says, too, that God put the soul
   into the world that it might recognize the evils of matter, and return
   to the Father, and be for ever emancipated from the polluting contact
   of matter.  And although here is some inappropriate thinking (for the
   soul is rather given to the body that it may do good; for it would not
   learn evil unless it did it), yet he corrects the opinion of other
   Platonists, and that on a point of no small importance, inasmuch as he
   avows that the soul, which is purged from all evil and received to the
   Father's presence, shall never again suffer the ills of this life.  By
   this opinion he quite subverted the favorite Platonic dogma, that as
   dead men are made out of living ones, so living men are made out of
   dead ones; and he exploded the idea which Virgil seems to have adopted
   from Plato, that the purified souls which have been sent into the
   Elysian fields (the poetic name for the joys of the blessed) are
   summoned to the river Lethe, that is, to the oblivion of the past,

   "That earthward they may pass once more,

   Remembering not the things before,

   And with a blind propension yearn

   To fleshly bodies to return." [436]

   This found no favor with Porphyry, and very justly; for it is indeed
   foolish to believe that souls should desire to return from that life,
   which cannot be very blessed unless by the assurance of its permanence,
   and to come back into this life, and to the pollution of corruptible
   bodies, as if the result of perfect purification were only to make
   defilement desirable.  For if perfect purification effects the oblivion
   of all evils, and the oblivion of evils creates a desire for a body in
   which the soul may again be entangled with evils, then the supreme
   felicity will be the cause of infelicity, and the perfection of wisdom
   the cause of foolishness, and the purest cleansing the cause of
   defilement.  And, however long the blessedness of the soul last, it
   cannot be founded on truth, if, in order to be blessed, it must be
   deceived.  For it cannot be blessed unless it be free from fear.  But,
   to be free from fear, it must be under the false impression that it
   shall be always blessed,--the false impression, for it is destined to
   be also at some time miserable.  How, then, shall the soul rejoice in
   truth, whose joy is founded on falsehood?  Porphyry saw this, and
   therefore said that the purified soul returns to the Father, that it
   may never more be entangled in the polluting contact with evil.  The
   opinion, therefore, of some Platonists, that there is a necessary
   revolution carrying souls away and bringing them round again to the
   same things, is false.  But, were it true, what were the advantage of
   knowing it?  Would the Platonists presume to allege their superiority
   to us, because we were in this life ignorant of what they themselves
   were doomed to be ignorant of when perfected in purity and wisdom in
   another and better life, and which they must be ignorant of if they are
   to be blessed?  If it were most absurd and foolish to say so, then
   certainly we must prefer Porphyry's opinion to the idea of a
   circulation of souls through constantly alternating happiness and
   misery.  And if this is just, here is a Platonist emending Plato, here
   is a man who saw what Plato did not see, and who did not shrink from
   correcting so illustrious a master, but preferred truth to Plato.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [434] Comp. Euseb. Præp. Evan. xiii. 16.

   [435] Ennead, iii. 4, 2.

   [436] Æneid, vi. 750, 751.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--Against the Arguments on Which the Platonists Ground Their
   Assertion that the Human Soul is Co-Eternal with God.

   Why, then, do we not rather believe the divinity in those matters,
   which human talent cannot fathom?  Why do we not credit the assertion
   of divinity, that the soul is not co-eternal with God, but is created,
   and once was not?  For the Platonists seemed to themselves to allege an
   adequate reason for their rejection of this doctrine, when they
   affirmed that nothing could be everlasting which had not always
   existed.  Plato, however, in writing concerning the world and the gods
   in it, whom the Supreme made, most expressly states that they had a
   beginning and yet would have no end, but, by the sovereign will of the
   Creator, would endure eternally.  But, by way of interpreting this, the
   Platonists have discovered that he meant a beginning, not of time, but
   of cause.  "For as if a foot," they say, "had been always from eternity
   in dust, there would always have been a print underneath it; and yet no
   one would doubt that this print was made by the pressure of the foot,
   nor that, though the one was made by the other, neither was prior to
   the other; so," they say, "the world and the gods created in it have
   always been, their Creator always existing, and yet they were made."
   If, then, the soul has always existed, are we to say that its
   wretchedness has always existed?  For if there is something in it which
   was not from eternity, but began in time, why is it impossible that the
   soul itself, though not previously existing, should begin to be in
   time?  Its blessedness, too, which, as he owns, is to be more stable,
   and indeed endless, after the soul's experience of evils,--this
   undoubtedly has a beginning in time, and yet is to be always, though
   previously it had no existence.  This whole argumentation, therefore,
   to establish that nothing can be endless except that which has had no
   beginning, falls to the ground.  For here we find the blessedness of
   the soul, which has a beginning, and yet has no end.  And, therefore,
   let the incapacity of man give place to the authority of God; and let
   us take our belief regarding the true religion from the ever-blessed
   spirits, who do not seek for themselves that honor which they know to
   be due to their God and ours, and who do not command us to sacrifice
   save only to Him, whose sacrifice, as I have often said already, and
   must often say again, we and they ought together to be, offered through
   that Priest who offered Himself to death a sacrifice for us, in that
   human nature which He assumed, and according to which He desired to be
   our Priest.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--Of the Universal Way of the Soul's Deliverance, Which
   Porphyry Did Not Find Because He Did Not Rightly Seek It, and Which the
   Grace of Christ Has Alone Thrown Open.

   This is the religion which possesses the universal way for delivering
   the soul; for except by this way, none can be delivered.  This is a
   kind of royal way, which alone leads to a kingdom which does not totter
   like all temporal dignities, but stands firm on eternal foundations.
   And when Porphyry says, towards the end of the first book De Regressu
   Animoe, that no system of doctrine which furnishes the universal way
   for delivering the soul has as yet been received, either from the
   truest philosophy, or from the ideas and practices of the Indians, or
   from the reasoning [437] of the Chaldæans, or from any source whatever,
   and that no historical reading had made him acquainted with that way,
   he manifestly acknowledges that there is such a way, but that as yet he
   was not acquainted with it.  Nothing of all that he had so laboriously
   learned concerning the deliverance of the soul, nothing of all that he
   seemed to others, if not to himself, to know and believe, satisfied
   him.  For he perceived that there was still wanting a commanding
   authority which it might be right to follow in a matter of such
   importance.  And when he says that he had not learned from any truest
   philosophy a system which possessed the universal way of the soul's
   deliverance, he shows plainly enough, as it seems to me, either that
   the philosophy of which he was a disciple was not the truest, or that
   it did not comprehend such a way.  And how can that be the truest
   philosophy which does not possess this way?  For what else is the
   universal way of the soul's deliverance than that by which all souls
   universally are delivered, and without which, therefore, no soul is
   delivered?  And when he says, in addition, "or from the ideas and
   practices of the Indians, or from the reasoning of the Chaldæans, or
   from any source whatever," he declares in the most unequivocal language
   that this universal way of the soul's deliverance was not embraced in
   what he had learned either from the Indians or the Chaldæans; and yet
   he could not forbear stating that it was from the Chaldæans he had
   derived these divine oracles of which he makes such frequent mention.
   What, therefore, does he mean by this universal way of the soul's
   deliverance, which had not yet been made known by any truest
   philosophy, or by the doctrinal systems of those nations which were
   considered to have great insight in things divine, because they
   indulged more freely in a curious and fanciful science and worship of
   angels?  What is this universal way of which he acknowledges his
   ignorance, if not a way which does not belong to one nation as its
   special property, but is common to all, and divinely bestowed?
   Porphyry, a man of no mediocre abilities, does not question that such a
   way exists; for he believes that Divine Providence could not have left
   men destitute of this universal way of delivering the soul.  For he
   does not say that this way does not exist, but that this great boon and
   assistance has not yet been discovered, and has not come to his
   knowledge.  And no wonder; for Porphyry lived in an age when this
   universal way of the soul's deliverance,--in other words, the Christian
   religion,--was exposed to the persecutions of idolaters and
   demon-worshippers, and earthly rulers, [438] that the number of martyrs
   or witnesses for the truth might be completed and consecrated, and that
   by them proof might be given that we must endure all bodily sufferings
   in the cause of the holy faith, and for the commendation of the truth.
   Porphyry, being a witness of these persecutions, concluded that this
   way was destined to a speedy extinction, and that it, therefore, was
   not the universal way of the soul's deliverance, and did not see that
   the very thing that thus moved him, and deterred him from becoming a
   Christian, contributed to the confirmation and more effectual
   commendation of our religion.

   This, then, is the universal way of the soul's deliverance, the way
   that is granted by the divine compassion to the nations universally.
   And no nation to which the knowledge of it has already come, or may
   hereafter come, ought to demand, Why so soon? or, Why so late?--for the
   design of Him who sends it is impenetrable by human capacity.  This was
   felt by Porphyry when he confined himself to saying that this gift of
   God was not yet received, and had not yet come to his knowledge.  For
   though this was so, he did not on that account pronounce that the way
   it self had no existence.  This, I say, is the universal way for the
   deliverance of believers, concerning which the faithful Abraham
   received the divine assurance, "In thy seed shall all nations be
   blessed." [439]   He, indeed, was by birth a Chaldæan; but, that he
   might receive these great promises, and that there might be propagated
   from him a seed "disposed by angels in the hand of a Mediator," [440]
   in whom this universal way, thrown open to all nations for the
   deliverance of the soul, might be found, he was ordered to leave his
   country, and kindred, and father's house.  Then was he himself, first
   of all, delivered from the Chaldæan superstitions, and by his obedience
   worshipped the one true God, whose promises he faithfully trusted.
   This is the universal way, of which it is said in holy prophecy, "God
   be merciful unto us, and bless us, and cause His face to shine upon us;
   that Thy way may be known upon earth, Thy saving health among all
   nations." [441]   And hence, when our Saviour, so long after, had taken
   flesh of the seed of Abraham, He says of Himself, "I am the way, the
   truth, and the life." [442]   This is the universal way, of which so
   long before it had been predicted, "And it shall come to pass in the
   last days, that the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established
   in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and
   all nations shall flow unto it.  And many people shall go and say, Come
   ye, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the
   God of Jacob; and He will teach us of His ways, and we will walk in His
   paths:  for out of Sion shall go forth the law, and the word of the
   Lord from Jerusalem." [443]   This way, therefore, is not the property
   of one, but of all nations.  The law and the word of the Lord did not
   remain in Zion and Jerusalem, but issued thence to be universally
   diffused.  And therefore the Mediator Himself, after His resurrection,
   says to His alarmed disciples, "These are the words which I spake unto
   you while I was yet with you, that all things must be fulfilled which
   were written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the
   Psalms, concerning me.  Then opened He their understandings that they
   might understand the Scriptures, and said unto them, Thus it is
   written, and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the
   dead the third day:  and that repentance and remission of sins should
   be preached in His name among all nations, beginning at Jerusalem."
   [444]   This is the universal way of the soul's deliverance, which the
   holy angels and the holy prophets formerly disclosed where they could
   among the few men who found the grace of God, and especially in the
   Hebrew nation, whose commonwealth was, as it were, consecrated to
   prefigure and fore-announce the city of God which was to be gathered
   from all nations, by their tabernacle, and temple, and priesthood, and
   sacrifices.  In some explicit statements, and in many obscure
   foreshadowings, this way was declared; but latterly came the Mediator
   Himself in the flesh, and His blessed apostles, revealing how the grace
   of the New Testament more openly explained what had been obscurely
   hinted to preceding generations, in conformity with the relation of the
   ages of the human race, and as it pleased God in His wisdom to appoint,
   who also bore them witness with signs and miracles some of which I have
   cited above.  For not only were there visions of angels, and words
   heard from those heavenly ministrants, but also men of God, armed with
   the word of simple piety, cast out unclean spirits from the bodies and
   senses of men, and healed deformities and sicknesses; the wild beasts
   of earth and sea, the birds of air, inanimate things, the elements, the
   stars, obeyed their divine commands; the powers of hell gave way before
   them, the dead were restored to life.  I say nothing of the miracles
   peculiar and proper to the Saviour's own person, especially the
   nativity and the resurrection; in the one of which He wrought only the
   mystery of a virgin maternity, while in the other He furnished an
   instance of the resurrection which all shall at last experience.  This
   way purifies the whole man, and prepares the mortal in all his parts
   for immortality.  For, to prevent us from seeking for one purgation for
   the part which Porphyry calls intellectual, and another for the part he
   calls spiritual, and another for the body itself, our most mighty and
   truthful Purifier and Saviour assumed the whole human nature.  Except
   by this way, which has been present among men both during the period of
   the promises and of the proclamation of their fulfillment, no man has
   been delivered, no man is delivered, no man shall be delivered.

   As to Porphyry's statement that the universal way of the soul's
   deliverance had not yet come to his knowledge by any acquaintance he
   had with history, I would ask, what more remarkable history can be
   found than that which has taken possession of the whole world by its
   authoritative voice? or what more trustworthy than that which narrates
   past events, and predicts the future with equal clearness, and in the
   unfulfilled predictions of which we are constrained to believe by those
   that are already fulfilled?  For neither Porphyry nor any Platonists
   can despise divination and prediction, even of things that pertain to
   this life and earthly matters, though they justly despise ordinary
   soothsaying and the divination that is connected with magical arts.
   They deny that these are the predictions of great men, or are to be
   considered important, and they are right; for they are founded, either
   on the foresight of subsidiary causes, as to a professional eye much of
   the course of a disease is foreseen by certain pre-monitory symptoms,
   or the unclean demons predict what they have resolved to do, that they
   may thus work upon the thoughts and desires of the wicked with an
   appearance of authority, and incline human frailty to imitate their
   impure actions.  It is not such things that the saints who walk in the
   universal way care to predict as important, although, for the purpose
   of commending the faith, they knew and often predicted even such things
   as could not be detected by human observation, nor be readily verified
   by experience.  But there were other truly important and divine events
   which they predicted, in so far as it was given them to know the will
   of God.  For the incarnation of Christ, and all those important marvels
   that were accomplished in Him, and done in His name; the repentance of
   men and the conversion of their wills to God; the remission of sins,
   the grace of righteousness, the faith of the pious, and the multitudes
   in all parts of the world who believe in the true divinity; the
   overthrow of idolatry and demon worship, and the testing of the
   faithful by trials; the purification of those who persevered, and their
   deliverance from all evil; the day of judgment, the resurrection of the
   dead, the eternal damnation of the community of the ungodly, and the
   eternal kingdom of the most glorious city of God, ever-blessed in the
   enjoyment of the vision of God,--these things were predicted and
   promised in the Scriptures of this way; and of these we see so many
   fulfilled, that we justly and piously trust that the rest will also
   come to pass.  As for those who do not believe, and consequently do not
   understand, that this is the way which leads straight to the vision of
   God and to eternal fellowship with Him, according to the true
   predictions and statements of the Holy Scriptures, they may storm at
   our position, but they cannot storm it.

   And therefore, in these ten books, though not meeting, I dare say, the
   expectation of some, yet I have, as the true God and Lord has
   vouchsafed to aid me, satisfied the desire of certain persons, by
   refuting the objections of the ungodly, who prefer their own gods to
   the Founder of the holy city, about which we undertook to speak.  Of
   these ten books, the first five were directed against those who think
   we should worship the gods for the sake of the blessings of this life,
   and the second five against those who think we should worship them for
   the sake of the life which is to be after death.  And now, in
   fulfillment of the promise I made in the first book, I shall go on to
   say, as God shall aid me, what I think needs to be said regarding the
   origin, history, and deserved ends of the two cities, which, as already
   remarked, are in this world commingled and implicated with one another.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [437] Inductio.

   [438] Namely, under Diocletian and Maximian.

   [439] Gen. xxii. 18.

   [440] Gal. iii. 19.

   [441] Ps. lxvii. 1, 2.

   [442] John xiv. 6.

   [443] Isa. ii. 2, 3.

   [444] Luke xxiv. 44-47.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XI.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Here begins the second part [445] of this work, which treats
   of the origin, history, and destinies of the two cities, the earthly
   and the heavenly.  In the first place, Augustin shows in this book how
   the two cities were formed originally, by the separation of the good
   and bad angels; and takes occasion to treat of the creation of the
   world, as it is described in Holy Scripture in the beginning of the
   book of Genesis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of This Part of the Work, Wherein We Begin to Explain the
   Origin and End of the Two Cities.

   The city of God we speak of is the same to which testimony is borne by
   that Scripture, which excels all the writings of all nations by its
   divine authority, and has brought under its influence all kinds of
   minds, and this not by a casual intellectual movement, but obviously by
   an express providential arrangement.  For there it is written,
   "Glorious things are spoken of thee, O city of God." [446]   And in
   another psalm we read, "Great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised in
   the city of our God, in the mountain of His holiness, increasing the
   joy of the whole earth." [447]   And, a little after, in the same
   psalm, "As we have heard, so have we seen in the city of the Lord of
   hosts, in the city of our God.  God has established it for ever."  And
   in another, "There is a river the streams whereof shall make glad the
   city of our God, the holy place of the tabernacles of the Most High.
   God is in the midst of her, she shall not be moved." [448]   From these
   and similar testimonies, all of which it were tedious to cite, we have
   learned that there is a city of God, and its Founder has inspired us
   with a love which makes us covet its citizenship.  To this Founder of
   the holy city the citizens of the earthly city prefer their own gods,
   not knowing that He is the God of gods, not of false, i.e., of impious
   and proud gods, who, being deprived of His unchangeable and freely
   communicated light, and so reduced to a kind of poverty-stricken power,
   eagerly grasp at their own private privileges, and seek divine honors
   from their deluded subjects; but of the pious and holy gods, who are
   better pleased to submit themselves to one, than to subject many to
   themselves, and who would rather worship God than be worshipped as
   God.  But to the enemies of this city we have replied in the ten
   preceding books, according to our ability and the help afforded by our
   Lord and King.  Now, recognizing what is expected of me, and not
   unmindful of my promise, and relying, too, on the same succor, I will
   endeavor to treat of the origin, and progress, and deserved destinies
   of the two cities (the earthly and the heavenly, to wit), which, as we
   said, are in this present world commingled, and as it were entangled
   together.  And, first, I will explain how the foundations of these two
   cities were originally laid, in the difference that arose among the
   angels.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [446] Ps. lxxxvii. 3.

   [447] Ps. xlviii. 1.

   [448] Ps. xlvi. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Of the Knowledge of God, to Which No Man Can Attain Save
   Through the Mediator Between God and Men, the Man Christ Jesus.

    It is a great and very rare thing for a man, after he has contemplated
   the whole creation, corporeal and incorporeal, and has discerned its
   mutability, to pass beyond it, and, by the continued soaring of his
   mind, to attain to the unchangeable substance of God, and, in that
   height of contemplation, to learn from God Himself that none but He has
   made all that is not of the divine essence.  For God speaks with a man
   not by means of some audible creature dinning in his ears, so that
   atmospheric vibrations connect Him that makes with him that hears the
   sound, nor even by means of a spiritual being with the semblance of a
   body, such as we see in dreams or similar states; for even in this case
   He speaks as if to the ears of the body, because it is by means of the
   semblance of a body He speaks, and with the appearance of a real
   interval of space,--for visions are exact representations of bodily
   objects.  Not by these, then, does God speak, but by the truth itself,
   if any one is prepared to hear with the mind rather than with the
   body.  For He speaks to that part of man which is better than all else
   that is in him, and than which God Himself alone is better.  For since
   man is most properly understood (or, if that cannot be, then, at least,
   believed) to be made in God's image, no doubt it is that part of him by
   which he rises above those lower parts he has in common with the
   beasts, which brings him nearer to the Supreme.  But since the mind
   itself, though naturally capable of reason and intelligence is disabled
   by besotting and inveterate vices not merely from delighting and
   abiding in, but even from tolerating His unchangeable light, until it
   has been gradually healed, and renewed, and made capable of such
   felicity, it had, in the first place, to be impregnated with faith, and
   so purified.  And that in this faith it might advance the more
   confidently towards the truth, the truth itself, God, God's Son,
   assuming humanity without destroying His divinity, [449] established
   and founded this faith, that there might be a way for man to man's God
   through a God-man.  For this is the Mediator between God and men, the
   man Christ Jesus.  For it is as man that He is the Mediator and the
   Way.  Since, if the way lieth between him who goes, and the place
   whither he goes, there is hope of his reaching it; but if there be no
   way, or if he know not where it is, what boots it to know whither he
   should go?  Now the only way that is infallibly secured against all
   mistakes, is when the very same person is at once God and man, God our
   end, man our way. [450]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [449] Homine assumto, non Deo consumto.

   [450] Quo itur Deus, qua itur homo.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Of the Authority of the Canonical Scriptures Composed by
   the Divine Spirit.

   This Mediator, having spoken what He judged sufficient first by the
   prophets, then by His own lips, and afterwards by the apostles, has
   besides produced the Scripture which is called canonical, which has
   paramount authority, and to which we yield assent in all matters of
   which we ought not to be ignorant, and yet cannot know of ourselves.
   For if we attain the knowledge of present objects by the testimony of
   our own senses, [451] whether internal or external, then, regarding
   objects remote from our own senses, we need others to bring their
   testimony, since we cannot know them by our own, and we credit the
   persons to whom the objects have been or are sensibly present.
   Accordingly, as in the case of visible objects which we have not seen,
   we trust those who have, (and likewise with all sensible objects,) so
   in the case of things which are perceived [452] by the mind and spirit,
   i.e., which are remote from our own interior sense, it behoves us to
   trust those who have seen them set in that incorporeal light, or
   abidingly contemplate them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [451] A clause is here inserted to give the etymology of proesentia
   from proe sensibus.

   [452] Another derivation, sententia from sensus, the inward perception
   of the mind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--That the World is Neither Without Beginning, Nor Yet
   Created by a New Decree of God, by Which He Afterwards Willed What He
   Had Not Before Willed.

   Of all visible things, the world is the greatest; of all invisible, the
   greatest is God.  But, that the world is, we see; that God is, we
   believe.  That God made the world, we can believe from no one more
   safely than from God Himself.  But where have we heard Him?  Nowhere
   more distinctly than in the Holy Scriptures, where His prophet said,
   "In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth." [453]   Was
   the prophet present when God made the heavens and the earth?  No; but
   the wisdom of God, by whom all things were made, was there, [454] and
   wisdom insinuates itself into holy souls, and makes them the friends of
   God and His prophets, and noiselessly informs them of His works.  They
   are taught also by the angels of God, who always behold the face of the
   Father, [455] and announce His will to whom it befits.  Of these
   prophets was he who said and wrote, "In the beginning God created the
   heavens and the earth."  And so fit a witness was he of God, that the
   same Spirit of God, who revealed these things to him, enabled him also
   so long before to predict that our faith also would be forthcoming.

   But why did God choose then to create the heavens and earth which up to
   that time He had not made? [456]   If they who put this question wish
   to make out that the world is eternal and without beginning, and that
   consequently it has not been made by God, they are strangely deceived,
   and rave in the incurable madness of impiety.  For, though the voices
   of the prophets were silent, the world itself, by its well-ordered
   changes and movements, and by the fair appearance of all visible
   things, bears a testimony of its own, both that it has been created,
   and also that it could not have been created save by God, whose
   greatness and beauty are unutterable and invisible.  As for those [457]
   who own, indeed, that it was made by God, and yet ascribe to it not a
   temporal but only a creational beginning, so that in some scarcely
   intelligible way the world should always have existed a created world
   they make an assertion which seems to them to defend God from the
   charge of arbitrary hastiness, or of suddenly conceiving the idea of
   creating the world as a quite new idea, or of casually changing His
   will, though He be unchangeable.  But I do not see how this supposition
   of theirs can stand in other respects, and chiefly in respect of the
   soul; for if they contend that it is co-eternal with God, they will be
   quite at a loss to explain whence there has accrued to it new misery,
   which through a previous eternity had not existed.  For if they said
   that its happiness and misery ceaselessly alternate, they must say,
   further, that this alternation will continue for ever; whence will
   result this absurdity, that, though the soul is called blessed, it is
   not so in this, that it foresees its own misery and disgrace.  And yet,
   if it does not foresee it, and supposes that it will be neither
   disgraced nor wretched, but always blessed, then it is blessed because
   it is deceived; and a more foolish statement one cannot make.  But if
   their idea is that the soul's misery has alternated with its bliss
   during the ages of the past eternity, but that now, when once the soul
   has been set free, it will return henceforth no more to misery, they
   are nevertheless of opinion that it has never been truly blessed
   before, but begins at last to enjoy a new and uncertain happiness; that
   is to say, they must acknowledge that some new thing, and that an
   important and signal thing, happens to the soul which never in a whole
   past eternity happened it before.  And if they deny that God's eternal
   purpose included this new experience of the soul, they deny that He is
   the Author of its blessedness, which is unspeakable impiety.  If, on
   the other hand, they say that the future blessedness of the soul is the
   result of a new decree of God, how will they show that God is not
   chargeable with that mutability which displeases them?  Further, if
   they acknowledge that it was created in time, but will never perish in
   time,--that it has, like number, [458] a beginning but no end,--and
   that, therefore, having once made trial of misery, and been delivered
   from it, it will never again return thereto, they will certainly admit
   that this takes place without any violation of the immutable counsel of
   God.  Let them, then, in like manner believe regarding the world that
   it too could be made in time, and yet that God, in making it, did not
   alter His eternal design.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [453] Gen. i. 1.

   [454] Prov. viii. 27.

   [455] Matt. xviii. 10.

   [456] A common question among the Epicureans; urged by Velleius in Cic.
   De. Nat. Deor. i. 9, adopted by the Manichæans and spoken to by
   Augustin in the Conf. xi. 10, 12, also in De Gen. contra Man. i. 3.

   [457] The Neo-Platonists.

   [458] Number begins at one, but runs on infinitely.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--That We Ought Not to Seek to Comprehend the Infinite Ages
   of Time Before the World, Nor the Infinite Realms of Space.

   Next, we must see what reply can be made to those who agree that God is
   the Creator of the world, but have difficulties about the time of its
   creation, and what reply, also, they can make to difficulties we might
   raise about the place of its creation.  For, as they demand why the
   world was created then and no sooner, we may ask why it was created
   just here where it is, and not elsewhere.  For if they imagine infinite
   spaces of time before the world, during which God could not have been
   idle, in like manner they may conceive outside the world infinite
   realms of space, in which, if any one says that the Omnipotent cannot
   hold His hand from working, will it not follow that they must adopt
   Epicurus' dream of innumerable worlds? with this difference only, that
   he asserts that they are formed and destroyed by the fortuitous
   movements of atoms, while they will hold that they are made by God's
   hand, if they maintain that, throughout the boundless immensity of
   space, stretching interminably in every direction round the world, God
   cannot rest, and that the worlds which they suppose Him to make cannot
   be destroyed.  For here the question is with those who, with ourselves,
   believe that God is spiritual, and the Creator of all existences but
   Himself.  As for others, it is a condescension to dispute with them on
   a religious ques tion, for they have acquired a reputation only among
   men who pay divine honors to a number of gods, and have become
   conspicuous among the other philosophers for no other reason than that,
   though they are still far from the truth, they are near it in
   comparison with the rest.  While these, then, neither confine in any
   place, nor limit, nor distribute the divine substance, but, as is
   worthy of God, own it to be wholly though spiritually present
   everywhere, will they perchance say that this substance is absent from
   such immense spaces outside the world, and is occupied in one only,
   (and that a very little one compared with the infinity beyond), the
   one, namely, in which is the world?  I think they will not proceed to
   this absurdity.  Since they maintain that there is but one world, of
   vast material bulk, indeed, yet finite, and in its own determinate
   position, and that this was made by the working of God, let them give
   the same account of God's resting in the infinite times before the
   world as they give of His resting in the infinite spaces outside of
   it.  And as it does not follow that God set the world in the very spot
   it occupies and no other by accident rather than by divine reason,
   although no human reason can comprehend why it was so set, and though
   there was no merit in the spot chosen to give it the precedence of
   infinite others, so neither does it follow that we should suppose that
   God was guided by chance when He created the world in that and no
   earlier time, although previous times had been running by during an
   infinite past, and though there was no difference by which one time
   could be chosen in preference to another.  But if they say that the
   thoughts of men are idle when they conceive infinite places, since
   there is no place beside the world, we reply that, by the same showing,
   it is vain to conceive of the past times of God's rest, since there is
   no time before the world.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--That the World and Time Had Both One Beginning, and the One
   Did Not Anticipate the Other.

   For if eternity and time are rightly distinguished by this, that time
   does not exist without some movement and transition, while in eternity
   there is no change, who does not see that there could have been no time
   had not some creature been made, which by some motion could give birth
   to change,--the various parts of which motion and change, as they
   cannot be simultaneous, succeed one another,--and thus, in these
   shorter or longer intervals of duration, time would begin?  Since then,
   God, in whose eternity is no change at all, is the Creator and Ordainer
   of time, I do not see how He can be said to have created the world
   after spaces of time had elapsed, unless it be said that prior to the
   world there was some creature by whose movement time could pass.  And
   if the sacred and infallible Scriptures say that in the beginning God
   created the heavens and the earth, in order that it may be understood
   that He had made nothing previously,--for if He had made anything
   before the rest, this thing would rather be said to have been made "in
   the beginning,"--then assuredly the world was made, not in time, but
   simultaneously with time.  For that which is made in time is made both
   after and before some time,--after that which is past, before that
   which is future.  But none could then be past, for there was no
   creature by whose movements its duration could be measured.  But
   simultaneously with time the world was made, if in the world's creation
   change and motion were created, as seems evident from the order of the
   first six or seven days.  For in these days the morning and evening are
   counted, until, on the sixth day, all things which God then made were
   finished, and on the seventh the rest of God was mysteriously and
   sublimely signalized.  What kind of days these were it is extremely
   difficult, or perhaps impossible for us to conceive, and how much more
   to say!
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Of the Nature of the First Days, Which are Said to Have Had
   Morning and Evening, Before There Was a Sun.

   We see, indeed, that our ordinary days have no evening but by the
   setting, and no morning but by the rising, of the sun; but the first
   three days of all were passed without sun, since it is reported to have
   been made on the fourth day.  And first of all, indeed, light was made
   by the word of God, and God, we read, separated it from the darkness,
   and called the light Day, and the darkness Night; but what kind of
   light that was, and by what periodic movement it made evening and
   morning, is beyond the reach of our senses; neither can we understand
   how it was, and yet must unhesitatingly believe it.  For either it was
   some material light, whether proceeding from the upper parts of the
   world, far removed from our sight, or from the spot where the sun was
   afterwards kindled; or under the name of light the holy city was
   signified, composed of holy angels and blessed spirits, the city of
   which the apostle says, "Jerusalem which is above is our eternal mother
   in heaven;" [459] and in another place, "For ye are all the children of
   the light, and the children of the day; we are not of the night, nor of
   darkness." [460]   Yet in some respects we may appropriately speak of a
   morning and evening of this day also.  For the knowledge of the
   creature is, in comparison of the knowledge of the Creator, but a
   twilight; and so it dawns and breaks into morning when the creature is
   drawn to the praise and love of the Creator; and night never falls when
   the Creator is not forsaken through love of the creature.  In fine,
   Scripture, when it would recount those days in order, never mentions
   the word night.  It never says, "Night was," but "The evening and the
   morning were the first day."  So of the second and the rest.  And,
   indeed, the knowledge of created things contemplated by themselves is,
   so to speak, more colorless than when they are seen in the wisdom of
   God, as in the art by which they were made.  Therefore evening is a
   more suitable figure than night; and yet, as I said, morning returns
   when the creature returns to the praise and love of the Creator.  When
   it does so in the knowledge of itself, that is the first day; when in
   the knowledge of the firmament, which is the name given to the sky
   between the waters above and those beneath, that is the second day;
   when in the knowledge of the earth, and the sea, and all things that
   grow out of the earth, that is the third day; when in the knowledge of
   the greater and less luminaries, and all the stars, that is the fourth
   day; when in the knowledge of all animals that swim in the waters and
   that fly in the air, that is the fifth day; when in the knowledge of
   all animals that live on the earth, and of man himself, that is the
   sixth day. [461]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [459] Gal. iv. 26.

   [460] 1 Thess. v. 5.

   [461] Comp. de Gen. ad Lit. i. and iv.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--What We are to Understand of God's Resting on the Seventh
   Day, After the Six Days' Work.

   When it is said that God rested on the seventh day from all His works,
   and hallowed it, we are not to conceive of this in a childish fashion,
   as if work were a toil to God, who "spake and it was done,"--spake by
   the spiritual and eternal, not audible and transitory word.  But God's
   rest signifies the rest of those who rest in God, as the joy of a house
   means the joy of those in the house who rejoice, though not the house,
   but something else, causes the joy.  How much more intelligible is such
   phraseology, then, if the house itself, by its own beauty, makes the
   inhabitants joyful!  For in this case we not only call it joyful by
   that figure of speech in which the thing containing is used for the
   thing contained (as when we say, "The theatres applaud," "The meadows
   low," meaning that the men in the one applaud, and the oxen in the
   other low), but also by that figure in which the cause is spoken of as
   if it were the effect, as when a letter is said to be joyful, because
   it makes its readers so.  Most appropriately, therefore, the sacred
   narrative states that God rested, meaning thereby that those rest who
   are in Him, and whom He makes to rest.  And this the prophetic
   narrative promises also to the men to whom it speaks, and for whom it
   was written, that they themselves, after those good works which God
   does in and by them, if they have managed by faith to get near to God
   in this life, shall enjoy in Him eternal rest.  This was pre-figured to
   the ancient people of God by the rest enjoined in their sabbath law, of
   which, in its own place, I shall speak more at large.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--What the Scriptures Teach Us to Believe Concerning the
   Creation of the Angels.

   At present, since I have undertaken to treat of the origin of the holy
   city, and first of the holy angels, who constitute a large part of this
   city, and indeed the more blessed part, since they have never been
   expatriated, I will give myself to the task of explaining, by God's
   help, and as far as seems suitable, the Scriptures which relate to this
   point.  Where Scripture speaks of the world's creation, it is not
   plainly said whether or when the angels were created; but if mention of
   them is made, it is implicitly under the name of "heaven," when it is
   said, "In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth," or
   perhaps rather under the name of "light," of which presently.  But that
   they were wholly omitted, I am unable to believe, because it is written
   that God on the seventh day rested from all His works which He made;
   and this very book itself begins, "In the beginning God created the
   heavens and the earth," so that before heaven and earth God seems to
   have made nothing.  Since, therefore, He began with the heavens and the
   earth,--and the earth itself, as Scripture adds, was at first invisible
   and formless, light not being as yet made, and darkness covering the
   face of the deep (that is to say, covering an undefined chaos of earth
   and sea, for where light is not, darkness must needs be),--and then
   when all things, which are recorded to have been completed in six days,
   were created and arranged, how should the angels be omitted, as if they
   were not among the works of God, from which on the seventh day He
   rested?  Yet, though the fact that the angels are the work of God is
   not omitted here, it is indeed not explicitly mentioned; but elsewhere
   Holy Scripture asserts it in the clearest manner.  For in the Hymn of
   the Three Children in the Furnace it was said, "O all ye works of the
   Lord bless ye the Lord;" [462] and among these works mentioned
   afterwards in detail, the angels are named.  And in the psalm it is
   said, "Praise ye the Lord from the heavens, praise Him in the heights.
   Praise ye Him, all His angels; praise ye Him, all His hosts.  Praise ye
   Him, sun and moon; praise him, all ye stars of light.  Praise Him, ye
   heaven of heavens; and ye waters that be above the heavens.  Let them
   praise the name of the Lord; for He commanded, and they were created."
   [463]   Here the angels are most expressly and by divine authority said
   to have been made by God, for of them among the other heavenly things
   it is said, "He commanded, and they were created."  Who, then, will be
   bold enough to suggest that the angels were made after the six days'
   creation?  If any one is so foolish, his folly is disposed of by a
   scripture of like authority, where God says, "When the stars were made,
   the angels praised me with a loud voice." [464]   The angels therefore
   existed before the stars; and the stars were made the fourth day.
   Shall we then say that they were made the third day?  Far from it; for
   we know what was made that day.  The earth was separated from the
   water, and each element took its own distinct form, and the earth
   produced all that grows on it.  On the second day, then?  Not even on
   this; for on it the firmament was made between the waters above and
   beneath, and was called "Heaven," in which firmament the stars were
   made on the fourth day.  There is no question, then, that if the angels
   are included in the works of God during these six days, they are that
   light which was called "Day," and whose unity Scripture signalizes by
   calling that day not the "first day," but "one day." [465]   For the
   second day, the third, and the rest are not other days; but the same
   "one" day is repeated to complete the number six or seven, so that
   there should be knowledge both of God's works and of His rest.  For
   when God said, "Let there be light, and there was light," if we are
   justified in understanding in this light the creation of the angels,
   then certainly they were created partakers of the eternal light which
   is the unchangeable Wisdom of God, by which all things were made, and
   whom we call the only-begotten Son of God; so that they, being
   illumined by the Light that created them, might themselves become light
   and be called "Day," in participation of that unchangeable Light and
   Day which is the Word of God, by whom both themselves and all else were
   made.  "The true Light, which lighteth every man that cometh into the
   world," [466] --this Light lighteth also every pure angel, that he may
   be light not in himself, but in God; from whom if an angel turn away,
   he becomes impure, as are all those who are called unclean spirits, and
   are no longer light in the Lord, but darkness in themselves, being
   deprived of the participation of Light eternal.  For evil has no
   positive nature; but the loss of good has received the name "evil."
   [467]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [462] Ver. 35.

   [463] Ps. cxlviii. 1-5.

   [464] Job xxxviii. 7.

   [465] Vives here notes that the Greek theologians and Jerome held, with
   Plato, that spiritual creatures were made first, and used by God in the
   creation of things material.  The Latin theologians and Basil held that
   God made all things at once.

   [466] John i. 9.

   [467] Mali enim nulla natura est:  sed amissio boni, mali nomen
   accepit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Of the Simple and Unchangeable Trinity, Father, Son, and
   Holy Ghost, One God, in Whom Substance and Quality are Identical.

   There is, accordingly, a good which is alone simple, and therefore
   alone unchangeable, and this is God.  By this Good have all others been
   created, but not simple, and therefore not unchangeable.  "Created," I
   say,--that is, made, not begotten.  For that which is begotten of the
   simple Good is simple as itself, and the same as itself.  These two we
   call the Father and the Son; and both together with the Holy Spirit are
   one God; and to this Spirit the epithet Holy is in Scripture, as it
   were, appropriated.  And He is another than the Father and the Son, for
   He is neither the Father nor the Son.  I say "another," not "another
   thing," because He is equally with them the simple Good, unchangeable
   and co-eternal.  And this Trinity is one God; and none the less simple
   because a Trinity.  For we do not say that the nature of the good is
   simple, because the Father alone possesses it, or the Son alone, or the
   Holy Ghost alone; nor do we say, with the Sabellian heretics, that it
   is only nominally a Trinity, and has no real distinction of persons;
   but we say it is simple, because it is what it has, with the exception
   of the relation of the persons to one another.  For, in regard to this
   relation, it is true that the Father has a Son, and yet is not Himself
   the Son; and the Son has a Father, and is not Himself the Father.  But,
   as regards Himself, irrespective of relation to the other, each is what
   He has; thus, He is in Himself living, for He has life, and is Himself
   the Life which He has.

   It is for this reason, then, that the nature of the Trinity is called
   simple, because it has not anything which it can lose, and because it
   is not one thing and its contents another, as a cup and the liquor, or
   a body and its color, or the air and the light or heat of it, or a mind
   and its wisdom.  For none of these is what it has:  the cup is not
   liquor, nor the body color, nor the air light and heat, nor the mind
   wisdom.  And hence they can be deprived of what they have, and can be
   turned or changed into other qualities and states, so that the cup may
   be emptied of the liquid of which it is full, the body be discolored,
   the air darken, the mind grow silly.  The incorruptible body which is
   promised to the saints in the resurrection cannot, indeed, lose its
   quality of incorruption, but the bodily substance and the quality of
   incorruption are not the same thing.  For the quality of incorruption
   resides entire in each several part, not greater in one and less in
   another; for no part is more incorruptible than another.  The body,
   indeed, is itself greater in whole than in part; and one part of it is
   larger, another smaller, yet is not the larger more incorruptible than
   the smaller.  The body, then, which is not in each of its parts a whole
   body, is one thing; incorruptibility, which is throughout complete, is
   another thing;--for every part of the incorruptible body, however
   unequal to the rest otherwise, is equally incorrupt.  For the hand,
   e.g., is not more incorrupt than the finger because it is larger than
   the finger; so, though finger and hand are unequal, their
   incorruptibility is equal.  Thus, although incorruptibility is
   inseparable from an incorruptible body, yet the substance of the body
   is one thing, the quality of incorruption another.  And therefore the
   body is not what it has.  The soul itself, too, though it be always
   wise (as it will be eternally when it is redeemed), will be so by
   participating in the unchangeable wisdom, which it is not; for though
   the air be never robbed of the light that is shed abroad in it, it is
   not on that account the same thing as the light.  I do not mean that
   the soul is air, as has been supposed by some who could not conceive a
   spiritual nature; [468] but, with much dissimilarity, the two things
   have a kind of likeness, which makes it suitable to say that the
   immaterial soul is illumined with the immaterial light of the simple
   wisdom of God, as the material air is irradiated with material light,
   and that, as the air, when deprived of this light, grows dark, (for
   material darkness is nothing else than air wanting light, [469] ) so
   the soul, deprived of the light of wisdom, grows dark.

   According to this, then, those things which are essentially and truly
   divine are called simple, because in them quality and substance are
   identical, and because they are divine, or wise, or blessed in
   themselves, and without extraneous supplement.  In Holy Scripture, it
   is true, the Spirit of wisdom is called "manifold" [470] because it
   contains many things in it; but what it contains it also is, and it
   being one is all these things.  For neither are there many wisdoms, but
   one, in which are untold and infinite treasures of things intellectual,
   wherein are all invisible and unchangeable reasons of things visible
   and changeable which were created by it. [471]   For God made nothing
   unwittingly; not even a human workman can be said to do so.  But if He
   knew all that He made, He made only those things which He had known.
   Whence flows a very striking but true conclusion, that this world could
   not be known to us unless it existed, but could not have existed unless
   it had been known to God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [468] Plutarch (De Plac. Phil. i. 3, and iv. 3) tells us that this
   opinion was held by Anaximenes of Miletus, the followers of Anaxagoras,
   and many of the Stoics.  Diogenes the Cynic, as well, as Diogenes of
   Appollonia seems to have adopted the same opinion.  See Zeller's
   Stoics, pp. 121 and 199.

   [469] Ubi lux non est, tenebræ sunt, non quia aliquid sunt tenebræ, sed
   ipsa lucis absentia tenebræ dicuntur.--Aug. De. Gen. contra Man. 7.

   [470] Wisdom vii. 22.

   [471] The strongly Platonic tinge of this language is perhaps best
   preserved in a bare literal translation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Whether the Angels that Fell Partook of the Blessedness
   Which the Holy Angels Have Always Enjoyed from the Time of Their
   Creation.

   And since these things are so, those spirits whom we call angels were
   never at any time or in any way darkness, but, as soon as they were
   made, were made light; yet they were not so created in order that they
   might exist and live in any way whatever, but were enlightened that
   they might live wisely and blessedly.  Some of them, having turned away
   from this light, have not won this wise and blessed life, which is
   certainly eternal, and accompanied with the sure confidence of its
   eternity; but they have still the life of reason, though darkened with
   folly, and this they cannot lose even if they would.  But who can
   determine to what extent they were partakers of that wisdom before they
   fell?  And how shall we say that they participated in it equally with
   those who through it are truly and fully blessed, resting in a true
   certainty of eternal felicity?  For if they had equally participated in
   this true knowledge, then the evil angels would have remained eternally
   blessed equally with the good, because they were equally expectant of
   it.  For, though a life be never so long, it cannot be truly called
   eternal if it is destined to have an end; for it is called life
   inasmuch as it is lived, but eternal because it has no end.  Wherefore,
   although everything eternal is not therefore blessed (for hell-fire is
   eternal), yet if no life can be truly and perfectly blessed except it
   be eternal, the life of these angels was not blessed, for it was doomed
   to end, and therefore not eternal, whether they knew it or not.  In the
   one case fear, in the other ignorance, prevented them from being
   blessed.  And even if their ignorance was not so great as to breed in
   them a wholly false expectation, but left them wavering in uncertainty
   whether their good would be eternal or would some time terminate, this
   very doubt concerning so grand a destiny was incompatible with the
   plenitude of blessedness which we believe the holy angels enjoyed.  For
   we do not so narrow and restrict the application of the term
   "blessedness" as to apply it to God only, [472] though doubtless He is
   so truly blessed that greater blessedness cannot be; and, in comparison
   of His blessedness, what is that of the angels, though, according to
   their capacity, they be perfectly blessed?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [472] Vives remarks that the ancients defined blessedness as an
   absolutely perfect state in all good, peculiar to God.  Perhaps
   Augustin had a reminiscence of the remarkable discussion in the Tusc.
   Disp. lib. v., and the definition, Neque ulla alia huic verbo, quum
   beatum dicimus, subjecta notio est, nisi, secretis malis omnibus,
   cumulata bonorum complexio.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--A Comparison of the Blessedness of the Righteous, Who Have
   Not Yet Received the Divine Reward, with that of Our First Parents in
   Paradise.

   And the angels are not the only members of the rational and
   intellectual creation whom we call blessed.  For who will take upon him
   to deny that those first men in Paradise were blessed previously to
   sin, although they were uncertain how long their blessedness was to
   last, and whether it would be eternal (and eternal it would have been
   had they not sinned),--who, I say, will do so, seeing that even now we
   not unbecomingly call those blessed whom we see leading a righteous and
   holy life, in hope of immortality, who have no harrowing remorse of
   conscience, but obtain readily divine remission of the sins of their
   present infirmity?  These, though they are certain that they shall be
   rewarded if they persevere, are not certain that they will persevere.
   For what man can know that he will persevere to the end in the exercise
   and increase of grace, unless he has been certified by some revelation
   from Him who, in His just and secret judgment, while He deceives none,
   informs few regarding this matter?  Accordingly, so far as present
   comfort goes, the first man in Paradise was more blessed than any just
   man in this insecure state; but as regards the hope of future good,
   every man who not merely supposes, but certainly knows that he shall
   eternally enjoy the most high God in the company of angels, and beyond
   the reach of ill,--this man, no matter what bodily torments afflict
   him, is more blessed than was he who, even in that great felicity of
   Paradise, was uncertain of his fate. [473]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [473] With this chapter compare the books De Dono Persever, and De
   Correp. et Gratia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Whether All the Angels Were So Created in One Common State
   of Felicity, that Those Who Fell Were Not Aware that They Would Fall,
   and that Those Who Stood Received Assurance of Their Own Perseverance
   After the Ruin of the Fallen.

   From all this, it will readily occur to any one that the blessedness
   which an intelligent being desires as its legitimate object results
   from a combination of these two things, namely, that it uninterruptedly
   enjoy the unchangeable good, which is God; and that it be delivered
   from all dubiety, and know certainly that it shall eternally abide in
   the same enjoyment.  That it is so with the angels of light we piously
   believe; but that the fallen angels, who by their own default lost that
   light, did not enjoy this blessedness even before they sinned, reason
   bids us conclude.  Yet if their life was of any duration before they
   fell, we must allow them a blessedness of some kind, though not that
   which is accompanied with foresight.  Or, if it seems hard to believe
   that, when the angels were created, some were created in ignorance
   either of their perseverance or their fall, while others were most
   certainly assured of the eternity of their felicity,--if it is hard to
   believe that they were not all from the beginning on an equal footing,
   until these who are now evil did of their own will fall away from the
   light of goodness, certainly it is much harder to believe that the holy
   angels are now uncertain of their eternal blessedness, and do not know
   regarding themselves as much as we have been able to gather regarding
   them from the Holy Scriptures.  For what catholic Christian does not
   know that no new devil will ever arise among the good angels, as he
   knows that this present devil will never again return into the
   fellowship of the good?  For the truth in the gospel promises to the
   saints and the faithful that they will be equal to the angels of God;
   and it is also promised them that they will "go away into life
   eternal." [474]   But if we are certain that we shall never lapse from
   eternal felicity, while they are not certain, then we shall not be
   their equals, but their superiors.  But as the truth never deceives,
   and as we shall be their equals, they must be certain of their
   blessedness.  And because the evil angels could not be certain of that,
   since their blessedness was destined to come to an end, it follows
   either that the angels were unequal, or that, if equal, the good angels
   were assured of the eternity of their blessedness after the perdition
   of the others; unless, possibly, some one may say that the words of the
   Lord about the devil "He was a murderer from the beginning, and abode
   not in the truth," [475] are to be understood as if he was not only a
   murderer from the beginning of the human race, when man, whom he could
   kill by his deceit, was made, but also that he did not abide in the
   truth from the time of his own creation, and was accordingly never
   blessed with the holy angels, but refused to submit to his Creator, and
   proudly exulted as if in a private lordship of his own, and was thus
   deceived and deceiving.  For the dominion of the Almighty cannot be
   eluded; and he who will not piously submit himself to things as they
   are, proudly feigns, and mocks himself with a state of things that does
   not exist; so that what the blessed Apostle John says thus becomes
   intelligible:  "The devil sinneth from the beginning," [476] --that is,
   from the time he was created he refused righteousness, which none but a
   will piously subject to God can enjoy.  Whoever adopts this opinion at
   least disagrees with those heretics the Manichees, and with any other
   pestilential sect that may suppose that the devil has derived from some
   adverse evil principle a nature proper to himself.  These persons are
   so befooled by error, that, although they acknowledge with ourselves
   the authority of the gospels, they do not notice that the Lord did not
   say, "The devil was naturally a stranger to the truth," but "The devil
   abode not in the truth," by which He meant us to understand that he had
   fallen from the truth, in which, if he had abode, he would have become
   a partaker of it, and have remained in blessedness along with the holy
   angels. [477]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [474] Matt. xxv. 46.

   [475] John viii. 44.

   [476] 1 John iii. 8.

   [477] Cf. Gen. ad Lit. xl. 27 et seqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--An Explanation of What is Said of the Devil, that He Did
   Not Abide in the Truth, Because the Truth Was Not in Him.

   Moreover, as if we had been inquiring why the devil did not abide in
   the truth, our Lord subjoins the reason, saying, "because the truth is
   not in him."  Now, it would be in him had he abode in it.  But the
   phraseology is unusual.  For, as the words stand, "He abode not in the
   truth, because the truth is not in him," it seems as if the truth's not
   being in him were the cause of his not abiding in it; whereas his not
   abiding in the truth is rather the cause of its not being in him.  The
   same form of speech is found in the psalm:  "I have called upon Thee,
   for Thou hast heard me, O God," [478] where we should expect it to be
   said, Thou hast heard me, O God, for I have called upon Thee.  But when
   he had said, "I have called," then, as if some one were seeking proof
   of this, he demonstrates the effectual earnestness of his prayer by the
   effect of God's hearing it; as if he had said, The proof that I have
   prayed is that Thou hast heard me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [478] Ps. xvii. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--How We are to Understand the Words, "The Devil Sinneth
   from the Beginning."

   As for what John says about the devil, "The devil sinneth from the
   beginning" [479] they [480] who suppose it is meant hereby that the
   devil was made with a sinful nature, misunderstand it; for if sin be
   natural, it is not sin at all.  And how do they answer the prophetic
   proofs,--either what Isaiah says when he represents the devil under the
   person of the king of Babylon, "How art thou fallen, O Lucifer, son of
   the morning!" [481] or what Ezekiel says, "Thou hast been in Eden, the
   garden of God; every precious stone was thy covering," [482] where it
   is meant that he was some time without sin; for a little after it is
   still more explicitly said, "Thou wast perfect in thy ways?"  And if
   these passages cannot well be otherwise interpreted, we must understand
   by this one also, "He abode not in the truth," that he was once in the
   truth, but did not remain in it.  And from this passage, "The devil
   sinneth from the beginning," it is not to be supposed that he sinned
   from the beginning of his created existence, but from the beginning of
   his sin, when by his pride he had once commenced to sin.  There is a
   passage, too, in the Book of Job, of which the devil is the subject:
   "This is the beginning of the creation of God, which He made to be a
   sport to His angels," [483] which agrees with the psalm, where it is
   said, "There is that dragon which Thou hast made to be a sport
   therein." [484]   But these passages are not to lead us to suppose that
   the devil was originally created to be the sport of the angels, but
   that he was doomed to this punishment after his sin. His beginning,
   then, is the handiwork of God; for there is no nature, even among the
   least, and lowest, and last of the beasts, which was not the work of
   Him from whom has proceeded all measure, all form, all order, without
   which nothing can be planned or conceived.  How much more, then, is
   this angelic nature, which surpasses in dignity all else that He has
   made, the handiwork of the Most High!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [479] 1 John iii. 8.

   [480] The Manichæans.

   [481] Isa. xiv. 12.

   [482] Ezek. xxviii. 13.

   [483] Job xl. 14 (LXX.).

   [484] Ps. civ. 26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of the Ranks and Differences of the Creatures, Estimated
   by Their Utility, or According to the Natural Gradations of Being.

   For, among those beings which exist, and which are not of God the
   Creator's essence, those which have life are ranked above those which
   have none; those that have the power of generation, or even of
   desiring, above those which want this faculty.  And, among things that
   have life, the sentient are higher than those which have no sensation,
   as animals are ranked above trees.  And, among the sentient, the
   intelligent are above those that have not intelligence,--men, e.g.,
   above cattle.  And, among the intelligent, the immortal such as the
   angels, above the mortal, such as men.  These are the gradations
   according to the order of nature; but according to the utility each man
   finds in a thing, there are various standards of value, so that it
   comes to pass that we prefer some things that have no sensation to some
   sentient beings.  And so strong is this preference, that, had we the
   power, we would abolish the latter from nature altogether, whether in
   ignorance of the place they hold in nature, or, though we know it,
   sacrificing them to our own convenience.  Who, e.g., would not rather
   have bread in his house than mice, gold than fleas?  But there is
   little to wonder at in this, seeing that even when valued by men
   themselves (whose nature is certainly of the highest dignity), more is
   often given for a horse than for a slave, for a jewel than for a maid.
   Thus the reason of one contemplating nature prompts very different
   judgments from those dictated by the necessity of the needy, or the
   desire of the voluptuous; for the former considers what value a thing
   in itself has in the scale of creation, while necessity considers how
   it meets its need; reason looks for what the mental light will judge to
   be true, while pleasure looks for what pleasantly titilates the bodily
   sense.  But of such consequence in rational natures is the weight, so
   to speak, of will and of love, that though in the order of nature
   angels rank above men, yet, by the scale of justice, good men are of
   greater value than bad angels.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--That the Flaw of Wickedness is Not Nature, But Contrary to
   Nature, and Has Its Origin, Not in the Creator, But in the Will.

   It is with reference to the nature, then, and not to the wickedness of
   the devil, that we are to understand these words, "This is the
   beginning of God's handiwork;" [485] for, without doubt, wickedness can
   be a flaw or vice [486] only where the nature previously was not
   vitiated.  Vice, too, is so contrary to nature, that it cannot but
   damage it.  And therefore departure from God would be no vice, unless
   in a nature whose property it was to abide with God.  So that even the
   wicked will is a strong proof of the goodness of the nature.  But God,
   as He is the supremely good Creator of good natures, so is He of evil
   wills the most just Ruler; so that, while they make an ill use of good
   natures, He makes a good use even of evil wills.  Accordingly, He
   caused the devil (good by God's creation, wicked by his own will) to be
   cast down from his high position, and to become the mockery of His
   angels,--that is, He caused his temptations to benefit those whom he
   wishes to injure by them.  And because God, when He created him, was
   certainly not ignorant of his future malignity, and foresaw the good
   which He Himself would bring out of his evil, therefore says the psalm,
   "This leviathan whom Thou hast made to be a sport therein," [487] that
   we may see that, even while God in His goodness created him good, He
   yet had already foreseen and arranged how He would make use of him when
   he became wicked.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [485] Job. xl. 14 (LXX.).

   [486] It must be kept in view that "vice" has, in this passage, the
   meaning of sinful blemish.

   [487] Ps. civ. 26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Of the Beauty of the Universe, Which Becomes, by God's
   Ordinance, More Brilliant by the Opposition of Contraries.

   For God would never have created any, I do not say angel, but even man,
   whose future wickedness He foreknew, unless He had equally known to
   what uses in behalf of the good He could turn him, thus embellishing,
   the course of the ages, as it were an exquisite poem set off with
   antitheses.  For what are called antitheses are among the most elegant
   of the ornaments of speech.  They might be called in Latin
   "oppositions," or, to speak more accurately, "contrapositions;" but
   this word is not in common use among us, [488] though the Latin, and
   indeed the languages of all nations, avail themselves of the same
   ornaments of style.  In the Second Epistle to the Corinthians the
   Apostle Paul also makes a graceful use of antithesis, in that place
   where he says, "By the armor of righteousness on the right hand and on
   the left, by honor and dishonor, by evil report and good report:  as
   deceivers, and yet true; as unknown, and yet well known; as dying, and,
   behold, we live; as chastened, and not killed; as sorrowful, yet always
   rejoicing; as poor, yet making many rich; as having nothing, and yet
   possessing all things." [489]   As, then, these oppositions of
   contraries lend beauty to the language, so the beauty of the course of
   this world is achieved by the opposition of contraries, arranged, as it
   were, by an eloquence not of words, but of things.  This is quite
   plainly stated in the Book of Ecclesiasticus, in this way:  "Good is
   set against evil, and life against death:  so is the sinner against the
   godly.  So look upon all the works of the Most High, and these are two
   and two, one against another." [490]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [488] Quintilian uses it commonly in the sense of antithesis.

   [489] 2 Cor. vi. 7-10.

   [490] Ecclus. xxxiii. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--What, Seemingly, We are to Understand by the Words, "God
   Divided the Light from the Darkness."

   Accordingly, though the obscurity of the divine word has certainly this
   advantage, that it causes many opinions about the truth to be started
   and discussed, each reader seeing some fresh meaning in it, yet,
   whatever is said to be meant by an obscure passage should be either
   confirmed by the testimony of obvious facts, or should be asserted in
   other and less ambiguous texts.  This obscurity is beneficial, whether
   the sense of the author is at last reached after the discussion of many
   other interpretations, or whether, though that sense remain concealed,
   other truths are brought out by the discussion of the obscurity.  To me
   it does not seem incongruous with the working of God, if we understand
   that the angels were created when that first light was made, and that a
   separation was made between the holy and the unclean angels, when, as
   is said, "God divided the light from the darkness; and God called the
   light Day, and the darkness He called Night."  For He alone could make
   this discrimination, who was able also before they fell, to foreknow
   that they would fall, and that, being deprived of the light of truth,
   they would abide in the darkness of pride.  For, so far as regards the
   day and night, with which we are familiar, He commanded those
   luminaries of heaven that are obvious to our senses to divide between
   the light and the darkness.  "Let there be," He says, "lights in the
   firmament of the heaven, to divide the day from the night;" and shortly
   after He says, "And God made two great lights; the greater light to
   rule the day, and the lesser light to rule the night:  the stars also.
   And God set them in the firmament of the heaven, to give light upon the
   earth, and to rule over the day and over the night, and to divide the
   light from the darkness." [491]   But between that light, which is the
   holy company of the angels spiritually radiant with the illumination of
   the truth, and that opposing darkness, which is the noisome foulness of
   the spiritual condition of those angels who are turned away from the
   light of righteousness, only He Himself could divide, from whom their
   wickedness (not of nature, but of will), while yet it was future, could
   not be hidden or uncertain.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [491] Gen. i. 14-18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Words Which Follow the Separation of Light and
   Darkness, "And God Saw the Light that It Was Good."

   Then, we must not pass from this passage of Scripture without noticing
   that when God said, "Let there be light, and there was light," it was
   immediately added, "And God saw the light that it was good."  No such
   expression followed the statement that He separated the light from the
   darkness, and called the light Day and the darkness Night, lest the
   seal of His approval might seem to be set on such darkness, as well as
   on the light.  For when the darkness was not subject of disapprobation,
   as when it was divided by the heavenly bodies from this light which our
   eyes discern, the statement that God saw that it was good is inserted,
   not before, but after the division is recorded.  "And God set them," so
   runs the passage, "in the firmament of the heaven, to give light upon
   the earth, and to rule over the day and over the night, and to divide
   the light from the darkness:  and God saw that it was good."  For He
   approved of both, because both were sinless.  But where God said, "Let
   there be light, and there was light; and God saw the light that it was
   good;" and the narrative goes on, "and God divided the light from the
   darkness! and God called the light Day, and the darkness He called
   Night," there was not in this place subjoined the statement, "And God
   saw that it was good," lest both should be designated good, while one
   of them was evil, not by nature, but by its own fault.  And therefore,
   in this case, the light alone received the approbation of the Creator,
   while the angelic darkness, though it had been ordained, was yet not
   approved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of God's Eternal and Unchangeable Knowledge and Will,
   Whereby All He Has Made Pleased Him in the Eternal Design as Well as in
   the Actual Result.

   For what else is to be understood by that invariable refrain, "And God
   saw that it was good," than the approval of the work in its design,
   which is the wisdom of God?  For certainly God did not in the actual
   achievement of the work first learn that it was good, but, on the
   contrary, nothing would have been made had it not been first known by
   Him.  While, therefore, He sees that that is good which, had He not
   seen it before it was made, would never have been made, it is plain
   that He is not discovering, but teaching that it is good.  Plato,
   indeed, was bold enough to say that, when the universe was completed,
   God was, as it were, elated with joy. [492]   And Plato was not so
   foolish as to mean by this that God was rendered more blessed by the
   novelty of His creation; but he wished thus to indicate that the work
   now completed met with its Maker's approval, as it had while yet in
   design.  It is not as if the knowledge of God were of various kinds,
   knowing in different ways things which as yet are not, things which
   are, and things which have been.  For not in our fashion does He look
   forward to what is future, nor at what is present, nor back upon what
   is past; but in a manner quite different and far and profoundly remote
   from our way of thinking.  For He does not pass from this to that by
   transition of thought, but beholds all things with absolute
   unchangeableness; so that of those things which emerge in time, the
   future, indeed, are not yet, and the present are now, and the past no
   longer are; but all of these are by Him comprehended in His stable and
   eternal presence.  Neither does He see in one fashion by the eye, in
   another by the mind, for He is not composed of mind and body; nor does
   His present knowledge differ from that which it ever was or shall be,
   for those variations of time, past, present, and future, though they
   alter our knowledge, do not affect His, "with whom is no variableness,
   neither shadow of turning." [493]   Neither is there any growth from
   thought to thought in the conceptions of Him in whose spiritual vision
   all things which He knows are at once embraced.  For as without any
   movement that time can measure, He Himself moves all temporal things,
   so He knows all times with a knowledge that time cannot measure.  And
   therefore He saw that what He had made was good, when He saw that it
   was good to make it.  And when He saw it made, He had not on that
   account a twofold nor any way increased knowledge of it; as if He had
   less knowledge before He made what He saw.  For certainly He would not
   be the perfect worker He is, unless His knowledge were so perfect as to
   receive no addition from His finished works.  Wherefore, if the only
   object had been to inform us who made the light, it had been enough to
   say, "God made the light;" and if further information regarding the
   means by which it was made had been intended, it would have sufficed to
   say, "And God said, Let there be light, and there was light," that we
   might know not only that God had made the world, but also that He had
   made it by the word.  But because it was right that three leading
   truths regarding the creature be intimated to us, viz., who made it, by
   what means, and why, it is written, "God said, Let there be light, and
   there was light.  And God saw the light that it was good."  If, then,
   we ask who made it, it was "God."  If, by what means, He said "Let it
   be," and it was.  If we ask, why He made it, "it was good."  Neither is
   there any author more excellent than God, nor any skill more
   efficacious than the word of God, nor any cause better than that good
   might be created by the good God.  This also Plato has assigned as the
   most sufficient reason for the creation of the world, that good works
   might be made by a good God; [494] whether he read this passage, or,
   perhaps, was informed of these things by those who had read them, or,
   by his quick-sighted genius, penetrated to things spiritual and
   invisible through the things that are created, or was instructed
   regarding them by those who had discerned them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [492] The reference is to the Timæus, p. 37 C., where he says, "When
   the parent Creator perceived this created image of the eternal Gods in
   life and motion, He was delighted, and in His joy considered how He
   might make it still liker its model."

   [493] Jas. i. 17.

   [494] The passage referred to is in the Timæus p. 29 D.:  "Let us say
   what was the cause of the Creator's forming this universe.  He was
   good; and in the good no envy is ever generated about anything
   whatever.  Therefore, being free from envy, He desired that all things
   should, as much as possible, resemble Himself."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Of Those Who Do Not Approve of Certain Things Which are a
   Part of This Good Creation of a Good Creator, and Who Think that There
   is Some Natural Evil.

   This cause, however, of a good creation, namely, the goodness of
   God,--this cause, I say, so just and fit, which, when piously and
   carefully weighed, terminates all the controversies of those who
   inquire into the origin of the world, has not been recognized by some
   heretics, [495] because there are, forsooth, many things, such as fire,
   frost, wild beasts, and so forth, which do not suit but injure this
   thin blooded and frail mortality of our flesh, which is at present
   under just punishment.  They do not consider how admirable these things
   are in their own places, how excellent in their own natures, how
   beautifully adjusted to the rest of creation, and how much grace they
   contribute to the universe by their own contributions as to a
   commonwealth; and how serviceable they are even to ourselves, if we use
   them with a knowledge of their fit adaptations,--so that even poisons,
   which are destructive when used injudiciously, become wholesome and
   medicinal when used in conformity with their qualities and design; just
   as, on the other hand, those things which give us pleasure, such as
   food, drink, and the light of the sun, are found to be hurtful when
   immoderately or unseasonably used.  And thus divine providence
   admonishes us not foolishly to vituperate things, but to investigate
   their utility with care; and, where our mental capacity or infirmity is
   at fault, to believe that there is a utility, though hidden, as we have
   experienced that there were other things which we all but failed to
   discover.  For this concealment of the use of things is itself either
   an exercise of our humility or a levelling of our pride; for no nature
   at all is evil, and this is a name for nothing but the want of good.
   But from things earthly to things heavenly, from the visible to the
   invisible, there are some things better than others; and for this
   purpose are they unequal, in order that they might all exist.  Now God
   is in such sort a great worker in great things, that He is not less in
   little things,--for these little things are to be measured not by their
   own greatness (which does not exist), but by the wisdom of their
   Designer; as, in the visible appearance of a man, if one eyebrow be
   shaved off, how nearly nothing is taken from the body, but how much
   from the beauty!--for that is not constituted by bulk, but by the
   proportion and arrangement of the members.  But we do not greatly
   wonder that persons, who suppose that some evil nature has been
   generated and propagated by a kind of opposing principle proper to it,
   refuse to admit that the cause of the creation was this, that the good
   God produced a good creation.  For they believe that He was driven to
   this enterprise of creation by the urgent necessity of repulsing the
   evil that warred against Him, and that He mixed His good nature with
   the evil for the sake of restraining and conquering it; and that this
   nature of His, being thus shamefully polluted, and most cruelly
   oppressed and held captive, He labors to cleanse and deliver it, and
   with all His pains does not wholly succeed; but such part of it as
   could not be cleansed from that defilement is to serve as a prison and
   chain of the conquered and incarcerated enemy.  The Manichæans would
   not drivel, or rather, rave in such a style as this, if they believed
   the nature of God to be, as it is, unchangeable and absolutely
   incorruptible, and subject to no injury; and if, moreover, they held in
   Christian sobriety, that the soul which has shown itself capable of
   being altered for the worse by its own will, and of being corrupted by
   sin, and so, of being deprived of the light of eternal truth,--that
   this soul, I say, is not a part of God, nor of the same nature as God,
   but is created by Him, and is far different from its Creator.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [495] The Manichæans, to wit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Of the Error in Which the Doctrine of Origen is Involved.

   But it is much more surprising that some even of those who, with
   ourselves, believe that there is one only source of all things, and
   that no nature which is not divine can exist unless originated by that
   Creator, have yet refused to accept with a good and simple faith this
   so good and simple a reason of the world's creation, that a good God
   made it good; and that the things created, being different from God,
   were inferior to Him, and yet were good, being created by none other
   than He.  But they say that souls, though not, indeed, parts of God,
   but created by Him, sinned by abandoning God; that, in proportion to
   their various sins, they merited different degrees of debasement from
   heaven to earth, and diverse bodies as prison-houses; and that this is
   the world, and this the cause of its creation, not the production of
   good things, but the restraining of evil.  Origen is justly blamed for
   holding this opinion.  For in the books which he entitles peri archon,
   that is, Of Origins, this is his sentiment, this his utterance.  And I
   can not sufficiently express my astonishment, that a man so erudite and
   well versed in ecclesiastical literature, should not have observed, in
   the first place, how opposed this is to the meaning of this
   authoritative Scripture, which, in recounting all the works of God,
   regularly adds, "And God saw that it was good;" and, when all were
   completed, inserts the words, "And God saw everything that He had made,
   and, behold, it was very good." [496]   Was it not obviously meant to
   be understood that there was no other cause of the world's creation
   than that good creatures should be made by a good God?  In this
   creation, had no one sinned, the world would have been filled and
   beautified with natures good without exception; and though there is
   sin, all things are not therefore full of sin, for the great majority
   of the heavenly inhabitants preserve their nature's integrity.  And the
   sinful will though it violated the order of its own nature, did not on
   that account escape the laws of God, who justly orders all things for
   good.  For as the beauty of a picture is increased by well-managed
   shadows, so, to the eye that has skill to discern it, the universe is
   beautified even by sinners, though, considered by themselves, their
   deformity is a sad blemish.

   In the second place, Origen, and all who think with him, ought to have
   seen that if it were the true opinion that the world was created in
   order that souls might, for their sins, be accommodated with bodies in
   which they should be shut up as in houses of correction, the more
   venial sinners receiving lighter and more ethereal bodies, while the
   grosser and graver sinners received bodies more crass and grovelling,
   then it would follow that the devils, who are deepest in wickedness,
   ought, rather than even wicked men, to have earthly bodies, since these
   are the grossest and least ethereal of all.  But in point of fact, that
   we might see that the deserts of souls are not to be estimated by the
   qualities of bodies, the wickedest devil possesses an ethereal body,
   while man, wicked, it is true, but with a wickedness small and venial
   in comparison with his, received even before his sin a body of clay.
   And what more foolish assertion can be advanced than that God, by this
   sun of ours, did not design to benefit the material creation, or lend
   lustre to its loveliness, and therefore created one single sun for this
   single world, but that it so happened that one soul only had so sinned
   as to deserve to be enclosed in such a body as it is?  On this
   principle, if it had chanced that not one, but two, yea, or ten, or a
   hundred had sinned similarly, and with a like degree of guilt, then
   this world would have one hundred suns.  And that such is not the case,
   is due not to the considerate foresight of the Creator, contriving the
   safety and beauty of things material, but rather to the fact that so
   fine a quality of sinning was hit upon by only one soul, so that it
   alone has merited such a body.  Manifestly persons holding such
   opinions should aim at confining, not souls of which they know not what
   they say, but themselves, lest they fall, and deservedly, far indeed
   from the truth.  And as to these three answers which I formerly
   recommended when in the case of any creature the questions are put, Who
   made it? By what means? Why? that it should be replied, God, By the
   Word, Because it was good,--as to these three answers, it is very
   questionable whether the Trinity itself is thus mystically indicated,
   that is, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, or whether there is
   some good reason for this acceptation in this passage of
   Scripture,--this, I say, is questionable, and one can't be expected to
   explain everything in one volume.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [496] Gen. i. 31.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Of the Divine Trinity, and the Indications of Its Presence
   Scattered Everywhere Among Its Works.

   We believe, we maintain, we faithfully preach, that the Father begat
   the Word, that is, Wisdom, by which all things were made, the
   only-begotten Son, one as the Father is one, eternal as the Father is
   eternal, and, equally with the Father, supremely good; and that the
   Holy Spirit is the Spirit alike of Father and of Son, and is Himself
   consubstantial and co-eternal with both; and that this whole is a
   Trinity by reason of the individuality [497] of the persons, and one
   God by reason of the indivisible divine substance, as also one Almighty
   by reason of the indivisible omnipotence; yet so that, when we inquire
   regarding each singly, it is said that each is God and Almighty; and,
   when we speak of all together, it is said that there are not three
   Gods, nor three Almighties, but one God Almighty; so great is the
   indivisible unity of these Three, which requires that it be so stated.
   But, whether the Holy Spirit of the Father, and of the Son, who are
   both good, can be with propriety called the goodness of both, because
   He is common to both, I do not presume to determine hastily.
   Nevertheless, I would have less hesitation in saying that He is the
   holiness of both, not as if He were a divine attribute merely, but
   Himself also the divine substance, and the third person in the
   Trinity.  I am the rather emboldened to make this statement, because,
   though the Father is a spirit, and the Son a spirit, and the Father
   holy, and the Son holy, yet the third person is distinctively called
   the Holy Spirit, as if He were the substantial holiness consubstantial
   with the other two.  But if the divine goodness is nothing else than
   the divine holiness, then certainly it is a reasonable studiousness,
   and not presumptuous intrusion, to inquire whether the same Trinity be
   not hinted at in an enigmatical mode of speech, by which our inquiry is
   stimulated, when it is written who made each creature, and by what
   means, and why.  For it is the Father of the Word who said, Let there
   be.  And that which was made when He spoke was certainly made by means
   of the Word.  And by the words, "God saw that it was good," it is
   sufficiently intimated that God made what was made not from any
   necessity, nor for the sake of supplying any want, but solely from His
   own goodness, i.e., because it was good.  And this is stated after the
   creation had taken place, that there might be no doubt that the thing
   made satisfied the goodness on account of which it was made.  And if we
   are right in understanding; that this goodness is the Holy Spirit, then
   the whole Trinity is revealed to us in the creation.  In this, too, is
   the origin, the enlightenment, the blessedness of the holy city which
   is above among the holy angels.  For if we inquire whence it is, God
   created it; or whence its wisdom, God illumined it; or whence its
   blessedness, God is its bliss.  It has its form by subsisting in Him;
   its enlightenment by contemplating Him; its joy by abiding in Him.  It
   is; it sees; it loves.  In God's eternity is its life; in God's truth
   its light; in God's goodness its joy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [497] Proprietas.  [The Greeks call it idiotes or idion, i.e. the
   propriety or characteristic individuality of each divine person, namely
   the fatherhood, paternitas, agennesia, of the first person; the
   sonship, filiatio, generatio, gennesia, of the second person; the
   procession, processio, ekporeusis, of the third person.--P.S.]
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Of the Division of Philosophy into Three Parts.

   As far as one can judge, it is for the same reason that philosophers
   have aimed at a threefold division of science, or rather, were enabled
   to see that there was a threefold division (for they did not invent,
   but only discovered it), of which one part is called physical, another
   logical, the third ethical.  The Latin equivalents of these names are
   now naturalized in the writings of many authors, so that these
   divisions are called natural, rational, and moral, on which I have
   touched slightly in the eighth book.  Not that I would conclude that
   these philosophers, in this threefold division, had any thought of a
   trinity in God, although Plato is said to have been the first to
   discover and promulgate this distribution, and he saw that God alone
   could be the author of nature, the bestower of intelligence, and the
   kindler of love by which life becomes good and blessed.  But certain it
   is that, though philosophers disagree both regarding the nature of
   things, and the mode of investigating truth, and of the good to which
   all our actions ought to tend, yet in these three great general
   questions all their intellectual energy is spent.  And though there be
   a confusing diversity of opinion, every man striving to establish his
   own opinion in regard to each of these questions, yet no one of them
   all doubts that nature has some cause, science some method, life some
   end and aim.  Then, again, there are three things which every artificer
   must possess if he is to effect anything,--nature, education,
   practice.  Nature is to be judged by capacity, education by knowledge,
   practice by its fruit.  I am aware that, properly speaking, fruit is
   what one enjoys, use [practice] what one uses.  And this seems to be
   the difference between them, that we are said to enjoy that which in
   itself, and irrespective of other ends, delights us; to use that which
   we seek for the sake of some end beyond.  For which reason the things
   of time are to be used rather than enjoyed, that we may deserve to
   enjoy things eternal; and not as those perverse creatures who would
   fain enjoy money and use God,--not spending money for God's sake, but
   worshipping God for money's sake.  However, in common parlance, we both
   use fruits and enjoy uses.  For we correctly speak of the "fruits of
   the field," which certainly we all use in the present life.  And it was
   in accordance with this usage that I said that there were three things
   to be observed in a man, nature, education, practice.  From these the
   philosophers have elaborated, as I said, the threefold division of that
   science by which a blessed life is attained:  the natural having
   respect to nature, the rational to education, the moral to practice.
   If, then, we were ourselves the authors of our nature, we should have
   generated knowledge in ourselves, and should not require to reach it by
   education, i.e., by learning it from others.  Our love, too, proceeding
   from ourselves and returning to us, would suffice to make our life
   blessed, and would stand in need of no extraneous enjoyment.  But now,
   since our nature has God as its requisite author, it is certain that we
   must have Him for our teacher that we may be wise; Him, too, to
   dispense to us spiritual sweetness that we may be blessed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Of the Image of the Supreme Trinity, Which We Find in Some
   Sort in Human Nature Even in Its Present State.

   And we indeed recognize in ourselves the image of God, that is, of the
   supreme Trinity, an image which, though it be not equal to God, or
   rather, though it be very far removed from Him,--being neither
   co-eternal, nor, to say all in a word, consubstantial with Him,--is yet
   nearer to Him in nature than any other of His works, and is destined to
   be yet restored, that it may bear a still closer resemblance.  For we
   both are, and know that we are, and delight in our being, and our
   knowledge of it.  Moreover, in these three things no true-seeming
   illusion disturbs us; for we do not come into contact with these by
   some bodily sense, as we perceive the things outside of us,--colors,
   e.g., by seeing, sounds by hearing, smells by smelling, tastes by
   tasting, hard and soft objects by touching,--of all which sensible
   objects it is the images resembling them, but not themselves which we
   perceive in the mind and hold in the memory, and which excite us to
   desire the objects.  But, without any delusive representation of images
   or phantasms, I am most certain that I am, and that I know and delight
   in this.  In respect of these truths, I am not at all afraid of the
   arguments of the Academicians, who say, What if you are deceived?  For
   if I am deceived, I am. [498]   For he who is not, cannot be deceived;
   and if I am deceived, by this same token I am.  And since I am if I am
   deceived, how am I deceived in believing that I am? for it is certain
   that I am if I am deceived.  Since, therefore, I, the person deceived,
   should be, even if I were deceived, certainly I am not deceived in this
   knowledge that I am.  And, consequently, neither am I deceived in
   knowing that I know. For, as I know that I am, so I know this also,
   that I know.  And when I love these two things, I add to them a certain
   third thing, namely, my love, which is of equal moment.  For neither am
   I deceived in this, that I love, since in those things which I love I
   am not deceived; though even if these were false, it would still be
   true that I loved false things.  For how could I justly be blamed and
   prohibited from loving false things, if it were false that I loved
   them?  But, since they are true and real, who doubts that when they are
   loved, the love of them is itself true and real?  Further, as there is
   no one who does not wish to be happy, so there is no one who does not
   wish to be.  For how can he be happy, if he is nothing?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [498] This is one of the passages cited by Sir William Hamilton, along
   with the Cogito, ergo sum of Descartes, in confirmation of his proof,
   that in so far as we are conscious of certain modes of existence, in so
   far we possess an absolute certainty that we exist.  See note A in
   Hamilton's Reid, p. 744.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of Existence, and Knowledge of It, and the Love of Both.

   And truly the very fact of existing is by some natural spell so
   pleasant, that even the wretched are, for no other reason, unwilling to
   perish; and, when they feel that they are wretched, wish not that they
   themselves be annihilated, but that their misery be so.  Take even
   those who, both in their own esteem, and in point of fact, are utterly
   wretched, and who are reckoned so, not only by wise men on account of
   their folly, but by those who count themselves blessed, and who think
   them wretched because they are poor and destitute,--if any one should
   give these men an immortality, in which their misery should be
   deathless, and should offer the alternative, that if they shrank from
   existing eternally in the same misery they might be annihilated, and
   exist nowhere at all, nor in any condition, on the instant they would
   joyfully, nay exultantly, make election to exist always, even in such a
   condition, rather than not exist at all.  The well-known feeling of
   such men witnesses to this.  For when we see that they fear to die, and
   will rather live in such misfortune than end it by death, is it not
   obvious enough how nature shrinks from annihilation?  And, accordingly,
   when they know that they must die, they seek, as a great boon, that
   this mercy be shown them, that they may a little longer live in the
   same misery, and delay to end it by death.  And so they indubitably
   prove with what glad alacrity they would accept immortality, even
   though it secured to them endless destruction.  What! do not even all
   irrational animals, to whom such calculations are unknown, from the
   huge dragons down to the least worms, all testify that they wish to
   exist, and therefore shun death by every movement in their power?  Nay,
   the very plants and shrubs, which have no such life as enables them to
   shun destruction by movements we can see, do not they all seek in their
   own fashion to conserve their existence, by rooting themselves more and
   more deeply in the earth, that so they may draw nourishment, and throw
   out healthy branches towards the sky?  In fine, even the lifeless
   bodies, which want not only sensation but seminal life, yet either seek
   the upper air or sink deep, or are balanced in an intermediate
   position, so that they may protect their existence in that situation
   where they can exist in most accordance with their nature.

    And how much human nature loves the knowledge of its existence, and
   how it shrinks from being deceived, will be sufficiently understood
   from this fact, that every man prefers to grieve in a sane mind, rather
   than to be glad in madness.  And this grand and wonderful instinct
   belongs to men alone of all animals; for, though some of them have
   keener eyesight than ourselves for this world's light, they cannot
   attain to that spiritual light with which our mind is somehow
   irradiated, so that we can form right judgments of all things.  For our
   power to judge is proportioned to our acceptance of this light.
   Nevertheless, the irrational animals, though they have not knowledge,
   have certainly something resembling knowledge; whereas the other
   material things are said to be sensible, not because they have senses,
   but because they are the objects of our senses.  Yet among plants,
   their nourishment and generation have some resemblance to sensible
   life.  However, both these and all material things have their causes
   hidden in their nature; but their outward forms, which lend beauty to
   this visible structure of the world, are perceived by our senses, so
   that they seem to wish to compensate for their own want of knowledge by
   providing us with knowledge.  But we perceive them by our bodily senses
   in such a way that we do not judge of them by these senses.  For we
   have another and far superior sense, belonging to the inner man, by
   which we perceive what things are just, and what unjust,--just by means
   of an intelligible idea, unjust by the want of it.  This sense is aided
   in its functions neither by the eyesight, nor by the orifice of the
   ear, nor by the air-holes of the nostrils, nor by the palate's taste,
   nor by any bodily touch.  By it I am assured both that I am, and that I
   know this; and these two I love, and in the same manner I am assured
   that I love them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--Whether We Ought to Love the Love Itself with Which We
   Love Our Existence and Our Knowledge of It, that So We May More Nearly
   Resemble the Image of the Divine Trinity.

   We have said as much as the scope of this work demands regarding these
   two things, to wit, our existence, and our knowledge of it, and how
   much they are loved by us, and how there is found even in the lower
   creatures a kind of likeness of these things, and yet with a
   difference.  We have yet to speak of the love wherewith they are loved,
   to determine whether this love itself is loved.  And doubtless it is;
   and this is the proof.  Because in men who are justly loved, it is
   rather love itself that is loved; for he is not justly called a good
   man who knows what is good, but who loves it.  Is it not then obvious
   that we love in ourselves the very love wherewith we love whatever good
   we love?  For there is also a love wherewith we love that which we
   ought not to love; and this love is hated by him who loves that
   wherewith he loves what ought to be loved.  For it is quite possible
   for both to exist in one man.  And this co-existence is good for a man,
   to the end that this love which conduces to our living well may grow,
   and the other, which leads us to evil may decrease, until our whole
   life be perfectly healed and transmuted into good.  For if we were
   beasts, we should love the fleshly and sensual life, and this would be
   our sufficient good; and when it was well with us in respect of it, we
   should seek nothing beyond.  In like manner, if we were trees, we could
   not, indeed, in the strict sense of the word, love anything;
   nevertheless we should seem, as it were, to long for that by which we
   might become more abundantly and luxuriantly fruitful.  If we were
   stones, or waves, or wind, or flame, or anything of that kind, we
   should want, indeed, both sensation and life, yet should possess a kind
   of attraction towards our own proper position and natural order.  For
   the specific gravity of bodies is, as it were, their love, whether they
   are carried downwards by their weight, or upwards by their levity.  For
   the body is borne by its gravity, as the spirit by love, whithersoever
   it is borne. [499]   But we are men, created in the image of our
   Creator, whose eternity is true, and whose truth is eternal, whose love
   is eternal and true, and who Himself is the eternal, true, and adorable
   Trinity, without confusion, without separation; and, therefore, while,
   as we run over all the works which He has established, we may detect,
   as it were, His footprints, now more and now less distinct even in
   those things that are beneath us, since they could not so much as
   exist, or be bodied forth in any shape, or follow and observe any law,
   had they not been made by Him who supremely is, and is supremely good
   and supremely wise; yet in ourselves beholding His image, let us, like
   that younger son of the gospel, come to ourselves, and arise and return
   to Him from whom by our sin we had departed.  There our being will have
   no death, our knowledge no error, our love no mishap.  But now, though
   we are assured of our possession of these three things, not on the
   testimony of others, but by our own consciousness of their presence,
   and because we see them with our own most truthful interior vision,
   yet, as we cannot of our selves know how long they are to continue, and
   whether they shall never cease to be, and what issue their good or bad
   use will lead to, we seek for others who can acquaint us of these
   things, if we have not already found them.  Of the trustworthiness of
   these witnesses, there will, not now, but subsequently, be an
   opportunity of speaking.  But in this book let us go on as we have
   begun, with God's help, to speak of the city of God, not in its state
   of pilgrimage and mortality, but as it exists ever immortal in the
   heavens,--that is, let us speak of the holy angels who maintain their
   allegiance to God, who never were, nor ever shall be, apostate, between
   whom and those who forsook light eternal and became darkness, God, as
   we have already said, made at the first a separation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [499] Compare the Confessions, xiii. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--Of the Knowledge by Which the Holy Angels Know God in His
   Essence, and by Which They See the Causes of His Works in the Art of
   the Worker, Before They See Them in the Works of the Artist.

   Those holy angels come to the knowledge of God not by audible words,
   but by the presence to their souls of immutable truth, i.e., of the
   only-begotten Word of God; and they know this Word Himself, and the
   Father, and their Holy Spirit, and that this Trinity is indivisible,
   and that the three persons of it are one substance, and that there are
   not three Gods but one God; and this they so know that it is better
   understood by them than we are by ourselves.  Thus, too, they know the
   creature also, not in itself, but by this better way, in the wisdom of
   God, as if in the art by which it was created; and, consequently, they
   know themselves better in God than in themselves, though they have also
   this latter knowledge.  For they were created, and are different from
   their Creator.  In Him, therefore, they have, as it were, a noonday
   knowledge; in themselves, a twilight knowledge, according to our former
   explanations. [500]   For there is a great difference between knowing a
   thing in the design in conformity to which it was made, and knowing it
   in itself,--e.g., the straightness of lines and correctness of figures
   is known in one way when mentally conceived, in another when described
   on paper; and justice is known in one way in the unchangeable truth, in
   another in the spirit of a just man.  So is it with all other
   things,--as, the firmament between the water above and below, which was
   called the heaven; the gathering of the waters beneath, and the laying
   bare of the dry land, and the production of plants and trees; the
   creation of sun, moon, and stars; and of the animals out of the waters,
   fowls, and fish, and monsters of the deep; and of everything that walks
   or creeps on the earth, and of man himself, who excels all that is on
   the earth,--all these things are known in one way by the angels in the
   Word of God, in which they see the eternally abiding causes and reasons
   according to which they were made, and in another way in themselves:
   in the former, with a clearer knowledge; in the latter, with a
   knowledge dimmer, and rather of the bare works than of the design.
   Yet, when these works are referred to the praise and adoration of the
   Creator Himself, it is as if morning dawned in the minds of those who
   contemplate them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [500] Ch. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--Of the Perfection of the Number Six, Which is the First of
   the Numbers Which is Composed of Its Aliquot Parts.

   These works are recorded to have been completed in six days (the same
   day being six times repeated), because six is a perfect number,--not
   because God required a protracted time, as if He could not at once
   create all things, which then should mark the course of time by the
   movements proper to them, but because the perfection of the works was
   signified by the number six.  For the number six is the first which is
   made up of its own [501] parts, i.e., of its sixth, third, and half,
   which are respectively one, two, and three, and which make a total of
   six.  In this way of looking at a number, those are said to be its
   parts which exactly divide it, as a half, a third, a fourth, or a
   fraction with any denominator, e.g., four is a part of nine, but not
   therefore an aliquot part; but one is, for it is the ninth part; and
   three is, for it is the third.  Yet these two parts, the ninth and the
   third, or one and three, are far from making its whole sum of nine.  So
   again, in the number ten, four is a part, yet does not divide it; but
   one is an aliquot part, for it is a tenth; so it has a fifth, which is
   two; and a half, which is five.  But these three parts, a tenth, a
   fifth, and a half, or one, two, and five, added together, do not make
   ten, but eight.  Of the number twelve, again, the parts added together
   exceed the whole; for it has a twelfth, that is, one; a sixth, or two;
   a fourth, which is three; a third, which is four; and a half, which is
   six.  But one, two, three, four, and six make up, not twelve, but more,
   viz., sixteen.  So much I have thought fit to state for the sake of
   illustrating the perfection of the number six, which is, as I said, the
   first which is exactly made up of its own parts added together; and in
   this number of days God finished His work. [502]   And, therefore, we
   must not despise the science of numbers, which, in many passages of
   holy Scripture, is found to be of eminent service to the careful
   interpreter. [503]   Neither has it been without reason numbered among
   God's praises, "Thou hast ordered all things in number, and measure,
   and weight." [504]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [501] Or aliquot parts.

   [502] Comp. Aug. Gen. ad Lit. iv. 2, and De Trinitate, iv. 7.

   [503] For passages illustrating early opinions regarding numbers, see
   Smith's Dict. art. Number.

   [504] Wisd. xi. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--Of the Seventh Day, in Which Completeness and Repose are
   Celebrated.

   But, on the seventh day (i.e., the same day repeated seven times, which
   number is also a perfect one, though for another reason), the rest of
   God is set forth, and then, too, we first hear of its being hallowed.
   So that God did not wish to hallow this day by His works, but by His
   rest, which has no evening, for it is not a creature; so that, being
   known in one way in the Word of God, and in another in itself, it
   should make a twofold knowledge, daylight and dusk (day and evening).
   Much more might be said about the perfection of the number seven, but
   this book is already too long, and I fear lest I should seem to catch
   at an opportunity of airing my little smattering of science more
   childishly than profitably.  I must speak, therefore, in moderation and
   with dignity, lest, in too keenly following "number," I be accused of
   forgetting "weight" and "measure."  Suffice it here to say, that three
   is the first whole number that is odd, four the first that is even, and
   of these two, seven is composed.  On this account it is often put for
   all numbers together, as, "A just man falleth seven times, and riseth
   up again," [505] --that is, let him fall never so often, he will not
   perish (and this was meant to be understood not of sins, but of
   afflictions conducing to lowliness).  Again, "Seven times a day will I
   praise Thee," [506] which elsewhere is expressed thus, "I will bless
   the Lord at all times." [507]   And many such instances are found in
   the divine authorities, in which the number seven is, as I said,
   commonly used to express the whole, or the completeness of anything.
   And so the Holy Spirit, of whom the Lord says, "He will teach you all
   truth," [508] is signified by this number. [509]   In it is the rest of
   God, the rest His people find in Him.  For rest is in the whole, i.e.,
   in perfect completeness, while in the part there is labor.  And thus we
   labor as long as we know in part; "but when that which is perfect is
   come, then that which is in part shall be done away." [510]   It is
   even with toil we search into the Scriptures themselves.  But the holy
   angels, towards whose society and assembly we sigh while in this our
   toilsome pilgrimage, as they already abide in their eternal home, so do
   they enjoy perfect facility of knowledge and felicity of rest.  It is
   without difficulty that they help us; for their spiritual movements,
   pure and free, cost them no effort.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [505] Prov. xxiv. 16.

   [506] Ps. cxix. 164.

   [507] Ps. xxxiv. 1.

   [508] John xvi. 13.

   [509] In Isa. xi. 2, as he shows in his eighth sermon, where this
   subject is further pursued; otherwise, one might have supposed he
   referred to Rev. iii. 1.

   [510] l Cor. xiii. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--Of the Opinion that the Angels Were Created Before the
   World.

   But if some one oppose our opinion, and say that the holy angels are
   not referred to when it is said, "Let there be light, and there was
   light;" if he suppose or teach that some material light, then first
   created, was meant, and that the angels were created, not only before
   the firmament dividing the waters and named "the heaven," but also
   before the time signified in the words, "In the beginning God created
   the heaven and the earth;" if he allege that this phrase, "In the
   beginning," does not mean that nothing was made before (for the angels
   were), but that God made all things by His Wisdom or Word, who is named
   in Scripture "the Beginning," as He Himself, in the gospel, replied to
   the Jews when they asked Him who He was, that He was the Beginning;
   [511] --I will not contest the point, chiefly because it gives me the
   liveliest satisfaction to find the Trinity celebrated in the very
   beginning of the book of Genesis.  For having said "In the Beginning
   God created the heaven and the earth," meaning that the Father made
   them in the Son (as the psalm testifies where it says, "How manifold
   are Thy works, O Lord! in Wisdom hast Thou made them all" [512] ), a
   little afterwards mention is fitly made of the Holy Spirit also.  For,
   when it had been told us what kind of earth God created at first, or
   what the mass or matter was which God, under the name of "heaven and
   earth," had provided for the construction of the world, as is told in
   the additional words, "And the earth was without form, and void; and
   darkness was upon the face of the deep," then, for the sake of
   completing the mention of the Trinity, it is immediately added, "And
   the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters."  Let each one,
   then, take it as he pleases; for it is so profound a passage, that it
   may well suggest, for the exercise of the reader's tact, many opinions,
   and none of them widely departing from the rule of faith.  At the same
   time, let none doubt that the holy angels in their heavenly abodes are,
   though not, indeed, co-eternal with God, yet secure and certain of
   eternal and true felicity.  To their company the Lord teaches that His
   little ones belong; and not only says, "They shall be equal to the
   angels of God," [513] but shows, too, what blessed contemplation the
   angels themselves enjoy, saying, "Take heed that ye despise not one of
   these little ones:  for I say unto you, that in heaven their angels do
   always behold the face of my Father which is in heaven." [514]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [511] Augustin refers to John viii. 25; see p. 195.  He might rather
   have referred to Rev. iii. 14.

   [512] Ps. civ. 24.

   [513] Matt. xxii. 30.

   [514] Matt. xviii. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--Of the Two Different and Dissimilar Communities of Angels,
   Which are Not Inappropriately Signified by the Names Light and
   Darkness.

   That certain angels sinned, and were thrust down to the lowest parts of
   this world, where they are, as it were, incarcerated till their final
   damnation in the day of judgment, the Apostle Peter very plainly
   declares, when he says that "God spared not the angels that sinned, but
   cast them down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness to
   be reserved into judgment." [515]   Who, then, can doubt that God,
   either in foreknowledge or in act, separated between these and the
   rest?  And who will dispute that the rest are justly called "light?"
   For even we who are yet living by faith, hoping only and not yet
   enjoying equality with them, are already called "light" by the
   apostle:  "For ye were sometimes darkness, but now are ye light in the
   Lord." [516]   But as for these apostate angels, all who understand or
   believe them to be worse than unbelieving men are well aware that they
   are called "darkness."  Wherefore, though light and darkness are to be
   taken in their literal signification in these passages of Genesis in
   which it is said, "God said, Let there be light, and there was light,"
   and "God divided the light from the darkness," yet, for our part, we
   understand these two societies of angels,--the one enjoying God, the
   other swelling with pride; the one to whom it is said, "Praise ye Him,
   all His angels," [517] the other whose prince says, "All these things
   will I give Thee if Thou wilt fall down and worship me;" [518] the one
   blazing with the holy love of God, the other reeking with the unclean
   lust of self-advancement.  And since, as it is written, "God resisteth
   the proud, but giveth grace unto the humble," [519] we may say, the one
   dwelling in the heaven of heavens, the other cast thence, and raging
   through the lower regions of the air; the one tranquil in the
   brightness of piety, the other tempest-tossed with beclouding desires;
   the one, at God's pleasure, tenderly succoring, justly avenging,--the
   other, set on by its own pride, boiling with the lust of subduing and
   hurting; the one the minister of God's goodness to the utmost of their
   good pleasure, the other held in by God's power from doing the harm it
   would; the former laughing at the latter when it does good unwillingly
   by its persecutions, the latter envying the former when it gathers in
   its pilgrims.  These two angelic communities, then, dissimilar and
   contrary to one another, the one both by nature good and by will
   upright, the other also good by nature but by will depraved, as they
   are exhibited in other and more explicit passages of holy writ, so I
   think they are spoken of in this book of Genesis under the names of
   light and darkness; and even if the author perhaps had a different
   meaning, yet our discussion of the obscure language has not been wasted
   time; for, though we have been unable to discover his meaning, yet we
   have adhered to the rule of faith, which is sufficiently ascertained by
   the faithful from other passages of equal authority.  For, though it is
   the material works of God which are here spoken of, they have certainly
   a resemblance to the spiritual, so that Paul can say, "Ye are all the
   children of light, and the children of the day:  we are not of the
   night, nor of darkness." [520]   If, on the other hand, the author of
   Genesis saw in the words what we see, then our discussion reaches this
   more satisfactory conclusion, that the man of God, so eminently and
   divinely wise, or rather, that the Spirit of God who by him recorded
   God's works which were finished on the sixth day, may be supposed not
   to have omitted all mention of the angels whether he included them in
   the words "in the beginning," because He made them first, or, which
   seems most likely, because He made them in the only-begotten Word.
   And, under these names heaven and earth, the whole creation is
   signified, either as divided into spiritual and material, which seems
   the more likely, or into the two great parts of the world in which all
   created things are contained, so that, first of all, the creation is
   presented in sum, and then its parts are enumerated according to the
   mystic number of the days.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [515] 2 Peter ii. 4.

   [516] Eph. v. 8.

   [517] Ps. cxlviii. 2.

   [518] Matt. iv. 9.

   [519] Jas. iv. 6.

   [520] 1 Thess. v. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--Of the Idea that the Angels Were Meant Where the
   Separation of the Waters by the Firmament is Spoken Of, and of that
   Other Idea that the Waters Were Not Created.

   Some, [521] however, have supposed that the angelic hosts are somehow
   referred to under the name of waters, and that this is what is meant by
   "Let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters:" [522]   that the
   waters above should be understood of the angels, and those below either
   of the visible waters, or of the multitude of bad angels, or of the
   nations of men.  If this be so, then it does not here appear when the
   angels were created, but when they were separated.  Though there have
   not been wanting men foolish and wicked enough [523] to deny that the
   waters were made by God, because it is nowhere written, "God said, Let
   there be waters."  With equal folly they might say the same of the
   earth, for nowhere do we read, "God said, Let the earth be."  But, say
   they, it is written, "In the beginning God created the heaven and the
   earth."  Yes, and there the water is meant, for both are included in
   one word.  For "the sea is His," as the psalm says, "and He made it;
   and His hands formed the dry land." [524]   But those who would
   understand the angels by the waters above the skies have a difficulty
   about the specific gravity of the elements, and fear that the waters,
   owing to their fluidity and weight, could not be set in the upper parts
   of the world.  So that, if they were to construct a man upon their own
   principles, they would not put in his head any moist humors, or
   "phlegm" as the Greeks call it, and which acts the part of water among
   the elements of our body.  But, in God's handiwork, the head is the
   seat of the phlegm, and surely most fitly; and yet, according to their
   supposition, so absurdly that if we were not aware of the fact, and
   were informed by this same record that God had put a moist and cold and
   therefore heavy humor in the uppermost part of man's body, these
   world-weighers would refuse belief.  And if they were confronted with
   the authority of Scripture, they would maintain that something else
   must be meant by the words.  But, were we to investigate and discover
   all the details which are written in this divine book regarding the
   creation of the world, we should have much to say, and should widely
   digress from the proposed aim of this work.  Since, then, we have now
   said what seemed needful regarding these two diverse and contrary
   communities of angels, in which the origin of the two human communities
   (of which we intend to speak anon) is also found, let us at once bring
   this book also to a conclusion.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [521] Augustin himself published this idea in his Conf. xiii. 32 but
   afterwards retracted it, as "said without sufficient consideration"
   (Retract. II. vi. 2).  Epiphanius and Jerome ascribe it to Origen.

   [522] Gen. i. 6.

   [523] Namely, the Audians and Sampsæans, insignificant heretical sects
   mentioned by Theodoret and Epiphanius.

   [524] Ps. xcv. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [445] Written in the year 416 or 417.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XII.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Augustin first institutes two inquiries regarding the angels;
   namely, whence is there in some a good, and in others an evil will?
   and, what is the reason of the blessedness of the good, and the misery
   of the evil?  Afterwards he treats of the creation of man, and teaches
   that he is not from eternity, but was created, and by none other than
   God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--That the Nature of the Angels, Both Good and Bad, is One
   and the Same.

   It has already, in the preceding book, been shown how the two cities
   originated among the angels.  Before I speak of the creation of man,
   and show how the cities took their rise so far as regards the race of
   rational mortals I see that I must first, so far as I can, adduce what
   may demonstrate that it is not incongruous and unsuitable to speak of a
   society composed of angels and men together; so that there are not four
   cities or societies,--two, namely, of angels, and as many of men,--but
   rather two in all, one composed of the good, the other of the wicked,
   angels or men indifferently.

   That the contrary propensities in good and bad angels have arisen, not
   from a difference in their nature and origin, since God, the good
   Author and Creator of all essences, created them both, but from a
   difference in their wills and desires, it is impossible to doubt.
   While some steadfastly continued in that which was the common good of
   all, namely, in God Himself, and in His eternity, truth, and love;
   others, being enamored rather of their own power, as if they could be
   their own good, lapsed to this private good of their own, from that
   higher and beatific good which was common to all, and, bartering the
   lofty dignity of eternity for the inflation of pride, the most assured
   verity for the slyness of vanity, uniting love for factious
   partisanship, they became proud, deceived, envious.  The cause,
   therefore, of the blessedness of the good is adherence to God.  And so
   the cause of the others' misery will be found in the contrary, that is,
   in their not adhering to God.  Wherefore, if when the question is
   asked, why are the former blessed, it is rightly answered, because they
   adhere to God; and when it is asked, why are the latter miserable, it
   is rightly answered, because they do not adhere to God,--then there is
   no other good for the rational or intellectual creature save God only.
   Thus, though it is not every creature that can be blessed (for beasts,
   trees, stones, and things of that kind have not this capacity), yet
   that creature which has the capacity cannot be blessed of itself, since
   it is created out of nothing, but only by Him by whom it has been
   created.  For it is blessed by the possession of that whose loss makes
   it miserable.  He, then, who is blessed not in another, but in himself,
   cannot be miserable, because he cannot lose himself.

   Accordingly we say that there is no unchangeable good but the one,
   true, blessed God; that the things which He made are indeed good
   because from Him, yet mutable because made not out of Him, but out of
   nothing.  Although, therefore, they are not the supreme good, for God
   is a greater good, yet those mutable things which can adhere to the
   immutable good, and so be blessed, are very good; for so completely is
   He their good, that without Him they cannot but be wretched.  And the
   other created things in the universe are not better on this account,
   that they cannot be miserable.  For no one would say that the other
   members of the body are superior to the eyes, because they cannot be
   blind.  But as the sentient nature, even when it feels pain, is
   superior to the stony, which can feel none, so the rational nature,
   even when wretched, is more excellent than that which lacks reason or
   feeling, and can therefore experience no misery.  And since this is so,
   then in this nature which has been created so excellent, that though it
   be mutable itself, it can yet secure its blessedness by adhering to the
   immutable good, the supreme God; and since it is not satisfied unless
   it be perfectly blessed, and cannot be thus blessed save in God,--in
   this nature, I say, not to adhere to God, is manifestly a fault. [525]
     Now every fault injures the nature, and is consequently contrary to
   the nature.  The creature, therefore, which cleaves to God, differs
   from those who do not, not by nature, but by fault; and yet by this
   very fault the nature itself is proved to be very noble and admirable.
   For that nature is certainly praised, the fault of which is justly
   blamed.  For we justly blame the fault because it mars the praiseworthy
   nature.  As, then, when we say that blindness is a defect of the eyes,
   we prove that sight belongs to the nature of the eyes; and when we say
   that deafness is a defect of the ears, hearing is thereby proved to
   belong to their nature;--so, when we say that it is a fault of the
   angelic creature that it does not cleave to God, we hereby most plainly
   declare that it pertained to its nature to cleave to God.  And who can
   worthily conceive or express how great a glory that is, to cleave to
   God, so as to live to Him, to draw wisdom from Him, to delight in Him,
   and to enjoy this so great good, without death, error, or grief?  And
   thus, since every vice is an injury of the nature, that very vice of
   the wicked angels, their departure from God, is sufficient proof that
   God created their nature so good, that it is an injury to it not to be
   with God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [525] Vitium:  perhaps "fault," most nearly embraces all the uses of
   this word.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--That There is No Entity [526] Contrary to the Divine,
   Because Nonentity Seems to Be that Which is Wholly Opposite to Him Who
   Supremely and Always is.

   This may be enough to prevent any one from supposing, when we speak of
   the apostate angels, that they could have another nature, derived, as
   it were, from some different origin, and not from God.  From the great
   impiety of this error we shall disentangle ourselves the more readily
   and easily, the more distinctly we understand that which God spoke by
   the angel when He sent Moses to the children of Israel:  "I am that I
   am." [527]   For since God is the supreme existence, that is to say,
   supremely is, and is therefore unchangeable, the things that He made He
   empowered to be, but not to be supremely like Himself.  To some He
   communicated a more ample, to others a more limited existence, and thus
   arranged the natures of beings in ranks.  For as from sapere comes
   sapientia, so from esse comes essentia,--a new word indeed, which the
   old Latin writers did not use, but which is naturalized in our day,
   [528] that our language may not want an equivalent for the Greek
   ousia.  For this is expressed word for word by essentia.  Consequently,
   to that nature which supremely is, and which created all else that
   exists, no nature is contrary save that which does not exist.  For
   nonentity is the contrary of that which is.  And thus there is no being
   contrary to God, the Supreme Being, and Author of all beings
   whatsoever.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [526] Essentia.

   [527] Ex. iii. 14.

   [528] Quintilian calls it dura.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--That the Enemies of God are So, Not by Nature, But by Will,
   Which, as It Injures Them, Injures a Good Nature; For If Vice Does Not
   Injure, It is Not Vice.

   In Scripture they are called God's enemies who oppose His rule, not by
   nature, but by vice; having no power to hurt Him, but only themselves.
   For they are His enemies, not through their power to hurt, but by their
   will to oppose Him.  For God is unchangeable, and wholly proof against
   injury.  Therefore the vice which makes those who are called His
   enemies resist Him, is an evil not to God, but to themselves.  And to
   them it is an evil, solely because it corrupts the good of their
   nature.  It is not nature, therefore, but vice, which is contrary to
   God.  For that which is evil is contrary to the good.  And who will
   deny that God is the supreme good?  Vice, therefore, is contrary to
   God, as evil to good.  Further, the nature it vitiates is a good, and
   therefore to this good also it is contrary.  But while it is contrary
   to God only as evil to good, it is contrary to the nature it vitiates,
   both as evil and as hurtful.  For to God no evils are hurtful; but only
   to natures mutable and corruptible, though, by the testimony of the
   vices themselves, originally good.  For were they not good, vices could
   not hurt them.  For how do they hurt them but by depriving them of
   integrity, beauty, welfare, virtue, and, in short, whatever natural
   good vice is wont to diminish or destroy?  But if there be no good to
   take away, then no injury can be done, and consequently there can be no
   vice.  For it is impossible that there should be a harmless vice.
   Whence we gather, that though vice cannot injure the unchangeable good,
   it can injure nothing but good; because it does not exist where it does
   not injure.  This, then, may be thus formulated:  Vice cannot be in the
   highest good, and cannot be but in some good.  Things solely good,
   therefore, can in some circumstances exist; things solely evil, never;
   for even those natures which are vitiated by an evil will, so far
   indeed as they are vitiated, are evil, but in so far as they are
   natures they are good.  And when a vitiated nature is punished, besides
   the good it has in being a nature, it has this also, that it is not
   unpunished. [529]   For this is just, and certainly everything just is
   a good.  For no one is punished for natural, but for voluntary vices.
   For even the vice which by the force of habit and long continuance has
   become a second nature, had its origin in the will.  For at present we
   are speaking of the vices of the nature, which has a mental capacity
   for that enlightenment which discriminates between what is just and
   what is unjust.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [529] With this may be compared the argument of Socrates in the
   Gorgias, in which it is shown that to escape punishment is worse than
   to suffer it, and that the greatest of evils is to do wrong and not be
   chastised.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Of the Nature of Irrational and Lifeless Creatures, Which
   in Their Own Kind and Order Do Not Mar the Beauty of the Universe.

   But it is ridiculous to condemn the faults of beasts and trees, and
   other such mortal and mutable things as are void of intelligence,
   sensation, or life, even though these faults should destroy their
   corruptible nature; for these creatures received, at their Creator's
   will, an existence fitting them, by passing away and giving place to
   others, to secure that lowest form of beauty, the beauty of seasons,
   which in its own place is a requisite part of this world.  For things
   earthly were neither to be made equal to things heavenly, nor were
   they, though inferior, to be quite omitted from the universe.  Since,
   then, in those situations where such things are appropriate, some
   perish to make way for others that are born in their room, and the less
   succumb to the greater, and the things that are overcome are
   transformed into the quality of those that have the mastery, this is
   the appointed order of things transitory.  Of this order the beauty
   does not strike us, because by our mortal frailty we are so involved in
   a part of it, that we cannot perceive the whole, in which these
   fragments that offend us are harmonized with the most accurate fitness
   and beauty.  And therefore, where we are not so well able to perceive
   the wisdom of the Creator, we are very properly enjoined to believe it,
   lest in the vanity of human rashness we presume to find any fault with
   the work of so great an Artificer.  At the same time, if we attentively
   consider even these faults of earthly things, which are neither
   voluntary nor penal, they seem to illustrate the excellence of the
   natures themselves, which are all originated and created by God; for it
   is that which pleases us in this nature which we are displeased to see
   removed by the fault,--unless even the natures themselves displease
   men, as often happens when they become hurtful to them, and then men
   estimate them not by their nature, but by their utility; as in the case
   of those animals whose swarms scourged the pride of the Egyptians.  But
   in this way of estimating, they may find fault with the sun itself; for
   certain criminals or debtors are sentenced by the judges to be set in
   the sun.  Therefore it is not with respect to our convenience or
   discomfort, but with respect to their own nature, that the creatures
   are glorifying to their Artificer.  Thus even the nature of the eternal
   fire, penal though it be to the condemned sinners, is most assuredly
   worthy of praise.  For what is more beautiful than fire flaming,
   blazing, and shining?  What more useful than fire for warming,
   restoring, cooking, though nothing is more destructive than fire
   burning and consuming?  The same thing, then, when applied in one way,
   is destructive, but when applied suitably, is most beneficial.  For who
   can find words to tell its uses throughout the whole world?  We must
   not listen, then, to those who praise the light of fire but find fault
   with its heat, judging it not by its nature, but by their convenience
   or discomfort.  For they wish to see, but not to be burnt.  But they
   forget that this very light which is so pleasant to them, disagrees
   with and hurts weak eyes; and in that heat which is disagreeable to
   them, some animals find the most suitable conditions of a healthy life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--That in All Natures, of Every Kind and Rank, God is
   Glorified.

   All natures, then, inasmuch as they are, and have therefore a rank and
   species of their own, and a kind of internal harmony, are certainly
   good.  And when they are in the places assigned to them by the order of
   their nature, they preserve such being as they have received.  And
   those things which have not received everlasting being, are altered for
   better or for worse, so as to suit the wants and motions of those
   things to which the Creator's law has made them subservient; and thus
   they tend in the divine providence to that end which is embraced in the
   general scheme of the government of the universe.  So that, though the
   corruption of transitory and perishable things brings them to utter
   destruction, it does not prevent their producing that which was
   designed to be their result.  And this being so, God, who supremely is,
   and who therefore created every being which has not supreme existence
   (for that which was made of nothing could not be equal to Him, and
   indeed could not be at all had He not made it), is not to be found
   fault with on account of the creature's faults, but is to be praised in
   view of the natures He has made.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--What the Cause of the Blessedness of the Good Angels Is,
   and What the Cause of the Misery of the Wicked.

   Thus the true cause of the blessedness of the good angels is found to
   be this, that they cleave to Him who supremely is.  And if we ask the
   cause of the misery of the bad, it occurs to us, and not unreasonably,
   that they are miserable because they have forsaken Him who supremely
   is, and have turned to themselves who have no such essence.  And this
   vice, what else is it called than pride?  For "pride is the beginning
   of sin." [530]   They were unwilling, then, to preserve their strength
   for God; and as adherence to God was the condition of their enjoying an
   ampler being, they diminished it by preferring themselves to Him.  This
   was the first defect, and the first impoverishment, and the first flaw
   of their nature, which was created, not indeed supremely existent, but
   finding its blessedness in the enjoyment of the Supreme Being; whilst
   by abandoning Him it should become, not indeed no nature at all, but a
   nature with a less ample existence, and therefore wretched.

   If the further question be asked, What was the efficient cause of their
   evil will? there is none.  For what is it which makes the will bad,
   when it is the will itself which makes the action bad?  And
   consequently the bad will is the cause of the bad action, but nothing
   is the efficient cause of the bad will.  For if anything is the cause,
   this thing either has or has not a will.  If it has, the will is either
   good or bad.  If good, who is so left to himself as to say that a good
   will makes a will bad?  For in this case a good will would be the cause
   of sin; a most absurd supposition.  On the other hand, if this
   hypothetical thing has a bad will, I wish to know what made it so; and
   that we may not go on forever, I ask at once, what made the first evil
   will bad?  For that is not the first which was itself corrupted by an
   evil will, but that is the first which was made evil by no other will.
   For if it were preceded by that which made it evil, that will was first
   which made the other evil.  But if it is replied, "Nothing made it
   evil; it always was evil," I ask if it has been existing in some
   nature.  For if not, then it did not exist at all; and if it did exist
   in some nature, then it vitiated and corrupted it, and injured it, and
   consequently deprived it of good.  And therefore the evil will could
   not exist in an evil nature, but in a nature at once good and mutable,
   which this vice could injure.  For if it did no injury, it was no vice;
   and consequently the will in which it was, could not be called evil.
   But if it did injury, it did it by taking away or diminishing good.
   And therefore there could not be from eternity, as was suggested, an
   evil will in that thing in which there had been previously a natural
   good, which the evil will was able to diminish by corrupting it.  If,
   then, it was not from eternity, who, I ask, made it?  The only thing
   that can be suggested in reply is, that something which itself had no
   will, made the will evil.  I ask, then, whether this thing was
   superior, inferior, or equal to it?  If superior, then it is better.
   How, then, has it no will, and not rather a good will?  The same
   reasoning applies if it was equal; for so long as two things have
   equally a good will, the one cannot produce in the other an evil will.
   Then remains the supposition that that which corrupted the will of the
   angelic nature which first sinned, was itself an inferior thing without
   a will.  But that thing, be it of the lowest and most earthly kind, is
   certainly itself good, since it is a nature and being, with a form and
   rank of its own in its own kind and order.  How, then, can a good thing
   be the efficient cause of an evil will?  How, I say, can good be the
   cause of evil?  For when the will abandons what is above itself, and
   turns to what is lower, it becomes evil--not because that is evil to
   which it turns, but because the turning itself is wicked.  Therefore it
   is not an inferior thing which has made the will evil, but it is itself
   which has become so by wickedly and inordinately desiring an inferior
   thing.  For if two men, alike in physical and moral constitution, see
   the same corporal beauty, and one of them is excited by the sight to
   desire an illicit enjoyment while the other steadfastly maintains a
   modest restraint of his will, what do we suppose brings it about, that
   there is an evil will in the one and not in the other?  What produces
   it in the man in whom it exists?  Not the bodily beauty, for that was
   presented equally to the gaze of both, and yet did not produce in both
   an evil will.  Did the flesh of the one cause the desire as he looked?
   But why did not the flesh of the other?  Or was it the disposition?
   But why not the disposition of both?  For we are supposing that both
   were of a like temperament of body and soul.  Must we, then, say that
   the one was tempted by a secret suggestion of the evil spirit?  As if
   it was not by his own will that he consented to this suggestion and to
   any inducement whatever!  This consent, then, this evil will which he
   presented to the evil suasive influence,--what was the cause of it, we
   ask?  For, not to delay on such a difficulty as this, if both are
   tempted equally and one yields and consents to the temptation while the
   other remains unmoved by it, what other account can we give of the
   matter than this, that the one is willing, the other unwilling, to fall
   away from chastity?  And what causes this but their own wills, in cases
   at least such as we are supposing, where the temperament is identical?
   The same beauty was equally obvious to the eyes of both; the same
   secret temptation pressed on both with equal violence.  However
   minutely we examine the case, therefore, we can discern nothing which
   caused the will of the one to be evil.  For if we say that the man
   himself made his will evil, what was the man himself before his will
   was evil but a good nature created by God, the unchangeable good?  Here
   are two men who, before the temptation, were alike in body and soul,
   and of whom one yielded to the tempter who persuaded him, while the
   other could not be persuaded to desire that lovely body which was
   equally before the eyes of both.  Shall we say of the successfully
   tempted man that he corrupted his own will, since he was certainly good
   before his will became bad?  Then, why did he do so?  Was it because
   his will was a nature, or because it was made of nothing?  We shall
   find that the latter is the case.  For if a nature is the cause of an
   evil will, what else can we say than that evil arises from good or that
   good is the cause of evil?  And how can it come to pass that a nature,
   good though mutable, should produce any evil--that is to say, should
   make the will itself wicked?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [530] Eccles. x. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--That We Ought Not to Expect to Find Any Efficient Cause of
   the Evil Will.

   Let no one, therefore, look for an efficient cause of the evil will;
   for it is not efficient, but deficient, as the will itself is not an
   effecting of something, but a defect.  For defection from that which
   supremely is, to that which has less of being,--this is to begin to
   have an evil will.  Now, to seek to discover the causes of these
   defections,--causes, as I have said, not efficient, but deficient,--is
   as if some one sought to see darkness, or hear silence.  Yet both of
   these are known by us, and the former by means only of the eye, the
   latter only by the ear; but not by their positive actuality, [531] but
   by their want of it.  Let no one, then seek to know from me what I know
   that I do not know; unless he perhaps wishes to learn to be ignorant of
   that of which all we know is, that it cannot be known.  For those
   things which are known not by their actuality, but by their want of it,
   are known, if our expression may be allowed and understood, by not
   knowing them, that by knowing them they may be not known.  For when the
   eyesight surveys objects that strike the sense, it nowhere sees
   darkness but where it begins not to see.  And so no other sense but the
   ear can perceive silence, and yet it is only perceived by not hearing.
   Thus, too, our mind perceives intelligible forms by understanding them;
   but when they are deficient, it knows them by not knowing them; for
   "who can understand defects?" [532]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [531] Specie.

   [532] Ps. xix. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Of the Misdirected Love Whereby the Will Fell Away from the
   Immutable to the Mutable Good.

    This I do know, that the nature of God can never, nowhere, nowise be
   defective, and that natures made of nothing can.  These latter,
   however, the more being they have, and the more good they do (for then
   they do something positive), the more they have efficient causes; but
   in so far as they are defective in being, and consequently do evil (for
   then what is their work but vanity?), they have deficient causes.  And
   I know likewise, that the will could not become evil, were it unwilling
   to become so; and therefore its failings are justly punished, being not
   necessary, but voluntary.  For its defections are not to evil things,
   but are themselves evil; that is to say, are not towards things that
   are naturally and in themselves evil, but the defection of the will is
   evil, because it is contrary to the order of nature, and an abandonment
   of that which has supreme being for that which has less.  For avarice
   is not a fault inherent in gold, but in the man who inordinately loves
   gold, to the detriment of justice, which ought to be held in
   incomparably higher regard than gold. Neither is luxury the fault of
   lovely and charming objects, but of the heart that inordinately loves
   sensual pleasures, to the neglect of temperance, which attaches us to
   objects more lovely in their spirituality, and more delectable by their
   incorruptibility.  Nor yet is boasting the fault of human praise, but
   of the soul that is inordinately fond of the applause of men, and that
   makes light of the voice of conscience.  Pride, too, is not the fault
   of him who delegates power, nor of power itself, but of the soul that
   is inordinately enamored of its own power, and despises the more just
   dominion of a higher authority.  Consequently he who inordinately loves
   the good which any nature possesses, even though he obtain it, himself
   becomes evil in the good, and wretched because deprived of a greater
   good.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Whether the Angels, Besides Receiving from God Their
   Nature, Received from Him Also Their Good Will by the Holy Spirit
   Imbuing Them with Love.

   There is, then, no natural efficient cause or, if I may be allowed the
   expression, no essential cause, of the evil will, since itself is the
   origin of evil in mutable spirits, by which the good of their nature is
   diminished and corrupted; and the will is made evil by nothing else
   than defection from God,--a defection of which the cause, too, is
   certainly deficient.  But as to the good will, if we should say that
   there is no efficient cause of it, we must beware of giving currency to
   the opinion that the good will of the good angels is not created, but
   is co-eternal with God.  For if they themselves are created, how can we
   say that their good will was eternal?  But if created, was it created
   along with themselves, or did they exist for a time without it?  If
   along with themselves, then doubtless it was created by Him who created
   them, and, as soon as ever they were created, they attached themselves
   to Him who created them, with the love He created in them.  And they
   are separated from the society of the rest, because they have continued
   in the same good will; while the others have fallen away to another
   will, which is an evil one, by the very fact of its being a falling
   away from the good; from which, we may add, they would not have fallen
   away had they been unwilling to do so.  But if the good angels existed
   for a time without a good will, and produced it in themselves without
   God's interference, then it follows that they made themselves better
   than He made them.  Away with such a thought!  For without a good will,
   what were they but evil?  Or if they were not evil, because they had
   not an evil will any more than a good one (for they had not fallen away
   from that which as yet they had not begun to enjoy), certainly they
   were not the same, not so good, as when they came to have a good will.
   Or if they could not make themselves better than they were made by Him
   who is surpassed by none in His work, then certainly, without His
   helpful operation, they could not come to possess that good will which
   made them better.  And though their good will effected that they did
   not turn to themselves, who had a more stinted existence, but to Him
   who supremely is, and that, being united to Him, their own being was
   enlarged, and they lived a wise and blessed life by His communications
   to them, what does this prove but that the will, however good it might
   be, would have continued helplessly only to desire Him, had not He who
   had made their nature out of nothing, and yet capable of enjoying Him,
   first stimulated it to desire Him, and then filled it with Himself, and
   so made it better?

   Besides, this too has to be inquired into, whether, if the good angels
   made their own will good, they did so with or without will?  If
   without, then it was not their doing.  If with, was the will good or
   bad?  If bad, how could a bad will give birth to a good one?  If good,
   then already they had a good will.  And who made this will, which
   already they had, but He who created them with a good will, or with
   that chaste love by which they cleaved to Him, in one and the same act
   creating their nature, and endowing it with grace?  And thus we are
   driven to believe that the holy angels never existed without a good
   will or the love of God.  But the angels who, though created good, are
   yet evil now, became so by their own will.  And this will was not made
   evil by their good nature, unless by its voluntary defection from good;
   for good is not the cause of evil, but a defection from good is.  These
   angels, therefore, either received less of the grace of the divine love
   than those who persevered in the same; or if both were created equally
   good, then, while the one fell by their evil will, the others were more
   abundantly assisted, and attained to that pitch of blessedness at which
   they became certain they should never fall from it,--as we have already
   shown in the preceding book. [533]   We must therefore acknowledge,
   with the praise due to the Creator, that not only of holy men, but also
   of the holy angels, it can be said that "the love of God is shed abroad
   in their hearts by the Holy Ghost, which is given unto them." [534]
   And that not only of men, but primarily and principally of angels it is
   true, as it is written, "It is good to draw near to God." [535]   And
   those who have this good in common, have, both with Him to whom they
   draw near, and with one another, a holy fellowship, and form one city
   of God--His living sacrifice, and His living temple.  And I see that,
   as I have now spoken of the rise of this city among the angels, it is
   time to speak of the origin of that part of it which is hereafter to be
   united to the immortal angels, and which at present is being gathered
   from among mortal men, and is either sojourning on earth, or, in the
   persons of those who have passed through death, is resting in the
   secret receptacles and abodes of disembodied spirits.  For from one
   man, whom God created as the first, the whole human race descended,
   according to the faith of Holy Scripture, which deservedly is of
   wonderful authority among all nations throughout the world; since,
   among its other true statements, it predicted, by its divine foresight,
   that all nations would give credit to it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [533] C. 13.

   [534] Rom. v. 5.

   [535] Ps. lxxiii. 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Of the Falseness of the History Which Allots Many Thousand
   Years to the World's Past.

   Let us, then, omit the conjectures of men who know not what they say,
   when they speak of the nature and origin of the human race.  For some
   hold the same opinion regarding men that they hold regarding the world
   itself, that they have always been.  Thus Apuleius says when he is
   describing our race, "Individually they are mortal, but collectively,
   and as a race, they are immortal." [536]   And when they are asked,
   how, if the human race has always been, they vindicate the truth of
   their history, which narrates who were the inventors, and what they
   invented, and who first instituted the liberal studies and the other
   arts, and who first inhabited this or that region, and this or that
   island? they reply, [537] that most, if not all lands, were so
   desolated at intervals by fire and flood, that men were greatly reduced
   in numbers, and from these, again, the population was restored to its
   former numbers, and that thus there was at intervals a new beginning
   made, and though those things which had been interrupted and checked by
   the severe devastations were only renewed, yet they seemed to be
   originated then; but that man could not exist at all save as produced
   by man.  But they say what they think, not what they know.

   They are deceived, too, by those highly mendacious documents which
   profess to give the history of many thousand years, though, reckoning
   by the sacred writings, we find that not 6000 years have yet passed.
   [538]   And, not to spend many words in exposing the baselessness of
   these documents, in which so many thousands of years are accounted for,
   nor in proving that their authorities are totally inadequate, let me
   cite only that letter which Alexander the Great wrote to his mother
   Olympias, [539] giving her the narrative he had from an Egyptian
   priest, which he had extracted from their sacred archives, and which
   gave an account of kingdoms mentioned also by the Greek historians.  In
   this letter of Alexander's a term of upwards of 5000 years is assigned
   to the kingdom of Assyria; while in the Greek history only 1300 years
   are reckoned from the reign of Bel himself, whom both Greek and
   Egyptian agree in counting the first king of Assyria.  Then to the
   empire of the Persians and Macedonians this Egyptian assigned more than
   8000 years, counting to the time of Alexander, to whom he was speaking;
   while among the Greeks, 485 years are assigned to the Macedonians down
   to the death of Alexander, and to the Persians 233 years, reckoning to
   the termination of his conquests.  Thus these give a much smaller
   number of years than the Egyptians; and indeed, though multiplied three
   times, the Greek chronology would still be shorter.  For the Egyptians
   are said to have formerly reckoned only four months to their year;
   [540] so that one year, according to the fuller and truer computation
   now in use among them as well as among ourselves, would comprehend
   three of their old years.  But not even thus, as I said, does the Greek
   history correspond with the Egyptian in its chronology.  And therefore
   the former must receive the greater credit, because it does not exceed
   the true account of the duration of the world as it is given by our
   documents, which are truly sacred.  Further, if this letter of
   Alexander, which has become so famous, differs widely in this matter of
   chronology from the probable credible account, how much less can we
   believe these documents which, though full of fabu lous and fictitious
   antiquities, they would fain oppose to the authority of our well-known
   and divine books, which predicted that the whole world would believe
   them, and which the whole world accordingly has believed; which proved,
   too, that it had truly narrated past events by its prediction of future
   events, which have so exactly come to pass!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [536] De Deo Socrates.

   [537] Augustin no doubt refers to the interesting account given by
   Critias, near the beginning of the Timæus, of the conversation of Solon
   with the Egyptian priests.

   [538] Augustin here follows the chronology of Eusebius, who reckons
   5611 years from the Creation to the taking of Rome by the Goths;
   adopting the Septuagint version of the Patriarchal ages.

   [539] See above, viii. 5.

   [540] It is not apparent to what Augustin refers.  The Arcadians,
   according to Macrobius (Saturn. i. 7), divided their year into three
   months, and the Egyptians divided theirs into three seasons:  each of
   these seasons having four months, it is possible that Augustin may have
   referred to this.  See Wilkinson's excursus on the Egyptian year, in
   Rawlinson's Herod. Book ii.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of Those Who Suppose that This World Indeed is Not
   Eternal, But that Either There are Numberless Worlds, or that One and
   the Same World is Perpetually Resolved into Its Elements, and Renewed
   at the Conclusion of Fixed Cycles.

   There are some, again, who, though they do not suppose that this world
   is eternal, are of opinion either that this is not the only world, but
   that there are numberless worlds or that indeed it is the only one, but
   that it dies, and is born again at fixed intervals, and this times
   without number; [541] but they must acknowledge that the human race
   existed before there were other men to beget them.  For they cannot
   suppose that, if the whole world perish, some men would be left alive
   in the world, as they might survive in floods and conflagrations, which
   those other speculators suppose to be partial, and from which they can
   therefore reasonably argue that a few then survived whose posterity
   would renew the population; but as they believe that the world itself
   is renewed out of its own material, so they must believe that out of
   its elements the human race was produced, and then that the progeny of
   mortals sprang like that of other animals from their parents.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [541] The former opinion was held by Democritus and his disciple
   Epicurus; the latter by Heraclitus, who supposed that "God amused
   Himself" by thus renewing worlds.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--How These Persons are to Be Answered, Who Find Fault with
   the Creation of Man on the Score of Its Recent Date.

   As to those who are always asking why man was not created during these
   countless ages of the infinitely extended past, and came into being so
   lately that, according to Scripture, less than 6000 years have elapsed
   since He began to be, I would reply to them regarding the creation of
   man, just as I replied regarding the origin of the world to those who
   will not believe that it is not eternal, but had a beginning, which
   even Plato himself most plainly declares, though some think his
   statement was not consistent with his real opinion. [542]   If it
   offends them that the time that has elapsed since the creation of man
   is so short, and his years so few according to our authorities, let
   them take this into consideration, that nothing that has a limit is
   long, and that all the ages of time being finite, are very little, or
   indeed nothing at all, when compared to the interminable eternity.
   Consequently, if there had elapsed since the creation of man, I do not
   say five or six, but even sixty or six hundred thousand years, or sixty
   times as many, or six hundred or six hundred thousand times as many, or
   this sum multiplied until it could no longer be expressed in numbers,
   the same question could still be put, Why was he not made before?  For
   the past and boundless eternity during which God abstained from
   creating man is so great, that, compare it with what vast and untold
   number of ages you please, so long as there is a definite conclusion of
   this term of time, it is not even as if you compared the minutest drop
   of water with the ocean that everywhere flows around the globe.  For of
   these two, one indeed is very small, the other incomparably vast, yet
   both are finite; but that space of time which starts from some
   beginning, and is limited by some termination, be it of what extent it
   may, if you compare it with that which has no beginning, I know not
   whether to say we should count it the very minutest thing, or nothing
   at all.  For, take this limited time, and deduct from the end of it,
   one by one, the briefest moments (as you might take day by day from a
   man's life, beginning at the day in which he now lives, back to that of
   his birth), and though the number of moments you must subtract in this
   backward movement be so great that no word can express it, yet this
   subtraction will sometime carry you to the beginning.  But if you take
   away from a time which has no beginning, I do not say brief moments one
   by one, nor yet hours, or days, or months, or years even in quantities,
   but terms of years so vast that they cannot be named by the most
   skillful arithmeticians,--take away terms of years as vast as that
   which we have supposed to be gradually consumed by the deduction of
   moments,--and take them away not once and again repeatedly, but always,
   and what do you effect, what do you make by your deduction, since you
   never reach the beginning, which has no existence?  Wherefore, that
   which we now demand after five thousand odd years, our descendants
   might with like curiosity demand after six hundred thousand years,
   supposing these dying generations of men continue so long to decay and
   be renewed, and supposing posterity continues as weak and ignorant as
   ourselves.  The same question might have been asked by those who have
   lived before us and while man was even newer upon earth.  The first man
   himself in short might the day after or the very day of his creation
   have asked why he was created no sooner.  And no matter at what earlier
   or later period he had been created, this controversy about the
   commencement of this world's history would have had precisely the same
   difficulties as it has now.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [542] The Alexandrian Neo-Platonists endeavored in this way to escape
   from the obvious meaning of the Timæus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Of the Revolution of the Ages, Which Some Philosophers
   Believe Will Bring All Things Round Again, After a Certain Fixed Cycle,
   to the Same Order and Form as at First.

   This controversy some philosophers have seen no other approved means of
   solving than by introducing cycles of time, in which there should be a
   constant renewal and repetition of the order of nature; [543] and they
   have therefore asserted that these cycles will ceaselessly recur, one
   passing away and another coming, though they are not agreed as to
   whether one permanent world shall pass through all these cycles, or
   whether the world shall at fixed intervals die out, and be renewed so
   as to exhibit a recurrence of the same phenomena--the things which have
   been, and those which are to be, coinciding.  And from this fantastic
   vicissitude they exempt not even the immortal soul that has attained
   wisdom, consigning it to a ceaseless transmigration between delusive
   blessedness and real misery.  For how can that be truly called blessed
   which has no assurance of being so eternally, and is either in
   ignorance of the truth, and blind to the misery that is approaching,
   or, knowing it, is in misery and fear?  Or if it passes to bliss, and
   leaves miseries forever, then there happens in time a new thing which
   time shall not end.  Why not, then, the world also?  Why may not man,
   too, be a similar thing?  So that, by following the straight path of
   sound doctrine, we escape, I know not what circuitous paths, discovered
   by deceiving and deceived sages.

   Some, too, in advocating these recurring cycles that restore all things
   to their original cite in favor of their supposition what Solomon says
   in the book of Ecclesiastes:  "What is that which hath been?  It is
   that which shall be.  And what is that which is done?  It is that which
   shall be done:  and there is no new thing under the sun.  Who can speak
   and say, See, this is new?  It hath been already of old time, which was
   before us." [544]   This he said either of those things of which he had
   just been speaking--the succession of generations, the orbit of the
   sun, the course of rivers,--or else of all kinds of creatures that are
   born and die.  For men were before us, are with us, and shall be after
   us; and so all living things and all plants.  Even monstrous and
   irregular productions, though differing from one another, and though
   some are reported as solitary instances, yet resemble one another
   generally, in so far as they are miraculous and monstrous, and, in this
   sense, have been, and shall be, and are no new and recent things under
   the sun.  However, some would understand these words as meaning that in
   the predestination of God all things have already existed, and that
   thus there is no new thing under the sun.  At all events, far be it
   from any true believer to suppose that by these words of Solomon those
   cycles are meant, in which, according to those philosophers, the same
   periods and events of time are repeated; as if, for example, the
   philosopher Plato, having taught in the school at Athens which is
   called the Academy, so, numberless ages before, at long but certain
   intervals, this same Plato and the same school, and the same disciples
   existed, and so also are to be repeated during the countless cycles
   that are yet to be,--far be it, I say, from us to believe this.  For
   once Christ died for our sins; and, rising from the dead, He dieth no
   more.  "Death hath no more dominion over Him; [545] and we ourselves
   after the resurrection shall be "ever with the Lord," [546] to whom we
   now say, as the sacred Psalmist dictates, "Thou shall keep us, O Lord,
   Thou shall preserve us from this generation." [547]   And that too
   which follows, is, I think, appropriate enough:  "The wicked walk in a
   circle," not because their life is to recur by means of these circles,
   which these philosophers imagine, but because the path in which their
   false doctrine now runs is circuitous.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [543] Antoninus says (ii. 14):  "All things from eternity are of like
   forms, and come round in a circle."  Cf. also ix. 28, and the
   references to more ancient philosophical writers in Gataker's notes in
   these passages.

   [544] Eccles. i. 9, 10.  So Origen, de Prin. iii. 5, and ii. 3.

   [545] Rom. vi. 9.

   [546] 1 Thess. iv. 16.

   [547] Ps. xii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Creation of the Human Race in Time, and How This
   Was Effected Without Any New Design or Change of Purpose on God's Part.

   What wonder is it if, entangled in these circles, they find neither
   entrance nor egress?  For they know not how the human race, and this
   mortal condition of ours, took its origin, nor how it will be brought
   to an end, since they cannot penetrate the inscrutable wisdom of God.
   For, though Himself eternal, and without beginning, yet He caused time
   to have a beginning; and man, whom He had not previously made He made
   in time, not from a new and sudden resolution, but by His unchangeable
   and eternal design.  Who can search out the unsearchable depth of this
   purpose, who can scrutinize the inscrutable wisdom, wherewith God,
   without change of will, created man, who had never before been, and
   gave him an existence in time, and increased the human race from one
   individual?  For the Psalmist himself, when he had first said, "Thou
   shalt keep us, O Lord, Thou shall preserve us from this generation for
   ever," and had then rebuked those whose foolish and impious doctrine
   preserves for the soul no eternal deliverance and blessedness adds
   immediately, "The wicked walk in a circle."  Then, as if it were said
   to him, "What then do you believe, feel, know?  Are we to believe that
   it suddenly occurred to God to create man, whom He had never before
   made in a past eternity,--God, to whom nothing new can occur, and in
   whom is no changeableness?" the Psalmist goes on to reply, as if
   addressing God Himself, "According to the depth of Thy wisdom Thou hast
   multiplied the children of men."  Let men, he seems to say, fancy what
   they please, let them conjecture and dispute as seems good to them, but
   Thou hast multiplied the children of men according to the depth of thy
   wisdom, which no man can comprehend.  For this is a depth indeed, that
   God always has been, and that man, whom He had never made before, He
   willed to make in time, and this without changing His design and will.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Whether We are to Believe that God, as He Has Always Been
   Sovereign Lord, Has Always Had Creatures Over Whom He Exercised His
   Sovereignty; And in What Sense We Can Say that the Creature Has Always
   Been, and Yet Cannot Say It is Co-Eternal.

   For my own part, indeed, as I dare not say that there ever was a time
   when the Lord God was not Lord, [548] so I ought not to doubt that man
   had no existence before time, and was first created in time.  But when
   I consider what God could be the Lord of, if there was not always some
   creature, I shrink from making any assertion, remembering my own
   insignificance, and that it is written, "What man is he that can know
   the counsel of God? or who can think what the will of the Lord is?  For
   the thoughts of mortal men are timid, and our devices are but
   uncertain.  For the corruptible body presseth down the soul, and the
   earthly tabernacle weigheth down the mind that museth upon many
   things." [549]   Many things certainly do I muse upon in this earthly
   tabernacle, because the one thing which is true among the many, or
   beyond the many, I cannot find.  If, then, among these many thoughts, I
   say that there have always been creatures for Him to be Lord of, who is
   always and ever has been Lord, but that these creatures have not always
   been the same, but succeeded one another (for we would not seem to say
   that any is co-eternal with the Creator, an assertion condemned equally
   by faith and sound reason), I must take care lest I fall into the
   absurd and ignorant error of maintaining that by these successions and
   changes mortal creatures have always existed, whereas the immortal
   creatures had not begun to exist until the date of our own world, when
   the angels were created; if at least the angels are intended by that
   light which was first made, or, rather, by that heaven of which it is
   said, "In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth." [550]
   The angels, at least did not exist before they were created; for if we
   say that they have always existed, we shall seem to make them
   co-eternal with the Creator.  Again, if I say that the angels were not
   created in time, but existed before all times, as those over whom God,
   who has ever been Sovereign, exercised His sovereignty, then I shall be
   asked whether, if they were created before all time, they, being
   creatures, could possibly always exist.  It may perhaps be replied, Why
   not always, since that which is in all time may very properly be said
   to be "always?"  Now so true is it that these angels have existed in
   all time that even before time was they were created; if at least time
   began with the heavens, and the angels existed before the heavens.  And
   if time was even before the heavenly bodies, not indeed marked by
   hours, days, months, and years,--for these measures of time's periods
   which are commonly and properly called times, did manifestly begin with
   the motion of the heavenly bodies, and so God said, when He appointed
   them, "Let them be for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and for
   years," [551] --if, I say, time was before these heavenly bodies by
   some changing movement, whose parts succeeded one another and could not
   exist simultaneously, and if there was some such movement among the
   angels which necessitated the existence of time, and that they from
   their very creation should be subject to these temporal changes, then
   they have existed in all time, for time came into being along with
   them.  And who will say that what was in all time, was not always?

   But if I make such a reply, it will be said to me, How, then, are they
   not co-eternal with the Creator, if He and they always have been?  How
   even can they be said to have been created, if we are to understand
   that they have always existed?  What shall we reply to this?  Shall we
   say that both statements are true? that they always have been, since
   they have been in all time, they being created along with time, or time
   along with them, and yet that also they were created?  For, similarly,
   we will not deny that time itself was created, though no one doubts
   that time has been in all time; for if it has not been in all time,
   then there was a time when there was no time.  But the most foolish
   person could not make such an assertion.  For we can reasonably say
   there was a time when Rome was not; there was a time when Jerusalem was
   not; there was a time when Abraham was not; there was a time when man
   was not, and so on:  in fine, if the world was not made at the
   commencement of time, but after some time had elapsed, we can say there
   was a time when the world was not.  But to say there was a time when
   time was not, is as absurd as to say there was a man when there was no
   man; or, this world was when this world was not.  For if we are not
   referring to the same object, the form of expression may be used, as,
   there was another man when this man was not.  Thus we can reasonably
   say there was another time when this time was not; but not the merest
   simpleton could say there was a time when there was no time.  As, then,
   we say that time was created, though we also say that it always has
   been, since in all time time has been, so it does not follow that if
   the angels have always been, they were therefore not created.  For we
   say that they have always been, because they have been in all time; and
   we say they have been in all time, because time itself could no wise be
   without them.  For where there is no creature whose changing movements
   admit of succession, there cannot be time at all.  And consequently,
   even if they have always existed, they were created; neither, if they
   have always existed, are they therefore co-eternal with the Creator.
   For He has always existed in unchangeable eternity; while they were
   created, and are said to have been always, because they have been in
   all time, time being impossible without the creature.  But time passing
   away by its changefulness, cannot be co-eternal with changeless
   eternity.  And consequently, though the immortality of the angels does
   not pass in time, does not become past as if now it were not, nor has a
   future as if it were not yet, still their movements, which are the
   basis of time, do pass from future to past; and therefore they cannot
   be co-eternal with the Creator, in whose movement we cannot say that
   there has been that which now is not, or shall be that which is not
   yet.  Wherefore, if God always has been Lord, He has always had
   creatures under His dominion,--creatures, however, not begotten of Him,
   but created by Him out of nothing; nor co-eternal with Him, for He was
   before them though at no time without them, because He preceded them,
   not by the lapse of time, but by His abiding eternity.  But if I make
   this reply to those who demand how He was always Creator, always Lord,
   if there were not always a subject creation; or how this was created,
   and not rather co-eternal with its Creator, if it always was, I fear I
   may be accused of recklessly affirming what I know not, instead of
   teaching what I know.  I return, therefore, to that which our Creator
   has seen fit that we should know; and those things which He has allowed
   the abler men to know in this life, or has reserved to be known in the
   next by the perfected saints, I acknowledge to be beyond my capacity.
   But I have thought it right to discuss these matters without making
   positive assertions, that they who read may be warned to abstain from
   hazardous questions, and may not deem themselves fit for everything.
   Let them rather endeavor to obey the wholesome injunction of the
   apostle, when he says, "For I say, through the grace given unto me, to
   every man that is among you, not to think of himself more highly than
   he ought to think; but to think soberly, according as God hath dealt to
   every man the measure of faith." [552]   For if an infant receive
   nourishment suited to its strength, it becomes capable, as it grows, of
   taking more; but if its strength and capacity be overtaxed, it dwines
   away in place of growing.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [548] Cf. de Trin. v. 17.

   [549] Wisdom ix. 13-15.

   [550] Gen. i. 1.

   [551] Gen. i. 14.

   [552] Rom. xii. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--How We are to Understand God's Promise of Life Eternal,
   Which Was Uttered Before the "Eternal Times."

   I own that I do not know what ages passed before the human race was
   created, yet I have no doubt that no created thing is co-eternal with
   the Creator.  But even the apostle speaks of time as eternal, and this
   with reference, not to the future, but, which is more surprising, to
   the past.  For he says, "In hope of eternal life, which God that cannot
   lie promised before the eternal times, but hath in due times manifested
   His word." [553]   You see he says that in the past there have been
   eternal times, which, however, were not co-eternal with God.  And since
   God before these eternal times not only existed, but also, "promised"
   life eternal, which He manifested in its own times (that is to say, in
   due times), what else is this than His word?  For this is life
   eternal.  But then, how did He promise; for the promise was made to
   men, and yet they had no existence before eternal times?  Does this not
   mean that, in His own eternity, and in His co-eternal word, that which
   was to be in its own time was already predestined and fixed?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [553] Titus i. 2, 3.  Augustin here follows the version of Jerome, and
   not the Vulgate.  Comp. Contra Priscill. 6, and de Gen. c. Man. iv. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--What Defence is Made by Sound Faith Regarding God's
   Unchangeable Counsel and Will, Against the Reasonings of Those Who Hold
   that the Works of God are Eternally Repeated in Revolving Cycles that
   Restore All Things as They Were.

   Of this, too, I have no doubt, that before the first man was created,
   there never had been a man at all, neither this same man himself
   recurring by I know not what cycles, and having made I know not how
   many revolutions, nor any other of similar nature.  From this belief I
   am not frightened by philosophical arguments, among which that is
   reckoned the most acute which is founded on the assertion that the
   infinite cannot be comprehended by any mode of knowledge.
   Consequently, they argue, God has in his own mind finite conceptions of
   all finite things which He makes.  Now it cannot be supposed that His
   goodness was ever idle; for if it were, there should be ascribed to Him
   an awakening to activity in time, from a past eternity of inactivity,
   as if He repented of an idleness that had no beginning, and proceeded,
   therefore, to make a beginning of work.  This being the case, they say
   it must be that the same things are always repeated, and that as they
   pass, so they are destined always to return, whether amidst all these
   changes the world remains the same,--the world which has always been,
   and yet was created,--or that the world in these revolutions is
   perpetually dying out and being renewed; otherwise, if we point to a
   time when the works of God were begun, it would be believed that He
   considered His past eternal leisure to be inert and indolent, and
   therefore condemned and altered it as displeasing to Himself.  Now if
   God is supposed to have been indeed always making temporal things, but
   different from one another, and one after the other, so, that He thus
   came at last to make man, whom He had never made before, then it may
   seem that He made man not with knowledge (for they suppose no knowledge
   can comprehend the infinite succession of creatures), but at the
   dictate of the hour, as it struck him at the moment, with a sudden and
   accidental change of mind.  On the other hand, say they, if those
   cycles be admitted, and if we suppose that the same temporal things are
   repeated, while the world either remains identical through all these
   rotations, or else dies away and is renewed, then there is ascribed to
   God neither the slothful ease of a past eternity, nor a rash and
   unforeseen creation.  And if the same things be not thus repeated in
   cycles, then they cannot by any science or prescience be comprehended
   in their endless diversity.  Even though reason could not refute, faith
   would smile at these argumentations, with which the godless endeavor to
   turn our simple piety from the right way, that we may walk with them
   "in a circle."  But by the help of the Lord our God, even reason, and
   that readily enough, shatters these revolving circles which conjecture
   frames.  For that which specially leads these men astray to refer their
   own circles to the straight path of truth, is, that they measure by
   their own human, changeable, and narrow intellect the divine mind,
   which is absolutely unchangeable, infinitely capacious, and without
   succession of thought, counting all things without number.  So that
   saying of the apostle comes true of them, for, "comparing themselves
   with themselves, they do not understand." [554]   For because they do,
   in virtue of a new purpose, whatever new thing has occurred to them to
   be done (their minds being changeable), they conclude it is so with
   God; and thus compare, not God,--for they cannot conceive God, but
   think of one like themselves when they think of Him,--not God, but
   themselves, and not with Him, but with themselves.  For our part, we
   dare not believe that God is affected in one way when He works, in
   another when He rests.  Indeed, to say that He is affected at all, is
   an abuse of language, since it implies that there comes to be something
   in His nature which was not there before.  For he who is affected is
   acted upon, and whatever is acted upon is changeable.  His leisure,
   therefore, is no laziness, indolence, inactivity; as in His work is no
   labor, effort, industry.  He can act while He reposes, and repose while
   He acts.  He can begin a new work with (not a new, but) an eternal
   design; and what He has not made before, He does not now begin to make
   because He repents of His former repose.  But when one speaks of His
   former repose and subsequent operation (and I know not how men can
   understand these things), this "former" and "subsequent" are applied
   only to the things created, which formerly did not exist, and
   subsequently came into existence.  But in God the former purpose is not
   altered and obliterated by the subsequent and different purpose, but by
   one and the same eternal and unchangeable will He effected regarding
   the things He created, both that formerly, so long as they were not,
   they should not be, and that subsequently, when they began to be, they
   should come into existence.  And thus, perhaps, He would show, in a
   very striking way, to those who have eyes for such things, how
   independent He is of what He makes, and how it is of His own gratuitous
   goodness He creates, since from eternity He dwelt without creatures in
   no less perfect a blessedness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [554] 2 Cor. x. 12.  Here, and in Enar. in Ps. xxxiv. and also in Cont.
   Faust. xxii. 47, Augustin follows the Greek, and not the Vulgate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Against Those Who Assert that Things that are Infinite
   [555] Cannot Be Comprehended by the Knowledge of God.

   As for their other assertion, that God's knowledge cannot comprehend
   things infinite, it only remains for them to affirm, in order that they
   may sound the depths of their impiety, that God does not know all
   numbers.  For it is very certain that they are infinite; since, no
   matter of what number you suppose an end to be made, this number can
   be, I will not say, increased by the addition of one more, but however
   great it be, and however vast be the multitude of which it is the
   rational and scientific expression, it can still be not only doubled,
   but even multiplied.  Moreover, each number is so defined by its own
   properties, that no two numbers are equal.  They are therefore both
   unequal and different from one another; and while they are simply
   finite, collectively they are infinite.  Does God, therefore, not know
   numbers on account of this infinity; and does His knowledge extend only
   to a certain height in numbers, while of the rest He is ignorant?  Who
   is so left to himself as to say so?  Yet they can hardly pretend to put
   numbers out of the question, or maintain that they have nothing to do
   with the knowledge of God; for Plato, [556] their great authority,
   represents God as framing the world on numerical principles:  and in
   our books also it is said to God, "Thou hast ordered all things in
   number, and measure, and weight." [557]   The prophet also says," Who
   bringeth out their host by number." [558]   And the Saviour says in the
   Gospel, "The very hairs of your head are all numbered." [559]   Far be
   it, then, from us to doubt that all number is known to Him "whose
   understanding," according to the Psalmist, "is infinite." [560]   The
   infinity of number, though there be no numbering of infinite numbers,
   is yet not incomprehensible by Him whose understanding is infinite.
   And thus, if everything which is comprehended is defined or made finite
   by the comprehension of him who knows it, then all infinity is in some
   ineffable way made finite to God, for it is comprehensible by His
   knowledge.  Wherefore, if the infinity of numbers cannot be infinite to
   the knowledge of God, by which it is comprehended, what are we poor
   creatures that we should presume to fix limits to His knowledge, and
   say that unless the same temporal thing be repeated by the same
   periodic revolutions, God cannot either foreknow His creatures that He
   may make them, or know them when He has made them?  God, whose
   knowledge is simply manifold, and uniform in its variety, comprehends
   all incomprehensibles with so incomprehensible a comprehension, that
   though He willed always to make His later works novel and unlike what
   went before them, He could not produce them without order and
   foresight, nor conceive them suddenly, but by His eternal
   foreknowledge.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [555] I.e.indefinite, or an indefinite succession of things.

   [556] Again in the Timæus.

   [557] Wisdom xi. 20.

   [558] Isa. xl. 26.

   [559] Matt. x. 30.

   [560] Ps. cxlvii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of Worlds Without End, or Ages of Ages. [561]

   I do not presume to determine whether God does so, and whether these
   times which are called "ages of ages" are joined together in a
   continuous series, and succeed one another with a regulated diversity,
   and leave exempt from their vicissitudes only those who are freed from
   their misery, and abide without end in a blessed immortality; or
   whether these are called "ages of ages," that we may understand that
   the ages remain unchangeable in God's unwavering wisdom, and are the
   efficient causes, as it were, of those ages which are being spent in
   time.  Possibly "ages" is used for "age," so that nothing else is meant
   by "ages of ages" than by "age of age," as nothing else is meant by
   "heavens of heavens" than by "heaven of heaven."  For God called the
   firmament, above which are the waters, "Heaven," and yet the psalm
   says, "Let the waters that are above the heavens praise the name of the
   Lord." [562]   Which of these two meanings we are to attach to "ages of
   ages," or whether there is not some other and better meaning still, is
   a very profound question; and the subject we are at present handling
   presents no obstacle to our meanwhile deferring the discussion of it,
   whether we may be able to determine anything about it, or may only be
   made more cautious by its further treatment, so as to be deterred from
   making any rash affirmations in a matter of such obscurity.  For at
   present we are disputing the opinion that affirms the existence of
   those periodic revolutions by which the same things are always
   recurring at intervals of time.  Now whichever of these suppositions
   regarding the "ages of ages" be the true one, it avails nothing for the
   substantiating of those cycles; for whether the ages of ages be not a
   repetition of the same world, but different worlds succeeding one
   another in a regulated connection, the ransomed souls abiding in
   well-assured bliss without any recurrence of misery, or whether the
   ages of ages be the eternal causes which rule what shall be and is in
   time, it equally follows, that those cycles which bring round the same
   things have no existence; and nothing more thoroughly explodes them
   than the fact of the eternal life of the saints.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [561] De sæculis sæculorum.

   [562] Ps. cxlviii. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Impiety of Those Who Assert that the Souls Which
   Enjoy True and Perfect Blessedness, Must Yet Again and Again in These
   Periodic Revolutions Return to Labor and Misery.

   What pious ears could bear to hear that after a life spent in so many
   and severe distresses (if, indeed, that should be called a life at all
   which is rather a death, so utter that the love of this present death
   makes us fear that death which delivers us from it,) that after evils
   so disastrous, and miseries of all kinds have at length been expiated
   and finished by the help of true religion and wisdom, and when we have
   thus attained to the vision of God, and have entered into bliss by the
   contemplation of spiritual light and participation in His unchangeable
   immortality, which we burn to attain,--that we must at some time lose
   all this, and that they who do lose it are cast down from that
   eternity, truth, and felicity to infernal mortality and shameful
   foolishness, and are involved in accursed woes, in which God is lost,
   truth held in detestation, and happiness sought in iniquitous
   impurities? and that this will happen endlessly again and again,
   recurring at fixed intervals, and in regularly returning periods? and
   that this everlasting and ceaseless revolution of definite cycles,
   which remove and restore true misery and deceitful bliss in turn, is
   contrived in order that God may be able to know His own works, since on
   the one hand He cannot rest from creating and on the other, cannot know
   the infinite number of His creatures, if He always makes creatures?
   Who, I say, can listen to such things?  Who can accept or suffer them
   to be spoken?  Were they true, it were not only more prudent to keep
   silence regarding them, but even (to express myself as best I can) it
   were the part of wisdom not to know them.  For if in the future world
   we shall not remember these things, and by this oblivion be blessed,
   why should we now increase our misery, already burdensome enough, by
   the knowledge of them?  If, on the other hand, the knowledge of them
   will be forced upon us hereafter, now at least let us remain in
   ignorance, that in the present expectation we may enjoy a blessedness
   which the future reality is not to bestow; since in this life we are
   expecting to obtain life everlasting, but in the world to come are to
   discover it to be blessed, but not everlasting.

   And if they maintain that no one can attain to the blessedness of the
   world to come, unless in this life he has been indoctrinated in those
   cycles in which bliss and misery relieve one another, how do they avow
   that the more a man loves God, the more readily he attains to
   blessedness,--they who teach what paralyzes love itself?  For who would
   not be more remiss and lukewarm in his love for a person whom he thinks
   he shall be forced to abandon, and whose truth and wisdom he shall come
   to hate; and this, too, after he has quite attained to the utmost and
   most blissful knowledge of Him that he is capable of?  Can any one be
   faithful in his love, even to a human friend, if he knows that he is
   destined to become his enemy? [563]   God forbid that there be any
   truth in an opinion which threatens us with a real misery that is never
   to end, but is often and endlessly to be interrupted by intervals of
   fallacious happiness.  For what happiness can be more fallacious and
   false than that in whose blaze of truth we yet remain ignorant that we
   shall be miserable, or in whose most secure citadel we yet fear that we
   shall be so?  For if, on the one hand, we are to be ignorant of coming
   calamity, then our present misery is not so short-sighted for it is
   assured of coming bliss.  If, on the other hand, the disaster that
   threatens is not concealed from us in the world to come, then the time
   of misery which is to be at last exchanged for a state of blessedness,
   is spent by the soul more happily than its time of happiness, which is
   to end in a return to misery.  And thus our expectation of unhappiness
   is happy, but of happiness unhappy.  And therefore, as we here suffer
   present ills, and hereafter fear ills that are imminent, it were truer
   to say that we shall always be miserable than that we can some time be
   happy.

   But these things are declared to be false by the loud testimony of
   religion and truth; for religion truthfully promises a true
   blessedness, of which we shall be eternally assured, and which cannot
   be interrupted by any disaster.  Let us therefore keep to the straight
   path, which is Christ, and, with Him as our Guide and Saviour, let us
   turn away in heart and mind from the unreal and futile cycles of the
   godless.  Porphyry, Platonist though he was, abjured the opinion of his
   school, that in these cycles souls are ceaselessly passing away and
   returning, either being struck with the extravagance of the idea, or
   sobered by his knowledge of Christianity.  As I mentioned in the tenth
   book, [564] he preferred saying that the soul, as it had been sent into
   the world that it might know evil, and be purged and delivered from it,
   was never again exposed to such an experience after it had once
   returned to the Father.  And if he abjured the tenets of his school,
   how much more ought we Christians to abominate and avoid an opinion so
   unfounded and hostile to our faith?  But having disposed of these
   cycles and escaped out of them, no necessity compels us to suppose that
   the human race had no beginning in time, on the ground that there is
   nothing new in nature which, by I know not what cycles, has not at some
   previous period existed, and is not hereafter to exist again.  For if
   the soul, once delivered, as it never was before, is never to return to
   misery, then there happens in its experience something which never
   happened before; and this, indeed, something of the greatest
   consequence, to wit, the secure entrance into eternal felicity.  And if
   in an immortal nature there can occur a novelty, which never has been,
   nor ever shall be, reproduced by any cycle, why is it disputed that the
   same may occur in mortal natures?  If they maintain that blessedness is
   no new experience to the soul, but only a return to that state in which
   it has been eternally, then at least its deliverance from misery is
   something new, since, by their own showing, the misery from which it is
   delivered is itself, too, a new experience.  And if this new experience
   fell out by accident, and was not embraced in the order of things
   appointed by Divine Providence, then where are those determinate and
   measured cycles in which no new thing happens, but all things are
   reproduced as they were before?  If, however, this new experience was
   embraced in that providential order of nature (whether the soul was
   exposed to the evil of this world for the sake of discipline, or fell
   into it by sin), then it is possible for new things to happen which
   never happened before, and which yet are not extraneous to the order of
   nature.  And if the soul is able by its own imprudence to create for
   itself a new misery, which was not unforeseen by the Divine Providence,
   but was provided for in the order of nature along with the deliverance
   from it, how can we, even with all the rashness of human vanity,
   presume to deny that God can create new things--new to the world, but
   not to Him--which He never before created, but yet foresaw from all
   eternity?  If they say that it is indeed true that ransomed souls
   return no more to misery, but that even so no new thing happens, since
   there always have been, now are, and ever shall be a succession of
   ransomed souls, they must at least grant that in this case there are
   new souls to whom the misery and the deliverance from it are new.  For
   if they maintain that those souls out of which new men are daily being
   made (from whose bodies, if they have lived wisely, they are so
   delivered that they never return to misery) are not new, but have
   existed from eternity, they must logically admit that they are
   infinite.  For however great a finite number of souls there were, that
   would not have sufficed to make perpetually new men from eternity,--men
   whose souls were to be eternally freed from this mortal state, and
   never afterwards to return to it.  And our philosophers will find it
   hard to explain how there is an infinite number of souls in an order of
   nature which they require shall be finite, that it may be known by God.

   And now that we have exploded these cycles which were supposed to bring
   back the soul at fixed periods to the same miseries, what can seem more
   in accordance with godly reason than to believe that it is possible for
   God both to create new things never before created, and in doing so, to
   preserve His will unaltered?  But whether the number of eternally
   redeemed souls can be continually increased or not, let the
   philosophers themselves decide, who are so subtle in determining where
   infinity cannot be admitted.  For our own part, our reasoning holds in
   either case.  For if the number of souls can be indefinitely increased,
   what reason is there to deny that what had never before been created,
   could be created? since the number of ransomed souls never existed
   before, and has yet not only been once made, but will never cease to be
   anew coming into being.  If, on the other hand, it be more suitable
   that the number of eternally ransomed souls be definite, and that this
   number will never be increased, yet this number, whatever it be, did
   assuredly never exist before, and it cannot increase, and reach the
   amount it signifies, without having some beginning; and this beginning
   never before existed.  That this beginning, therefore, might be, the
   first man was created.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [563] Cicero has the same (de Amicitia, 16):  Quonam modo quisquam
   amicus esse poterit, cui se putabit inimicum esse posse?  He also
   quotes Scipio to the effect that no sentiment is more unfriendly to
   friendship than this, that we should love as if some day we were to
   hate.

   [564] C. 30.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--That There Was Created at First But One Individual, and
   that the Human Race Was Created in Him.

   Now that we have solved, as well as we could, this very difficult
   question about the eternal God creating new things, without any novelty
   of will, it is easy to see how much better it is that God was pleased
   to produce the human race from the one individual whom He created, than
   if He had originated it in several men.  For as to the other animals,
   He created some solitary, and naturally seeking lonely places,--as the
   eagles, kites, lions, wolves, and such like; others gregarious, which
   herd together, and prefer to live in company,--as pigeons, starlings,
   stags, and little fallow deer, and the like:  but neither class did He
   cause to be propagated from individuals, but called into being several
   at once.  Man, on the other hand, whose nature was to be a mean between
   the angelic and bestial, He created in such sort, that if he remained
   in subjection to His Creator as his rightful Lord, and piously kept His
   commandments, he should pass into the company of the angels, and
   obtain, without the intervention of death, [565] a blessed and endless
   immortality; but if he offended the Lord his God by a proud and
   disobedient use of his free will, he should become subject to death,
   and live as the beasts do,--the slave of appetite, and doomed to
   eternal punishment after death.  And therefore God created only one
   single man, not, certainly, that he might be a solitary, bereft of all
   society, but that by this means the unity of society and the bond of
   concord might be more effectually commended to him, men being bound
   together not only by similarity of nature, but by family affection.
   And indeed He did not even create the woman that was to be given him as
   his wife, as he created the man, but created her out of the man, that
   the whole human race might derive from one man.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [565] Coquaeus remarks that this is levelled against the Pelagians.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--That God Foreknew that the First Man Would Sin, and that
   He at the Same Time Foresaw How Large a Multitude of Godly Persons
   Would by His Grace Be Translated to the Fellowship of the Angels.

   And God was not ignorant that man would sin, and that, being himself
   made subject now to death, he would propagate men doomed to die, and
   that these mortals would run to such enormities in sin, that even the
   beasts devoid of rational will, and who were created in numbers from
   the waters and the earth, would live more securely and peaceably with
   their own kind than men, who had been propagated from one individual
   for the very purpose of commending concord.  For not even lions or
   dragons have ever waged with their kind such wars as men have waged
   with one another. [566]   But God foresaw also that by His grace a
   people would be called to adoption, and that they, being justified by
   the remission of their sins, would be united by the Holy Ghost to the
   holy angels in eternal peace, the last enemy, death, being destroyed;
   and He knew that this people would derive profit from the consideration
   that God had caused all men to be derived from one, for the sake of
   showing how highly He prizes unity in a multitude.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [566] ^                "Quando leoni Fortior eripuit vitam leo? quo
   nemore unquam Exspiravit aper majoris dentibus apri? Indica tigris agit
   rabida cum tigride pacem Perpetuam; sævis inter se convenit ursis. Ast
   homini,"etc. Juvenal, Sat. xv. 160--5. --See also the very striking
   lines which precede these.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Of the Nature of the Human Soul Created in the Image of
   God.

   God, then, made man in His own image.  For He created for him a soul
   endowed with reason and intelligence, so that he might excel all the
   creatures of earth, air, and sea, which were not so gifted.  And when
   He had formed the man out of the dust of the earth, and had willed that
   his soul should be such as I have said,--whether He had already made
   it, and now by breathing imparted it to man, or rather made it by
   breathing, so that that breath which God made by breathing (for what
   else is "to breathe" than to make breath?) is the soul, [567] --He made
   also a wife for him, to aid him in the work of generating his kind, and
   her He formed of a bone taken out of the man's side, working in a
   divine manner.  For we are not to conceive of this work in a carnal
   fashion, as if God wrought as we commonly see artisans, who use their
   hands, and material furnished to them, that by their artistic skill
   they may fashion some material object.  God's hand is God's power; and
   He, working invisibly, effects visible results.  But this seems
   fabulous rather than true to men, who measure by customary and everyday
   works the power and wisdom of God, whereby He understands and produces
   without seeds even seeds themselves; and because they cannot understand
   the things which at the beginning were created, they are sceptical
   regarding them--as if the very things which they do know about human
   propagation, conceptions and births, would seem less incredible if told
   to those who had no experience of them; though these very things, too,
   are attributed by many rather to physical and natural causes than to
   the work of the divine mind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [567] See this further discussed in Gen. ad Lit. vii. 35, and in
   Delitzsch's Bibl. Psychology.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Whether the Angels Can Be Said to Be the Creators of Any,
   Even the Least Creature.

   But in this book we have nothing to do with those who do not believe
   that the divine mind made or cares for this world.  As for those who
   believe their own Plato, that all mortal animals--among whom man holds
   the pre-eminent place, and is near to the gods themselves--were created
   not by that most high God who made the world, but by other lesser gods
   created by the Supreme, and exercising a delegated power under His
   control,--if only those persons be delivered from the superstition
   which prompts them to seek a plausible reason for paying divine honors
   and sacrificing to these gods as their creators, they will easily be
   disentangled also from this their error.  For it is blasphemy to
   believe or to say (even before it can be understood) that any other
   than God is creator of any nature, be it never so small and mortal.
   And as for the angels, whom those Platonists prefer to call gods,
   although they do, so far as they are permitted and commissioned, aid in
   the production of the things around us, yet not on that account are we
   to call them creators, any more than we call gardeners the creators of
   fruits and trees.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--That God Alone is the Creator of Every Kind of Creature,
   Whatever Its Nature or Form.

   For whereas there is one form which is given from without to every
   bodily substance,--such as the form which is constructed by potters and
   smiths, and that class of artists who paint and fashion forms like the
   body of animals,--but another and internal form which is not itself
   constructed, but, as the efficient cause, produces not only the natural
   bodily forms, but even the life itself of the living creatures, and
   which proceeds from the secret and hidden choice of an intelligent and
   living nature,--let that first-mentioned form be attributed to every
   artificer, but this latter to one only, God, the Creator and Originator
   who made the world itself and the angels, without the help of world or
   angels.  For the same divine and, so to speak, creative energy, which
   cannot be made, but makes, and which gave to the earth and sky their
   roundness,--this same divine, effective, and creative energy gave their
   roundness to the eye and to the apple; and the other natural objects
   which we anywhere see, received also their form, not from without, but
   from the secret and profound might of the Creator, who said, "Do not I
   fill heaven and earth?" [568] and whose wisdom it is that "reacheth
   from one end to another mightily; and sweetly doth she order all
   things." [569]  Wherefore I know not what kind of aid the angels,
   themselves created first, afforded to the Creator in making other
   things.  I cannot ascribe to them what perhaps they cannot do, neither
   ought I to deny them such faculty as they have.  But, by their leave, I
   attribute the creating and originating work which gave being to all
   natures to God, to whom they themselves thankfully ascribe their
   existence.  We do not call gardeners the creators of their fruits, for
   we read, "Neither is he that planteth anything, neither he that
   watereth, but God that giveth the increase." [570]   Nay, not even the
   earth itself do we call a creator, though she seems to be the prolific
   mother of all things which she aids in germinating and bursting forth
   from the seed, and which she keeps rooted in her own breast; for we
   likewise read, "God giveth it a body, as it hath pleased Him, and to
   every seed his own body." [571]   We ought not even to call a woman the
   creatress of her own offspring; for He rather is its creator who said
   to His servant, "Before I formed thee in the womb, I knew thee." [572]
     And although the various mental emotions of a pregnant woman do
   produce in the fruit of her womb similar qualities,--as Jacob with his
   peeled wands caused piebald sheep to be produced,--yet the mother as
   little creates her offspring as she created herself.  Whatever bodily
   or seminal causes, then, may be used for the production of things,
   either by the cooperation of angels, men, or the lower animals, or by
   sexual generation; and whatever power the desires and mental emotions
   of the mother have to produce in the tender and plastic foetus
   corresponding lineaments and colors; yet the natures themselves, which
   are thus variously affected, are the production of none but the most
   high God.  It is His occult power which pervades all things, and is
   present in all without being contaminated, which gives being to all
   that is, and modifies and limits its existence; so that without Him it
   would not be thus, or thus, nor would have any being at all. [573]
   If, then, in regard to that outward form which the workman's hand
   imposes on his work, we do not say that Rome and Alexandria were built
   by masons and architects, but by the kings by whose will, plan, and
   resources they were built, so that the one has Romulus, the other
   Alexander, for its founder; with how much greater reason ought we to
   say that God alone is the Author of all natures, since He neither uses
   for His work any material which was not made by Him, nor any workmen
   who were not also made by Him, and since, if He were, so to speak, to
   withdraw from created things His creative power, they would straightway
   relapse into the nothingness in which they were before they were
   created?  "Before," I mean, in respect of eternity, not of time.  For
   what other creator could there be of time, than He who created those
   things whose movements make time? [574]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [568] Jer. xxiii. 24.

   [569] Wisdom viii. 1.

   [570] 1 Cor. iii. 7.

   [571] 1 Cor. xv. 38.

   [572] Jer. i. 5.

   [573] Compare de Trin. iii. 13-16.

   [574] See Book xi. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Of that Opinion of the Platonists, that the Angels Were
   Themselves Indeed Created by God, But that Afterwards They Created
   Man's Body.

   It is obvious, that in attributing the creation of the other animals to
   those inferior gods who were made by the Supreme, he meant it to be
   understood that the immortal part was taken from God Himself, and that
   these minor creators added the mortal part; that is to say, he meant
   them to be considered the creators of our bodies, but not of our
   souls.  But since Porphyry maintains that if the soul is to be purified
   all entanglement with a body must be escaped from; and at the same time
   agrees with Plato and the Platonistsin thinking that those who have not
   spent a temperate and honorable life return to mortal bodies as their
   punishment (to bodies of brutes in Plato's opinion, to human bodies in
   Porphyry's); it follows that those whom they would have us worship as
   our parents and authors, that they may plausibly call them gods, are,
   after all, but the forgers of our fetters and chains,--not our
   creators, but our jailers and turnkeys, who lock us up in the most
   bitter and melancholy house of correction.  Let the Platonists, then,
   either cease menacing us with our bodies as the punishment of our
   souls, or preaching that we are to worship as gods those whose work
   upon us they exhort us by all means in our power to avoid and escape
   from.  But, indeed, both opinions are quite false.  It is false that
   souls return again to this life to be punished; and it is false that
   there is any other creator of anything in heaven or earth, than He who
   made the heaven and the earth.  For if we live in a body only to
   expiate our sins, how says Plato in another place, that the world could
   not have been the most beautiful and good, had it not been filled with
   all kinds of creatures, mortal and immortal? [575]   But if our
   creation even as mortals be a divine benefit, how is it a punishment to
   be restored to a body, that is, to a divine benefit?  And if God, as
   Plato continually maintains, embraced in His eternal intelligence the
   ideas both of the universe and of all the animals, how, then, should He
   not with His own hand make them all?  Could He be unwilling to be the
   constructor of works, the idea and plan of which called for His
   ineffable and ineffably to be praised intelligence?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [575] The deity, desirous of making the universe in all respects
   resemble the most beautiful and entirely perfect of intelligible
   objects, formed it into one visible animal, containing within itself
   all the other animals with which it is naturally allied.--Timæus, c.
   xi.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--That the Whole Plenitude of the Human Race Was Embraced in
   the First Man, and that God There Saw the Portion of It Which Was to Be
   Honored and Rewarded, and that Which Was to Be Condemned and Punished.

   With good cause, therefore, does the true religion recognize and
   proclaim that the same God who created the universal cosmos, created
   also all the animals, souls as well as bodies.  Among the terrestrial
   animals man was made by Him in His own image, and, for the reason I
   have given, was made one individual, though he was not left solitary.
   For there is nothing so social by nature, so unsocial by its
   corruption, as this race.  And human nature has nothing more
   appropriate, either for the prevention of discord, or for the healing
   of it, where it exists, than the remembrance of that first parent of us
   all, whom God was pleased to create alone, that all men might be
   derived from one, and that they might thus be admonished to preserve
   unity among their whole multitude.  But from the fact that the woman
   was made for him from his side, it was plainly meant that we should
   learn how dear the bond between man and wife should be.  These works of
   God do certainly seem extraordinary, because they are the first works.
   They who do not believe them, ought not to believe any prodigies; for
   these would not be called prodigies did they not happen out of the
   ordinary course of nature.  But, is it possible that anything should
   happen in vain, however hidden be its cause, in so grand a government
   of divine providence?  One of the sacred Psalmists says, "Come, behold
   the works of the Lord, what prodigies He hath wrought in the earth."
   [576]   Why God made woman out of man's side, and what this first
   prodigy prefigured, I shall, with God's help, tell in another place.
   But at present, since this book must be concluded, let us merely say
   that in this first man, who was created in the beginning, there was
   laid the foundation, not indeed evidently, but in God's foreknowledge,
   of these two cities or societies, so far as regards the human race.
   For from that man all men were to be derived--some of them to be
   associated with the good angels in their reward, others with the wicked
   in punishment; all being ordered by the secret yet just judgment of
   God.  For since it is written, "All the paths of the Lord are mercy and
   truth," [577] neither can His grace be unjust, nor His justice cruel.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [576] Ps. xlvi. 8.

   [577] Ps. xxv. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XIII.

   ------------------------

   Argument--In this book it is taught that death is penal, and had its
   origin in Adam's sin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Fall of the First Man, Through Which Mortality Has
   Been Contracted.

   Having disposed of the very difficult questions concerning the origin
   of our world and the beginning of the human race, the natural order
   requires that we now discuss the fall of the first man (we may say of
   the first men), and of the origin and propagation of human death.  For
   God had not made man like the angels, in such a condition that, even
   though they had sinned, they could none the more die.  He had so made
   them, that if they discharged the obligations of obedience, an angelic
   immortality and a blessed eternity might ensue, without the
   intervention of death; but if they disobeyed, death should be visited
   on them with just sentence--which, too, has been spoken to in the
   preceding book.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Of that Death Which Can Affect an Immortal Soul, and of
   that to Which the Body is Subject.

   But I see I must speak a little more carefully of the nature of death.
   For although the human soul is truly affirmed to be immortal, yet it
   also has a certain death of its own.  For it is therefore called
   immortal, because, in a sense, it does not cease to live and to feel;
   while the body is called mortal, because it can be forsaken of all
   life, and cannot by itself live at all.  The death, then, of the soul
   takes place when God forsakes it, as the death of the body when the
   soul forsakes it.  Therefore the death of both--that is, of the whole
   man--occurs when the soul, forsaken by God, forsakes the body.  For, in
   this case, neither is God the life of the soul, nor the soul the life
   of the body.  And this death of the whole man is followed by that
   which, on the authority of the divine oracles, we call the second
   death.  This the Saviour referred to when He said, "Fear Him which is
   able to destroy both soul and body in hell." [578]   And since this
   does not happen before the soul is so joined to its body that they
   cannot be separated at all, it may be matter of wonder how the body can
   be said to be killed by that death in which it is not forsaken by the
   soul, but, being animated and rendered sensitive by it, is tormented.
   For in that penal and everlasting punishment, of which in its own place
   we are to speak more at large, the soul is justly said to die, because
   it does not live in connection with God; but how can we say that the
   body is dead, seeing that it lives by the soul?  For it could not
   otherwise feel the bodily torments which are to follow the
   resurrection.  Is it because life of every kind is good, and pain an
   evil, that we decline to say that that body lives, in which the soul is
   the cause, not of life, but of pain?  The soul, then, lives by God when
   it lives well, for it cannot live well unless by God working in it what
   is good; and the body lives by the soul when the soul lives in the
   body, whether itself be living by God or no.  For the wicked man's life
   in the body is a life not of the soul, but of the body, which even dead
   souls--that is, souls forsaken of God--can confer upon bodies, how
   little so-ever of their own proper life, by which they are immortal,
   they retain.  But in the last damnation, though man does not cease to
   feel, yet because this feeling of his is neither sweet with pleasure
   nor wholesome with repose, but painfully penal, it is not without
   reason called death rather than life.  And it is called the second
   death because it follows the first, which sunders the two cohering
   essences, whether these be God and the soul, or the soul and the body.
   Of the first and bodily death, then, we may say that to the good it is
   good, and evil to the evil.  But, doubtless, the second, as it happens
   to none of the good, so it can be good for none.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [578] Matt. x. 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Whether Death, Which by the Sin of Our First Parents Has
   Passed Upon All Men, is the Punishment of Sin, Even to the Good.

   But a question not to be shirked arises:  Whether in very truth death,
   which separates soul and body, is good to the good? [579]   For if it
   be, how has it come to pass that such a thing should be the punishment
   of sin?  For the first men would not have suffered death had they not
   sinned.  How, then, can that be good to the good, which could not have
   happened except to the evil?  Then, again, if it could only happen to
   the evil, to the good it ought not to be good, but non-existent.  For
   why should there be any punishment where there is nothing to punish?
   Wherefore we must say that the first men were indeed so created, that
   if they had not sinned, they would not have experienced any kind of
   death; but that, having become sinners, they were so punished with
   death, that whatsoever sprang from their stock should also be punished
   with the same death.  For nothing else could be born of them than that
   which they themselves had been.  Their nature was deteriorated in
   proportion to the greatness of the condemnation of their sin, so that
   what existed as punishment in those who first sinned, became a natural
   consequence in their children.  For man is not produced by man, as he
   was from the dust.  For dust was the material out of which man was
   made:  man is the parent by whom man is begotten.  Wherefore earth and
   flesh are not the same thing, though flesh be made of earth.  But as
   man the parent is, such is man the offspring.  In the first man,
   therefore, there existed the whole human nature, which was to be
   transmitted by the woman to posterity, when that conjugal union
   received the divine sentence of its own condemnation; and what man was
   made, not when created, but when he sinned and was punished, this he
   propagated, so far as the origin of sin and death are concerned.  For
   neither by sin nor its punishment was he himself reduced to that
   infantine and helpless infirmity of body and mind which we see in
   children.  For God ordained that infants should begin the world as the
   young of beasts begin it, since their parents had fallen to the level
   of the beasts in the fashion of their life and of their death; as it is
   written, "Man when he was in honor understood not; he became like the
   beasts that have no understanding." [580]   Nay more, infants, we see,
   are even feebler in the use and movement of their limbs, and more
   infirm to choose and refuse, than the most tender offspring of other
   animals; as if the force that dwells in human nature were destined to
   surpass all other living things so much the more eminently, as its
   energy has been longer restrained, and the time of its exercise
   delayed, just as an arrow flies the higher the further back it has been
   drawn.  To this infantine imbecility [581] the first man did not fall
   by his lawless presumption and just sentence; but human nature was in
   his person vitiated and altered to such an extent, that he suffered in
   his members the warring of disobedient lust, and became subject to the
   necessity of dying.  And what he himself had become by sin and
   punishment, such he generated those whom he begot; that is to say,
   subject to sin and death.  And if infants are delivered from this
   bondage of sin by the Redeemer's grace, they can suffer only this death
   which separates soul and body; but being redeemed from the obligation
   of sin, they do not pass to that second endless and penal death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [579] On this question compare the 24th and 25th epistles of Jerome, de
   obitu Leæ, and de obitu Blesillæ filiæ.  Coquæus.

   [580] Ps. xlix. 12.

   [581] On which see further in de Peccat. Mer. i. 67, et seq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Why Death, the Punishment of Sin, is Not Withheld from
   Those Who by the Grace of Regeneration are Absolved from Sin.

   If, moreover, any one is solicitous about this point, how, if death be
   the very punishment of sin, they whose guilt is cancelled by grace do
   yet suffer death, this difficulty has already been handled and solved
   in our other work which we have written on the baptism of infants.
   [582]   There it was said that the parting of soul and body was left,
   though its connection with sin was removed, for this reason, that if
   the immortality of the body followed immediately upon the sacrament of
   regeneration, faith itself would be thereby enervated.  For faith is
   then only faith when it waits in hope for what is not yet seen in
   substance.  And by the vigor and conflict of faith, at least in times
   past, was the fear of death overcome.  Specially was this conspicuous
   in the holy martyrs, who could have had no victory, no glory, to whom
   there could not even have been any conflict, if, after the layer of
   regeneration, saints could not suffer bodily death. Who would not,
   then, in company with the infants presented for baptism, run to the
   grace of Christ, that so he might not be dismissed from the body?  And
   thus faith would not be tested with an unseen reward; and so would not
   even be faith, seeking and receiving an immediate recompense of its
   works.  But now, by the greater and more admirable grace of the
   Saviour, the punishment of sin is turned to the service of
   righteousness.  For then it was proclaimed to man, "If thou sinnest,
   thou shall die;" now it is said to the martyr, "Die, that thou sin
   not."  Then it was said, "If ye trangress the commandments, ye shall
   die;" now it is said, "If ye decline death, ye transgress the
   commandment."  That which was formerly set as an object of terror, that
   men might not sin, is now to be undergone if we would not sin.  Thus,
   by the unutterable mercy of God, even the very punishment of wickedness
   has become the armor of virtue, and the penalty of the sinner becomes
   the reward of the righteous.  For then death was incurred by sinning,
   now righteousness is fulfilled by dying.  In the case of the holy
   martyrs it is so; for to them the persecutor proposes the alternative,
   apostasy or death.  For the righteous prefer by believing to suffer
   what the first transgressors suffered by not believing.  For unless
   they had sinned, they would not have died; but the martyrs sin if they
   do not die.  The one died because they sinned, the others do not sin
   because they die.  By the guilt of the first, punishment was incurred;
   by the punishment of the second, guilt is prevented.  Not that death,
   which was before an evil, has become something good, but only that God
   has granted to faith this grace, that death, which is the admitted
   opposite to life, should become the instrument by which life is
   reached.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [582] De Baptismo Parvulorum is the second half of the title of the
   book, de Peccatorum Meritis et Remissione.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--As the Wicked Make an Ill Use of the Law, Which is Good, So
   the Good Make a Good Use of Death, Which is an Ill.

   The apostle, wishing to show how hurtful a thing sin is, when grace
   does not aid us, has not hesitated to say that the strength of sin is
   that very law by which sin is prohibited.  "The sting of death is sin,
   and the strength of sin is the law." [583]   Most certainly true; for
   prohibition increases the desire of illicit action, if righteousness is
   not so loved that the desire of sin is conquered by that love.  But
   unless divine grace aid us, we cannot love nor delight in true
   righteousness.  But lest the law should be thought to be an evil, since
   it is called the strength of sin, the apostle, when treating a similar
   question in another place, says, "The law indeed is holy, and the
   commandment holy, and just, and good.  Was then that which is holy made
   death unto me?  God forbid.  But sin, that it might appear sin, working
   death in me by that which is good; that sin by the commandment might
   become exceeding sinful." [584]   Exceeding, he says, because the
   transgression is more heinous when through the increasing lust of sin
   the law itself also is despised.  Why have we thought it worth while to
   mention this?  For this reason, because, as the law is not an evil when
   it increases the lust of those who sin, so neither is death a good
   thing when it increases the glory of those who suffer it, since either
   the former is abandoned wickedly, and makes transgressors, or the
   latter is embraced, for the truth's sake, and makes martyrs.  And thus
   the law is indeed good, because it is prohibition of sin, and death is
   evil because it is the wages of sin; but as wicked men make an evil use
   not only of evil, but also of good things, so the righteous make a good
   use not only of good, but also of evil things.  Whence it comes to pass
   that the wicked make an ill use of the law, though the law is good; and
   that the good die well, though death is an evil.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [583] 1 Cor. xv. 56.

   [584] Rom. vii. 12, 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Of the Evil of Death in General, Considered as the
   Separation of Soul and Body.

   Wherefore, as regards bodily death, that is, the separation of the soul
   from the body, it is good unto none while it is being endured by those
   whom we say are in the article of death.  For the very violence with
   which body and soul are wrenched asunder, which in the living had been
   conjoined and closely intertwined, brings with it a harsh experience,
   jarring horridly on nature so long as it continues, till there comes a
   total loss of sensation, which arose from the very interpenetration of
   spirit and flesh.  And all this anguish is sometimes forestalled by one
   stroke of the body or sudden flitting of the soul, the swiftness of
   which prevents it from being felt.  But whatever that may be in the
   dying which with violently painful sensation robs of all sensation,
   yet, when it is piously and faithfully borne, it increases the merit of
   patience, but does not make the name of punishment inapplicable.
   Death, proceeding by ordinary generation from the first man, is the
   punishment of all who are born of him, yet, if it be endured for
   righteousness' sake, it becomes the glory of those who are born again;
   and though death be the award of sin, it sometimes secures that nothing
   be awarded to sin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Of the Death Which the Unbaptized [585] Suffer for the
   Confession of Christ.

   For whatever unbaptized persons die confessing Christ, this confession
   is of the same efficacy for the remission of sins as if they were
   washed in the sacred font of baptism.  For He who said, "Except a man
   be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of
   God," [586] made also an exception in their favor, in that other
   sentence where He no less absolutely said, "Whosoever shall confess me
   before men, him will I confess also before my Father which is in
   heaven;" [587] and in another place, "Whosoever will lose his life for
   my sake, shall find it." [588]   And this explains the verse, "Precious
   in the sight of the Lord is the death of His saints." [589]   For what
   is more precious than a death by which a man's sins are all forgiven,
   and his merits increased an hundredfold?  For those who have been
   baptized when they could no longer escape death, and have departed this
   life with all their sins blotted out have not equal merit with those
   who did not defer death, though it was in their power to do so, but
   preferred to end their life by confessing Christ, rather than by
   denying Him to secure an opportunity of baptism.  And even had they
   denied Him under pressure of the fear of death, this too would have
   been forgiven them in that baptism, in which was remitted even the
   enormous wickedness of those who had slain Christ.  But how abundant in
   these men must have been the grace of the Spirit, who breathes where He
   listeth, seeing that they so dearly loved Christ as to be unable to
   deny Him even in so sore an emergency, and with so sure a hope of
   pardon!  Precious, therefore, is the death of the saints, to whom the
   grace of Christ has been applied with such gracious effects, that they
   do not hesitate to meet death themselves, if so be they might meet
   Him.  And precious is it, also, because it has proved that what was
   originally ordained for the punishment of the sinner, has been used for
   the production of a richer harvest of righteousness.  But not on this
   account should we look upon death as a good thing, for it is diverted
   to such useful purposes, not by any virtue of its own, but by the
   divine interference.  Death was originally proposed as an object of
   dread, that sin might not be committed; now it must be undergone that
   sin may not be committed, or, if committed, be remitted, and the award
   of righteousness bestowed on him whose victory has earned it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [585] Literally, unregenerate.

   [586] John iii. 5.

   [587] Matt. x. 32.

   [588] Matt. xvi. 25.

   [589] Ps. cxvi. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--That the Saints, by Suffering the First Death for the
   Truth's Sake, are Freed from the Second.

   For if we look at the matter a little more carefully, we shall see that
   even when a man dies faithfully and laudably for the truth's sake, it
   is still death he is avoiding.  For he submits to some part of death,
   for the very purpose of avoiding the whole, and the second and eternal
   death over and above.  He submits to the separation of soul and body,
   lest the soul be separated both from God and from the body, and so the
   whole first death be completed, and the second death receive him
   everlastingly.  Wherefore death is indeed, as I said, good to none
   while it is being actually suffered, and while it is subduing the dying
   to its power; but it is meritoriously endured for the sake of retaining
   or winning what is good.  And regarding what happens after death, it is
   no absurdity to say that death is good to the good, and evil to the
   evil.  For the disembodied spirits of the just are at rest; but those
   of the wicked suffer punishment till their bodies rise again,--those of
   the just to life everlasting, and of the others to death eternal, which
   is called the second death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Whether We Should Say that The Moment of Death, in Which
   Sensation Ceases, Occurs in the Experience of the Dying or in that of
   the Dead.

   The point of time in which the souls of the good and evil are separated
   from the body, are we to say it is after death, or in death rather?  If
   it is after death, then it is not death which is good or evil, since
   death is done with and past, but it is the life which the soul has now
   entered on.  Death was an evil when it was present, that is to say,
   when it was being suffered by the dying; for to them it brought with it
   a severe and grievous experience, which the good make a good use of.
   But when death is past, how can that which no longer is be either good
   or evil?  Still further, if we examine the matter more closely, we
   shall see that even that sore and grievous pain which the dying
   experience is not death itself.  For so long as they have any
   sensation, they are certainly still alive; and, if still alive, must
   rather be said to be in a state previous to death than in death.  For
   when death actually comes, it robs us of all bodily sensation, which,
   while death is only approaching is painful.  And thus it is difficult
   to explain how we speak of those who are not yet dead, but are agonized
   in their last and mortal extremity, as being in the article of death.
   Yet what else can we call them than dying persons? for when death which
   was imminent shall have actually come, we can no longer call them dying
   but dead.  No one, therefore, is dying unless living; since even he who
   is in the last extremity of life, and, as we say, giving up the ghost,
   yet lives.  The same person is therefore at once dying and living, but
   drawing near to death, departing from life; yet in life, because his
   spirit yet abides in the body; not yet in death, because not yet has
   his spirit forsaken the body.  But if, when it has forsaken it, the man
   is not even then in death, but after death, who shall say when he is in
   death?  On the one hand, no one can be called dying, if a man cannot be
   dying and living at the same time; and as long as the soul is in the
   body, we cannot deny that he is living.  On the other hand, if the man
   who is approaching death be rather called dying, I know not who is
   living.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Of the Life of Mortals, Which is Rather to Be Called Death
   Than Life.

   For no sooner do we begin to live in this dying body, than we begin to
   move ceaselessly towards death. [590]   For in the whole course of this
   life (if life we must call it) its mutability tends towards death.
   Certainly there is no one who is not nearer it this year than last
   year, and to-morrow than to-day, and to-day than yesterday, and a short
   while hence than now, and now than a short while ago.  For whatever
   time we live is deducted from our whole term of life, and that which
   remains is daily becoming less and less; so that our whole life is
   nothing but a race towards death, in which no one is allowed to stand
   still for a little space, or to go somewhat more slowly, but all are
   driven forwards with an impartial movement, and with equal rapidity.
   For he whose life is short spends a day no more swiftly than he whose
   life is longer.  But while the equal moments are impartially snatched
   from both, the one has a nearer and the other a more remote goal to
   reach with this their equal speed.  It is one thing to make a longer
   journey, and another to walk more slowly.  He, therefore, who spends
   longer time on his way to death does not proceed at a more leisurely
   pace, but goes over more ground.  Further, if every man begins to die,
   that is, is in death, as soon as death has begun to show itself in him
   (by taking away life, to wit; for when life is all taken away, the man
   will be then not in death, but after death), then he begins to die so
   soon as he begins to live.  For what else is going on in all his days,
   hours, and moments, until this slow-working death is fully
   consummated?  And then comes the time after death, instead of that in
   which life was being withdrawn, and which we called being in death.
   Man, then, is never in life from the moment he dwells in this dying
   rather than living body,--if, at least, he cannot be in life and death
   at once.  Or rather, shall we say, he is in both?--in life, namely,
   which he lives till all is consumed; but in death also, which he dies
   as his life is consumed?  For if he is not in life, what is it which is
   consumed till all be gone?  And if he is not in death, what is this
   consumption itself?  For when the whole of life has been consumed, the
   expression "after death" would be meaningless, had that consumption not
   been death.  And if, when it has all been consumed, a man is not in
   death but after death, when is he in death unless when life is being
   consumed away?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [590] Much of this paradoxical statement about death is taken from
   Seneca.  See, among other places, his epistle on the premeditation of
   future dangers, the passage beginning, Quotidie morimur, quotide enim
   demitur aliqua pars vitæ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Whether One Can Both Be Living and Dead at the Same Time.

   But if it is absurd to say that a man is in death before he reaches
   death (for to what is his course running as he passes through life, if
   already he is in death?), and if it outrage common usage to speak of a
   man being at once alive and dead, as much as it does so to speak of him
   as at once asleep and awake, it remains to be asked when a man is
   dying?  For, before death comes, he is not dying but living; and when
   death has come, he is not dying but dead.  The one is before, the other
   after death.  When, then, is he in death so that we can say he is
   dying?  For as there are three times, before death, in death, after
   death, so there are three states corresponding, living, dying, dead.
   And it is very hard to define when a man is in death or dying, when he
   is neither living, which is before death, nor dead, which is after
   death, but dying, which is in death.  For so long as the soul is in the
   body, especially if consciousness remain, the man certainly lives; for
   body and soul constitute the man.  And thus, before death, he cannot be
   said to be in death, but when, on the other hand, the soul has
   departed, and all bodily sensation is extinct, death is past, and the
   man is dead.  Between these two states the dying condition finds no
   place; for if a man yet lives, death has not arrived; if he has ceased
   to live, death is past.  Never, then, is he dying, that is,
   comprehended in the state of death.  So also in the passing of
   time,--you try to lay your finger on the present, and cannot find it,
   because the present occupies no space, but is only the transition of
   time from the future to the past.  Must we then conclude that there is
   thus no death of the body at all?  For if there is, where is it, since
   it is in no one, and no one can be in it?  Since, indeed, if there is
   yet life, death is not yet; for this state is before death, not in
   death:  and if life has already ceased, death is not present; for this
   state is after death, not in death.  On the other hand, if there is no
   death before or after, what do we mean when we say "after death," or
   "before death?"  This is a foolish way of speaking if there is no
   death.  And would that we had lived so well in Paradise that in very
   truth there were now no death!  But not only does it now exist, but so
   grievous a thing is it, that no skill is sufficient either to explain
   or to escape it.

   Let us, then, speak in the customary way,--no man ought to speak
   otherwise,--and let us call the time before death come, "before death;"
   as it is written, "Praise no man before his death." [591]   And when it
   has happened, let us say that "after death" this or that took place.
   And of the present time let us speak as best we can, as when we say,
   "He, when dying, made his will, and left this or that to such and such
   persons,"--though, of course, he could not do so unless he were living,
   and did this rather before death than in death.  And let us use the
   same phraseology as Scripture uses; for it makes no scruple of saying
   that the dead are not after but in death.  So that verse, "For in death
   there is no remembrance of thee." [592]   For until the resurrection
   men are justly said to be in death; as every one is said to be in sleep
   till he awakes.  However, though we can say of persons in sleep that
   they are sleeping, we cannot speak in this way of the dead, and say
   they are dying.  For, so far as regards the death of the body, of which
   we are now speaking, one cannot say that those who are already
   separated from their bodies continue dying.  But this, you see, is just
   what I was saying,--that no words can explain how either the dying are
   said to live, or how the dead are said, even after death, to be in
   death.  For how can they be after death if they be in death, especially
   when we do not even call them dying, as we call those in sleep,
   sleeping; and those in languor, languishing; and those in grief,
   grieving; and those in life, living?  And yet the dead, until they rise
   again, are said to be in death, but cannot be called dying.

   And therefore I think it has not unsuitably nor inappropriately come to
   pass, though not by the intention of man, yet perhaps with divine
   purpose, that this Latin word moritur cannot be declined by the
   grammarians according to the rule followed by similar words.  For
   oritur gives the form ortus est for the perfect; and all similar verbs
   form this tense from their perfect participles.  But if we ask the
   perfect of moritur, we get the regular answer mortuus est, with a
   double u.  For thus mortuus is pronounced, like fatuus, arduus,
   conspicuus, and similar words, which are not perfect participles but
   adjectives, and are declined without regard to tense.  But mortuus,
   though in form an adjective, is used as perfect participle, as if that
   were to be declined which cannot be declined; and thus it has suitably
   come to pass that, as the thing itself cannot in point of fact be
   declined, so neither can the word significant of the act be declined.
   Yet, by the aid of our Redeemer's grace, we may manage at least to
   decline the second.  For that is more grievous still, and, indeed, of
   all evils the worst, since it consists not in the separation of soul
   and body, but in the uniting of both in death eternal.  And there, in
   striking contrast to our present conditions, men will not be before or
   after death, but always in death; and thus never living, never dead,
   but endlessly dying.  And never can a man be more disastrously in death
   than when death itself shall be deathless.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [591] Ecclus. xi. 28.

   [592] Ps. vi. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--What Death God Intended, When He Threatened Our First
   Parents with Death If They Should Disobey His Commandment.

   When, therefore, it is asked what death it was with which God
   threatened our first parents if they should transgress the commandment
   they had received from Him, and should fail to preserve their
   obedience,--whether it was the death of soul, or of body, or of the
   whole man, or that which is called second death,--we must answer, It is
   all.  For the first consists of two; the second is the complete death,
   which consists of all.  For, as the whole earth consists of many lands,
   and the Church universal of many churches, so death universal consists
   of all deaths.  The first consists of two, one of the body, and another
   of the soul.  So that the first death is a death of the whole man,
   since the soul without God and without the body suffers punishment for
   a time; but the second is when the soul, without God but with the body,
   suffers punishment everlasting.  When, therefore, God said to that
   first man whom he had placed in Paradise, referring to the forbidden
   fruit, "In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die,"
   [593] that threatening included not only the first part of the first
   death, by which the soul is deprived of God; nor only the subsequent
   part of the first death, by which the body is deprived of the soul; nor
   only the whole first death itself, by which the soul is punished in
   separation from God and from the body;--but it includes whatever of
   death there is, even to that final death which is called second, and to
   which none is subsequent.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [593] Gen. ii. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--What Was the First Punishment of the Transgression of Our
   First Parents.

   For, as soon as our first parents had transgressed the commandment,
   divine grace forsook them, and they were confounded at their own
   wickedness; and therefore they took fig-leaves (which were possibly the
   first that came to hand in their troubled state of mind), and covered
   their shame; for though their members remained the same, they had shame
   now where they had none before.  They experienced a new motion of their
   flesh, which had become disobedient to them, in strict retribution of
   their own disobedience to God.  For the soul, revelling in its own
   liberty, and scorning to serve God, was itself deprived of the command
   it had formerly maintained over the body.  And because it had willfully
   deserted its superior Lord, it no longer held its own inferior servant;
   neither could it hold the flesh subject, as it would always have been
   able to do had it remained itself subject to God.  Then began the flesh
   to lust against the Spirit, [594] in which strife we are born, deriving
   from the first transgression a seed of death, and bearing in our
   members, and in our vitiated nature, the contest or even victory of the
   flesh.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [594] Gal. v. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--In What State Man Was Made by God, and into What Estate He
   Fell by the Choice of His Own Will.

   For God, the author of natures, not of vices, created man upright; but
   man, being of his own will corrupted, and justly condemned, begot
   corrupted and condemned children.  For we all were in that one man,
   since we all were that one man, who fell into sin by the woman who was
   made from him before the sin.  For not yet was the particular form
   created and distributed to us, in which we as individuals were to live,
   but already the seminal nature was there from which we were to be
   propagated; and this being vitiated by sin, and bound by the chain of
   death, and justly condemned, man could not be born of man in any other
   state.  And thus, from the bad use of free will, there originated the
   whole train of evil, which, with its concatenation of miseries, convoys
   the human race from its depraved origin, as from a corrupt root, on to
   the destruction of the second death, which has no end, those only being
   excepted who are freed by the grace of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--That Adam in His Sin Forsook God Ere God Forsook Him, and
   that His Falling Away From God Was the First Death of the Soul.

   It may perhaps be supposed that because God said, "Ye shall die the
   death," [595] and not "deaths," we should understand only that death
   which occurs when the soul is deserted by God, who is its life; for it
   was not deserted by God, and so deserted Him, but deserted Him, and so
   was deserted by Him.  For its own will was the originator of its evil,
   as God was the originator of its motions towards good, both in making
   it when it was not, and in remaking it when it had fallen and
   perished.  But though we suppose that God meant only this death, and
   that the words, "In the day ye eat of it ye shall die the death,"
   should be understood as meaning, "In the day ye desert me in
   disobedience, I will desert you in justice," yet assuredly in this
   death the other deaths also were threatened, which were its inevitable
   consequence.  For in the first stirring of the disobedient motion which
   was felt in the flesh of the disobedient soul, and which caused our
   first parents to cover their shame, one death indeed is experienced,
   that, namely, which occurs when God forsakes the soul.  (This was
   intimated by the words He uttered, when the man, stupefied by fear, had
   hid himself, "Adam, where art thou?" [596] --words which He used not in
   ignorance of inquiry, but warning him to consider where he was, since
   God was not with him.)  But when the soul itself forsook the body,
   corrupted and decayed with age, the other death was experienced of
   which God had spoken in pronouncing man's sentence, "Earth thou art,
   and unto earth shall thou return." [597]   And of these two deaths that
   first death of the whole man is composed.  And this first death is
   finally followed by the second, unless man be freed by grace.  For the
   body would not return to the earth from which it was made, save only by
   the death proper to itself, which occurs when it is forsaken of the
   soul, its life.  And therefore it is agreed among all Christians who
   truthfully hold the catholic faith, that we are subject to the death of
   the body, not by the law of nature, by which God ordained no death for
   man, but by His righteous infliction on account of sin; for God, taking
   vengeance on sin, said to the man, in whom we all then were, "Dust thou
   art, and unto dust shall thou return."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [595] Gen. ii. 17.

   [596] Gen. iii. 9.

   [597] Gen. iii. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Concerning the Philosophers Who Think that the Separation
   of Soul and Body is Not Penal, Though Plato Represents the Supreme
   Deity as Promising to the Inferior Gods that They Shall Never Be
   Dismissed from Their Bodies.

   But the philosophers against whom we are defending the city of God,
   that is, His Church seem to themselves to have good cause to deride us,
   because we say that the separation of the soul from the body is to be
   held as part of man's punishment.  For they suppose that the
   blessedness of the soul then only is complete, when it is quite denuded
   of the body, and returns to God a pure and simple, and, as it were,
   naked soul.  On this point, if I should find nothing in their own
   literature to refute this opinion, I should be forced laboriously to
   demonstrate that it is not the body, but the corruptibility of the
   body, which is a burden to the soul.  Hence that sentence of Scripture
   we quoted in a foregoing book, "For the corruptible body presseth down
   the soul." [598]   The word corruptible is added to show that the soul
   is burdened, not by any body whatsoever, but by the body such as it has
   become in consequence of sin.  And even though the word had not been
   added, we could understand nothing else.  But when Plato most expressly
   declares that the gods who are made by the Supreme have immortal
   bodies, and when he introduces their Maker himself, promising them as a
   great boon that they should abide in their bodies eternally, and never
   by any death be loosed from them, why do these adversaries of ours, for
   the sake of troubling the Christian faith, feign to be ignorant of what
   they quite well know, and even prefer to contradict themselves rather
   than lose an opportunity of contradicting us?  Here are Plato's words,
   as Cicero has translated them, [599] in which he introduces the Supreme
   addressing the gods He had made, and saying, "Ye who are sprung from a
   divine stock, consider of what works I am the parent and author.  These
   (your bodies) are indestructible so long as I will it; although all
   that is composed can be destroyed.  But it is wicked to dissolve what
   reason has compacted.  But, seeing that ye have been born, ye cannot
   indeed be immortal and indestructible; yet ye shall by no means be
   destroyed, nor shall any fates consign you to death, and prove superior
   to my will, which is a stronger assurance of your perpetuity than those
   bodies to which ye were joined when ye were born."  Plato, you see,
   says that the gods are both mortal by the connection of the body and
   soul, and yet are rendered immortal by the will and decree of their
   Maker.  If, therefore, it is a punishment to the soul to be connected
   with any body whatever, why does God address them as if they were
   afraid of death, that is, of the separation, of soul and body?  Why
   does He seek to reassure them by promising them immortality, not in
   virtue of their nature, which is composite and not simple, but by
   virtue of His invincible will, whereby He can effect that neither
   things born die, nor things compounded be dissolved, but preserved
   eternally?

   Whether this opinion of Plato's about the stars is true or not, is
   another question.  For we cannot at once grant to him that these
   luminous bodies or globes, which by day and night shine on the earth
   with the light of their bodily substance, have also intellectual and
   blessed souls which animate each its own body, as he confidently
   affirms of the universe itself, as if it were one huge animal, in which
   all other animals were contained. [600]   But this, as I said, is
   another question, which we have not undertaken to discuss at present.
   This much only I deemed right to bring forward, in opposition to those
   who so pride themselves on being, or on being called Platonists, that
   they blush to be Christians, and who cannot brook to be called by a
   name which the common people also bear, lest they vulgarize the
   philosophers' coterie, which is proud in proportion to its
   exclusiveness.  These men, seeking a weak point in the Christian
   doctrine, select for attack the eternity of the body, as if it were a
   contradiction to contend for the blessedness of the soul, and to wish
   it to be always resident in the body, bound, as it were, in a
   lamentable chain; and this although Plato, their own founder and
   master, affirms that it was granted by the Supreme as a boon to the
   gods He had made, that they should not die, that is, should not be
   separated from the bodies with which He had connected them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [598] Wisdom ix. 15.

   [599] A translation of part of the Timæus, given in a little book of
   Cicero's, De Universo.

   [600] Plato, in the Timæus, represents the Demiurgus as constructing
   the kosmos or universe to be a complete representation of the idea of
   animal.  He planted in its centre a soul, spreading outwards so as to
   pervade the whole body of the kosmos; and then he introduced into it
   those various species of animals which were contained in the idea of
   animal.  Among these animals stand first the celestial, the gods
   embodied in the stars, and of these the oldest is the earth, set in the
   centre of all, close packed round the great axis which traverses the
   centre of the kosmos.--See the Timæus and Grote's Plato, iii. 250 et
   seq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Against Those Who Affirm that Earthly Bodies Cannot Be
   Made Incorruptible and Eternal.

   These same philosophers further contend that terrestrial bodies cannot
   be eternal though they make no doubt that the whole earth, which is
   itself the central member of their god,--not, indeed, of the greatest,
   but yet of a great god, that is, of this whole world,--is eternal.
   Since, then, the Supreme made for them another god, that is, this
   world, superior to the other gods beneath Him; and since they suppose
   that this god is an animal, having, as they affirm, a rational or
   intellectual soul enclosed in the huge mass of its body, and having, as
   the fitly situated and adjusted members of its body, the four elements,
   whose union they wish to be indissoluble and eternal, lest perchance
   this great god of theirs might some day perish; what reason is there
   that the earth, which is the central member in the body of a greater
   creature, should be eternal, and the bodies of other terrestrial
   creatures should not possibly be eternal if God should so will it?  But
   earth, say they, must return to earth, out of which the terrestrial
   bodies of the animals have been taken.  For this, they say, is the
   reason of the necessity of their death and dissolution, and this the
   manner of their restoration to the solid and eternal earth whence they
   came.  But if any one says the same thing of fire, holding that the
   bodies which are derived from it to make celestial beings must be
   restored to the universal fire, does not the immortality which Plato
   represents these gods as receiving from the Supreme evanesce in the
   heat of this dispute?  Or does this not happen with those celestials
   because God, whose will, as Plato says, overpowers all powers, has
   willed it should not be so?  What, then, hinders God from ordaining the
   same of terrestrial bodies?  And since, indeed, Plato acknowledges that
   God can prevent things that are born from dying, and things that are
   joined from being sundered, and things that are composed from being
   dissolved, and can ordain that the souls once allotted to their bodies
   should never abandon them, but enjoy along with them immortality and
   everlasting bliss, why may He not also effect that terrestrial bodies
   die not?  Is God powerless to do everything that is special to the
   Christian's creed, but powerful to effect everything the Platonists
   desire?  The philosophers, forsooth, have been admitted to a knowledge
   of the divine purposes and power which has been denied to the
   prophets!  The truth is, that the Spirit of God taught His prophets so
   much of His will as He thought fit to reveal, but the philosophers, in
   their efforts to discover it, were deceived by human conjecture.

   But they should not have been so led astray, I will not say by their
   ignorance, but by their obstinacy, as to contradict themselves so
   frequently; for they maintain, with all their vaunted might, that in
   order to the happiness of the soul, it must abandon not only its
   earthly body, but every kind of body.  And yet they hold that the gods,
   whose souls are most blessed, are bound to everlasting bodies, the
   celestials to fiery bodies, and the soul of Jove himself (or this
   world, as they would have us believe) to all the physical elements
   which compose this entire mass reaching from earth to heaven.  For this
   soul Plato believes to be extended and diffused by musical numbers,
   [601] from the middle of the inside of the earth, which geometricians
   call the centre, outwards through all its parts to the utmost heights
   and extremities of the heavens; so that this world is a very great and
   blessed immortal animal, whose soul has both the perfect blessedness of
   wisdom, and never leaves its own body and whose body has life
   everlasting from the soul, and by no means clogs or hinders it, though
   itself be not a simple body, but compacted of so many and so huge
   materials.  Since, therefore, they allow so much to their own
   conjectures, why do they refuse to believe that by the divine will and
   power immortality can be conferred on earthly bodies, in which the
   souls would be neither oppressed with the burden of them, nor separated
   from them by any death, but live eternally and blessedly?  Do they not
   assert that their own gods so live in bodies of fire, and that Jove
   himself, their king, so lives in the physical elements?  If, in order
   to its blessedness, the soul must quit every kind of body, let their
   gods flit from the starry spheres, and Jupiter from earth to sky; or,
   if they cannot do so, let them be pronounced miserable.  But neither
   alternative will these men adopt.  For, on the one hand, they dare not
   ascribe to their own gods a departure from the body, lest they should
   seem to worship mortals; on the other hand, they dare not deny their
   happiness, lest they should acknowledge wretches as gods.  Therefore,
   to obtain blessedness, we need not quit every kind of body, but only
   the corruptible, cumbersome, painful, dying,--not such bodies as the
   goodness of God contrived for the first man, but such only as man's sin
   entailed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [601] On these numbers see Grote's Plato, iii. 254.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Of Earthly Bodies, Which the Philosophers Affirm Cannot Be
   in Heavenly Places, Because Whatever is of Earth is by Its Natural
   Weight Attracted to Earth.

   But it is necessary, they say, that the natural weight of earthly
   bodies either keeps them on earth or draws them to it; and therefore
   they cannot be in heaven.  Our first parents were indeed on earth, in a
   well-wooded and fruitful spot, which has been named Paradise.  But let
   our adversaries a little more carefully consider this subject of
   earthly weight, because it has important bearings, both on the
   ascension of the body of Christ, and also on the resurrection body of
   the saints.  If human skill can by some contrivance fabricate vessels
   that float, out of metals which sink as soon as they are placed on the
   water, how much more credible is it that God, by some occult mode of
   operation, should even more certainly effect that these earthy masses
   be emancipated from the downward pressure of their weight?  This cannot
   be impossible to that God by whose almighty will, according to Plato,
   neither things born perish, nor things composed dissolve, especially
   since it is much more wonderful that spiritual and bodily essences be
   conjoined than that bodies be adjusted to other material substances.
   Can we not also easily believe that souls, being made perfectly
   blessed, should be endowed with the power of moving their earthy but
   incorruptible bodies as they please, with almost spontaneous movement,
   and of placing them where they please with the readiest action?  If the
   angels transport whatever terrestrial creatures they please from any
   place they please, and convey them whither they please, is it to be
   believed that they cannot do so without toil and the feeling of
   burden?  Why, then, may we not believe that the spirits of the saints,
   made perfect and blessed by divine grace, can carry their own bodies
   where they please, and set them where they will?  For, though we have
   been accustomed to notice, in bearing weights, that the larger the
   quantity the greater the weight of earthy bodies is, and that the
   greater the weight the more burdensome it is, yet the soul carries the
   members of its own flesh with less difficulty when they are massive
   with health, than in sickness when they are wasted.  And though the
   hale and strong man feels heavier to other men carrying him than the
   lank and sickly, yet the man himself moves and carries his own body
   with less feeling of burden when he has the greater bulk of vigorous
   health, than when his frame is reduced to a minimum by hunger or
   disease.  Of such consequence, in estimating the weight of earthly
   bodies, even while yet corruptible and mortal, is the consideration not
   of dead weight, but of the healthy equilibrium of the parts.  And what
   words can tell the difference between what we now call health and
   future immortality?  Let not the philosophers, then, think to upset our
   faith with arguments from the weight of bodies; for I don't care to
   inquire why they cannot believe an earthly body can be in heaven, while
   the whole earth is suspended on nothing.  For perhaps the world keeps
   its central place by the same law that attracts to its centre all heavy
   bodies.  But this I say, if the lesser gods, to whom Plato committed
   the creation of man and the other terrestrial creatures, were able, as
   he affirms, to withdraw from the fire its quality of burning, while
   they left it that of lighting, so that it should shine through the
   eyes; and if to the supreme God Plato also concedes the power of
   preserving from death things that have been born, and of preserving
   from dissolution things that are composed of parts so different as body
   and spirit;--are we to hesitate to concede to this same God the power
   to operate on the flesh of him whom He has endowed with immortality, so
   as to withdraw its corruption but leave its nature, remove its
   burdensome weight but retain its seemly form and members?  But
   concerning our belief in the resurrection of the dead, and concerning
   their immortal bodies, we shall speak more at large, God willing, in
   the end of this work.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Against the Opinion of Those Who Do Not Believe that the
   Primitive Men Would Have Been Immortal If They Had Not Sinned.

   At present let us go on, as we have begun, to give some explanation
   regarding the bodies of our first parents.  I say then, that, except as
   the just consequence of sin, they would not have been subjected even to
   this death, which is good to the good,--this death, which is not
   exclusively known and believed in by a few, but is known to all, by
   which soul and body are separated, and by which the body of an animal
   which was but now visibly living is now visibly dead.  For though there
   can be no manner of doubt that the souls of the just and holy dead live
   in peaceful rest, yet so much better would it be for them to be alive
   in healthy, well-conditioned bodies, that even those who hold the tenet
   that it is most blessed to be quit of every kind of body, condemn this
   opinion in spite of themselves.  For no one will dare to set wise men,
   whether yet to die or already dead,--in other words, whether already
   quit of the body, or shortly to be so,--above the immortal gods, to
   whom the Supreme, in Plato, promises as a munificent gift life
   indissoluble, or in eternal union with their bodies.  But this same
   Plato thinks that nothing better can happen to men than that they pass
   through life piously and justly, and, being separated from their
   bodies, be received into the bosom of the gods, who never abandon
   theirs; "that, oblivious of the past, they may revisit the upper air,
   and conceive the longing to return again to the body." [602]   Virgil
   is applauded for borrowing this from the Platonic system.  Assuredly
   Plato thinks that the souls of mortals cannot always be in their
   bodies, but must necessarily be dismissed by death; and, on the other
   hand, he thinks that without bodies they cannot endure for ever, but
   with ceaseless alternation pass from life to death, and from death to
   life.  This difference, however, he sets between wise men and the rest,
   that they are carried after death to the stars, that each man may
   repose for a while in a star suitable for him, and may thence return to
   the labors and miseries of mortals when he has become oblivious of his
   former misery, and possessed with the desire of being embodied.  Those,
   again, who have lived foolishly transmigrate into bodies fit for them,
   whether human or bestial.  Thus he has appointed even the good and wise
   souls to a very hard lot indeed, since they do not receive such bodies
   as they might always and even immortally inhabit, but such only as they
   can neither permanently retain nor enjoy eternal purity without.  Of
   this notion of Plato's, we have in a former book already said [603]
   that Porphyry was ashamed in the light of these Christian times, so
   that he not only emancipated human souls from a destiny in the bodies
   of beasts but also contended for the liberation of the souls of the
   wise from all bodily ties, so that, escaping from all flesh, they
   might, as bare and blessed souls, dwell with the Father time without
   end.  And that he might not seem to be outbid by Christ's promise of
   life everlasting to His saints, he also established purified souls in
   endless felicity, without return to their former woes; but, that he
   might contradict Christ, he denies the resurrection of incorruptible
   bodies, and maintains that these souls will live eternally, not only
   without earthly bodies, but without any bodies at all.  And yet,
   whatever he meant by this teaching, he at least did not teach that
   these souls should offer no religious observance to the gods who dwelt
   in bodies.  And why did he not, unless because he did not believe that
   the souls, even though separate from the body, were superior to those
   gods?  Wherefore, if these philosophers will not dare (as I think they
   will not) to set human souls above the gods who are most blessed, and
   yet are tied eternally to their bodies, why do they find that absurd
   which the Christian faith preaches, [604] namely, that our first
   parents were so created that, if they had not sinned, they would not
   have been dismissed from their bodies by any death, but would have been
   endowed with immortality as the reward of their obedience, and would
   have lived eternally with their bodies; and further, that the saints
   will in the resurrection inhabit those very bodies in which they have
   here toiled, but in such sort that neither shall any corruption or
   unwieldiness be suffered to attach to their flesh, nor any grief or
   trouble to cloud their felicity?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [602] Virgil, Æn, vi. 750, 751.

   [603] Book x. 30.

   [604] A catena of passages, showing that this is the catholic Christian
   faith, will be found in Bull's State of Man before the Fall (Works,
   vol. ii.).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--That the Flesh Now Resting in Peace Shall Be Raised to a
   Perfection Not Enjoyed by the Flesh of Our First Parents.

   Thus the souls of departed saints are not affected by the death which
   dismisses them from their bodies, because their flesh rests in hope, no
   matter what indignities it receives after sensation is gone.  For they
   do not desire that their bodies be forgotten, as Plato thinks fit, but
   rather, because they remember what has been promised by Him who
   deceives no man, and who gave them security for the safe keeping even
   of the hairs of their head, they with a longing patience wait in hope
   of the resurrection of their bodies, in which they have suffered many
   hardships, and are now to suffer never again.  For if they did not
   "hate their own flesh," when it, with its native infirmity, opposed
   their will, and had to be constrained by the spiritual law, how much
   more shall they love it, when it shall even itself have become
   spiritual!  For as, when the spirit serves the flesh, it is fitly
   called carnal, so, when the flesh serves the spirit, it will justly be
   called spiritual.  Not that it is converted into spirit, as some fancy
   from the words, "It is sown in corruption, it is raised in
   incorruption," [605] but because it is subject to the spirit with a
   perfect and marvellous readiness of obedience, and responds in all
   things to the will that has entered on immortality,-- all reluctance,
   all corruption, and all slowness being removed.  For the body will not
   only be better than it was here in its best estate of health, but it
   will surpass the bodies of our first parents ere they sinned.  For,
   though they were not to die unless they should sin, yet they used food
   as men do now, their bodies not being as yet spiritual, but animal
   only.  And though they decayed not with years, nor drew nearer to
   death,--a condition secured to them in God's marvellous grace by the
   tree of life, which grew along with the forbidden tree in the midst of
   Paradise,--yet they took other nourishment, though not of that one
   tree, which was interdicted not because it was itself bad, but for the
   sake of commending a pure and simple obedience, which is the great
   virtue of the rational creature set under the Creator as his Lord.
   For, though no evil thing was touched, yet if a thing forbidden was
   touched, the very disobedience was sin.  They were, then, nourished by
   other fruit, which they took that their animal bodies might not suffer
   the discomfort of hunger or thirst; but they tasted the tree of life,
   that death might not steal upon them from any quarter, and that they
   might not, spent with age, decay.  Other fruits were, so to speak,
   their nourishment, but this their sacrament.  So that the tree of life
   would seem to have been in the terrestrial Paradise what the wisdom of
   God is in the spiritual, of which it is written, "She is a tree of life
   to them that lay hold upon her." [606]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [605] 1 Cor. xv. 42.

   [606] Prov. iii. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of Paradise, that It Can Be Understood in a Spiritual
   Sense Without Sacrificing the Historic Truth of the Narrative Regarding
   The Real Place.

   On this account some allegorize all that concerns Paradise itself,
   where the first men, the parents of the human race, are, according to
   the truth of holy Scripture, recorded to have been; and they understand
   all its trees and fruit-bearing plants as virtues and habits of life,
   as if they had no existence in the external world, but were only so
   spoken of or related for the sake of spiritual meanings.  As if there
   could not be a real terrestrial Paradise!  As if there never existed
   these two women, Sarah and Hagar, nor the two sons who were born to
   Abraham, the one of the bond woman, the other of the free, because the
   apostle says that in them the two covenants were prefigured; or as if
   water never flowed from the rock when Moses struck it, because therein
   Christ can be seen in a figure, as the same apostle says, "Now that
   rock was Christ!" [607]   No one, then, denies that Paradise may
   signify the life of the blessed; its four rivers, the four virtues,
   prudence, fortitude, temperance, and justice; its trees, all useful
   knowledge; its fruits, the customs of the godly; its tree of life,
   wisdom herself, the mother of all good; and the tree of the knowledge
   of good and evil, the experience of a broken commandment.  The
   punishment which God appointed was in itself, a just, and therefore a
   good thing; but man's experience of it is not good.

   These things can also and more profitably be understood of the Church,
   so that they become prophetic foreshadowings of things to come.  Thus
   Paradise is the Church, as it is called in the Canticles; [608] the
   four rivers of Paradise are the four gospels; the fruit-trees the
   saints, and the fruit their works; the tree of life is the holy of
   holies, Christ; the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, the will's
   free choice.  For if man despise the will of God, he can only destroy
   himself; and so he learns the difference between consecrating himself
   to the common good and revelling in his own.  For he who loves himself
   is abandoned to himself, in order that, being overwhelmed with fears
   and sorrows, he may cry, if there be yet soul in him to feel his ills,
   in the words of the psalm, "My soul is cast down within me," [609] and
   when chastened, may say," Because of his strength I will wait upon
   Thee." [610]   These and similar allegorical interpretations may be
   suitably put upon Paradise without giving offence to any one, while yet
   we believe the strict truth of the history, confirmed by its
   circumstantial narrative of facts. [611]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [607] 1 Cor. x. 4.

   [608] Cant. iv. 13.

   [609] Ps. xlii. 6.

   [610] Ps. lix. 9.

   [611] Those who wish to pursue this subject will find a pretty full
   collection of opinions in the learned commentary on Genesis by the
   Jesuit Pererius.  Philo was, of course, the leading culprit, but
   Ambrose and other Church fathers went nearly as far.  Augustin condemns
   the Seleucians for this among other heresies, that they denied a
   visible Paradise.--De Hæres. 59.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--That the Bodies of the Saints Shall After the Resurrection
   Be Spiritual, and Yet Flesh Shall Not Be Changed into Spirit.

   The bodies of the righteous, then, such as they shall be in the
   resurrection, shall need neither any fruit to preserve them from dying
   of disease or the wasting decay of old age, nor any other physical
   nourishment to allay the cravings of hunger or of thirst; for they
   shall be invested with so sure and every way inviolable an immortality,
   that they shall not eat save when they choose, nor be under the
   necessity of eating, while they enjoy the power of doing so.  For so
   also was it with the angels who presented themselves to the eye and
   touch of men, not because they could do no otherwise, but because they
   were able and desirous to suit themselves to men by a kind of manhood
   ministry.  For neither are we to suppose, when men receive them as
   guests, that the angels eat only in appearance, though to any who did
   not know them to be angels they might seem to eat from the same
   necessity as ourselves.  So these words spoken in the Book of Tobit,
   "You saw me eat, but you saw it but in vision;" [612] that is, you
   thought I took food as you do for the sake of refreshing my body.  But
   if in the case of the angels another opinion seems more capable of
   defence, certainly our faith leaves no room to doubt regarding our Lord
   Himself, that even after His resurrection, and when now in spiritual
   but yet real flesh, He ate and drank with His disciples; for not the
   power, but the need, of eating and drinking is taken from these
   bodies.  And so they will be spiritual, not because they shall cease to
   be bodies, but because they shall subsist by the quickening spirit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [612] Tobit xii. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--What We are to Understand by the Animal and Spiritual
   Body; Or of Those Who Die in Adam, And of Those Who are Made Alive in
   Christ.

   For as those bodies of ours, that have a living soul, though not as yet
   a quickening spirit, are called soul-informed bodies, and yet are not
   souls but bodies, so also those bodies are called spiritual,--yet God
   forbid we should therefore suppose them to be spirits and not
   bodies,--which, being quickened by the Spirit, have the substance, but
   not the unwieldiness and corruption of flesh.  Man will then be not
   earthly but heavenly,--not because the body will not be that very body
   which was made of earth, but because by its heavenly endowment it will
   be a fit inhabitant of heaven, and this not by losing its nature, but
   by changing its quality.  The first man, of the earth earthy, was made
   a living soul, not a quickening spirit,--which rank was reserved for
   him as the reward of obedience.  And therefore his body, which required
   meat and drink to satisfy hunger and thirst, and which had no absolute
   and indestructible immortality, but by means of the tree of life warded
   off the necessity of dying, and was thus maintained in the flower of
   youth,--this body, I say, was doubtless not spiritual, but animal; and
   yet it would not have died but that it provoked God's threatened
   vengeance by offending.  And though sustenance was not denied him even
   outside Paradise, yet, being forbidden the tree of life, he was
   delivered over to the wasting of time, at least in respect of that life
   which, had he not sinned, he might have retained perpetually in
   Paradise, though only in an animal body, till such time as it became
   spiritual in acknowledgment of his obedience.

   Wherefore, although we understand that this manifest death, which
   consists in the separation of soul and body, was also signified by God
   when He said, "In the day thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die,"
   [613] it ought not on that account to seem absurd that they were not
   dismissed from the body on that very day on which they took the
   forbidden and death-bringing fruit.  For certainly on that very day
   their nature was altered for the worse and vitiated, and by their most
   just banishment from the tree of life they were involved in the
   necessity even of bodily death, in which necessity we are born.  And
   therefore the apostle does not say, "The body indeed is doomed to die
   on account of sin," but he says, "The body indeed is dead because of
   sin." Then he adds, "But if the Spirit of Him that raised up Jesus from
   the dead dwell in you, He that raised up Christ from the dead shall
   also quicken your mortal bodies by His Spirit that dwelleth in you."
   [614]   Then accordingly shall the body become a quickening spirit
   which is now a living soul; and yet the apostle calls it "dead,"
   because already it lies under the necessity of dying.  But in Paradise
   it was so made a living soul, though not a quickening spirit, that it
   could not properly be called dead, for, save through the commission of
   sin, it could not come under the power of death.  Now, since God by the
   words, "Adam, where art thou?" pointed to the death of the soul, which
   results when He abandons it, and since in the words, "Earth thou art,
   and unto earth shalt thou return," [615] He signified the death of the
   body, which results when the soul departs from it, we are led,
   therefore, to believe that He said nothing of the second death, wishing
   it to be kept hidden, and reserving it for the New Testament
   dispensation, in which it is most plainly revealed.  And this He did in
   order that, first of all, it might be evident that this first death,
   which is common to all, was the result of that sin which in one man
   became common to all. [616]   But the second death is not common to
   all, those being excepted who were "called according to His purpose.
   For whom He did foreknow, He also did pre destinate to be conformed to
   the image of His Son, that He might be the first-born among many
   brethren." [617]   Those the grace of God has, by a Mediator, delivered
   from the second death.

   Thus the apostle states that the first man was made in an animal body.
   For, wishing to distinguish the animal body which now is from the
   spiritual, which is to be in the resurrection, he says, "It is sown in
   corruption, it is raised in incorruption:  it is sown in dishonor, it
   is raised in glory:  it is sown in weakness, it is raised in power:  it
   is sown a natural body, it is raised a spiritual body."  Then, to prove
   this, he goes on, "There is a natural body, and there is a spiritual
   body."  And to show what the animated body is, he says, "Thus it was
   written, The first man Adam was made a living soul, the last Adam was
   made a quickening spirit." [618]   He wished thus to show what the
   animated body is, though Scripture did not say of the first man Adam,
   when his soul was created by the breath of God, "Man was made in an
   animated body," but "Man was made a living soul." [619]   By these
   words, therefore, "The first man was made a living soul," the apostle
   wishes man's animated body to be understood.  But how he wishes the
   spiritual body to be understood he shows when he adds, "But the last
   Adam was made a quickening spirit," plainly referring to Christ, who
   has so risen from the dead that He cannot die any more.  He then goes
   on to say, "But that was not first which is spiritual, but that which
   is natural; and afterward that which is spiritual."  And here he much
   more clearly asserts that he referred to the animal body when he said
   that the first man was made a living soul, and to the spiritual when he
   said that the last man was made a quickening spirit.  The animal body
   is the first, being such as the first Adam had, and which would not
   have died had he not sinned, being such also as we now have, its nature
   being changed and vitiated by sin to the extent of bringing us under
   the necessity of death, and being such as even Christ condescended
   first of all to assume, not indeed of necessity, but of choice; but
   afterwards comes the spiritual body, which already is worn by
   anticipation by Christ as our head, and will be worn by His members in
   the resurrection of the dead.

   Then the apostle subjoins a notable difference between these two men,
   saying, "The first man is of the earth, earthy; the second man is the
   Lord from heaven.  As is the earthy, such are they also that are
   earthy, and as is the heavenly, such are they also that are heavenly.
   And as we have borne the image of the earthy, we shall also bear the
   image of the heavenly." [620]   So he elsewhere says, "As many of you
   as have been baptized into Christ have put on Christ;" [621] but in
   very deed this shall be accomplished when that which is animal in us by
   our birth shall have become spiritual in our resurrection.  For, to use
   his words again," We are saved by hope." [622]   Now we bear the image
   of the earthly man by the propagation of sin and death, which pass on
   us by ordinary generation; but we bear the image of the heavenly by the
   grace of pardon and life eternal, which regeneration confers upon us
   through the Mediator of God and men, the Man Christ Jesus.  And He is
   the heavenly Man of Paul's passage, because He came from heaven to be
   clothed with a body of earthly mortality, that He might clothe it with
   heavenly immortality.  And he calls others heavenly, because by grace
   they become His members, that, together with them, He may become one
   Christ, as head and body.  In the same epistle he puts this yet more
   clearly:  "Since by man came death, by Man came also the resurrection
   of the dead.  For as in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all be
   made alive," [623] --that is to say, in a spiritual body which shall be
   made a quickening spirit.  Not that all who die in Adam shall be
   members of Christ,--for the great majority shall be punished in eternal
   death,--but he uses the word "all" in both clauses, because, as no one
   dies in an animal body except in Adam, so no one is quickened a
   spiritual body save in Christ.  We are not, then, by any means to
   suppose that we shall in the resurrection have such a body as the first
   man had before he sinned, nor that the words, "As is the earthy such
   are they also that are earthy," are to be understood of that which was
   brought about by sin; for we are not to think that Adam had a spiritual
   body before he fell, and that, in punishment of his sin, it was changed
   into an animal body.  If this be thought, small heed has been given to
   the words of so great a teacher, who says, "There is a natural body,
   there is also a spiritual body; as it is written, The first man Adam
   was made a living soul."  Was it after sin he was made so? or was not
   this the primal condition of man from which the blessed apostle selects
   his testimony to show what the animal body is?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [613] Gen. ii. 17.

   [614] Rom. viii. 10, 11.

   [615] Gen. iii. 19.

   [616] In uno commune factum est omnibus.

   [617] Rom. viii. 28, 29.

   [618] 1 Cor. xv. 42-45.

   [619] Gen. ii. 7.

   [620] 1 Cor. xv. 47-49.

   [621] Gal. iii. 27.

   [622] Rom. viii. 24.

   [623] 1 Cor. xv. 21, 22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--How We Must Understand that Breathing of God by Which "The
   First Man Was Made a Living Soul," And that Also by Which the Lord
   Conveyed His Spirit to His Disciples When He Said, "Receive Ye the Holy
   Ghost."

   Some have hastily supposed from the words, "God breathed into Adam's
   nostrils the breath of life, and man became a living soul, [624] " that
   a soul was not then first given to man, but that the soul already given
   was quickened by the Holy Ghost.  They are encouraged in this
   supposition by the fact that the Lord Jesus after His resurrection
   breathed on His disciples, and said, "Receive ye the Holy Spirit."
   [625]   From this they suppose that the same thing was effected in
   either case, as if the evangelist had gone on to say, And they became
   living souls.  But if he had made this addition, we should only
   understand that the Spirit is in some way the life of souls, and that
   without Him reasonable souls must be accounted dead, though their
   bodies seem to live before our eyes.  But that this was not what
   happened when man was created, the very words of the narrative
   sufficiently show:  "And God made man dust of the earth;" which some
   have thought to render more clearly by the words, "And God formed man
   of the clay of the earth."  For it had before been said that "there
   went up a mist from the earth, and watered the whole face of the
   ground," [626] in order that the reference to clay, formed of this
   moisture and dust, might be understood.  For on this verse there
   immediately follows the announcement, "And God created man dust of the
   earth;" so those Greek manuscripts have it from which this passage has
   been translated into Latin.  But whether one prefers to read "created"
   or "formed," where the Greek reads eplasen, is of little importance;
   yet "formed" is the better rendering.  But those who preferred
   "created" thought they thus avoided the ambiguity arising from the
   fact, that in the Latin language the usage obtains that those are said
   to form a thing who frame some feigned and fictitious thing.  This man,
   then, who was created of the dust of the earth, or of the moistened
   dust or clay,--this "dust of the earth" (that I may use the express
   words of Scripture) was made, as the apostle teaches, an animated body
   when he received a soul.  This man, he says, "was made a living soul;"
   that is, this fashioned dust was made a living soul.

   They say, Already he had a soul, else he would not be called a man; for
   man is not a body alone, nor a soul alone, but a being composed of
   both.  This, indeed, is true, that the soul is not the whole man, but
   the better part of man; the body not the whole, but the inferior part
   of man; and that then, when both are joined, they receive the name of
   man, which, however, they do not severally lose even when we speak of
   them singly.  For who is prohibited from saying, in colloquial usage,
   "That man is dead, and is now at rest or in torment," though this can
   be spoken only of the soul; or "He is buried in such and such a place,"
   though this refers only to the body?  Will they say that Scripture
   follows no such usage?  On the contrary, it so thoroughly adopts it,
   that even while a man is alive, and body and soul are united, it calls
   each of them singly by the name "man," speaking of the soul as the
   "inward man," and of the body as the "outward man," [627] as if there
   were two men, though both together are indeed but one.  But we must
   understand in what sense man is said to be in the image of God, and is
   yet dust, and to return to the dust.  The former is spoken of the
   rational soul, which God by His breathing, or, to speak more
   appropriately, by His inspiration, conveyed to man, that is, to his
   body; but the latter refers to his body, which God formed of the dust,
   and to which a soul was given, that it might become a living body, that
   is, that man might become a living soul.

   Wherefore, when our Lord breathed on His disciples, and said, "Receive
   ye the Holy Ghost," He certainly wished it to be understood that the
   Holy Ghost was not only the Spirit of the Father, but of the only
   begotten Son Himself.  For the same Spirit is, indeed, the Spirit of
   the Father and of the Son, making with them the trinity of Father, Son,
   and Spirit, not a creature, but the Creator.  For neither was that
   material breath which proceeded from the mouth of His flesh the very
   substance and nature of the Holy Spirit, but rather the intimation, as
   I said, that the Holy Spirit was common to the Father and to the Son;
   for they have not each a separate Spirit, but both one and the same.
   Now this Spirit is always spoken of in sacred Scripture by the Greek
   word pneuma, as the Lord, too, named Him in the place cited when He
   gave Him to His disciples, and intimated the gift by the breathing of
   His lips; and there does not occur to me any place in the whole
   Scriptures where He is otherwise named.  But in this passage where it
   is said, "And the Lord formed man dust of the earth, and breathed, or
   inspired, into his face the breath of life;" the Greek has not pneuma,
   the usual word for the Holy Spirit, but pnoe, a word more frequently
   used of the creature than of the Creator; and for this reason some
   Latin interpreters have preferred to render it by "breath" rather than
   "spirit."  For this word occurs also in the Greek in Isaiah chapter
   vii, verse 16 where God says, "I have made all breath," meaning,
   doubtless, all souls. Accordingly, this word pnoe is sometimes rendered
   "breath," sometimes "spirit," sometimes "inspiration," sometimes
   "aspiration," sometimes "soul," even when it is used of God.  Pneuma,
   on the other hand, is uniformly rendered "spirit," whether of man, of
   whom the apostle says, "For what man knoweth the things of a man, save
   the spirit of man which is in him?" [628] or of beast, as in the book
   of Solomon, "Who knoweth the spirit of man that goeth upward, and the
   spirit of the beast that goeth downward to the earth?" [629] or of that
   physical spirit which is called wind, for so the Psalmist calls it:
   "Fire and hail; snow and vapors; stormy wind;" [630] or of the
   uncreated Creator Spirit, of whom the Lord said in the gospel, "Receive
   ye the Holy Ghost," indicating the gift by the breathing of His mouth;
   and when He says, "Go ye and baptize all nations in the name of the
   Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," [631] words which very
   expressly and excellently commend the Trinity; and where it is said,
   "God is a Spirit;" [632] and in very many other places of the sacred
   writings.  In all these quotations from Scripture we do not find in the
   Greek the word pnoe used, but pneuma, and in the Latin, not flatus, but
   spiritus.  Wherefore, referring again to that place where it is
   written, "He inspired," or to speak more properly, "breathed into his
   face the breath of life," even though the Greek had not used pnoe (as
   it has) but pneuma, it would not on that account necessarily follow
   that the Creator Spirit, who in the Trinity is distinctively called the
   Holy Ghost, was meant, since, as has been said, it is plain that pneuma
   is used not only of the Creator, but also of the creature.

   But, say they, when the Scripture used the word "spirit," [633] it
   would not have added "of life" unless it meant us to understand the
   Holy Spirit; nor, when it said, "Man became a soul," would it also have
   inserted the word "living" unless that life of the soul were signified
   which is imparted to it from above by the gift of God.  For, seeing
   that the soul by itself has a proper life of its own, what need, they
   ask, was there of adding living, save only to show that the life which
   is given it by the Holy Spirit was meant?  What is this but to fight
   strenuously for their own conjectures, while they carelessly neglect
   the teaching of Scripture?  Without troubling themselves much, they
   might have found in a preceding page of this very book of Genesis the
   words, "Let the earth bring forth the living soul," [634] when all the
   terrestrial animals were created.  Then at a slight interval, but still
   in the same book, was it impossible for them to notice this verse, "All
   in whose nostrils was the breath of life, of all that was in the dry
   land, died," by which it was signified that all the animals which lived
   on the earth had perished in the deluge?  If, then, we find that
   Scripture is accustomed to speak both of the "living soul" and the
   "spirit of life" even in reference to beasts; and if in this place,
   where it is said, "All things which have the spirit of life," the word
   pnoe, not pneuma, is used; why may we not say, What need was there to
   add "living," since the soul cannot exist without being alive? or, What
   need to add "of life" after the word spirit?  But we understand that
   Scripture used these expressions in its ordinary style so long as it
   speaks of animals, that is, animated bodies, in which the soul serves
   as the residence of sensation; but when man is spoken of, we forget the
   ordinary and established usage of Scripture, whereby it signifies that
   man received a rational soul, which was not produced out of the waters
   and the earth like the other living creatures, but was created by the
   breath of God.  Yet this creation was ordered that the human soul
   should live in an animal body, like those other animals of which the
   Scripture said, "Let the earth produce every living soul," and
   regarding which it again says that in them is the breath of life, where
   the word pnoe and not pneuma is used in the Greek, and where certainly
   not the Holy Spirit, but their spirit, is signified under that name.

   But, again, they object that breath is understood to have been emitted
   from the mouth of God; and if we believe that is the soul, we must
   consequently acknowledge it to be of the same substance, and equal to
   that wisdom, which says, "I come out of the mouth of the Most High."
   [635]   Wisdom, indeed, does not say it was breathed out of the mouth
   of God, but proceeded out of it.  But as we are able, when we breathe,
   to make a breath, not of our own human nature, but of the surrounding
   air, which we inhale and exhale as we draw our breath and breathe
   again, so almighty God was able to make breath, not of His own nature,
   nor of the creature beneath Him, but even of nothing; and this breath,
   when He communicated it to man's body, He is most appropriately said to
   have breathed or inspired,--the Immaterial breathing it also
   immaterial, but the Immutable not also the immutable; for it was
   created, He uncreated.  Yet that these persons who are forward to quote
   Scripture, and yet know not the usages of its language, may know that
   not only what is equal and consubstantial with God is said to proceed
   out of His mouth, let them hear or read what God says:  "So then
   because thou art lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot, I will spue thee
   out of my mouth." [636]

   There is no ground, then, for our objecting, when the apostle so
   expressly distinguishes the animal body from the spiritual--that is to
   say, the body in which we now are from that in which we are to be.  He
   says, "It is sown a natural body, it is raised a spiritual body.  There
   is a natural body, and there is a spiritual body.  And so it is
   written, The first man Adam was made a living soul; the last Adam was
   made a quickening spirit.  Howbeit that was not first which is
   spiritual, but that which is natural; and afterward that which is
   spiritual.  The first man is of the earth, earthy; the second man is
   the Lord from heaven.  As is the earthy, such are they also that are
   earthy; and as is the heavenly, such are they also that are heavenly.
   And as we have borne the image of the earthy, we shall also bear the
   image of the heavenly." [637]   Of all which words of his we have
   previously spoken.  The animal body, accordingly, in which the apostle
   says that the first man Adam was made, was not so made that it could
   not die at all, but so that it should not die unless he should have
   sinned.  That body, indeed, which shall be made spiritual and immortal
   by the quickening Spirit shall not be able to die at all; as the soul
   has been created immortal, and therefore, although by sin it may be
   said to die, and does lose a certain life of its own, namely, the
   Spirit of God, by whom it was enabled to live wisely and blessedly, yet
   it does not cease living a kind of life, though a miserable, because it
   is immortal by creation.  So, too, the rebellious angels, though by
   sinning they did in a sense die, because they forsook God, the Fountain
   of life, which while they drank they were able to live wisely and well,
   yet they could not so die as to utterly cease living and feeling, for
   they are immortals by creation.  And so, after the final judgment, they
   shall be hurled into the second death, and not even there be deprived
   of life or of sensation, but shall suffer torment.  But those men who
   have been embraced by God's grace, and are become the fellow-citizens
   of the holy angels who have continued in bliss, shall never more either
   sin or die, being endued with spiritual bodies; yet, being clothed with
   immortality, such as the angels enjoy, of which they cannot be divested
   even by sinning, the nature of their flesh shall continue the same, but
   all carnal corruption and unwieldiness shall be removed.

   There remains a question which must be discussed, and, by the help of
   the Lord God of truth, solved:  If the motion of concupiscence in the
   unruly members of our first parents arose out of their sin, and only
   when the divine grace deserted them; and if it was on that occasion
   that their eyes were opened to see, or, more exactly, notice their
   nakedness, and that they covered their shame because the shameless
   motion of their members was not subject to their will,--how, then,
   would they have begotten children had they remained sinless as they
   were created?  But as this book must be concluded, and so large a
   question cannot be summarily disposed of, we may relegate it to the
   following book, in which it will be more conveniently treated.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [624] Gen. ii. 7.

   [625] John xx. 22.

   [626] Gen. ii. 6.

   [627] ^  2 Cor. iv. 16.

   [628] 1 Cor. ii. 11.

   [629] Eccles. iii. 21.

   [630] Ps. cxlviii. 8.

   [631] Matt. xxviii. 19.

   [632] John iv. 24.

   [633] "Breath," Eng. ver.

   [634] Gen. i. 24.

   [635] Ecclus. xxiv. 3.

   [636] Rev. iii. 16.

   [637] 1 Cor. xv. 44-49.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XIV. [638]

   ------------------------

   Argument--Augustin again treats of the sin of the first man, and
   teaches that it is the cause of the carnal life and vicious affections
   of man.  Especially he proves that the shame which accompanies lust is
   the just punishment of that disobedience, and inquires how man, if he
   had not sinned, would have been able without lust to propagate his
   kind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--That the Disobedience of the First Man Would Have Plunged
   All Men into the Endless Misery of the Second Death, Had Not the Grace
   of God Rescued Many.

   We have already stated in the preceding books that God, desiring not
   only that the human race might be able by their similarity of nature to
   associate with one another, but also that they might be bound together
   in harmony and peace by the ties of relationship, was pleased to derive
   all men from one individual, and created man with such a nature that
   the members of the race should not have died, had not the two first (of
   whom the one was created out of nothing, and the other out of him)
   merited this by their disobedience; for by them so great a sin was
   committed, that by it the human nature was altered for the worse, and
   was transmitted also to their posterity, liable to sin and subject to
   death.  And the kingdom of death so reigned over men, that the deserved
   penalty of sin would have hurled all headlong even into the second
   death, of which there is no end, had not the undeserved grace of God
   saved some therefrom.  And thus it has come to pass, that though there
   are very many and great nations all over the earth, whose rites and
   customs, speech, arms, and dress, are distinguished by marked
   differences, yet there are no more than two kinds of human society,
   which we may justly call two cities, according to the language of our
   Scriptures.  The one consists of those who wish to live after the
   flesh, the other of those who wish to live after the spirit; and when
   they severally achieve what they wish, they live in peace, each after
   their kind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Of Carnal Life, Which is to Be Understood Not Only of
   Living in Bodily Indulgence, But Also of Living in the Vices of the
   Inner Man.

   First, we must see what it is to live after the flesh, and what to live
   after the spirit.  For any one who either does not recollect, or does
   not sufficiently weigh, the language of sacred Scripture, may, on first
   hearing what we have said, suppose that the Epicurean philosophers live
   after the flesh, because they place man's highest good in bodily
   pleasure; and that those others do so who have been of opinion that in
   some form or other bodily good is man's supreme good; and that the mass
   of men do so who, without dogmatizing or philosophizing on the subject,
   are so prone to lust that they cannot delight in any pleasure save such
   as they receive from bodily sensations:  and he may suppose that the
   Stoics, who place the supreme good of men in the soul, live after the
   spirit; for what is man's soul, if not spirit?  But in the sense of the
   divine Scripture both are proved to live after the flesh.  For by flesh
   it means not only the body of a terrestrial and mortal animal, as when
   it says, "All flesh is not the same flesh, but there is one kind of
   flesh of men, another flesh of beasts, another of fishes, another of
   birds," [639] but it uses this word in many other significations; and
   among these various usages, a frequent one is to use flesh for man
   himself, the nature of man taking the part for the whole, as in the
   words, "By the deeds of the law there shall no flesh be justified;"
   [640] for what does he mean here by "no flesh" but "no man?"  And this,
   indeed, he shortly after says more plainly:  "No man shall be justified
   by the law;" [641] and in the Epistle to the Galatians, "Knowing that
   man is not justified by the works of the law."  And so we understand
   the words, "And the Word was made flesh," [642] --that is, man, which
   some not accepting in its right sense, have supposed that Christ had
   not a human soul. [643]   For as the whole is used for the part in the
   words of Mary Magdalene in the Gospel, "They have taken away my Lord,
   and I know not where they have laid Him," [644] by which she meant only
   the flesh of Christ, which she supposed had been taken from the tomb
   where it had been buried, so the part is used for the whole, flesh
   being named, while man is referred to, as in the quotations above
   cited.

   Since, then, Scripture uses the word flesh in many ways, which there is
   not time to collect and investigate, if we are to ascertain what it is
   to live after the flesh (which is certainly evil, though the nature of
   flesh is not itself evil), we must carefully examine that passage of
   the epistle which the Apostle Paul wrote to the Galatians, in which he
   says, "Now the works of the flesh are manifest, which are these:
   adultery, fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, idolatry,
   witchcraft, hatred, variance, emulations, wrath, strife, seditions,
   heresies, envyings, murders, drunkenness, revellings, and such like:
   of the which I tell you before, as I have also told you in time past,
   that they which do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God."
   [645]   This whole passage of the apostolic epistle being considered,
   so far as it bears on the matter in hand, will be sufficient to answer
   the question, what it is to live after the flesh.  For among the works
   of the flesh which he said were manifest, and which he cited for
   condemnation, we find not only those which concern the pleasure of the
   flesh, as fornications, uncleanness, lasciviousness, drunkenness,
   revellings, but also those which, though they be remote from fleshly
   pleasure, reveal the vices of the soul.  For who does not see that
   idolatries, witchcrafts, hatreds, variance, emulations, wrath, strife,
   heresies, envyings, are vices rather of the soul than of the flesh?
   For it is quite possible for a man to abstain from fleshly pleasures
   for the sake of idolatry or some heretical error; and yet, even when he
   does so, he is proved by this apostolic authority to be living after
   the flesh; and in abstaining from fleshly pleasure, he is proved to be
   practising damnable works of the flesh.  Who that has enmity has it not
   in his soul? or who would say to his enemy, or to the man he thinks his
   enemy, You have a bad flesh towards me, and not rather, You have a bad
   spirit towards me?  In fine, if any one heard of what I may call
   "carnalities," he would not fail to attribute them to the carnal part
   of man; so no one doubts that "animosities" belong to the soul of man.
   Why then does the doctor of the Gentiles in faith and verity call all
   these and similar things works of the flesh, unless because, by that
   mode of speech whereby the part is used for the whole, he means us to
   understand by the word flesh the man himself?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [639] 1 Cor. xv. 39.

   [640] Rom. iii. 20.

   [641] Gal. iii. 11.

   [642] John i. 14.

   [643] The Apollinarians.

   [644] John xx. 13.

   [645] Gal. v. 19-21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--That the Sin is Caused Not by the Flesh, But by the Soul,
   and that the Corruption Contracted from Sin is Not Sin But Sin's
   Punishment.

   But if any one says that the flesh is the cause of all vices and ill
   conduct, inasmuch as the soul lives wickedly only because it is moved
   by the flesh, it is certain he has not carefully considered the whole
   nature of man.  For "the corruptible body, indeed, weigheth down the
   soul." [646]   Whence, too, the apostle, speaking of this corruptible
   body, of which he had shortly before said, "though our outward man
   perish," [647] says, "We know that if our earthly house of this
   tabernacle were dissolved, we have a building of God, an house not made
   with hands, eternal in the heavens.  For in this we groan, earnestly
   desiring to be clothed upon with our house which is from heaven:  if so
   be that being clothed we shall not be found naked.  For we that are in
   this tabernacle do groan, being burdened:  not for that we would be
   unclothed, but clothed upon, that mortality might be swallowed up in
   life." [648]   We are then burdened with this corruptible body; but
   knowing that the cause of this burdensomeness is not the nature and
   substance of the body, but its corruption, we do not desire to be
   deprived of the body, but to be clothed with its immortality.  For
   then, also, there will be a body, but it shall no longer be a burden,
   being no longer corruptible.  At present, then, "the corruptible body
   presseth down the soul, and the earthly tabernacle weigheth down the
   mind that museth upon many things," nevertheless they are in error who
   suppose that all the evils of the soul proceed from the body.

   Virgil, indeed, seems to express the sentiments of Plato in the
   beautiful lines, where he says,--

   "A fiery strength inspires their lives,

   An essence that from heaven derives,

   Though clogged in part by limbs of clay

   And the dull 'vesture of decay;'" [649]

   but though he goes on to mention the four most common mental
   emotions,--desire, fear, joy, sorrow,--with the intention of showing
   that the body is the origin of all sins and vices, saying,--

   "Hence wild desires and grovelling fears,

   And human laughter, human tears,

   Immured in dungeon-seeming nights

   They look abroad, yet see no light," [650]

   yet we believe quite otherwise.  For the corruption of the body, which
   weighs down the soul, is not the cause but the punishment of the first
   sin; and it was not the corruptible flesh that made the soul sinful,
   but the sinful soul that made the flesh corruptible.  And though from
   this corruption of the flesh there arise certain incitements to vice,
   and indeed vicious desires, yet we must not attribute to the flesh all
   the vices of a wicked life, in case we thereby clear the devil of all
   these, for he has no flesh.  For though we cannot call the devil a
   fornicator or drunkard, or ascribe to him any sensual indulgence
   (though he is the secret instigator and prompter of those who sin in
   these ways), yet he is exceedingly proud and envious.  And this
   viciousness has so possessed him, that on account of it he is reserved
   in chains of darkness to everlasting punishment. [651]   Now these
   vices, which have dominion over the devil, the apostle attributes to
   the flesh, which certainly the devil has not.  For he says "hatred,
   variance, emulations, strife, envying" are the works of the flesh; and
   of all these evils pride is the origin and head, and it rules in the
   devil though he has no flesh.  For who shows more hatred to the saints?
   who is more at variance with them? who more envious, bitter, and
   jealous?  And since he exhibits all these works, though he has no
   flesh, how are they works of the flesh, unless because they are the
   works of man, who is, as I said, spoken of under the name of flesh?
   For it is not by having flesh, which the devil has not, but by living
   according to himself,--that is, according to man,--that man became like
   the devil.  For the devil too, wished to live according to himself when
   he did not abide in the truth; so that when he lied, this was not of
   God, but of himself, who is not only a liar, but the father of lies, he
   being the first who lied, and the originator of lying as of sin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [646] Wisd. ix. 15.

   [647] 2 Cor. iv. 16.

   [648] 2 Cor. v. 1-4.

   [649] Æneid, vi. 730-32.

   [650] Ib. 733, 734.

   [651] On the punishment of the devil, see the De Agone Christi, 3-5,
   and De Nat. Boni, 33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--What It is to Live According to Man, and What to Live
   According to God.

   When, therefore, man lives according to man, not according to God, he
   is like the devil.  Because not even an angel might live according to
   an angel, but only according to God, if he was to abide in the truth,
   and speak God's truth and not his own lie.  And of man, too, the same
   apostle says in another place, "If the truth of God hath more abounded
   through my lie;" [652] --"my lie," he said, and "God's truth."  When,
   then, a man lives according to the truth, he lives not according to
   himself, but according to God; for He was God who said, "I am the
   truth." [653]   When, therefore, man lives according to himself,--that
   is, according to man, not according to God,--assuredly he lives
   according to a lie; not that man himself is a lie, for God is his
   author and creator, who is certainly not the author and creator of a
   lie, but because man was made upright, that he might not live according
   to himself, but according to Him that made him,--in other words, that
   he might do His will and not his own; and not to live as he was made to
   live, that is a lie.  For he certainly desires to be blessed even by
   not living so that he may be blessed.  And what is a lie if this desire
   be not?  Wherefore it is not without meaning said that all sin is a
   lie.  For no sin is committed save by that desire or will by which we
   desire that it be well with us, and shrink from it being ill with us.
   That, therefore, is a lie which we do in order that it may be well with
   us, but which makes us more miserable than we were.  And why is this,
   but because the source of man's happiness lies only in God, whom he
   abandons when he sins, and not in himself, by living according to whom
   he sins?

   In enunciating this proposition of ours, then, that because some live
   according to the flesh and others according to the spirit, there have
   arisen two diverse and conflicting cities, we might equally well have
   said, "because some live according to man, others according to God."
   For Paul says very plainly to the Corinthians, "For whereas there is
   among you envying and strife, are ye not carnal, and walk according to
   man?" [654]   So that to walk according to man and to be carnal are the
   same; for by flesh, that is, by a part of man, man is meant.  For
   before he said that those same persons were animal whom afterwards he
   calls carnal, saying, "For what man knoweth the things of a man, save
   the spirit of man which is in him? even so the things of God knoweth no
   man, but the Spirit of God.  Now we have received not the spirit of
   this world, but the Spirit which is of God; that we might know the
   things which are freely given to us of God.  Which things also we
   speak, not in the words which man's wisdom teacheth, but which the Holy
   Ghost teacheth; comparing spiritual things with spiritual.  But the
   animal man perceiveth not the things of the Spirit of God; for they are
   foolishness unto him." [655]   It is to men of this kind, then, that
   is, to animal men, he shortly after says, "And I, brethren, could not
   speak unto you as unto spiritual, but as unto carnal." [656]   And this
   is to be interpreted by the same usage, a part being taken for the
   whole.  For both the soul and the flesh, the component parts of man,
   can be used to signify the whole man; and so the animal man and the
   carnal man are not two different things, but one and the same thing,
   viz., man living according to man.  In the same way it is nothing else
   than men that are meant either in the words, "By the deeds of the law
   there shall no flesh be justified;" [657] or in the words,
   "Seventy-five souls went down into Egypt with Jacob." [658]   In the
   one passage, "no flesh" signifies "no man;" and in the other, by
   "seventy-five souls" seventy-five men are meant.  And the expression,
   "not in words which man's wisdom teacheth" might equally be "not in
   words which fleshly wisdom teacheth;" and the expression, "ye walk
   according to man," might be "according to the flesh."  And this is
   still more apparent in the words which followed:  "For while one saith,
   I am of Paul, and another, I am of Apollos, are ye not men?"  The same
   thing which he had before expressed by "ye are animal," "ye are carnal,
   he now expresses by "ye are men;" that is, ye live according to man,
   not according to God, for if you lived according to Him, you should be
   gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [652] Rom. iii. 7.

   [653] John xiv. 6.

   [654] 1 Cor. iii. 3.

   [655] 1 Cor. ii. 11-14.

   [656] 1 Cor. iii. 1.

   [657] Rom. iii. 20.

   [658] Gen. xlvi. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--That the Opinion of the Platonists Regarding the Nature of
   Body and Soul is Not So Censurable as that of the Manichæans, But that
   Even It is Objectionable, Because It Ascribes the Origin of Vices to
   the Nature of The Flesh.

    There is no need, therefore, that in our sins and vices we accuse the
   nature of the flesh to the injury of the Creator, for in its own kind
   and degree the flesh is good; but to desert the Creator good, and live
   according to the created good, is not good, whether a man choose to
   live according to the flesh, or according to the soul, or according to
   the whole human nature, which is composed of flesh and soul, and which
   is therefore spoken of either by the name flesh alone, or by the name
   soul alone.  For he who extols the nature of the soul as the chief
   good, and condemns the nature of the flesh as if it were evil,
   assuredly is fleshly both in his love of the soul and hatred of the
   flesh; for these his feelings arise from human fancy, not from divine
   truth.  The Platonists, indeed, are not so foolish as, with the
   Manichæans, to detest our present bodies as an evil nature; [659] for
   they attribute all the elements of which this visible and tangible
   world is compacted, with all their qualities, to God their Creator.
   Nevertheless, from the death-infected members and earthly construction
   of the body they believe the soul is so affected, that there are thus
   originated in it the diseases of desires, and fears, and joy, and
   sorrow, under which four perturbations, as Cicero [660] calls them, or
   passions, as most prefer to name them with the Greeks, is included the
   whole viciousness of human life.  But if this be so, how is it that
   Æneas in Virgil, when he had heard from his father in Hades that the
   souls should return to bodies, expresses surprise at this declaration,
   and exclaims:

   "O father! and can thought conceive

   That happy souls this realm would leave,

   And seek the upper sky,

   With sluggish clay to reunite?

   This direful longing for the light,

   Whence comes it, say, and why?" [661]

   This direful longing, then, does it still exist even in that boasted
   purity of the disembodied spirits, and does it still proceed from the
   death-infected members and earthly limbs?  Does he not assert that,
   when they begin to long to return to the body, they have already been
   delivered from all these so-called pestilences of the body?  From which
   we gather that, were this endlessly alternating purification and
   defilement of departing and returning souls as true as it is most
   certainly false, yet it could not be averred that all culpable and
   vicious motions of the soul originate in the earthly body; for, on
   their own showing, "this direful longing," to use the words of their
   noble exponent, is so extraneous to the body, that it moves the soul
   that is purged of all bodily taint, and is existing apart from any body
   whatever, and moves it, moreover, to be embodied again.  So that even
   they themselves acknowledge that the soul is not only moved to desire,
   fear, joy, sorrow, by the flesh, but that it can also be agitated with
   these emotions at its own instance.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [659] See Augustin, De Hæres. 46.

   [660] Tusc. Quæstiv. 6.

   [661] Æneid, vi. 719-21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Of the Character of the Human Will Which Makes the
   Affections of the Soul Right or Wrong.

   But the character of the human will is of moment; because, if it is
   wrong, these motions of the soul will be wrong, but if it is right,
   they will be not merely blameless, but even praiseworthy.  For the will
   is in them all; yea, none of them is anything else than will.  For what
   are desire and joy but a volition of consent to the things we wish?
   And what are fear and sadness but a volition of aversion from the
   things which we do not wish?  But when consent takes the form of
   seeking to possess the things we wish, this is called desire; and when
   consent takes the form of enjoying the things we wish, this is called
   joy.  In like manner, when we turn with aversion from that which we do
   not wish to happen, this volition is termed fear; and when we turn away
   from that which has happened against our will, this act of will is
   called sorrow.  And generally in respect of all that we seek or shun,
   as a man's will is attracted or repelled, so it is changed and turned
   into these different affections.  Wherefore the man who lives according
   to God, and not according to man, ought to be a lover of good, and
   therefore a hater of evil.  And since no one is evil by nature, but
   whoever is evil is evil by vice, he who lives according to God ought to
   cherish towards evil men a perfect hatred, so that he shall neither
   hate the man because of his vice, nor love the vice because of the man,
   but hate the vice and love the man.  For the vice being cursed, all
   that ought to be loved, and nothing that ought to be hated, will
   remain.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--That the Words Love and Regard (Amor and Dilectio) are in
   Scripture Used Indifferently of Good and Evil Affection.

   He who resolves to love God, and to love his neighbor as himself, not
   according to man but according to God, is on account of this love said
   to be of a good will; and this is in Scripture more commonly called
   charity, but it is also, even in the same books, called love.  For the
   apostle says that the man to be elected as a ruler of the people must
   be a lover of good. [662]   And when the Lord Himself had asked Peter,
   "Hast thou a regard for me (diligis) more than these?" Peter replied,
   "Lord, Thou knowest that I love (amo) Thee."  And again a second time
   the Lord asked not whether Peter loved (amaret) Him, but whether he had
   a regard (diligeret)for Him, and, he again answered, "Lord, Thou
   knowest that I love (amo) Thee."  But on the third interrogation the
   Lord Himself no longer says, "Hast thou a regard (diligis) for me,"but
   "Lovest thou (amas) me?"  And then the evangelist adds, "Peter was
   grieved because He said unto him the third time, "Lovest thou (amas)
   me?" though the Lord had not said three times but only once, "Lovest
   thou (amas) me?" and twice "Diligis me ?" from which we gather that,
   even when the Lord said "diligis," He used an equivalent for "amas."
   Peter, too, throughout used one word for the one thing, and the third
   time also replied, "Lord, Thou knowest all things, Thou knowest that I
   love (amo) Thee." [663]

   I have judged it right to mention this, because some are of opinion
   that charity or regard (dilectio) is one thing, love (amor) another.
   They say that dilectio is used of a good affection, amor of an evil
   love.  But it is very certain that even secular literature knows no
   such distinction.  However, it is for the philosophers to determine
   whether and how they differ, though their own writings sufficiently
   testify that they make great account of love (amor) placed on good
   objects, and even on God Himself.  But we wished to show that the
   Scriptures of our religion, whose authority we prefer to all writings
   whatsoever, make no distinction between amor, dilectio, and caritas;
   and we have already shown that amor is used in a good connection.  And
   if any one fancy that amor is no doubt used both of good and bad loves,
   but that dilectio is reserved for the good only, let him remember what
   the psalm says, "He that loveth (diligit) iniquity hateth his own
   soul;" [664] and the words of the Apostle John, "If any man love
   (diligere) the world, the love (dilectio) of the Father is not in him."
   [665]   Here you have in one passage dilectio used both in a good and a
   bad sense.  And if any one demands an instance of amor being used in a
   bad sense (for we have already shown its use in a good sense), let him
   read the words, "For men shall be lovers (amantes) of their own selves,
   lovers (amatores) of money." [666]

   The right will is, therefore, well-directed love, and the wrong will is
   ill-directed love.  Love, then, yearning to have what is loved, is
   desire; and having and enjoying it, is joy; fleeing what is opposed to
   it, it is fear; and feeling what is opposed to it, when it has befallen
   it, it is sadness.  Now these motions are evil if the love is evil;
   good if the love is good.  What we assert let us prove from Scripture.
   The apostle "desires to depart, and to be with Christ." [667]   And,
   "My soul desired to long for Thy judgments;" [668] or if it is more
   appropriate to say, "My soul longed to desire Thy judgments."  And,
   "The desire of wisdom bringeth to a kingdom." [669]   Yet there has
   always obtained the usage of understanding desire and concupiscence in
   a bad sense if the object be not defined.  But joy is used in a good
   sense:  "Be glad in the Lord, and rejoice, ye righteous." [670]   And,
   "Thou hast put gladness in my heart." [671]   And, "Thou wilt fill me
   with joy with Thy countenance." [672]   Fear is used in a good sense by
   the apostle when he says, "Work out your salvation with fear and
   trembling." [673]   And, "Be not high-minded, but fear." [674]   And,
   "I fear, lest by any means, as the serpent beguiled Eve through his
   subtilty, so your minds should be corrupted from the simplicity that is
   in Christ." [675]   But with respect to sadness, which Cicero prefer to
   calls sickness (oegritudo), and Virgil pain (dolor) (as he says,
   "Dolent gaudentque" [676] ), but which I prefer to call sorrow, because
   sickness and pain are more commonly used to express bodily
   suffering,--with respect to this emotion, I say, the question whether
   it can be used in a good sense is more difficult.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [662] Tit. i. 8, according to Greek and Vulgate.

   [663] John xxi. 15-17.  On these synonyms see the commentaries in loc.

   [664] Ps. xi. 5.

   [665] 1 John ii. 15.

   [666] 2 Tim. iii. 2.

   [667] Phil. i. 23.

   [668] Ps. cxix. 20.

   [669] Wisd. vi. 20.

   [670] Ps. xxxii. 11.

   [671] Ps. iv. 7.

   [672] Ps. xvi. 11.

   [673] Phil. ii. 12.

   [674] Rom. xi. 20.

   [675] 2 Cor. xi. 3.

   [676] Æneid, vi. 733.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Of the Three Perturbations, Which the Stoics Admitted in
   the Soul of the Wise Man to the Exclusion of Grief or Sadness, Which
   the Manly Mind Ought Not to Experience.

   Those emotions which the Greeks call eupatheiai, and which Cicero calls
   constantioe, the Stoics would restrict to three; and, instead of three
   "perturbations" in the soul of the wise man, they substituted
   severally, in place of desire, will; in place of joy, contentment; and
   for fear, caution; and as to sickness or pain, which we, to avoid
   ambiguity, preferred to call sorrow, they denied that it could exist in
   the mind of a wise man.  Will, they say, seeks the good, for this the
   wise man does.  Contentment has its object in good that is possessed,
   and this the wise man continually possesses.  Caution avoids evil, and
   this the wise man ought to avoid.  But sorrow arises from evil that has
   already happened; and as they suppose that no evil can happen to the
   wise man, there can be no representative of sorrow in his mind.
   According to them, therefore, none but the wise man wills, is
   contented, uses caution; and that the fool can do no more than desire,
   rejoice, fear, be sad.  The former three affections Cicero calls
   constantioe, the last four perturbationes.  Many, however, calls these
   last passions; and, as I have said, the Greeks call the former
   eupatheiai, and the latter pathe.  And when I made a careful
   examination of Scripture to find whether this terminology was
   sanctioned by it, I came upon this saying of the prophet:  "There is no
   contentment to the wicked, saith the Lord;" [677] as if the wicked
   might more properly rejoice than be contented regarding evils, for
   contentment is the property of the good and godly.  I found also that
   verse in the Gospel:  "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you,
   do ye even so unto them?" [678] which seems to imply that evil or
   shameful things may be the object of desire, but not of will.  Indeed,
   some interpreters have added "good things," to make the expression more
   in conformity with customary usage, and have given this meaning,
   "Whatsoever good deeds that ye would that men should do unto you."  For
   they thought that this would prevent any one from wishing other men to
   provide him with unseemly, not to say shameful
   gratifications,--luxurious banquets, for example,--on the supposition
   that if he returned the like to them he would be fulfilling this
   precept.  In the Greek Gospel, however, from which the Latin is
   translated, "good" does not occur, but only, "All things whatsoever ye
   would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them," and, as I
   believe, because "good" is already included in the word "would;" for He
   does not say "desire."

   Yet though we may sometimes avail ourselves of these precise
   proprieties of language, we are not to be always bridled by them; and
   when we read those writers against whose authority it is unlawful to
   reclaim, we must accept the meanings above mentioned in passages where
   a right sense can be educed by no other interpretation, as in those
   instances we adduced partly from the prophet, partly from the Gospel.
   For who does not know that the wicked exult with joy?  Yet "there is no
   contentment for the wicked, saith the Lord." And how so, unless because
   contentment, when the word is used in its proper and distinctive
   significance, means something different from joy?  In like manner, who
   would deny that it were wrong to enjoin upon men that whatever they
   desire others to do to them they should themselves do to others, lest
   they should mutually please one another by shameful and illicit
   pleasure?  And yet the precept, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do
   unto you, do ye even so to them," is very wholesome and just.  And how
   is this, unless because the will is in this place used strictly, and
   signifies that will which cannot have evil for its object?  But
   ordinary phraseology would not have allowed the saying, "Be unwilling
   to make any manner of lie," [679] had there not been also an evil will,
   whose wickedness separates if from that which the angels celebrated,
   "Peace on earth, of good will to men." [680]   For "good" is
   superfluous if there is no other kind of will but good will.  And why
   should the apostle have mentioned it among the praises of charity as a
   great thing, that "it rejoices not in iniquity," unless because
   wickedness does so rejoice?  For even with secular writers these words
   are used indifferently.  For Cicero, that most fertile of orators,
   says, "I desire, conscript fathers, to be merciful." [681]   And who
   would be so pedantic as to say that he should have said "I will" rather
   than "I desire," because the word is used in a good connection?  Again,
   in Terence, the profligate youth, burning with wild lust, says, "I will
   nothing else than Philumena." [682]   That this "will" was lust is
   sufficiently indicated by the answer of his old servant which is there
   introduced:  "How much better were it to try and banish that love from
   your heart, than to speak so as uselessly to inflame your passion still
   more!"  And that contentment was used by secular writers in a bad sense
   that verse of Virgil testifies, in which he most succinctly comprehends
   these four perturbations,--

   "Hence they fear and desire, grieve and are content" [683]

   The same author had also used the expression, "the evil contentments of
   the mind." [684]   So that good and bad men alike will, are cautious,
   and contented; or, to say the same thing in other words, good and bad
   men alike desire, fear, rejoice, but the former in a good, the latter
   in a bad fashion, according as the will is right or wrong.  Sorrow
   itself, too, which the Stoics would not allow to be represented in the
   mind of the wise man, is used in a good sense, and especially in our
   writings.  For the apostle praises the Corinthians because they had a
   godly sorrow.  But possibly some one may say that the apostle
   congratulated them because they were penitently sorry, and that such
   sorrow can exist only in those who have sinned.  For these are his
   words:  "For I perceive that the same epistle hath made you sorry,
   though it were but for a season.  Now I rejoice, not that ye were made
   sorry, but that ye sorrowed to repentance; for ye were made sorry after
   a godly manner, that ye might receive damage by us in nothing.  For
   godly sorrow worketh repentance to salvation not to be repented of, but
   the sorrow of the world worketh death.  For, behold, this selfsame
   thing that ye sorrowed after a godly sort, what carefulness it wrought
   in you!" [685]   Consequently the Stoics may defend themselves by
   replying, [686] that sorrow is indeed useful for repentance of sin, but
   that this can have no place in the mind of the wise man, inasmuch as no
   sin attaches to him of which he could sorrowfully repent, nor any other
   evil the endurance or experience of which could make him sorrowful.
   For they say that Alcibiades (if my memory does not deceive me), who
   believed himself happy, shed tears when Socrates argued with him, and
   demonstrated that he was miserable because he was foolish.  In his
   case, therefore, folly was the cause of this useful and desirable
   sorrow, wherewith a man mourns that he is what he ought not to be.  But
   the Stoics maintain not that the fool, but that the wise man, cannot be
   sorrowful.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [677] Isa. lvii. 21.

   [678] Matt. vii. 12.

   [679] Ecclus. vii. 13.

   [680] Luke ii. 14.

   [681] Cat. i. 2.

   [682] Ter, Andr. ii. 1, 6.

   [683] Æneid, vi. 733.

   [684] Æneid, v. 278.

   [685] 2 Cor. vii. 8-11.

   [686] Tusc. Disp. iii. 32.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Of the Perturbations of the Soul Which Appear as Right
   Affections in the Life of the Righteous.

   But so far as regards this question of mental perturbations, we have
   answered these philosophers in the ninth book [687] of this work,
   showing that it is rather a verbal than a real dispute, and that they
   seek contention rather than truth.  Among ourselves, according to the
   sacred Scriptures and sound doctrine, the citizens of the holy city of
   God, who live according to God in the pilgrimage of this life, both
   fear and desire, and grieve and rejoice.  And because their love is
   rightly placed, all these affections of theirs are right.  They fear
   eternal punishment, they desire eternal life; they grieve because they
   themselves groan within themselves, waiting for the adoption, the
   redemption of their body; [688] they rejoice in hope, because there
   "shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is
   swallowed up in victory." [689]   In like manner they fear to sin, they
   desire to persevere; they grieve in sin, they rejoice in good works.
   They fear to sin, because they hear that "because iniquity shall
   abound, the love of many shall wax cold." [690]   They desire to
   persevere, because they hear that it is written, "He that endureth to
   the end shall be saved." [691]   They grieve for sin, hearing that "If
   we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not
   in us." [692]   They rejoice in good works, because they hear that "the
   Lord loveth a cheerful giver." [693]   In like manner, according as
   they are strong or weak, they fear or desire to be tempted, grieve or
   rejoice in temptation.  They fear to be tempted, because they hear the
   injunction, "If a man be overtaken in a fault, ye which are spiritual
   restore such an one in the spirit of meekness; considering thyself,
   lest thou also be tempted." [694]   They desire to be tempted, because
   they hear one of the heroes of the city of God saying, "Examine me, O
   Lord, and tempt me:  try my reins and my heart." [695]   They grieve in
   temptations, because they see Peter weeping; [696] they rejoice in
   temptations, because they hear James saying, "My brethren, count it all
   joy when ye fall into divers temptations." [697]

   And not only on their own account do they experience these emotions,
   but also on account of those whose deliverance they desire and whose
   perdition they fear, and whose loss or salvation affects them with
   grief or with joy.  For if we who have come into the Church from among
   the Gentiles may suitably instance that noble and mighty hero who
   glories in his infirmities, the teacher (doctor) of the nations in
   faith and truth, who also labored more than all his fellow-apostles,
   and instructed the tribes of God's people by his epistles, which
   edified not only those of his own time, but all those who were to be
   gathered in,--that hero, I say, and athlete of Christ, instructed by
   Him, anointed of His Spirit, crucified with Him, glorious in Him,
   lawfully maintaining a great conflict on the theatre of this world, and
   being made a spectacle to angels and men, [698] and pressing onwards
   for the prize of his high calling, [699] --very joyfully do we with the
   eyes of faith behold him rejoicing with them that rejoice, and weeping
   with them that weep; [700] though hampered by fightings without and
   fears within; [701] desiring to depart and to be with Christ; [702]
   longing to see the Romans, that he might have some fruit among them as
   among other Gentiles; [703] being jealous over the Corinthians, and
   fearing in that jealousy lest their minds should be corrupted from the
   chastity that is in Christ; [704] having great heaviness and continual
   sorrow of heart for the Israelites, [705] because they, being ignorant
   of God's righteousness, and going about to establish their own
   righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of
   God; [706] and expressing not only his sorrow, but bitter lamentation
   over some who had formally sinned and had not repented of their
   uncleanness and fornications. [707]

   If these emotions and affections, arising as they do from the love of
   what is good and from a holy charity, are to be called vices, then let
   us allow these emotions which are truly vices to pass under the name of
   virtues.  But since these affections, when they are exercised in a
   becoming way, follow the guidance of right reason, who will dare to say
   that they are diseases or vicious passions?  Wherefore even the Lord
   Himself, when He condescended to lead a human life in the form of a
   slave, had no sin whatever, and yet exercised these emotions where He
   judged they should be exercised.  For as there was in Him a true human
   body and a true human soul, so was there also a true human emotion.
   When, therefore, we read in the Gospel that the hard-heartedness of the
   Jews moved Him to sorrowful indignation, [708] that He said, "I am glad
   for your sakes, to the intent ye may believe," [709] that when about to
   raise Lazarus He even shed tears, [710] that He earnestly desired to
   eat the passover with His disciples, [711] that as His passion drew
   near His soul was sorrowful, [712] these emotions are certainly not
   falsely ascribed to Him.  But as He became man when it pleased Him, so,
   in the grace of His definite purpose, when it pleased Him He
   experienced those emotions in His human soul.

   But we must further make the admission, that even when these affections
   are well regulated, and according to God's will, they are peculiar to
   this life, not to that future life we look for, and that often we yield
   to them against our will.  And thus sometimes we weep in spite of
   ourselves, being carried beyond ourselves, not indeed by culpable
   desire; but by praiseworthy charity.  In us, therefore, these
   affections arise from human infirmity; but it was not so with the Lord
   Jesus, for even His infirmity was the consequence of His power.  But so
   long as we wear the infirmity of this life, we are rather worse men
   than better if we have none of these emotions at all.  For the apostle
   vituperated and abominated some who, as he said, were "without natural
   affection." [713]   The sacred Psalmist also found fault with those of
   whom he said, "I looked for some to lament with me, and there was
   none." [714]   For to be quite free from pain while we are in this
   place of misery is only purchased, as one of this world's literati
   perceived and remarked, [715] at the price of blunted sensibilities
   both of mind and body.  And therefore that which the Greeks call
   apatheia, and what the Latins would call, if their language would allow
   them, "impassibilitas," if it be taken to mean an impassibility of
   spirit and not of body, or, in other words, a freedom from those
   emotions which are contrary to reason and disturb the mind, then it is
   obviously a good and most desirable quality, but it is not one which is
   attainable in this life.  For the words of the apostle are the
   confession, not of the common herd, but of the eminently pious, just,
   and holy men:  "If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the
   truth is not in us." [716]   When there shall be no sin in a man, then
   there shall be this apatheia.  At present it is enough if we live
   without crime; and he who thinks he lives without sin puts aside not
   sin, but pardon.  And if that is to be called apathy, where the mind is
   the subject of no emotion, then who would not consider this
   insensibility to be worse than all vices?  It may, indeed, reasonably
   be maintained that the perfect blessedness we hope for shall be free
   from all sting of fear or sadness; but who that is not quite lost to
   truth would say that neither love nor joy shall be experienced there?
   But if by apathy a condition be meant in which no fear terrifies nor
   any pain annoys, we must in this life renounce such a state if we would
   live according to God's will, but may hope to enjoy it in that
   blessedness which is promised as our eternal condition.

   For that fear of which the Apostle John says, "There is no fear in
   love; but perfect love casteth out fear, because fear hath torment.  He
   that feareth is not made perfect in love," [717] --that fear is not of
   the same kind as the Apostle Paul felt lest the Corinthians should be
   seduced by the subtlety of the serpent; for love is susceptible of this
   fear, yea, love alone is capable of it.  But the fear which is not in
   love is of that kind of which Paul himself says, "For ye have not
   received the spirit of bondage again to fear." [718]   But as for that
   "clean fear which endureth for ever," [719] if it is to exist in the
   world to come (and how else can it be said to endure for ever?), it is
   not a fear deterring us from evil which may happen, but preserving us
   in the good which cannot be lost.  For where the love of acquired good
   is unchangeable, there certainly the fear that avoids evil is, if I may
   say so, free from anxiety.  For under the name of "clean fear" David
   signifies that will by which we shall necessarily shrink from sin, and
   guard against it, not with the anxiety of weakness, which fears that we
   may strongly sin, but with the tranquillity of perfect love.  Or if no
   kind of fear at all shall exist in that most imperturbable security of
   perpetual and blissful delights, then the expression, "The fear of the
   Lord is clean, enduring for ever," must be taken in the same sense as
   that other, "The patience of the poor shall not perish for ever." [720]
     For patience, which is necessary only where ills are to be borne,
   shall not be eternal, but that which patience leads us to will be
   eternal.  So perhaps this "clean fear" is said to endure for ever,
   because that to which fear leads shall endure.

   And since this is so,--since we must live a good life in order to
   attain to a blessed life, a good life has all these affections right, a
   bad life has them wrong.  But in the blessed life eternal there will be
   love and joy, not only right, but also assured; but fear and grief
   there will be none.  Whence it already appears in some sort what manner
   of persons the citizens of the city of God must be in this their
   pilgrimage, who live after the spirit, not after the flesh,--that is to
   say, according to God, not according to man,--and what manner of
   persons they shall be also in that immortality whither they are
   journeying.  And the city or society of the wicked, who live not
   according to God, but according to man, and who accept the doctrines of
   men or devils in the worship of a false and contempt of the true
   divinity, is shaken with those wicked emotions as by diseases and
   disturbances.  And if there be some of its citizens who seem to
   restrain and, as it were, temper those passions, they are so elated
   with ungodly pride, that their disease is as much greater as their pain
   is less.  And if some, with a vanity monstrous in proportion to its
   rarity, have become enamored of themselves because they can be
   stimulated and excited by no emotion, moved or bent by no affection,
   such persons rather lose all humanity than obtain true tranquillity.
   For a thing is not necessarily right because it is inflexible, nor
   healthy because it is insensible.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [687] C. 4, 5.

   [688] Rom. viii. 23.

   [689] 1 Cor. xv. 54.

   [690] Matt. xxiv. 12.

   [691] Matt. x. 22.

   [692] 1 John i. 8.

   [693] 2 Cor. ix. 7.

   [694] Gal. vi. l.

   [695] Ps. xxvi. 2.

   [696] Matt. xxvi. 75.

   [697] Jas. i. 2.

   [698] 1 Cor. iv. 9.

   [699] Phil. iii. 14.

   [700] Rom. xii. 15.

   [701] 2 Cor. vii. 5.

   [702] Phil. i. 23.

   [703] Rom. i. 11-13.

   [704] 2 Cor. xi. 1-3.

   [705] Rom. ix. 2.

   [706] Rom. x. 3.

   [707] 2 Cor. xii. 21.

   [708] Mark iii. 5.

   [709] John xi. 15.

   [710] John xi. 35.

   [711] Luke xxii. 15.

   [712] Matt. xxvi. 38.

   [713] Rom. i. 31.

   [714] Ps. lxix. 20.

   [715] Crantor, an Academic philosopher quoted by Cicero, Tusc Quæst.
   iii. 6.

   [716] 1 John i. 8.

   [717] 1 John iv. 18.

   [718] Rom. viii. 15.

   [719] Ps. xix. 9.

   [720] Ps. ix. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Whether It is to Be Believed that Our First Parents in
   Paradise, Before They Sinned, Were Free from All Perturbation.

   But it is a fair question, whether our first parent or first parents
   (for there was a marriage of two), before they sinned, experienced in
   their animal body such emotions as we shall not experience in the
   spiritual body when sin has been purged and finally abolished.  For if
   they did, then how were they blessed in that boasted place of bliss,
   Paradise?  For who that is affected by fear or grief can be called
   absolutely blessed?  And what could those persons fear or suffer in
   such affluence of blessings, where neither death nor ill-health was
   feared, and where nothing was wanting which a good will could desire,
   and nothing present which could interrupt man's mental or bodily
   enjoyment?  Their love to God was unclouded, and their mutual affection
   was that of faithful and sincere marriage; and from this love flowed a
   wonderful delight, because they always enjoyed what was loved.  Their
   avoidance of sin was tranquil; and, so long as it was maintained, no
   other ill at all could invade them and bring sorrow.  Or did they
   perhaps desire to touch and eat the forbidden fruit, yet feared to die;
   and thus both fear and desire already, even in that blissful place,
   preyed upon those first of mankind?  Away with the thought that such
   could be the case where there was no sin!  And, indeed, this is already
   sin, to desire those things which the law of God forbids, and to
   abstain from them through fear of punishment, not through love of
   righteousness.  Away, I say, with the thought, that before there was
   any sin, there should already have been committed regarding that fruit
   the very sin which our Lord warns us against regarding a woman:
   "Whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her, hath committed
   adultery with her already in his heart." [721]   As happy, then, as
   were these our first parents, who were agitated by no mental
   perturbations, and annoyed by no bodily discomforts, so happy should
   the whole human race have been, had they not introduced that evil which
   they have transmitted to their posterity, and had none of their
   descendants committed iniquity worthy of damnation; but this original
   blessedness continuing until, in virtue of that benediction which said,
   "Increase and multiply," [722] the number of the predestined saints
   should have been completed, there would then have been bestowed that
   higher felicity which is enjoyed by the most blessed angels,--a
   blessedness in which there should have been a secure assurance that no
   one would sin, and no one die; and so should the saints have lived,
   after no taste of labor, pain, or death, as now they shall live in the
   resurrection, after they have endured all these things.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [721] Matt. v. 28.

   [722] Gen. i. 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of the Fall of the First Man, in Whom Nature Was Created
   Good, and Can Be Restored Only by Its Author.

   But because God foresaw all things, and was therefore not ignorant that
   man also would fall, we ought to consider this holy city in connection
   with what God foresaw and ordained, and not according to our own ideas,
   which do not embrace God's ordination.  For man, by his sin, could not
   disturb the divine counsel, nor compel God to change what He had
   decreed; for God's foreknowledge had anticipated both,--that is to say,
   both how evil the man whom He had created good should become, and what
   good He Himself should even thus derive from him.  For though God is
   said to change His determinations (so that in a tropical sense the Holy
   Scripture says even that God repented [723] ), this is said with
   reference to man's expectation, or the order of natural causes, and not
   with reference to that which the Almighty had foreknown that He would
   do.  Accordingly God, as it is written, made man upright, [724] and
   consequently with a good will.  For if he had not had a good will, he
   could not have been upright.  The good will, then, is the work of God;
   for God created him with it.  But the first evil will, which preceded
   all man's evil acts, was rather a kind of falling away from the work of
   God to its own works than any positive work.  And therefore the acts
   resulting were evil, not having God, but the will itself for their end;
   so that the will or the man himself, so far as his will is bad, was as
   it were the evil tree bringing forth evil fruit.  Moreover, the bad
   will, though it be not in harmony with, but opposed to nature, inasmuch
   as it is a vice or blemish, yet it is true of it as of all vice, that
   it cannot exist except in a nature, and only in a nature created out of
   nothing, and not in that which the Creator has begotten of Himself, as
   He begot the Word, by whom all things were made.  For though God formed
   man of the dust of the earth, yet the earth itself, and every earthly
   material, is absolutely created out of nothing; and man's soul, too,
   God created out of nothing, and joined to the body, when He made man.
   But evils are so thoroughly overcome by good, that though they are
   permitted to exist, for the sake of demonstrating how the most
   righteous foresight of God can make a good use even of them, yet good
   can exist without evil, as in the true and supreme God Himself, and as
   in every invisible and visible celestial creature that exists above
   this murky atmosphere; but evil cannot exist without good, because the
   natures in which evil exists, in so far as they are natures, are good.
   And evil is removed, not by removing any nature, or part of a nature,
   which had been introduced by the evil, but by healing and correcting
   that which had been vitiated and depraved.  The will, therefore, is
   then truly free, when it is not the slave of vices and sins.  Such was
   it given us by God; and this being lost by its own fault, can only be
   restored by Him who was able at first to give it.  And therefore the
   truth says, "If the Son shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed;"
   [725] which is equivalent to saying, If the Son shall save you, ye
   shall be saved indeed.  For He is our Liberator, inasmuch as He is our
   Saviour.

   Man then lived with God for his rule in a paradise at once physical and
   spiritual.  For neither was it a paradise only physical for the
   advantage of the body, and not also spiritual for the advantage of the
   mind; nor was it only spiritual to afford enjoyment to man by his
   internal sensations, and not also physical to afford him enjoyment
   through his external senses.  But obviously it was both for both ends.
   But after that proud and therefore envious angel (of whose fall I have
   said as much as I was able in the eleventh and twelfth books of this
   work, as well as that of his fellows, who, from being God's angels,
   became his angels), preferring to rule with a kind of pomp of empire
   rather than to be another's subject, fell from the spiritual Paradise,
   and essaying to insinuate his persuasive guile into the mind of man,
   whose unfallen condition provoked him to envy now that himself was
   fallen, he chose the serpent as his mouthpiece in that bodily Paradise
   in which it and all the other earthly animals were living with those
   two human beings, the man and his wife, subject to them, and harmless;
   and he chose the serpent because, being slippery, and moving in
   tortuous windings, it was suitable for his purpose.  And this animal
   being subdued to his wicked ends by the presence and superior force of
   his angelic nature, he abused as his instrument, and first tried his
   deceit upon the woman, making his assault upon the weaker part of that
   human alliance, that he might gradually gain the whole, and not
   supposing that the man would readily give ear to him, or be deceived,
   but that he might yield to the error of the woman.  For as Aaron was
   not induced to agree with the people when they blindly wished him to
   make an idol, and yet yielded to constraint; and as it is not credible
   that Solomon was so blind as to suppose that idols should be
   worshipped, but was drawn over to such sacrilege by the blandishments
   of women; so we cannot believe that Adam was deceived, and supposed the
   devil's word to be truth, and therefore transgressed God's law, but
   that he by the drawings of kindred yielded to the woman, the husband to
   the wife, the one human being to the only other human being.  For not
   without significance did the apostle say, "And Adam was not deceived,
   but the woman being deceived was in the transgression;" [726] but he
   speaks thus, because the woman accepted as true what the serpent told
   her, but the man could not bear to be severed from his only companion,
   even though this involved a partnership in sin.  He was not on this
   account less culpable, but sinned with his eyes open.  And so the
   apostle does not say, "He did not sin," but "He was not deceived."  For
   he shows that he sinned when he says, "By one man sin entered into the
   world," [727] and immediately after more distinctly, "In the likeness
   of Adam's transgression."  But he meant that those are deceived who do
   not judge that which they do to be sin; but he knew.  Otherwise how
   were it true "Adam was not deceived?" But having as yet no experience
   of the divine severity, he was possibly deceived in so far as he
   thought his sin venial.  And consequently he was not deceived as the
   woman was deceived, but he was deceived as to the judgment which would
   be passed on his apology:  "The woman whom thou gavest to be with me,
   she gave me, and I did eat." [728]   What need of saying more?
   Although they were not both deceived by credulity, yet both were
   entangled in the snares of the devil, and taken by sin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [723] Gen. vi. 6, and 1 Sam. xv. 11.

   [724] Eccles. vii. 29.

   [725] 1 John viii. 36.

   [726] 1 Tim. ii. 14.

   [727] Rom. v. 12.

   [728] Gen. iii. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Of the Nature of Man's First Sin.

   If any one finds a difficulty in understanding why other sins do not
   alter human nature as it was altered by the transgression of those
   first human beings, so that on account of it this nature is subject to
   the great corruption we feel and see, and to death, and is distracted
   and tossed with so many furious and contending emotions, and is
   certainly far different from what it was before sin, even though it
   were then lodged in an animal body,--if, I say, any one is moved by
   this, he ought not to think that that sin was a small and light one
   because it was committed about food, and that not bad nor noxious,
   except because it was forbidden; for in that spot of singular felicity
   God could not have created and planted any evil thing.  But by the
   precept He gave, God commended obedience, which is, in a sort, the
   mother and guardian of all the virtues in the reasonable creature,
   which was so created that submission is advantageous to it, while the
   fulfillment of its own will in preference to the Creator's is
   destruction.  And as this commandment enjoining abstinence from one
   kind of food in the midst of great abundance of other kinds was so easy
   to keep,--so light a burden to the memory,--and, above all, found no
   resistance to its observance in lust, which only afterwards sprung up
   as the penal consequence of sin, the iniquity of violating it was all
   the greater in proportion to the ease with which it might have been
   kept.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--That in Adam's Sin an Evil Will Preceded the Evil Act.

   Our first parents fell into open disobedience because already they were
   secretly corrupted; for the evil act had never been done had not an
   evil will preceded it.  And what is the origin of our evil will but
   pride?  For "pride is the beginning of sin." [729]   And what is pride
   but the craving for undue exaltation?  And this is undue exaltation,
   when the soul abandons Him to whom it ought to cleave as its end, and
   becomes a kind of end to itself.  This happens when it becomes its own
   satisfaction.  And it does so when it falls away from that unchangeable
   good which ought to satisfy it more than itself.  This falling away is
   spontaneous; for if the will had remained steadfast in the love of that
   higher and changeless good by which it was illumined to intelligence
   and kindled into love, it would not have turned away to find
   satisfaction in itself, and so become frigid and benighted; the woman
   would not have believed the serpent spoke the truth, nor would the man
   have preferred the request of his wife to the command of God, nor have
   supposed that it was a venial trangression to cleave to the partner of
   his life even in a partnership of sin.  The wicked deed, then,--that is
   to say, the trangression of eating the forbidden fruit,--was committed
   by persons who were already wicked.  That "evil fruit" [730] could be
   brought forth only by "a corrupt tree."  But that the tree was evil was
   not the result of nature; for certainly it could become so only by the
   vice of the will, and vice is contrary to nature.  Now, nature could
   not have been depraved by vice had it not been made out of nothing.
   Consequently, that it is a nature, this is because it is made by God;
   but that it falls away from Him, this is because it is made out of
   nothing.  But man did not so fall away [731] as to become absolutely
   nothing; but being turned towards himself, his being became more
   contracted than it was when he clave to Him who supremely is.
   Accordingly, to exist in himself, that is, to be his own satisfaction
   after abandoning God, is not quite to become a nonentity, but to
   approximate to that.  And therefore the holy Scriptures designate the
   proud by another name, "self-pleasers."  For it is good to have the
   heart lifted up, yet not to one's self, for this is proud, but to the
   Lord, for this is obedient, and can be the act only of the humble.
   There is, therefore, something in humility which, strangely enough,
   exalts the heart, and something in pride which debases it.  This seems,
   indeed, to be contradictory, that loftiness should debase and lowliness
   exalt.  But pious humility enables us to submit to what is above us;
   and nothing is more exalted above us than God; and therefore humility,
   by making us subject to God, exalts us.  But pride, being a defect of
   nature, by the very act of refusing subjection and revolting from Him
   who is supreme, falls to a low condition; and then comes to pass what
   is written:  "Thou castedst them down when they lifted up themselves."
   [732]   For he does not say, "when they had been lifted up," as if
   first they were exalted, and then afterwards cast down; but "when they
   lifted up themselves" even then they were cast down,--that is to say,
   the very lifting up was already a fall.  And therefore it is that
   humility is specially recommended to the city of God as it sojourns in
   this world, and is specially exhibited in the city of God, and in the
   person of Christ its King; while the contrary vice of pride, according
   to the testimony of the sacred writings, specially rules his adversary
   the devil.  And certainly this is the great difference which
   distinguishes the two cities of which we speak, the one being the
   society of the godly men, the other of the ungodly, each associated
   with the angels that adhere to their party, and the one guided and
   fashioned by love of self, the other by love of God.

   The devil, then, would not have ensnared man in the open and manifest
   sin of doing what God had forbidden, had man not already begun to live
   for himself.  It was this that made him listen with pleasure to the
   words, "Ye shall be as gods," [733] which they would much more readily
   have accomplished by obediently adhering to their supreme and true end
   than by proudly living to themselves.  For created gods are gods not by
   virtue of what is in themselves, but by a participation of the true
   God.  By craving to be more, man becomes less; and by aspiring to be
   self-sufficing, he fell away from Him who truly suffices him.
   Accordingly, this wicked desire which prompts man to please himself as
   if he were himself light, and which thus turns him away from that light
   by which, had he followed it, he would himself have become light,--this
   wicked desire, I say, already secretly existed in him, and the open sin
   was but its consequence.  For that is true which is written, "Pride
   goeth before destruction, and before honor is humility;" [734] that is
   to say, secret ruin precedes open ruin, while the former is not counted
   ruin.  For who counts exaltation ruin, though no sooner is the Highest
   forsaken than a fall is begun?  But who does not recognize it as ruin,
   when there occurs an evident and indubitable transgression of the
   commandment?  And consequently, God's prohibition had reference to such
   an act as, when committed, could not be defended on any pretense of
   doing what was righteous. [735]   And I make bold to say that it is
   useful for the proud to fall into an open and indisputable
   transgression, and so displease themselves, as already, by pleasing
   themselves, they had fallen.  For Peter was in a healthier condition
   when he wept and was dissatisfied with himself, than when he boldly
   presumed and satisfied himself.  And this is averred by the sacred
   Psalmist when he says, "Fill their faces with shame, that they may seek
   Thy name, O Lord;" [736] that is, that they who have pleased themselves
   in seeking their own glory may be pleased and satisfied with Thee in
   seeking Thy glory.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [729] Ecclus. x. 13.

   [730] Matt. vii. 18.

   [731] Defecit.

   [732] Ps. lxxiii. 18.

   [733] Gen. iii. 5.

   [734] Prov. xviii. 12.

   [735] That is to say, it was an obvious and indisputable transgression.

   [736] Ps. lxxxiii. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Pride in the Sin, Which Was Worse Than the Sin
   Itself.

   But it is a worse and more damnable pride which casts about for the
   shelter of an excuse even in manifest sins, as these our first parents
   did, of whom the woman said, "The serpent beguiled me, and I did eat;"
   and the man said, "The woman whom Thou gavest to be with me, she gave
   me of the tree, and I did eat." [737]   Here there is no word of
   begging pardon, no word of entreaty for healing.  For though they do
   not, like Cain, deny that they have perpetrated the deed, yet their
   pride seeks to refer its wickedness to another,--the woman's pride to
   the serpent, the man's to the woman.  But where there is a plain
   trangression of a divine commandment, this is rather to accuse than to
   excuse oneself.  For the fact that the woman sinned on the serpent's
   persuasion, and the man at the woman's offer, did not make the
   transgression less, as if there were any one whom we ought rather to
   believe or yield to than God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [737] Gen. iii. 12, 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Of the Justice of the Punishment with Which Our First
   Parents Were Visited for Their Disobedience.

   Therefore, because the sin was a despising of the authority of
   God,--who had created man; who had made him in His own image; who had
   set him above the other animals; who had placed him in Paradise; who
   had enriched him with abundance of every kind and of safety; who had
   laid upon him neither many, nor great, nor difficult commandments, but,
   in order to make a wholesome obedience easy to him, had given him a
   single very brief and very light precept by which He reminded that
   creature whose service was to be free that He was Lord,--it was just
   that condemnation followed, and condemnation such that man, who by
   keeping the commandments should have been spiritual even in his flesh,
   became fleshly even in his spirit; and as in his pride he had sought to
   be his own satisfaction, God in His justice abandoned him to himself,
   not to live in the absolute independence he affected, but instead of
   the liberty he desired, to live dissatisfied with himself in a hard and
   miserable bondage to him to whom by sinning he had yielded himself,
   doomed in spite of himself to die in body as he had willingly become
   dead in spirit, condemned even to eternal death (had not the grace of
   God delivered him) because he had forsaken eternal life.  Whoever
   thinks such punishment either excessive or unjust shows his inability
   to measure the great iniquity of sinning where sin might so easily have
   been avoided.  For as Abraham's obedience is with justice pronounced to
   be great, because the thing commanded, to kill his son, was very
   difficult, so in Paradise the disobedience was the greater, because the
   difficulty of that which was commanded was imperceptible.  And as the
   obedience of the second Man was the more laudable because He became
   obedient even "unto death," [738] so the disobedience of the first man
   was the more detestable because he became disobedient even unto death.
   For where the penalty annexed to disobedience is great, and the thing
   commanded by the Creator is easy, who can sufficiently estimate how
   great a wickedness it is, in a matter so easy, not to obey the
   authority of so great a power, even when that power deters with so
   terrible a penalty?

   In short, to say all in a word, what but disobedience was the
   punishment of disobedience in that sin?  For what else is man's misery
   but his own disobedience to himself, so that in consequence of his not
   being willing to do what he could do, he now wills to do what he
   cannot?  For though he could not do all things in Paradise before he
   sinned, yet he wished to do only what he could do, and therefore he
   could do all things he wished.  But now, as we recognize in his
   offspring, and as divine Scripture testifies, "Man is like to vanity."
   [739]   For who can count how many things he wishes which he cannot do,
   so long as he is disobedient to himself, that is, so long as his mind
   and his flesh do not obey his will?  For in spite of himself his mind
   is both frequently disturbed, and his flesh suffers, and grows old, and
   dies; and in spite of ourselves we suffer whatever else we suffer, and
   which we would not suffer if our nature absolutely and in all its parts
   obeyed our will.  But is it not the infirmities of the flesh which
   hamper it in its service?  Yet what does it matter how its service is
   hampered, so long as the fact remains, that by the just retribution of
   the sovereign God whom we refused to be subject to and serve, our
   flesh, which was subjected to us, now torments us by insubordination,
   although our disobedience brought trouble on ourselves, not upon God?
   For He is not in need of our service as we of our body's; and therefore
   what we did was no punishment to Him, but what we receive is so to us.
   And the pains which are called bodily are pains of the soul in and from
   the body.  For what pain or desire can the flesh feel by itself and
   without the soul?  But when the flesh is said to desire or to suffer,
   it is meant, as we have explained, that the man does so, or some part
   of the soul which is affected by the sensation of the flesh, whether a
   harsh sensation causing pain, or gentle, causing pleasure.  But pain in
   the flesh is only a discomfort of the soul arising from the flesh, and
   a kind of shrinking from its suffering, as the pain of the soul which
   is called sadness is a shrinking from those things which have happened
   to us in spite of ourselves.  But sadness is frequently preceded by
   fear, which is itself in the soul, not in the flesh; while bodily pain
   is not preceded by any kind of fear of the flesh, which can be felt in
   the flesh before the pain.  But pleasure is preceded by a certain
   appetite which is felt in the flesh like a craving, as hunger and
   thirst and that generative appetite which is most commonly identified
   with the name" lust," though this is the generic word for all desires.
   For anger itself was defined by the ancients as nothing else than the
   lust of revenge; [740] although sometimes a man is angry even at
   inanimate objects which cannot feel his vengeance, as when one breaks a
   pen, or crushes a quill that writes badly.  Yet even this, though less
   reasonable, is in its way a lust of revenge, and is, so to speak, a
   mysterious kind of shadow of [the great law of] retribution, that they
   who do evil should suffer evil.  There is therefore a lust for revenge,
   which is called anger; there is a lust of money, which goes by the name
   of avarice; there is a lust of conquering, no matter by what means,
   which is called opinionativeness; there is a lust of applause, which is
   named boasting.  There are many and various lusts, of which some have
   names of their own, while others have not.  For who could readily give
   a name to the lust of ruling, which yet has a powerful influence in the
   soul of tyrants, as civil wars bear witness?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [738] Phil. ii. 8.

   [739] Ps. cxliv. 4.

   [740] Cicero, Tusc. Quæst. iii. 6 and iv. 9.  So Aristotle.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of the Evil of Lust,--A Word Which, Though Applicable to
   Many Vices, is Specially Appropriated to Sexual Uncleanness.

   Although, therefore, lust may have many objects, yet when no object is
   specified, the word lust usually suggests to the mind the lustful
   excitement of the organs of generation.  And this lust not only takes
   possession of the whole body and outward members, but also makes itself
   felt within, and moves the whole man with a passion in which mental
   emotion is mingled with bodily appetite, so that the pleasure which
   results is the greatest of all bodily pleasures.  So possessing indeed
   is this pleasure, that at the moment of time in which it is
   consummated, all mental activity is suspended.  What friend of wisdom
   and holy joys, who, being married, but knowing, as the apostle says,
   "how to possess his vessel in santification and honor, not in the
   disease of desire, as the Gentiles who know not God," [741] would not
   prefer, if this were possi ble, to beget children without this lust, so
   that in this function of begetting offspring the members created for
   this purpose should not be stimulated by the heat of lust, but should
   be actuated by his volition, in the same way as his other members serve
   him for their respective ends?  But even those who delight in this
   pleasure are not moved to it at their own will, whether they confine
   themselves to lawful or transgress to unlawful pleasures; but sometimes
   this lust importunes them in spite of themselves, and sometimes fails
   them when they desire to feel it, so that though lust rages in the
   mind, it stirs not in the body.  Thus, strangely enough, this emotion
   not only fails to obey the legitimate desire to beget offspring, but
   also refuses to serve lascivious lust; and though it often opposes its
   whole combined energy to the soul that resists it, sometimes also it is
   divided against itself, and while it moves the soul, leaves the body
   unmoved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [741] 1 Thess. iv. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of the Nakedness of Our First Parents, Which They Saw
   After Their Base and Shameful Sin.

   Justly is shame very specially connected with this lust; justly, too,
   these members themselves, being moved and restrained not at our will,
   but by a certain independent autocracy, so to speak, are called
   "shameful."  Their condition was different before sin.  For as it is
   written, "They were naked and were not ashamed," [742] --not that their
   nakedness was unknown to them, but because nakedness was not yet
   shameful, because not yet did lust move those members without the
   will's consent; not yet did the flesh by its disobedience testify
   against the disobedience of man.  For they were not created blind, as
   the unenlightened vulgar fancy; [743] for Adam saw the animals to whom
   he gave names, and of Eve we read, "The woman saw that the tree was
   good for food, and that it was pleasant to the eyes." [744]   Their
   eyes, therefore were open, but were not open to this, that is to say,
   were not observant so as to recognize what was conferred upon them by
   the garment of grace, for they had no consciousness of their members
   warring against their will.  But when they were stripped of this grace,
   [745] that their disobedience might be punished by fit retribution,
   there began in the movement of their bodily members a shameless novelty
   which made nakedness indecent:  it at once made them observant and made
   them ashamed.  And therefore, after they violated God's command by open
   transgression, it is written:  "And the eyes of them both were opened,
   and they knew that they were naked; and they sewed fig leaves together,
   and made themselves aprons." [746]   "The eyes of them both were
   opened," not to see, for already they saw, but to discern between the
   good they had lost and the evil into which they had fallen.  And
   therefore also the tree itself which they were forbidden to touch was
   called the tree of the knowledge of good and evil from this
   circumstance, that if they ate of it it would impart to them this
   knowledge.  For the discomfort of sickness reveals the pleasure of
   health.  "They knew," therefore, "that they were naked,"--naked of that
   grace which prevented them from being ashamed of bodily nakedness while
   the law of sin offered no resistance to their mind.  And thus they
   obtained a knowledge which they would have lived in blissful ignorance
   of, had they, in trustful obedience to God, declined to commit that
   offence which involved them in the experience of the hurtful effects of
   unfaithfulness and disobedience.  And therefore, being ashamed of the
   disobedience of their own flesh, which witnessed to their disobedience
   while it punished it, "they sewed fig leaves together, and made
   themselves aprons," that is, cinctures for their privy parts; for some
   interpreters have rendered the word by succinctoria.  Campestria is,
   indeed, a Latin word, but it is used of the drawers or aprons used for
   a similar purpose by the young men who stripped for exercise in the
   campus; hence those who were so girt were commonly called campestrati.
   Shame modestly covered that which lust disobediently moved in
   opposition to the will, which was thus punished for its own
   disobedience.  Consequently all nations, being propagated from that one
   stock, have so strong an instinct to cover the shameful parts, that
   some barbarians do not uncover them even in the bath, but wash with
   their drawers on.  In the dark solitudes of India also, though some
   philosophers go naked, and are therefore called gymnosophists, yet they
   make an exception in the case of these members and cover them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [742] Gen. ii. 25.

   [743] An error which arose from the words, The eyes of them both were
   opened, Gen. iii. 7.--See De Genesi ad lit. ii. 40.

   [744] Gen. iii. 6.

   [745] This doctrine and phraseology of Augustin being important in
   connection with his whole theory of the fall, we give some parallel
   passages to show that the words are not used at random:  De Genesi ad
   lit. xi. 41; De Corrept. et Gratia, xi. 31; and especially Cont.
   Julian. iv. 82.

   [746] Gen. iii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Of the Shame Which Attends All Sexual Intercourse.

   Lust requires for its consummation darkness and secrecy; and this not
   only when un lawful intercourse is desired, but even such fornication
   as the earthly city has legalized.  Where there is no fear of
   punishment, these permitted pleasures still shrink from the public
   eye.  Even where provision is made for this lust, secrecy also is
   provided; and while lust found it easy to remove the prohibitions of
   law, shamelessness found it impossible to lay aside the veil of
   retirement.  For even shameless men call this shameful; and though they
   love the pleasure, dare not display it.  What! does not even conjugal
   intercourse, sanctioned as it is by law for the propagation of
   children, legitimate and honorable though it be, does it not seek
   retirement from every eye?  Before the bridegroom fondles his bride,
   does he not exclude the attendants, and even the paranymphs, and such
   friends as the closest ties have admitted to the bridal chamber?  The
   greatest master of Roman eloquence says, that all right actions wish to
   be set in the light, i.e., desire to be known.  This right action,
   however, has such a desire to be known, that yet it blushes to be
   seen.  Who does not know what passes between husband and wife that
   children may be born?  Is it not for this purpose that wives are
   married with such ceremony?  And yet, when this well-understood act is
   gone about for the procreation of children, not even the children
   themselves, who may already have been born to them, are suffered to be
   witnesses.  This right action seeks the light, in so far as it seeks to
   be known, but yet dreads being seen.  And why so, if not because that
   which is by nature fitting and decent is so done as to be accompanied
   with a shame-begetting penalty of sin?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--That It is Now Necessary, as It Was Not Before Man Sinned,
   to Bridle Anger and Lust by the Restraining Influence of Wisdom.

   Hence it is that even the philosophers who have approximated to the
   truth have avowed that anger and lust are vicious mental emotions,
   because, even when exercised towards objects which wisdom does not
   prohibit, they are moved in an ungoverned and inordinate manner, and
   consequently need the regulation of mind and reason.  And they assert
   that this third part of the mind is posted as it were in a kind of
   citadel, to give rule to these other parts, so that, while it rules and
   they serve, man's righteousness is preserved without a breach. [747]
   These parts, then, which they acknowledge to be vicious even in a wise
   and temperate man, so that the mind, by its composing and restraining
   influence, must bridle and recall them from those objects towards which
   they are unlawfully moved, and give them access to those which the law
   of wisdom sanctions,--that anger, e.g., may be allowed for the
   enforcement of a just authority, and lust for the duty of propagating
   offspring,--these parts, I say, were not vicious in Paradise before
   sin, for they were never moved in opposition to a holy will towards any
   object from which it was necessary that they should be withheld by the
   restraining bridle of reason.  For though now they are moved in this
   way, and are regulated by a bridling and restraining power, which those
   who live temperately, justly, and godly exercise, sometimes with ease,
   and sometimes with greater difficulty, this is not the sound health of
   nature, but the weakness which results from sin.  And how is it that
   shame does not hide the acts and words dictated by anger or other
   emotions, as it covers the motions of lust, unless because the members
   of the body which we employ for accomplishing them are moved, not by
   the emotions themselves, but by the authority of the consenting will?
   For he who in his anger rails at or even strikes some one, could not do
   so were not his tongue and hand moved by the authority of the will, as
   also they are moved when there is no anger.  But the organs of
   generation are so subjected to the rule of lust, that they have no
   motion but what it communicates.  It is this we are ashamed of; it is
   this which blushingly hides from the eyes of onlookers.  And rather
   will a man endure a crowd of witnesses when he is unjustly venting his
   anger on some one, than the eye of one man when he innocently copulates
   with his wife.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [747] See Plato's Republic, book iv.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Foolish Beastliness of the Cynics.

   It is this which those canine or cynic [748] philosophers have
   overlooked, when they have, in violation of the modest instincts of
   men, boastfully proclaimed their unclean and shameless opinion, worthy
   indeed of dogs, viz., that as the matrimonial act is legitimate, no one
   should be ashamed to perform it openly, in the street or in any public
   place.  Instinctive shame has overborne this wild fancy.  For though it
   is related [749] that Diogenes once dared to put his opinion in
   practice, under the impression that his sect would be all the more
   famous if his egregious shamelessness were deeply graven in the memory
   of mankind, yet this example was not afterwards followed. Shame had
   more influence with them, to make them blush before men, than error to
   make them affect a resemblance to dogs.  And possibly, even in the case
   of Diogenes, and those who did imitate him, there was but an appearance
   and pretence of copulation, and not the reality.  Even at this day
   there are still Cynic philosophers to be seen; for these are Cynics who
   are not content with being clad in the pallium, but also carry a club;
   yet no one of them dares to do this that we speak of.  If they did,
   they would be spat upon, not to say stoned, by the mob.  Human nature,
   then, is without doubt ashamed of this lust; and justly so, for the
   insubordination of these members, and their defiance of the will, are
   the clear testimony of the punishment of man's first sin.  And it was
   fitting that this should appear specially in those parts by which is
   generated that nature which has been altered for the worse by that
   first and great sin,--that sin from whose evil connection no one can
   escape, unless God's grace expiate in him individually that which was
   perpetrated to the destruction of all in common, when all were in one
   man, and which was avenged by God's justice.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [748] The one word being the Latin form, the other the Greek, of the
   same adjective.

   [749] By Diogenes Laertius, vi. 69, and Cicero, De Offic. i. 41.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--That Man's Transgression Did Not Annul the Blessing of
   Fecundity Pronounced Upon Man Before He Sinned But Infected It with the
   Disease of Lust.

   Far be it, then, from us to suppose that our first parents in Paradise
   felt that lust which caused them afterwards to blush and hide their
   nakedness, or that by its means they should have fulfilled the
   benediction of God, "Increase and multiply and replenish the earth;"
   [750] for it was after sin that lust began.  It was after sin that our
   nature, having lost the power it had over the whole body, but not
   having lost all shame, perceived, noticed, blushed at, and covered it.
   But that blessing upon marriage, which encouraged them to increase and
   multiply and replenish the earth, though it continued even after they
   had sinned, was yet given before they sinned, in order that the
   procreation of children might be recognized as part of the glory of
   marriage, and not of the punishment of sin.  But now, men being
   ignorant of the blessedness of Paradise, suppose that children could
   not have been begotten there in any other way than they know them to be
   begotten now, i.e., by lust, at which even honorable marriage blushes;
   some not simply rejecting, but sceptically deriding the divine
   Scriptures, in which we read that our first parents, after they sinned,
   were ashamed of their nakedness, and covered it; while others, though
   they accept and honor Scripture, yet conceive that this expression,
   "Increase and multiply," refers not to carnal fecundity, because a
   similar expression is used of the soul in the words, "Thou wilt
   multiply me with strength in my soul;" [751] and so, too, in the words
   which follow in Genesis, "And replenish the earth, and subdue it," they
   understand by the earth the body which the soul fills with its
   presence, and which it rules over when it is multiplied in strength.
   And they hold that children could no more then than now be begotten
   without lust, which, after sin, was kindled, observed, blushed for, and
   covered; and even that children would not have been born in Paradise,
   but only outside of it, as in fact it turned out.  For it was after
   they were expelled from it that they came together to beget children,
   and begot them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [750] Gen. i. 28.

   [751] Ps. cxxxviii. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Of the Conjugal Union as It Was Originally Instituted and
   Blessed by God.

   But we, for our part, have no manner of doubt that to increase and
   multiply and replenish the earth in virtue of the blessing of God, is a
   gift of marriage as God instituted it from the beginning before man
   sinned, when He created them male and female,--in other words, two
   sexes manifestly distinct.  And it was this work of God on which His
   blessing was pronounced.  For no sooner had Scripture said, "Male and
   female created He them," [752] than it immediately continues, "And God
   blessed them, and God said unto them, Increase, and multiply, and
   replenish the earth, and subdue it," etc.  And though all these things
   may not unsuitably be interpreted in a spiritual sense, yet "male and
   female" cannot be understood of two things in one man, as if there were
   in him one thing which rules, another which is ruled; but it is quite
   clear that they were created male and female, with bodies of different
   sexes, for the very purpose of begetting offspring, and so increasing,
   multiplying, and replenishing the earth; and it is great folly to
   oppose so plain a fact.  It was not of the spirit which commands and
   the body which obeys, nor of the rational soul which rules and the
   irrational desire which is ruled, nor of the contemplative virtue which
   is supreme and the active which is subject, nor of the understanding of
   the mind and the sense of the body, but plainly of the matrimonial
   union by which the sexes are mutually bound together, that our Lord,
   when asked whether it were lawful for any cause to put away one's wife
   (for on account of the hardness of the hearts of the Israelites Moses
   permitted a bill of divorcement to be given), answered and said, "Have
   ye not read that He which made them at the beginning made them male and
   female, and said, For this cause shall a man leave father and mother,
   and shall cleave to his wife, and they twain shall be one flesh?
   Wherefore they are no more twain, but one flesh.  What, therefore, God
   hath joined together, let not man put asunder." [753]   It is certain,
   then, that from the first men were created, as we see and know them to
   be now, of two sexes, male and female, and that they are called one,
   either on account of the matrimonial union, or on account of the origin
   of the woman, who was created from the side of the man.  And it is by
   this original example, which God Himself instituted, that the apostle
   admonishes all husbands to love their own wives in particular. [754]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [752] Gen. i. 27, 28.

   [753] Matt. xix. 4, 5.

   [754] Eph. v. 25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Whether Generation Should Have Taken Place Even in
   Paradise Had Man Not Sinned, or Whether There Should Have Been Any
   Contention There Between Chastity and Lust.

   But he who says that there should have been neither copulation nor
   generation but for sin, virtually says that man's sin was necessary to
   complete the number of the saints.  For if these two by not sinning
   should have continued to live alone, because, as is supposed, they
   could not have begotten children had they not sinned, then certainly
   sin was necessary in order that there might be not only two but many
   righteous men.  And if this cannot be maintained without absurdity, we
   must rather believe that the number of the saints fit to complete this
   most blessed city would have been as great though no one had sinned, as
   it is now that the grace of God gathers its citizens out of the
   multitude of sinners, so long as the children of this world generate
   and are generated. [755]

   And therefore that marriage, worthy of the happiness of Paradise,
   should have had desirable fruit without the shame of lust, had there
   been no sin.  But how that could be, there is now no example to teach
   us.  Nevertheless, it ought not to seem incredible that one member
   might serve the will without lust then, since so many serve it now.  Do
   we now move our feet and hands when we will to do the things we would
   by means of these members? do we meet with no resistance in them, but
   perceive that they are ready servants of the will, both in our own case
   and in that of others, and especially of artisans employed in
   mechanical operations, by which the weakness and clumsiness of nature
   become, through industrious exercise, wonderfully dexterous? and shall
   we not believe that, like as all those members obediently serve the
   will, so also should the members have discharged the function of
   generation, though lust, the award of disobedience, had been awanting?
   Did not Cicero, in discussing the difference of governments in his De
   Republica, adopt a simile from human nature, and say that we command
   our bodily members as children, they are so obedient; but that the
   vicious parts of the soul must be treated as slaves, and be coerced
   with a more stringent authority?  And no doubt, in the order of nature,
   the soul is more excellent than the body; and yet the soul commands the
   body more easily than itself.  Nevertheless this lust, of which we at
   present speak, is the more shameful on this account, because the soul
   is therein neither master of itself, so as not to lust at all, nor of
   the body, so as to keep the members under the control of the will; for
   if they were thus ruled, there should be no shame.  But now the soul is
   ashamed that the body, which by nature is inferior and subject to it,
   should resist its authority.  For in the resistance experienced by the
   soul in the other emotions there is less shame, because the resistance
   is from itself, and thus, when it is conquered by itself, itself is the
   conqueror, although the conquest is inordinate and vicious, because
   accomplished by those parts of the soul which ought to be subject to
   reason, yet, being accomplished by its own parts and energies, the
   conquest is, as I say, its own.  For when the soul conquers itself to a
   due subordination, so that its unreasonable motions are controlled by
   reason, while it again is subject to God, this is a conquest virtuous
   and praiseworthy.  Yet there is less shame when the soul is resisted by
   its own vicious parts than when its will and order are resisted by the
   body, which is distinct from and inferior to it, and dependent on it
   for life itself.

   But so long as the will retains under its authority the other members,
   without which the members excited by lust to resist the will cannot
   accomplish what they seek, chastity is preserved, and the delight of
   sin foregone.  And certainly, had not culpable disobedience been
   visited with penal disobedience, the marriage of Paradise should have
   been ignorant of this struggle and rebellion, this quarrel between will
   and lust, that the will may be satisfied and lust restrained, but those
   members, like all the rest, should have obeyed the will.  The field of
   generation [756] should have been sown by the organ created for this
   purpose, as the earth is sown by the hand.  And whereas now, as we
   essay to investigate this subject more exactly, modesty hinders us, and
   compels us to ask pardon of chaste ears, there would have been no cause
   to do so, but we could have discoursed freely, and without fear of
   seeming obscene, upon all those points which occur to one who meditates
   on the subject.  There would not have been even words which could be
   called obscene, but all that might be said of these members would have
   been as pure as what is said of the other parts of the body.  Whoever,
   then, comes to the perusal of these pages with unchaste mind, let him
   blame his disposition, not his nature; let him brand the actings of his
   own impurity, not the words which necessity forces us to use, and for
   which every pure and pious reader or hearer will very readily pardon
   me, while I expose the folly of that scepticism which argues solely on
   the ground of its own experience, and has no faith in anything beyond.
   He who is not scandalized at the apostle's censure of the horrible
   wickedness of the women who "changed the natural use into that which is
   against nature," [757] will read all this without being shocked,
   especially as we are not, like Paul, citing and censuring a damnable
   uncleanness, but are explaining, so far as we can, human generation,
   while with Paul we avoid all obscenity of language.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [755] Luke xx. 34.

   [756] See Virgil, Georg. iii. 136.

   [757] Rom. i. 26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--That If Men Had Remained Innocent and Obedient in
   Paradise, the Generative Organs Should Have Been in Subjection to the
   Will as the Other Members are.

   The man, then, would have sown the seed, and the woman received it, as
   need required, the generative organs being moved by the will, not
   excited by lust.  For we move at will not only those members which are
   furnished with joints of solid bone, as the hands, feet, and fingers,
   but we move also at will those which are composed of slack and soft
   nerves:  we can put them in motion, or stretch them out, or bend and
   twist them, or contract and stiffen them, as we do with the muscles of
   the mouth and face.  The lungs, which are the very tenderest of the
   viscera except the brain, and are therefore carefully sheltered in the
   cavity of the chest, yet for all purposes of inhaling and exhaling the
   breath, and of uttering and modulating the voice, are obedient to the
   will when we breathe, exhale, speak, shout, or sing, just as the
   bellows obey the smith or the organist.  I will not press the fact that
   some animals have a natural power to move a single spot of the skin
   with which their whole body is covered, if they have felt on it
   anything they wish to drive off,--a power so great, that by this
   shivering tremor of the skin they can not only shake off flies that
   have settled on them, but even spears that have fixed in their flesh.
   Man, it is true, has not this power; but is this any reason for
   supposing that God could not give it to such creatures as He wished to
   possess it?  And therefore man himself also might very well have
   enjoyed absolute power over his members had he not forfeited it by his
   disobedience; for it was not difficult for God to form him so that what
   is now moved in his body only by lust should have been moved only at
   will.

   We know, too, that some men are differently constituted from others,
   and have some rare and remarkable faculty of doing with their body what
   other men can by no effort do, and, indeed, scarcely believe when they
   hear of others doing.  There are persons who can move their ears,
   either one at a time, or both together.  There are some who, without
   moving the head, can bring the hair down upon the forehead, and move
   the whole scalp backwards and forwards at pleasure.  Some, by lightly
   pressing their stomach, bring up an incredible quantity and variety of
   things they have swallowed, and produce whatever they please, quite
   whole, as if out of a bag.  Some so accurately mimic the voices of
   birds and beasts and other men, that, unless they are seen, the
   difference cannot be told.  Some have such command of their bowels,
   that they can break wind continuously at pleasure, so as to produce the
   effect of singing.  I myself have known a man who was accustomed to
   sweat whenever he wished.  It is well known that some weep when they
   please, and shed a flood of tears.  But far more incredible is that
   which some of our brethren saw quite recently.  There was a presbyter
   called Restitutus, in the parish of the Calamensian [758] Church, who,
   as often as he pleased (and he was asked to do this by those who
   desired to witness so remarkable a phenomenon), on some one imitating
   the wailings of mourners, became so insensible, and lay in a state so
   like death, that not only had he no feeling when they pinched and
   pricked him, but even when fire was applied to him, and he was burned
   by it, he had no sense of pain except afterwards from the wound.  And
   that his body remained motionless, not by reason of his self-command,
   but because he was insensible, was proved by the fact that he breathed
   no more than a dead man; and yet he said that, when any one spoke with
   more than ordinary distinctness, he heard the voice, but as if it were
   a long way off.  Seeing, then, that even in this mortal and miserable
   life the body serves some men by many remarkable movements and moods
   beyond the ordinary course of nature, what reason is there for doubting
   that, before man was involved by his sin in this weak and corruptible
   condition, his members might have served his will for the propagation
   of offspring without lust?  Man has been given over to himself because
   he abandoned God, while he sought to be self-satisfying; and disobeying
   God, he could not obey even himself.  Hence it is that he is involved
   in the obvious misery of being unable to live as he wishes.  For if he
   lived as he wished, he would think himself blessed; but he could not be
   so if he lived wickedly.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [758] The position of Calama is described by Augustin as between
   Constantine and Hippo, but nearer Hippo.--Contra I.it. Petil. ii. 228.
   A full description of it is given in Poujoulat's Histoire de S.
   Augustin, i. 340, who says it was one of the most important towns of
   Numidia, eighteen leagues south of Hippo, and represented by the modern
   Ghelma.  It is to its bishop, Possidius, we owe the contemporary Life
   of Augustin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Of True Blessedness, Which This Present Life Cannot Enjoy.

   However, if we look at this a little more closely, we see that no one
   lives as he wishes but the blessed, and that no one is blessed but the
   righteous.  But even the righteous himself does not live as he wishes,
   until he has arrived where he cannot die, be deceived, or injured, and
   until he is assured that this shall be his eternal condition.  For this
   nature demands; and nature is not fully and perfectly blessed till it
   attains what it seeks.  But what man is at present able to live as he
   wishes, when it is not in his power so much as to live?  He wishes to
   live, he is compelled to die.  How, then, does he live as he wishes who
   does not live as long as he wishes? or if he wishes to die, how can he
   live as he wishes, since he does not wish even to live?  Or if he
   wishes to die, not because he dislikes life, but that after death he
   may live better, still he is not yet living as he wishes, but only has
   the prospect of so living when, through death, he reaches that which he
   wishes.  But admit that he lives as he wishes, because he has done
   violence to himself, and forced himself not to wish what he cannot
   obtain, and to wish only what he can (as Terence has it, "Since you
   cannot do what you will, will what you can" [759] ), is he therefore
   blessed because he is patiently wretched?  For a blessed life is
   possessed only by the man who loves it.  If it is loved and possessed,
   it must necessarily be more ardently loved than all besides; for
   whatever else is loved must be loved for the sake of the blessed life.
   And if it is loved as it deserves to be,--and the man is not blessed
   who does not love the blessed life as it deserves,--then he who so
   loves it cannot but wish it to be eternal.  Therefore it shall then
   only be blessed when it is eternal.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [759] Andr. ii. 1, 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--That We are to Believe that in Paradise Our First Parents
   Begat Offspring Without Blushing.

   In Paradise, then, man lived as he desired so long as he desired what
   God had commanded.  He lived in the enjoyment of God, and was good by
   God's goodness; he lived without any want, and had it in his power so
   to live eternally.  He had food that he might not hunger, drink that he
   might not thirst, the tree of life that old age might not waste him.
   There was in his body no corruption, nor seed of corruption, which
   could produce in him any unpleasant sensation.  He feared no inward
   disease, no outward accident.  Soundest health blessed his body,
   absolute tranquillity his soul.  As in Paradise there was no excessive
   heat or cold, so its inhabitants were exempt from the vicissitudes of
   fear and desire.  No sadness of any kind was there, nor any foolish
   joy; true gladness ceaselessly flowed from the presence of God, who was
   loved "out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith
   unfeigned." [760]   The honest love of husband and wife made a sure
   harmony between them.  Body and spirit worked harmoniously together,
   and the commandment was kept without labor.  No languor made their
   leisure wearisome; no sleepiness interrupted their desire to labor.
   [761]   In tanta facilitate rerum et felicitate hominum, absit ut
   suspicemur, non potuisse prolem seri sine libidinis morbo:  sed eo
   voluntatis nutu moverentur illa membra qua cætera, et sine ardoris
   illecebroso stimulo cum tranquillitate animi et corporis nulla
   corruptione integritatis infunderetur gremio maritus uxoris.  Neque
   enim quia experientia probari non potest, ideo credendum non est;
   quando illas corporis partes non ageret turbidus calor, sed spontanea
   potestas, sicut opus esset, adhiberet; ita tunc potuisse utero conjugis
   salva integritate feminei genitalis virile semen immitti, sicut nunc
   potest eadem integritate salva ex utero virginis fluxus menstrui
   cruoris emitti.  Eadem quippe via posset illud injici, qua hoc potest
   ejici.  Ut enim ad pariendum non doloris gemitus, sed maturitatis
   impulsus feminea viscera relaxaret:  sic ad   foetandum et concipiendum
   non libidinis appetitus, sed voluntarius usus naturam utramque
   conjungeret.  We speak of things which are now shameful, and although
   we try, as well as we are able, to conceive them as they were before
   they became shameful, yet necessity compels us rather to limit our
   discussion to the bounds set by modesty than to extend it as our
   moderate faculty of discourse might suggest.  For since that which I
   have been speaking of was not experienced even by those who might have
   experienced it,--I mean our first parents (for sin and its merited
   banishment from Paradise anticipated this passionless generation on
   their part),--when sexual intercourse is spoken of now, it suggests to
   men's thoughts not such a placid obedience to the will as is
   conceivable in our first parents, but such violent acting of lust as
   they themselves have experienced.  And therefore modesty shuts my
   mouth, although my mind conceives the matter clearly.  But Almighty
   God, the supreme and supremely good Creator of all natures, who aids
   and rewards good wills, while He abandons and condemns the bad, and
   rules both, was not destitute of a plan by which He might people His
   city with the fixed number of citizens which His wisdom had
   foreordained even out of the condemned human race, discriminating them
   not now by merits, since the whole mass was condemned as if in a
   vitiated root, but by grace, and showing, not only in the case of the
   redeemed, but also in those who were not delivered, how much grace He
   has bestowed upon them.  For every one acknowledges that he has been
   rescued from evil, not by deserved, but by gratuitous goodness, when he
   is singled out from the company of those with whom he might justly have
   borne a common punishment, and is allowed to go scathless.  Why, then,
   should God not have created those whom He foresaw would sin, since He
   was able to show in and by them both what their guilt merited, and what
   His grace bestowed, and since, under His creating and disposing hand,
   even the perverse disorder of the wicked could not pervert the right
   order of things?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [760] 1 Tim. i. 5.

   [761] Compare Basil's Homily on Paradise, and John Damascene, De Fide
   Orthod. ii. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of the Angels and Men Who Sinned, and that Their
   Wickedness Did Not Disturb the Order of God's Providence.

   The sins of men and angels do nothing to impede the "great works of the
   Lord which accomplish His will." [762]   For He who by His providence
   and omnipotence distributes to every one his own portion, is able to
   make good use not only of the good, but also of the wicked.  And thus
   making a good use of the wicked angel, who, in punishment of his first
   wicked volition, was doomed to an obduracy that prevents him now from
   willing any good, why should not God have permitted him to tempt the
   first man, who had been created upright, that is to say, with a good
   will?  For he had been so constituted, that if he looked to God for
   help, man's goodness should defeat the angel's wickedness; but if by
   proud self-pleasing he abandoned God, his Creator and Sustainer, he
   should be conquered.  If his will remained upright, through leaning on
   God's help, he should be rewarded; if it became wicked, by forsaking
   God, he should be punished.  But even this trusting in God's help could
   not itself be accomplished without God's help, although man had it in
   his own power to relinquish the benefits of divine grace by pleasing
   himself.  For as it is not in our power to live in this world without
   sustaining ourselves by food, while it is in our power to refuse this
   nourishment and cease to live, as those do who kill themselves, so it
   was not in man's power, even in Paradise, to live as he ought without
   God's help; but it was in his power to live wickedly, though thus he
   should cut short his happiness, and incur very just punishment.  Since,
   then, God was not ignorant that man would fall, why should He not have
   suffered him to be tempted by an angel who hated and envied him?  It
   was not, indeed, that He was unaware that he should be conquered. but
   because He foresaw that by the man's seed, aided by divine grace, this
   same devil himself should be conquered, to the greater glory of the
   saints.  All was brought about in such a manner, that neither did any
   future event escape God's foreknowledge, nor did His foreknowledge
   compel any one to sin, and so as to demonstrate in the experience of
   the intelligent creation, human and angelic, how great a difference
   there is between the private presumption of the creature and the
   Creator's protection.  For who will dare to believe or say that it was
   not in God's power to prevent both angels and men from sinning?  But
   God preferred to leave this in their power, and thus to show both what
   evil could be wrought by their pride, and what good by His grace.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [762] Ps. cxi. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--Of the Nature of the Two Cities, the Earthly and the
   Heavenly.

   Accordingly, two cities have been formed by two loves: the earthly by
   the love of self, even to the contempt of God; the heavenly by the love
   of God, even to the contempt of self.  The former, in a word, glories
   in itself, the latter in the Lord.  For the one seeks glory from men;
   but the greatest glory of the other is God, the witness of conscience.
   The one lifts up its head in its own glory; the other says to its God,
   "Thou art my glory, and the lifter up of mine head." [763]   In the
   one, the princes and the nations it subdues are ruled by the love of
   ruling; in the other, the princes and the subjects serve one another in
   love, the latter obeying, while the former take thought for all.  The
   one delights in its own strength, represented in the persons of its
   rulers; the other says to its God, "I will love Thee, O Lord, my
   strength." [764]   And therefore the wise men of the one city, living
   according to man, have sought for profit to their own bodies or souls,
   or both, and those who have known God "glorified Him not as God,
   neither were thankful, but became vain in their imaginations, and their
   foolish heart was darkened; professing themselves to be wise,"--that
   is, glorying in their own wisdom, and being possessed by pride,--"they
   became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into an
   image made like to corruptible man, and to birds, and four-footed
   beasts, and creeping things."  For they were either leaders or
   followers of the people in adoring images, "and worshipped and served
   the creature more than the Creator, who is blessed for ever." [765]
   But in the other city there is no human wisdom, but only godliness,
   which offers due worship to the true God, and looks for its reward in
   the society of the saints, of holy angels as well as holy men, "that
   God may be all in all." [766]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [763] Ps. iii. 3.

   [764] Ps. xviii. 1.

   [765] Rom. i. 21-25.

   [766] 1 Cor. xv. 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [638] This book is referred to in another work of Augustin's (contra
   Advers. Legis et Prophet, i. 18), which was written about the year 420.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XV.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Having treated in the four preceding books of the origin of
   the two cities, the earthly and the heavenly, Augustin explains their
   growth and progress in the four books which follow; and, in order to do
   so, he explains the chief passages of the sacred history which bear
   upon this subject.  In this fifteenth book he opens this part of his
   work by explaining the events recorded in Genesis from the time of Cain
   and Abel to the deluge.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Two Lines of the Human Race Which from First to Last
   Divide It.

   Of the bliss of Paradise, of Paradise itself, and of the life of our
   first parents there, and of their sin and punishment, many have thought
   much, spoken much, written much.  We ourselves, too, have spoken of
   these things in the foregoing books, and have written either what we
   read in the Holy Scriptures, or what we could reasonably deduce from
   them.  And were we to enter into a more detailed investigation of these
   matters, an endless number of endless questions would arise, which
   would involve us in a larger work than the present occasion admits.  We
   cannot be expected to find room for replying to every question that may
   be started by unoccupied and captious men, who are ever more ready to
   ask questions than capable of understanding the answer.  Yet I trust we
   have already done justice to these great and difficult questions
   regarding the beginning of the world, or of the soul, or of the human
   race itself.  This race we have distributed into two parts, the one
   consisting of those who live according to man, the other of those who
   live according to God.  And these we also mystically call the two
   cities, or the two communities of men, of which the one is predestined
   to reign eternally with God, and the other to suffer eternal punishment
   with the devil.  This, however, is their end, and of it we are to speak
   afterwards.  At present, as we have said enough about their origin,
   whether among the angels, whose numbers we know not, or in the two
   first human beings, it seems suitable to attempt an account of their
   career, from the time when our two first parents began to propagate the
   race until all human generation shall cease.  For this whole time or
   world-age, in which the dying give place and those who are born
   succeed, is the career of these two cities concerning which we treat.

   Of these two first parents of the human race, then, Cain was the
   first-born, and he belonged to the city of men; after him was born
   Abel, who belonged to the city of God.  For as in the individual the
   truth of the apostle's statement is discerned, "that is not first which
   is spiritual, but that which is natural, and afterward that which is
   spiritual," [767] whence it comes to pass that each man, being derived
   from a condemned stock, is first of all born of Adam evil and carnal,
   and becomes good and spiritual only afterwards, when he is grafted into
   Christ by regeneration:  so was it in the human race as a whole.  When
   these two cities began to run their course by a series of deaths and
   births, the citizen of this world was the first-born, and after him the
   stranger in this world, the citizen of the city of God, predestinated
   by grace, elected by grace, by grace a stranger below, and by grace a
   citizen above.  By grace,--for so far as regards himself he is sprung
   from the same mass, all of which is condemned in its origin; but God,
   like a potter (for this comparison is introduced by the apostle
   judiciously, and not without thought), of the same lump made one vessel
   to honor, another to dishonor. [768]   But first the vessel to dishonor
   was made, and after it another to honor.  For in each individual, as I
   have already said, there is first of all that which is reprobate, that
   from which we must begin, but in which we need not necessarily remain;
   afterwards is that which is well-approved, to which we may by advancing
   attain, and in which, when we have reached it we may abide.  Not,
   indeed, that every wicked man shall be good, but that no one will be
   good who was not first of all wicked; but the sooner any one becomes a
   good man, the more speedily does he receive this title, and abolish the
   old name in the new.  Accordingly, it is recorded of Cain that he built
   a city, [769] but Abel, being a sojourner, built none.  For the city of
   the saints is above, although here below it begets citizens, in whom it
   sojourns till the time of its reign arrives, when it shall gather
   together all in the day of the resurrection; and then shall the
   promised kingdom be given to them, in which they shall reign with their
   Prince, the King of the ages, time without end.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [767] 1 Cor. xv. 46.

   [768] Rom. ix. 21.

   [769] Gen. iv. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Of the Children of the Flesh and the Children of the
   Promise.

   There was indeed on earth, so long as it was needed, a symbol and
   foreshadowing image of this city, which served the purpose of reminding
   men that such a city was to be rather than of making it present; and
   this image was itself called the holy city, as a symbol of the future
   city, though not itself the reality.  Of this city which served as an
   image, and of that free city it typified, Paul writes to the Galatians
   in these terms:  "Tell me, ye that desire to be under the law, do ye
   not hear the law?  For it is written, that Abraham had two sons, the
   one by a bond maid, the other by a free woman.  But he who was of the
   bond woman was born after the flesh, but he of the free woman was by
   promise.  Which things are an allegory: [770]   for these are the two
   covenants; the one from the mount Sinai, which gendereth to bondage,
   which is Agar.  For this Agar is mount Sinai in Arabia, and answereth
   to Jerusalem which now is, and is in bondage with her children.  But
   Jerusalem which is above is free, which is the mother of us all.  For
   it is written, Rejoice, thou barren that bearest not; break forth and
   cry, thou that travailest not, for the desolate hath many more children
   than she which hath an husband.  Now we, brethren, as Isaac was, are
   the children of promise.  But as then he that was born after the flesh
   persecuted him that was born after the Spirit, even so it is now.
   Nevertheless, what saith the Scripture?  Cast out the bond woman and
   her son:  for the son of the bond woman shall not be heir with the son
   of the free woman.  And we, brethren, are not children of the bond
   woman, but of the free, in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us
   free." [771]   This interpretation of the passage, handed down to us
   with apostolic authority, shows how we ought to understand the
   Scriptures of the two covenants--the old and the new.  One portion of
   the earthly city became an image of the heavenly city, not having a
   significance of its own, but signifying another city, and therefore
   serving, or "being in bondage."  For it was founded not for its own
   sake, but to prefigure another city; and this shadow of a city was also
   itself foreshadowed by another preceding figure.  For Sarah's handmaid
   Agar, and her son, were an image of this image.  And as the shadows
   were to pass away when the full light came, Sarah, the free woman, who
   prefigured the free city (which again was also prefigured in another
   way by that shadow of a city Jerusalem), therefore said, "Cast out the
   bond woman and her son; for the son of the bond woman shall not be heir
   with my son Isaac," or, as the apostle says, "with the son of the free
   woman."  In the earthly city, then, we find two things--its own obvious
   presence, and its symbolic presentation of the heavenly city.  Now
   citizens are begotten to the earthly city by nature vitiated by sin,
   but to the heavenly city by grace freeing nature from sin; whence the
   former are called "vessels of wrath," the latter "vessels of mercy."
   [772]   And this was typified in the two sons of Abraham,--Ishmael, the
   son of Agar the handmaid, being born according to the flesh, while
   Isaac was born of the free woman Sarah, according to the promise.
   Both, indeed, were of Abraham's seed; but the one was begotten by
   natural law, the other was given by gracious promise.  In the one
   birth, human action is revealed; in the other, a divine kindness comes
   to light.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [770] Comp. De Trin. xv. c. 15.

   [771] Gal. iv. 21-31.

   [772] Rom. ix. 22, 23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--That Sarah's Barrenness was Made Productive by God's Grace.

   Sarah, in fact, was barren; and, despairing of offspring, and being
   resolved that she would have at least through her handmaid that
   blessing she saw she could not in her own person procure, she gave her
   handmaid to her husband, to whom she herself had been unable to bear
   children.  From him she required this conjugal duty, exercising her own
   right in another's womb.  And thus Ishmael was born according to the
   common law of human generation, by sexual intercourse.  Therefore it is
   said that he was born "according to the flesh,"--not because such
   births are not the gifts of God, nor His handiwork, whose creative
   wisdom "reaches," as it is written, "from one end to another mightily,
   and sweetly doth she order all things," [773] but because, in a case in
   which the gift of God, which was not due to men and was the gratuitous
   largess of grace, was to be conspicuous, it was requisite that a son be
   given in a way which no effort of nature could compass.  Nature denies
   children to persons of the age which Abraham and Sarah had now reached;
   besides that, in Sarah's case, she was barren even in her prime.  This
   nature, so constituted that offspring could not be looked for,
   symbolized the nature of the human race vitiated by sin and by just
   consequence condemned, which deserves no future felicity.  Fitly,
   therefore, does Isaac, the child of promise, typify the children of
   grace, the citizens of the free city, who dwell together in everlasting
   peace, in which self-love and self-will have no place, but a
   ministering love that rejoices in the common joy of all, of many hearts
   makes one, that is to say, secures a perfect concord.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [773] Wisdom viii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Of the Conflict and Peace of the Earthly City.

   But the earthly city, which shall not be everlasting (for it will no
   longer be a city when it has been committed to the extreme penalty),
   has its good in this world, and rejoices in it with such joy as such
   things can afford.  But as this is not a good which can discharge its
   devotees of all distresses, this city is often divided against itself
   by litigations, wars, quarrels, and such victories as are either
   life-destroying or short-lived.  For each part of it that arms against
   another part of it seeks to triumph over the nations through itself in
   bondage to vice.  If, when it has conquered, it is inflated with pride,
   its victory is life-destroying; but if it turns its thoughts upon the
   common casualties of our mortal condition, and is rather anxious
   concerning the disasters that may befall it than elated with the
   successes already achieved, this victory, though of a higher kind, is
   still only short-lived; for it cannot abidingly rule over those whom it
   has victoriously subjugated.  But the things which this city desires
   cannot justly be said to be evil, for it is itself, in its own kind,
   better than all other human good.  For it desires earthly peace for the
   sake of enjoying earthly goods, and it makes war in order to attain to
   this peace; since, if it has conquered, and there remains no one to
   resist it, it enjoys a peace which it had not while there were opposing
   parties who contested for the enjoyment of those things which were too
   small to satisfy both.  This peace is purchased by toilsome wars; it is
   obtained by what they style a glorious victory.  Now, when victory
   remains with the party which had the juster cause, who hesitates to
   congratulate the victor, and style it a desirable peace?  These things,
   then, are good things, and without doubt the gifts of God.  But if they
   neglect the better things of the heavenly city, which are secured by
   eternal victory and peace never-ending, and so inordinately covet these
   present good things that they believe them to be the only desirable
   things, or love them better than those things which are believed to be
   better,--if this be so, then it is necessary that misery follow and
   ever increase.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of the Fratricidal Act of the Founder of the Earthly City,
   and the Corresponding Crime of the Founder of Rome.

   Thus the founder of the earthly city was a fratricide.  Overcome with
   envy, he slew his own brother, a citizen of the eternal city, and a
   sojourner on earth.  So that we cannot be surprised that this first
   specimen, or, as the Greeks say, archetype of crime, should, long
   afterwards, find a corresponding crime at the foundation of that city
   which was destined to reign over so many nations, and be the head of
   this earthly city of which we speak.  For of that city also, as one of
   their poets has mentioned, "the first walls were stained with a
   brother's blood," [774] or, as Roman history records, Remus was slain
   by his brother Romulus.  And thus there is no difference between the
   foundation of this city and of the earthly city, unless it be that
   Romulus and Remus were both citizens of the earthly city.  Both desired
   to have the glory of founding the Roman republic, but both could not
   have as much glory as if one only claimed it; for he who wished to have
   the glory of ruling would certainly rule less if his power were shared
   by a living consort.  In order, therefore, that the whole glory might
   be enjoyed by one, his consort was removed; and by this crime the
   empire was made larger indeed, but inferior, while otherwise it would
   have been less, but better.  Now these brothers, Cain and Abel, were
   not both animated by the same earthly desires, nor did the murderer
   envy the other because he feared that, by both ruling, his own dominion
   would be curtailed,--for Abel was not solicitous to rule in that city
   which his brother built,--he was moved by that diabolical, envious
   hatred with which the evil regard the good, for no other reason than
   because they are good while themselves are evil.  For the possession of
   goodness is by no means diminished by being shared with a partner
   either permanent or temporarily assumed; on the contrary, the
   possession of goodness is increased in proportion to the concord and
   charity of each of those who share it.  In short, he who is unwilling
   to share this possession cannot have it; and he who is most willing to
   admit others to a share of it will have the greatest abundance to
   himself.  The quarrel, then, between Romulus and Remus shows how the
   earthly city is divided against itself; that which fell out between
   Cain and Abel illustrated the hatred that subsists between the two
   cities, that of God and that of men.  The wicked war with the wicked;
   the good also war with the wicked.  But with the good, good men, or at
   least perfectly good men, cannot war; though, while only going on
   towards perfection, they war to this extent, that every good man
   resists others in those points in which he resists himself.  And in
   each individual "the flesh lusteth against the spirit, and the spirit
   against the flesh." [775]   This spiritual lusting, therefore, can be
   at war with the carnal lust of another man; or carnal lust may be at
   war with the spiritual desires of another, in some such way as good and
   wicked men are at war; or, still more certainly, the carnal lusts of
   two men, good but not yet perfect, contend together, just as the wicked
   contend with the wicked, until the health of those who are under the
   treatment of grace attains final victory.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [774] Lucan, Phar. i. 95.

   [775] Gal. v. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Of the Weaknesses Which Even the Citizens of the City of
   God Suffer During This Earthly Pilgrimage in Punishment of Sin, and of
   Which They are Healed by God's Care.

   This sickliness--that is to say, that disobedience of which we spoke in
   the fourteenth book--is the punishment of the first disobedience.  It
   is therefore not nature, but vice; and therefore it is said to the good
   who are growing in grace, and living in this pilgrimage by faith, "Bear
   ye one another's burdens, and so fulfill the law of Christ." [776] ^
   In like manner it is said elsewhere, "Warn them that are unruly,
   comfort the feeble-minded, support the weak, be patient toward all
   men.  See that none render evil for evil unto any man." [777]   And in
   another place, "If a man be overtaken in a fault, ye which are
   spiritual restore such an one in the spirit of meekness; considering
   thyself, lest thou also be tempted." [778]   And elsewhere, "Let not
   the sun go down upon your wrath." [779]   And in the Gospel, "If thy
   brother shall trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between
   thee and him alone." [780]   So too of sins which may create scandal
   the apostle says, "Them that sin rebuke before all, that others also
   may fear." [781]   For this purpose, and that we may keep that peace
   without which no man can see the Lord, [782] many precepts are given
   which carefully inculcate mutual forgiveness; among which we may number
   that terrible word in which the servant is ordered to pay his formerly
   remitted debt of ten thousand talents, because he did not remit to his
   fellow-servant his debt of two hundred pence.  To which parable the
   Lord Jesus added the words, "So likewise shall my heavenly Father do
   also unto you, if ye from your hearts forgive not every one his
   brother." [783]   It is thus the citizens of the city of God are healed
   while still they sojourn in this earth and sigh for the peace of their
   heavenly country.  The Holy Spirit, too, works within, that the
   medicine externally applied may have some good result.  Otherwise, even
   though God Himself make use of the creatures that are subject to Him,
   and in some human form address our human senses, whether we receive
   those impressions in sleep or in some external appearance, still, if He
   does not by His own inward grace sway and act upon the mind, no
   preaching of the truth is of any avail.  But this God does,
   distinguishing between the vessels of wrath and the vessels of mercy,
   by His own very secret but very just providence.  When He Himself aids
   the soul in His own hidden and wonderful ways, and the sin which dwells
   in our members, and is, as the apostle teaches, rather the punishment
   of sin, does not reign in our mortal body to obey the lusts of it, and
   when we no longer yield our members as instruments of unrighteousness,
   [784] then the soul is converted from its own evil and selfish desires,
   and, God possessing it, it possesses itself in peace even in this life,
   and afterwards, with perfected health and endowed with im mortality,
   will reign without sin in peace everlasting.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [776] Gal. vi. 2.

   [777] 1 Thess. v. 14, 15.

   [778] Gal. vi. 1.

   [779] Eph. iv. 26.

   [780] Matt. xviii. 15.

   [781] 1 Tim. v. 20.

   [782] Heb. xii. 14.

   [783] Matt. xviii. 35.

   [784] Rom. vi. 12, 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Of the Cause of Cain's Crime and His Obstinacy, Which Not
   Even the Word of God Could Subdue.

   But though God made use of this very mode of address which we have been
   endeavoring to explain, and spoke to Cain in that form by which He was
   wont to accommodate Himself to our first parents and converse with them
   as a companion, what good influence had it on Cain?  Did he not fulfill
   his wicked intention of killing his brother even after he was warned by
   God's voice?  For when God had made a distinction between their
   sacrifices, neglecting Cain's, regarding Abel's, which was doubtless
   intimated by some visible sign to that effect; and when God had done so
   because the works of the one were evil but those of his brother good,
   Cain was very wroth, and his countenance fell.  For thus it is
   written:  "And the Lord said unto Cain, Why are thou wroth, and why is
   thy countenance fallen?  If thou offerest rightly, but dost not rightly
   distinguish, hast thou not sinned?  Fret not thyself, for unto thee
   shall be his turning, and thou shalt rule over him." [785]   In this
   admonition administered by God to Cain, that clause indeed, "If thou
   offerest rightly, but dost not rightly distinguish, hast thou not
   sinned?" is obscure, inasmuch as it is not apparent for what reason or
   purpose it was spoken, and many meanings have been put upon it, as each
   one who discusses it attempts to interpret it according to the rule of
   faith.  The truth is, that a sacrifice is "rightly offered" when it is
   offered to the true God, to whom alone we must sacrifice.  And it is
   "not rightly distinguished" when we do not rightly distinguish the
   places or seasons or materials of the offering, or the person offering,
   or the person to whom it is presented, or those to whom it is
   distributed for food after the oblation.  Distinguishing [786] is here
   used for discriminating,--whether when an offering is made in a place
   where it ought not or of a material which ought to be offered not there
   but elsewhere; or when an offering is made at a wrong time, or of a
   material suitable not then but at some other time; or when that is
   offered which in no place nor any time ought to be offered; or when a
   man keeps to himself choicer specimens of the same kind than he offers
   to God; or when he or any other who may not lawfully partake profanely
   eats of the oblation.  In which of these particulars Cain displeased
   God, it is difficult to determine.  But the Apostle John, speaking of
   these brothers, says, "Not as Cain, who was of that wicked one, and
   slew his brother.  And wherefore slew he him?  Because his own works
   were evil, and his brother's righteous." [787]   He thus gives us to
   understand that God did not respect his offering because it was not
   rightly "distinguished" in this, that he gave to God something of his
   own but kept himself to himself.  For this all do who follow not God's
   will but their own, who live not with an upright but a crooked heart,
   and yet offer to God such gifts as they suppose will procure from Him
   that He aid them not by healing but by gratifying their evil passions.
   And this is the characteristic of the earthly city, that it worships
   God or gods who may aid it in reigning victoriously and peacefully on
   earth not through love of doing good, but through lust of rule.  The
   good use the world that they may enjoy God:  the wicked, on the
   contrary, that they may enjoy the world would fain use God,--those of
   them, at least, who have attained to the belief that He is and takes an
   interest in human affairs.  For they who have not yet attained even to
   this belief are still at a much lower level.  Cain, then, when he saw
   that God had respect to his brother's sacrifice, but not to his own,
   should have humbly chosen his good brother as his example, and not
   proudly counted him his rival.  But he was wroth, and his countenance
   fell.  This angry regret for another person's goodness, even his
   brother's, was charged upon him by God as a great sin.  And He accused
   him of it in the interrogation, "Why are thou wroth, and why is thy
   countenance fallen?"  For God saw that he envied his brother, and of
   this He accused him.  For to men, from whom the heart of their fellow
   is hid, it might be doubtful and quite uncertain whether that sadness
   bewailed his own wickedness by which, as he had learned, he had
   displeased God, or his brother's goodness, which had pleased God, and
   won His favorable regard to his sacrifice.  But God, in giving the
   reason why He refused to accept Cain's offering and why Cain should
   rather have been displeased at himself than at his brother, shows him
   that though he was unjust in "not rightly distinguishing," that is, not
   rightly living and being unworthy to have his offering received, he was
   more unjust by far in hating his just brother without a cause.

   Yet He does not dismiss him without counsel, holy, just, and good.
   "Fret not thyself," He says, "for unto thee shall be his turning, and
   thou shall rule over him."  Over his brother, does He mean?  Most
   certainly not.  Over what, then, but sin?  For He had said, "Thou hast
   sinned," and then He added, "Fret not thyself, for to thee shall be its
   turning, and thou shall rule over it." [788]   And the "turning" of sin
   to the man can be understood of his conviction that the guilt of sin
   can be laid at no other man's door but his own.  For this is the
   health-giving medicine of penitence, and the fit plea for pardon; so
   that, when it is said, "To thee its turning," we must not supply "shall
   be," but we must read, "To thee let its turning be," understanding it
   as a command, not as a prediction.  For then shall a man rule over his
   sin when he does not prefer it to himself and defend it, but subjects
   it by repentance; otherwise he that becomes protector of it shall
   surely become its prisoner.  But if we understand this sin to be that
   carnal concupiscence of which the apostle says, "The flesh lusteth
   against the spirit," [789] among the fruits of which lust he names
   envy, by which assuredly Cain was stung and excited to destroy his
   brother, then we may properly supply the words "shall be," and read,
   "To thee shall be its turning, and thou shalt rule over it."  For when
   the carnal part which the apostle calls sin, in that place where he
   says, "It is not I who do it, but sin that dwelleth in me," [790] that
   part which the philosophers also call vicious, and which ought not to
   lead the mind, but which the mind ought to rule and restrain by reason
   from illicit motions,--when, then, this part has been moved to
   perpetrate any wickedness, if it be curbed and if it obey the word of
   the apostle, "Yield not your members instruments of unrighteousness
   unto sin," [791] it is turned towards the mind and subdued and
   conquered by it, so that reason rules over it as a subject.  It was
   this which God enjoined on him who was kindled with the fire of envy
   against his brother, so that he sought to put out of the way him whom
   he should have set as an example.  "Fret not thyself," or compose
   thyself, He says:  withhold thy hand from crime; let not sin reign in
   your mortal body to fulfill it in the lusts thereof, nor yield your
   members instruments of unrighteousness unto sin.  "For to thee shall be
   its turning," so long as you do not encourage it by giving it the rein,
   but bridle it by quenching its fire.  "And thou shalt rule over it;"
   for when it is not allowed any external actings, it yields itself to
   the rule of the governing mind and righteous will, and ceases from even
   internal motions.  There is something similar said in the same divine
   book of the woman, when God questioned and judged them after their sin,
   and pronounced sentence on them all,--the devil in the form of the
   serpent, the woman and her husband in their own persons.  For when He
   had said to her, "I will greatly multiply thy sorrow and thy
   conception; in sorrow shall thou bring forth children," then He added,
   "and thy turning shall be to thy husband, and he shall rule over thee."
   [792]   What is said to Cain about his sin, or about the vicious
   concupiscence of his flesh, is here said of the woman who had sinned;
   and we are to understand that the husband is to rule his wife as the
   soul rules the flesh.  And therefore, says the apostle, "He that loveth
   his wife, loveth himself; for no man ever yet hated his own flesh."
   [793]   This flesh, then, is to be healed, because it belongs to
   ourselves:  is not to be abandoned to destruction as if it were alien
   to our nature.  But Cain received that counsel of God in the spirit of
   one who did not wish to amend.  In fact, the vice of envy grew stronger
   in him; and, having entrapped his brother, he slew him.  Such was the
   founder of the earthly city.  He was also a figure of the Jews who slew
   Christ the Shepherd of the flock of men, prefigured by Abel the
   shepherd of sheep:  but as this is an allegorical and prophetical
   matter, I forbear to explain it now; besides, I remember that I have
   made some remarks upon it in writing against Faustus the Manichæan.
   [794]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [785] Gen. iv. 6, 7.

   [786] Literally, "division."

   [787] 1 John iii. 12.

   [788] We alter the pronoun to suit Augustin's interpretation.

   [789] Gal. v. 17.

   [790] Rom. vii. 17.

   [791] Rom. vi. 13.

   [792] Gen. iii. 16.

   [793] Eph. v. 28, 29.

   [794] C. Faustum. Man. xii. c. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--What Cain's Reason Was for Building a City So Early in the
   History of the Human Race.

   At present it is the history which I aim at defending, that Scripture
   may not be reckoned incredible when it relates that one man built a
   city at a time in which there seem to have been but four men upon
   earth, or rather indeed but three, after one brother slew the
   other,--to wit, the first man the father of all, and Cain himself, and
   his son Enoch, by whose name the city was itself called.  But they who
   are moved by this consideration forget to take into account that the
   writer of the sacred history does not necessarily mention all the men
   who might be alive at that time, but those only whom the scope of his
   work required him to name.  The design of that writer (who in this
   matter was the instrument of the Holy Ghost) was to descend to Abraham
   through the successions of ascertained generations propagated from one
   man, and then to pass from Abraham's seed to the people of God, in
   whom, separated as they were from other nations, was prefigured and
   predicted all that relates to the city whose reign is eternal, and to
   its king and founder Christ, which things were foreseen in the Spirit
   as destined to come; yet neither is this object so effected as that
   nothing is said of the other society of men which we call the earthly
   city, but mention is made of it so far as seemed needful to enhance the
   glory of the heavenly city by contrast to its opposite.  Accordingly,
   when the divine Scripture, in mentioning the number of years which
   those men lived, concludes its account of each man of whom it speaks,
   with the words, "And he begat sons and daughters, and all his days were
   so and so, and he died," are we to understand that, because it does not
   name those sons and daughters, therefore, during that long term of
   years over which one lifetime extended in those early days, there might
   not have been born very many men, by whose united numbers not one but
   several cities might have been built?  But it suited the purpose of
   God, by whose inspiration these histories were composed, to arrange and
   distinguish from the first these two societies in their several
   generations,--that on the one side the generations of men, that is to
   say, of those who live according to man, and on the other side the
   generations of the sons of God, that is to say, of men living according
   to God, might be traced down together and yet apart from one another as
   far as the deluge, at which point their dissociation and association
   are exhibited:  their dissociation, inasmuch as the generations of both
   lines are recorded in separate tables, the one line descending from the
   fratricide Cain, the other from Seth, who had been born to Adam instead
   of him whom his brother slew; their association, inasmuch as the good
   so deteriorated that the whole race became of such a character that it
   was swept away by the deluge, with the exception of one just man, whose
   name was Noah, and his wife and three sons and three daughters-in-law,
   which eight persons were alone deemed worthy to escape from that
   desolating visitation which destroyed all men.

   Therefore, although it is written, "And Cain knew his wife, and she
   conceived and bare Enoch, and he builded a city and called the name of
   the city after the name of his son Enoch," [795] it does not follow
   that we are to believe this to have been his first-born; for we cannot
   suppose that this is proved by the expression "he knew his wife," as if
   then for the first time he had had intercourse with her.  For in the
   case of Adam, the father of all, this expression is used not only when
   Cain, who seems to have been his first-born, was conceived, but also
   afterwards the same Scripture says, "Adam knew Eve his wife, and she
   conceived, and bare a son, and called his name Seth." [796]   Whence it
   is obvious that Scripture employs this expression neither always when a
   birth is recorded nor then only when the birth of a first-born is
   mentioned.  Neither is it necessary to suppose that Enoch was Cain's
   first-born because he named his city after him.  For it is quite
   possible that though he had other sons, yet for some reason the father
   loved him more than the rest.  Judah was not the first-born, though he
   gives his name to Judæa and the Jews.  But even though Enoch was the
   first-born of the city's founder, that is no reason for supposing that
   the father named the city after him as soon as he was born; for at that
   time he, being but a solitary man, could not have founded a civic
   community, which is nothing else than a multitude of men bound together
   by some associating tie.  But when his family increased to such numbers
   that he had quite a population, then it became possible to him both to
   build a city, and give it, when founded, the name of his son.  For so
   long was the life of those antediluvians, that he who lived the
   shortest time of those whose years are mentioned in Scripture attained
   to the age of 753 years. [797]   And though no one attained the age of
   a thousand years, several exceeded the age of nine hundred.  Who then
   can doubt that during the lifetime of one man the human race might be
   so multiplied that there would be a population to build and occupy not
   one but several cities?  And this might very readily be conjectured
   from the fact that from one man, Abraham, in not much more than four
   hundred years, the numbers of the Hebrew race so increased, that in the
   exodus of that people from Egypt there are recorded to have been six
   hundred thousand men capable of bearing arms, [798] and this over and
   above the Idumæans, who, though not numbered with Israel's descendants,
   were yet sprung from his brother, also a grandson of Abraham; and over
   and above the other nations which were of the same stock of Abraham,
   though not through Sarah,--that is, his descendants by Hagar and
   Keturah, the Ishmaelites, Midianites, etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [795] Gen. iv. 17.

   [796] Gen. iv. 25.

   [797] Lamech, according to the LXX.

   [798] Ex. xii. 37.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Of the Long Life and Greater Stature of the Antediluvians.

   Wherefore no one who considerately weighs facts will doubt that Cain
   might have built a city, and that a large one, when it is observed how
   prolonged were the lives of men, unless perhaps some sceptic take
   exception to this very length of years which our authors ascribe to the
   antediluvians and deny that this is credible.  And so, too, they do not
   believe that the size of men's bodies was larger then than now, though
   the most esteemed of their own poets, Virgil, asserts the same, when he
   speaks of that huge stone which had been fixed as a landmark, and which
   a strong man of those ancient times snatched up as he fought, and ran,
   and hurled, and cast it,--

   "Scarce twelve strong men of later mould

   That weight could on their necks uphold." [799]

   thus declaring his opinion that the earth then produced mightier men.
   And if in the more recent times, how much more in the ages before the
   world-renowned deluge?  But the large size of the primitive human body
   is often proved to the incredulous by the exposure of sepulchres,
   either through the wear of time or the violence of torrents or some
   accident, and in which bones of incredible size have been found or have
   rolled out.  I myself, along with some others, saw on the shore at
   Utica a man's molar tooth of such a size, that if it were cut down into
   teeth such as we have, a hundred, I fancy, could have been made out of
   it.  But that, I believe, belonged to some giant.  For though the
   bodies of ordinary men were then larger than ours, the giants surpassed
   all in stature.  And neither in our own age nor any other have there
   been altogether wanting instances of gigantic stature, though they may
   be few.  The younger Pliny, a most learned man, maintains that the
   older the world becomes, the smaller will be the bodies of men. [800]
   And he mentions that Homer in his poems often lamented the same
   decline; and this he does not laugh at as a poetical figment, but in
   his character of a recorder of natural wonders accepts it as
   historically true.  But, as I said, the bones which are from time to
   time discovered prove the size of the bodies of the ancients, [801] and
   will do so to future ages, for they are slow to decay.  But the length
   of an antediluvian's life cannot now be proved by any such monumental
   evidence.  But we are not on this account to withhold our faith from
   the sacred history, whose statements of past fact we are the more
   inexcusable in discrediting, as we see the accuracy of its prediction
   of what was future.  And even that same Pliny [802] tells us that there
   is still a nation in which men live 200 years.  If, then, in places
   unknown to us, men are believed to have a length of days which is quite
   beyond our own experience, why should we not believe the same of times
   distant from our own?  Or are we to believe that in other places there
   is what is not here, while we do not believe that in other times there
   has been anything but what is now?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [799] Virgil, Æn., xii. 899, 900.  Compare the Iliad, v. 302, and
   Juvenal, xv. 65 et seqq.             "Terra malos homines nunc educat
   atque pusillos."

   [800] Plin. Hist. Nat.. vii. 16.

   [801] See the account given by Herodotus (i. 67) of the discovery of
   the bones of Orestes, which, as the story goes, gave a stature of seven
   cubits.

   [802] Pliny, Hist. Nat. vii. 49, merely reports what he had read in
   Hellanicus about the Epirotes of Etolia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Of the Different Computation of the Ages of the
   Antediluvians, Given by the Hebrew Manuscripts and by Our Own. [803]

   Wherefore, although there is a discrepancy for which I cannot account
   between our manuscripts and the Hebrew, in the very number of years
   assigned to the antediluvians, yet the discrepancy is not so great that
   they do not agree about their longevity.  For the very first man, Adam,
   before he begot his son Seth, is in our manuscripts found to have lived
   230 years, but in the Hebrew mss. 130.  But after he begot Seth, our
   copies read that he lived 700 years, while the Hebrew give 800.  And
   thus, when the two periods are taken together, the sum agrees.  And so
   throughout the succeeding generations, the period before the father
   begets a son is always made shorter by 100 years in the Hebrew, but the
   period after his son is begotten is longer by 100 years in the Hebrew
   than in our copies.  And thus, taking the two periods together, the
   result is the same in both.  And in the sixth generation there is no
   discrepancy at all.  In the seventh, however, of which Enoch is the
   representative, who is recorded to have been translated without death
   because he pleased God, there is the same discrepancy as in the first
   five generations, 100 years more being ascribed to him by our mss.
   before he begat a son.  But still the result agrees; for according to
   both documents he lived before he was translated 365 years.  In the
   eighth generation the discrepancy is less than in the others, and of a
   different kind.  For Methuselah, whom Enoch begat, lived, before he
   begat his successor, not 100 years less, but 100 years more, according
   to the Hebrew reading; and in our mss. again these years are added to
   the period after he begat his son; so that in this case also the
   sum-total is the same.  And it is only in the ninth generation, that
   is, in the age of Lamech, Methuselah's son and Noah's father, that
   there is a discrepancy in the sum total; and even in this case it is
   slight.  For the Hebrew mss. represent him as living twenty-four years
   more than ours assign to him.  For before he begat his son, who was
   called Noah, six years fewer are given to him by the Hebrew mss. than
   by ours; but after he begat this son, they give him thirty years more
   than ours; so that, deducting the former six, there remains, as we
   said, a surplus of twenty-four.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [803] Our own Mss., of which Augustin here speaks, were the Latin
   versions of the Septuagint used by the Church before Jerome's was
   received; the "Hebrew Mss." were the versions made from the Hebrew
   text.  Compare De Doct. Christ. ii. 15 et seqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of Methuselah's Age, Which Seems to Extend Fourteen Years
   Beyond the Deluge.

   From this discrepancy between the Hebrew books and our own arises the
   well-known question as to the age of Methuselah; [804] for it is
   computed that he lived for fourteen years after the deluge, though
   Scripture relates that of all who were then upon the earth only the
   eight souls in the ark escaped destruction by the flood, and of these
   Methuselah was not one.  For, according to our books, Methuselah,
   before he begat the son whom he called Lamech, lived 167 years; then
   Lamech himself, before his son Noah was born, lived 188 years, which
   together make 355 years.  Add to these the age of Noah at the date of
   the deluge, 600 years, and this gives a total of 955 from the birth of
   Methuselah to the year of the flood.  Now all the years of the life of
   Methuselah are computed to be 969; for when he had lived 167 years, and
   had begotten his son Lamech, he then lived after this 802 years, which
   makes a total, as we said, of 969 years.  From this, if we deduct 955
   years from the birth of Methuselah to the flood, there remains fourteen
   years, which he is supposed to have lived after the flood.  And
   therefore some suppose that, though he was not on earth (in which it is
   agreed that every living thing which could not naturally live in water
   perished), he was for a time with his father, who had been translated,
   and that he lived there till the flood had passed away.  This
   hypothesis they adopt, that they may not cast a slight on the
   trustworthiness of versions which the Church has received into a
   position of high authority, [805] and because they believe that the
   Jewish mss. rather than our own are in error.  For they do not admit
   that this is a mistake of the translators, but maintain that there is a
   falsified statement in the original, from which, through the Greek, the
   Scripture has been translated into our own tongue.  They say that it is
   not credible that the seventy translators, who simultaneously and
   unanimously produced one rendering, could have erred, or, in a case in
   which no interest of theirs was involved, could have falsified their
   translation; but that the Jews, envying us our translation of their Law
   and Prophets, have made alterations in their texts so as to undermine
   the authority of ours.  This opinion or suspicion let each man adopt
   according to his own judgment.  Certain it is that Methuselah did not
   survive the flood, but died in the very year it occurred, if the
   numbers given in the Hebrew mss. are true.  My own opinion regarding
   the seventy translators I will, with God's help, state more carefully
   in its own place, when I have come down (following the order which this
   work requires) to that period in which their translation was executed.
   [806]   For the present question, it is enough that, according to our
   versions, the men of that age had lives so long as to make it quite
   possible that, during the lifetime of the first-born of the two sole
   parents then on earth, the human race multiplied sufficiently to form a
   community.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [804] Jerome (De Quæst. Heb. in Gen.) says it was a question famous in
   all the churches--Vives.

   [805] "Quos in auctoritatem celebriorum Ecclesia suscepit."

   [806] See below, book xviii. c. 42-44.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Of the Opinion of Those Who Do Not Believe that in These
   Primitive Times Men Lived So Long as is Stated.

   For they are by no means to be listened to who suppose that in those
   times years were differently reckoned, and were so short that one of
   our years may be supposed to be equal to ten of theirs.  So that they
   say, when we read or hear that some man lived 900 years, we should
   understand ninety, ten of those years making but one of ours, and ten
   of ours equalling 100 of theirs.  Consequently, as they suppose, Adam
   was twenty-three years of age when he begat Seth, and Seth himself was
   twenty years and six months old when his son Enos was born, though the
   Scripture calls these months 205 years.  For, on the hypothesis of
   those whose opinion we are explaining, it was customary to divide one
   such year as we have into ten parts, and to call each part a year.  And
   each of these parts was composed of six days squared; because God
   finished His works in six days, that He might rest the seventh.  Of
   this I disputed according to my ability in the eleventh book. [807]
   Now six squared, or six times six, gives thirty-six days; and this
   multiplied by ten amounts to 360 days, or twelve lunar months.  As for
   the five remaining days which are needed to complete the solar year,
   and for the fourth part of a day, which requires that into every fourth
   or leap-year a day be added, the ancients added such days as the Romans
   used to call "intercalary," in order to complete the number of the
   years.  So that Enos, Seth's son, was nineteen years old when his son
   Cainan was born, though Scripture calls these years 190.  And so
   through all the generations in which the ages of the antediluvians are
   given, we find in our versions that almost no one begat a son at the
   age of 100 or under, or even at the age of 120 or thereabouts; but the
   youngest fathers are recorded to have been 160 years old and upwards.
   And the reason of this, they say, is that no one can beget children
   when he is ten years old, the age spoken of by those men as 100, but
   that sixteen is the age of puberty, and competent now to propagate
   offspring; and this is the age called by them 160.  And that it may not
   be thought incredible that in these days the year was differently
   computed from our own, they adduce what is recorded by several writers
   of history, that the Egyptians had a year of four months, the
   Acarnanians of six, and the Lavinians of thirteen months. [808]   The
   younger Pliny, after mentioning that some writers reported that one man
   had lived 152 years, another ten more, others 200, others 300, that
   some had even reached 500 and 600, and a few 800 years of age, gave it
   as his opinion that all this must be ascribed to mistaken computation.
   For some, he says, make summer and winter each a year; others make each
   season a year, like the Arcadians, whose years, he says, were of three
   months.  He added, too, that the Egyptians, of whose little years of
   four months we have spoken already, sometimes terminated their year at
   the wane of each moon; so that with them there are produced lifetimes
   of 1000 years.

   By these plausible arguments certain persons, with no desire to weaken
   the credit of this sacred history, but rather to facilitate belief in
   it by removing the difficulty of such incredible longevity, have been
   themselves persuaded, and think they act wisely in persuading others,
   that in these days the year was so brief that ten of their years equal
   but one of ours, while ten of ours equal 100 of theirs.  But there is
   the plainest evidence to show that this is quite false.  Before
   producing this evidence, however, it seems right to mention a
   conjecture which is yet more plausible.  From the Hebrew manuscripts we
   could at once refute this confident statement; for in them Adam is
   found to have lived not 230 but 130 years before he begat his third
   son.  If, then, this mean thirteen years by our ordinary computation,
   then he must have begotten his first son when he was only twelve or
   thereabouts.  Who can at this age beget children according to the
   ordinary and familiar course of nature?  But not to mention him, since
   it is possible he may have been able to beget his like as soon as he
   was created,--for it is not credible that he was created so little as
   our infants are,--not to mention him, his son was not 205 years old
   when he begot Enos, as our versions have it, but 105, and consequently,
   according to this idea, was not eleven years old.  But what shall I say
   of his son Cainan, who, though by our version 170 years old, was by the
   Hebrew text seventy when he beget Mahalaleel?  If seventy years in
   those times meant only seven of our years, what man of seven years old
   begets children?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [807] C. 8.

   [808] On this subject see Wilkinson's note to the second book
   (appendix) of Rawlinson's Herodotus, where all available reference are
   given.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Whether, in Computing Years, We Ought to Follow the Hebrew
   or the Septuagint.

   But if I say this, I shall presently be answered, It is one of the
   Jews' lies.  This, however, we have disposed of above, showing that it
   cannot be that men of so just a reputation as the seventy translators
   should have falsified their version.  However, if I ask them which of
   the two is more credible, that the Jewish nation, scattered far and
   wide, could have unanimously conspired to forge this lie, and so,
   through envying others the authority of their Scriptures, have deprived
   themselves of their verity; or that seventy men, who were also
   themselves Jews, shut up in one place (for Ptolemy king of Egypt had
   got them together for this work), should have envied foreign nations
   that same truth, and by common consent inserted these errors:  who does
   not see which can be more naturally and readily believed?  But far be
   it from any prudent man to believe either that the Jews, however
   malicious and wrong-headed, could have tampered with so many and so
   widely-dispersed manuscripts; or that those renowned seventy
   individuals had any common purpose to grudge the truth to the nations.
   One must therefore more plausibly maintain, that when first their
   labors began to be transcribed from the copy in Ptolemy's library, some
   such misstatement might find its way into the first copy made, and from
   it might be disseminated far and wide; and that this might arise from
   no fraud, but from a mere copyist's error.  This is a sufficiently
   plausible account of the difficulty regarding Methuselah's life, and of
   that other case in which there is a difference in the total of
   twenty-four years.  But in those cases in which there is a methodical
   resemblance in the falsification, so that uniformly the one version
   allots to the period before a son and successor is born 100 years more
   than the other, and to the period subsequent 100 years less, and vice
   versâ, so that the totals may agree,--and this holds true of the first,
   second, third, fourth, fifth, and seventh generations,--in these cases
   error seems to have, if we may say so, a certain kind of constancy, and
   savors not of accident, but of design.

   Accordingly, that diversity of numbers which distinguishes the Hebrew
   from the Greek and Latin copies of Scripture, and which consists of a
   uniform addition and deduction of 100 years in each lifetime for
   several consecutive generations, is to be attributed neither to the
   malice of the Jews nor to men so diligent and prudent as the seventy
   translators, but to the error of the copyist who was first allowed to
   transcribe the manuscript from the library of the above-mentioned
   king.  For even now, in cases where numbers contribute nothing to the
   easier comprehension or more satisfactory knowledge of anything, they
   are both carelessly transcribed, and still more carelessly emended.
   For who will trouble himself to learn how many thousand men the several
   tribes of Israel contained?  He sees no resulting benefit of such
   knowledge.  Or how many men are there who are aware of the vast
   advantage that lies hid in this knowledge?  But in this case, in which
   during so many consecutive generations 100 years are added in one
   manuscript where they are not reckoned in the other, and then, after
   the birth of the son and successor, the years which were wanting are
   added, it is obvious that the copyist who contrived this arrangement
   designed to insinuate that the antediluvians lived an excessive number
   of years only because each year was excessively brief, and that he
   tried to draw the attention to this fact by his statement of their age
   of puberty at which they became able to beget children.  For, lest the
   incredulous might stumble at the difficulty of so long a lifetime, he
   insinuated that 100 of their years equalled but ten of ours; and this
   insinuation he conveyed by adding 100 years whenever he found the age
   below 160 years or thereabouts, deducting these years again from the
   period after the son's birth, that the total might harmonize.  By this
   means he intended to ascribe the generation of offspring to a fit age,
   without diminishing the total sum of years ascribed to the lifetime of
   the individuals.  And the very fact that in the sixth generation he
   departed from this uniform practice, inclines us all the rather to
   believe that when the circumstance we have referred to required his
   alterations, he made them; seeing that when this circumstance did not
   exist, he made no alteration.  For in the same generation he found in
   the Hebrew ms., that Jared lived before he begat Enoch 162 years,
   which, according to the short year computation, is sixteen years and
   somewhat less than two months, an age capable of procreation; and
   therefore it was not necessary to add 100 short years, and so make the
   age twenty-six years of the usual length; and of course it was not
   necessary to deduct, after the son's birth, years which he had not
   added before it.  And thus it comes to pass that in this instance there
   is no variation between the two manuscripts.

   This is corroborated still further by the fact that in the eighth
   generation, while the Hebrew books assign 182 [809] years to Methuselah
   before Lamech's birth, ours assign to him twenty less, though usually
   100 years are added to this period; then, after Lamech's birth, the
   twenty years are restored, so as to equalize the total in the two
   books.  For if his design was that these 170 years be understood as
   seventeen, so as to suit the age of puberty, as there was no need for
   him adding anything, so there was none for his subtracting anything;
   for in this case he found an age fit for the generation of children,
   for the sake of which he was in the habit of adding those 100 years in
   cases where he did not find the age already sufficient.  This
   difference of twenty years we might, indeed, have supposed had happened
   accidentally, had he not taken care to restore them afterwards as he
   had deducted them from the period before, so that there might be no
   deficiency in the total.  Or are we perhaps to suppose that there was
   the still more astute design of concealing the deliberate and uniform
   addition of 100 years to the first period and their deduction from the
   subsequent period--did he design to conceal this by doing something
   similar, that is to say, adding and deducting, not indeed a century,
   but some years, even in a case in which there was no need for his doing
   so?  But whatever may be thought of this, whether it be believed that
   he did so or not, whether, in fine, it be so or not, I would have no
   manner of doubt that when any diversity is found in the books, since
   both cannot be true to fact, we do well to believe in preference that
   language out of which the translation was made into another by
   translators.  For there are three Greek mss., one Latin, and one
   Syriac, which agree with one another, and in all of these Methuselah is
   said to have died six years before the deluge.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [809] One hundred and eighty-seven is the number given in the Hebrew,
   and one hundred and sixty-seven in the Septuagint; but notwithstanding
   the confusion, the argument of Augustin is easily followed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--That the Years in Those Ancient Times Were of the Same
   Length as Our Own.

   Let us now see how it can be plainly made out that in the enormously
   protracted lives of those men the years were not so short that ten of
   their years were equal to only one of ours, but were of as great length
   as our own, which are measured by the course of the sun.  It is proved
   by this, that Scripture states that the flood occurred in the six
   hundredth year of Noah's life.  But why in the same place is it also
   written, "The waters of the flood were upon the earth in the six
   hundredth year of Noah's life, in the second month, the twenty-seventh
   day of the month," [810] if that very brief year (of which it took ten
   to make one of ours) consisted of thirty-six days?  For so scant a
   year, if the ancient usage dignified it with the name of year, either
   has not months, or this month must be three days, so that it may have
   twelve of them.  How then was it here said, "In the six hundredth year,
   the second month, the twenty-seventh day of the month," unless the
   months then were of the same length as the months now?  For how else
   could it be said that the flood began on the twenty-seventh day of the
   second month?  Then afterwards, at the end of the flood, it is thus
   written:  "And the ark rested in the seventh month, on the
   twenty-seventh day of the month, on the mountains of Ararat.  And the
   waters decreased continually until the eleventh month:  on the first
   day of the month were the tops of the mountains seen." [811]   But if
   the months were such as we have, then so were the years.  And certainly
   months of three days each could not have a twenty-seventh day.  Or if
   every measure of time was diminished in proportion, and a thirtieth
   part of three days was then called a day, then that great deluge, which
   is recorded to have lasted forty days and forty nights, was really over
   in less than four of our days.  Who can away with such foolishness and
   absurdity?  Far be this error from us,--an error which seeks to build
   up our faith in the divine Scriptures on false conjecture only to
   demolish our faith at another point.  It is plain that the day then was
   what it now is, a space of four-and-twenty hours, determined by the
   lapse of day and night; the month then equal to the month now, which is
   defined by the rise and completion of one moon; the year then equal to
   the year now, which is completed by twelve lunar months, with the
   addition of five days and a fourth to adjust it with the course of the
   sun.  It was a year of this length which was reckoned the six hundredth
   of Noah's life, and in the second month, the twenty-seventh day of the
   month, the flood began,--a flood which, as is recorded, was caused by
   heavy rains continuing for forty days, which days had not only two
   hours and a little more, but four-and-twenty hours, completing a night
   and a day.  And consequently those antediluvians lived more than 900
   years, which were years as long as those which afterwards Abraham lived
   175 of, and after him his son Isaac 180, and his son Jacob nearly 150,
   and some time after, Moses 120, and men now seventy or eighty, or not
   much longer, of which years it is said, "their strength is labor and
   sorrow." [812]

   But that discrepancy of numbers which is found to exist between our own
   and the Hebrew text does not touch the longevity of the ancients; and
   if there is any diversity so great that both versions cannot be true,
   we must take our ideas of the real facts from that text out of which
   our own version has been translated.  However, though any one who
   pleases has it in his power to correct this version, yet it is not
   unimportant to observe that no one has presumed to emend the Septuagint
   from the Hebrew text in the many places where they seem to disagree.
   For this difference has not been reckoned a falsification; and for my
   own part I am persuaded it ought not to be reckoned so.  But where the
   difference is not a mere copyist's error, and where the sense is
   agreeable to truth and illustrative of truth, we must believe that the
   divine Spirit prompted them to give a varying version, not in their
   function of translators, but in the liberty of prophesying.  And
   therefore we find that the apostles justly sanction the Septuagint, by
   quoting it as well as the Hebrew when they adduce proofs from the
   Scriptures.  But as I have promised to treat this subject more
   carefully, if God help me, in a more fitting place, I will now go on
   with the matter in hand.  For there can be no doubt that, the lives of
   men being so long, the first-born of the first man could have built a
   city,--a city, however, which was earthly, and not that which is called
   the city of God, to describe which we have taken in hand this great
   work.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [810] Gen. vii. 10, 11, (in our version the seventeenth day).

   [811] Gen. viii. 4, 5.

   [812] Ps. xc. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Whether It is Credible that the Men of the Primitive Age
   Abstained from Sexual Intercourse Until that Date at Which It is
   Recorded that They Begat Children.

   Some one, then, will say, Is it to be believed that a man who intended
   to beget children, and had no intention of continence, abstained from
   sexual intercourse a hundred years and more, or even, according to the
   Hebrew version, only a little less, say eighty, seventy, or sixty
   years; or, if he did not abstain, was unable to beget offspring?  This
   question admits of two solutions.  For either puberty was so much later
   as the whole life was longer, or, which seems to me more likely, it is
   not the first-born sons that are here mentioned, but those whose names
   were required to fill up the series until Noah was reached, from whom
   again we see that the succession is continued to Abraham, and after him
   down to that point of time until which it was needful to mark by
   pedigree the course of the most glorious city, which sojourns as a
   stranger in this world, and seeks the heavenly country.  That which is
   undeniable is that Cain was the first who was born of man and woman.
   For had he not been the first who was added by birth to the two unborn
   persons, Adam could not have said what he is recorded to have said, "I
   have gotten a man by the Lord." [813]   He was followed by Abel, whom
   the elder brother slew, and who was the first to show by a kind of
   foreshadowing of the sojourning city of God, what iniquitous
   persecutions that city would suffer at the hands of wicked and, as it
   were, earth-born men, who love their earthly origin, and delight in the
   earthly happiness of the earthly city.  But how old Adam was when he
   begat these sons does not appear.  After this the generations diverge,
   the one branch deriving from Cain, the other from him whom Adam begot
   in the room of Abel slain by his brother, and whom he called Seth,
   saying, as it is written, "For God hath raised me up another seed for
   Abel whom Cain slew." [814]   These two series of generations
   accordingly, the one of Cain, the other of Seth, represent the two
   cities in their distinctive ranks, the one the heavenly city, which
   sojourns on earth, the other the earthly, which gapes after earthly
   joys, and grovels in them as if they were the only joys.  But though
   eight generations, including Adam, are registered before the flood, no
   man of Cain's line has his age recorded at which the son who succeeded
   him was begotten.  For the Spirit of God refused to mark the times
   before the flood in the generations of the earthly city, but preferred
   to do so in the heavenly line, as if it were more worthy of being
   remembered.  Further, when Seth was born, the age of his father is
   mentioned; but already he had begotten other sons, and who will presume
   to say that Cain and Abel were the only ones previously begotten?  For
   it does not follow that they alone had been begotten of Adam, because
   they alone were named in order to continue the series of generations
   which it was desirable to mention.  For though the names of all the
   rest are buried in silence, yet it is said that Adam begot sons and
   daughters; and who that cares to be free from the charge of temerity
   will dare to say how many his offspring numbered?  It was possible
   enough that Adam was divinely prompted to say, after Seth was born,
   "For God hath raised up to me another seed for Abel," because that son
   was to be capable of representing Abel's holiness, not because he was
   born first after him in point of time.  Then because it is written,
   "And Seth lived 205 years," or, according to the Hebrew reading, "105
   years, and begat Enos," [815] who but a rash man could affirm that this
   was his first-born?  Will any man do so to excite our wonder, and cause
   us to inquire how for so many years he remained free from sexual
   intercourse, though without any purpose of continuing so, or how, if he
   did not abstain, he yet had no children?  Will any man do so when it is
   written of him, "And he begat sons and daughters, and all the days of
   Seth were 912 years, and he died?" [816]   And similarly regarding
   those whose years are afterwards mentioned, it is not disguised that
   they begat sons and daughters.

   Consequently it does not at all appear whether he who is named as the
   son was himself the first begotten.  Nay, since it is incredible that
   those fathers were either so long in attaining puberty, or could not
   get wives, or could not impregnate them, it is also incredible that
   those sons were their first-born.  But as the writer of the sacred
   history designed to descend by well-marked intervals through a series
   of generations to the birth and life of Noah, in whose time the flood
   occurred, he mentioned not those sons who were first begotten, but
   those by whom the succession was handed down.

   Let me make this clearer by here inserting an example, in regard to
   which no one can have any doubt that what I am asserting is true.  The
   evangelist Matthew, where he designs to commit to our memories the
   generation of the Lord's flesh by a series of parents, beginning from
   Abraham and intending to reach David, says, "Abraham begat Isaac;"
   [817] why did he not say Ishmael, whom he first begat?  Then "Isaac
   begat Jacob;" why did he not say Esau, who was the first-born?  Simply
   because these sons would not have helped him to reach David.  Then
   follows, "And Jacob begat Judah and his brethren:" was Judah the first
   begotten?  "Judah," he says, "begat Pharez and Zara;" yet neither were
   these twins the first-born of Judah, but before them he had begotten
   three other sons.  And so in the order of the generations he retained
   those by whom he might reach David, so as to proceed onwards to the end
   he had in view.  And from this we may understand that the antediluvians
   who are mentioned were not the first-born, but those through whom the
   order of the succeeding generations might be carried on to the
   patriarch Noah.  We need not, therefore, weary ourselves with
   discussing the needless and obscure question as to their lateness of
   reaching puberty.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [813] Gen. iv. 1.

   [814] Gen. iv. 25.

   [815] Gen. v. 6.

   [816] Gen. v. 8.

   [817] Matt. i.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of Marriage Between Blood-Relations, in Regard to Which
   the Present Law Could Not Bind the Men of the Earliest Ages.

   As, therefore, the human race, subsequently to the first marriage of
   the man who was made of dust, and his wife who was made out of his
   side, required the union of males and females in order that it might
   multiply, and as there were no human beings except those who had been
   born of these two, men took their sisters for wives,--an act which was
   as certainly dictated by necessity in these ancient days as afterwards
   it was condemned by the prohibitions of religion.  For it is very
   reasonable and just that men, among whom concord is honorable and
   useful, should be bound together by various relationships; and one man
   should not himself sustain many relationships, but that the various
   relationships should be distributed among several, and should thus
   serve to bind together the greatest number in the same social
   interests.  "Father" and "father-in-law" are the names of two
   relationships.  When, therefore, a man has one person for his father,
   another for his father-in-law, friendship extends itself to a larger
   number.  But Adam in his single person was obliged to hold both
   relations to his sons and daughters, for brothers and sisters were
   united in marriage.  So too Eve his wife was both mother and
   mother-in-law to her children of both sexes; while, had there been two
   women, one the mother, the other the mother-in-law, the family
   affection would have had a wider field.  Then the sister herself by
   becoming a wife sustained in her single person two relationships,
   which, had they been distributed among individuals, one being sister,
   and another being wife, the family tie would have embraced a greater
   number of persons.  But there was then no material for effecting this,
   since there were no human beings but the brothers and sisters born of
   those two first parents.  Therefore, when an abundant population made
   it possible, men ought to choose for wives women who were not already
   their sisters; for not only would there then be no necessity for
   marrying sisters, but, were it done, it would be most abominable.  For
   if the grandchildren of the first pair, being now able to choose their
   cousins for wives, married their sisters, then it would no longer be
   only two but three relationships that were held by one man, while each
   of these relationships ought to have been held by a separate
   individual, so as to bind together by family affection a larger
   number.  For one man would in that case be both father, and
   father-in-law, and uncle [818] to his own children (brother and sister
   now man and wife); and his wife would be mother, aunt, and
   mother-in-law to them; and they themselves would be not only brother
   and sister, and man and wife, but cousins also, being the children of
   brother and sister.  Now, all these relationships, which combined three
   men into one, would have embraced nine persons had each relationship
   been held by one individual, so that a man had one person for his
   sister, another his wife, another his cousin, another his father,
   another his uncle, another his father-in-law, another his mother,
   another his aunt, another his mother-in-law; and thus the social bond
   would not have been tightened to bind a few, but loosened to embrace a
   larger number of relations.

   And we see that, since the human race has increased and multiplied,
   this is so strictly observed even among the profane worshippers of many
   and false gods, that though their laws perversely allow a brother to
   marry his sister, [819] yet custom, with a finer morality, prefers to
   forego this license; and though it was quite allowable in the earliest
   ages of the human race to marry one's sister, it is now abhorred as a
   thing which no circumstances could justify.  For custom has very great
   power either to attract or to shock human feeling.  And in this matter,
   while it restrains concupiscence within due bounds, the man who
   neglects and disobeys it is justly branded as abominable.  For if it is
   iniquitous to plough beyond our own boundaries through the greed of
   gain, is it not much more iniquitous to transgress the recognized
   boundaries of morals through sexual lust?  And with regard to marriage
   in the next degree of consanguinity, marriage between cousins, we have
   observed that in our own time the customary morality has prevented this
   from being frequent, though the law allows it.  It was not prohibited
   by divine law, nor as yet had human law prohibited it; nevertheless,
   though legitimate, people shrank from it, because it lay so close to
   what was illegitimate, and in marrying a cousin seemed almost to marry
   a sister,--for cousins are so closely related that they are called
   brothers and sisters, [820] and are almost really so.  But the ancient
   fathers, fearing that near relationship might gradually in the course
   of generations diverge, and become distant relationship, or cease to be
   relationship at all, religiously endeavored to limit it by the bond of
   marriage before it became distant, and thus, as it were, to call it
   back when it was escaping them.  And on this account, even when the
   world was full of people, though they did not choose wives from among
   their sisters or half-sisters, yet they preferred them to be of the
   same stock as themselves.  But who doubts that the modern prohibition
   of the marriage even of cousins is the more seemly regulation--not
   merely on account of the reason we have been urging, the multiplying of
   relationships, so that one person might not absorb two, which might be
   distributed to two persons, and so increase the number of people bound
   together as a family, but also because there is in human nature I know
   not what natural and praiseworthy shamefacedness which restrains us
   from desiring that connection which, though for propagation, is yet
   lustful and which even conjugal modesty blushes over, with any one to
   whom consanguinity bids us render respect?

   The sexual intercourse of man and woman, then, is in the case of
   mortals a kind of seed-bed of the city; but while the earthly city
   needs for its population only generation, the heavenly needs also
   regeneration to rid it of the taint of generation.  Whether before the
   deluge there was any bodily or visible sign of regeneration, such as
   was afterwards enjoined upon Abraham when he was circumcised, or what
   kind of sign it was, the sacred history does not inform us.  But it
   does inform us that even these earliest of mankind sacrificed to God,
   as appeared also in the case of the two first brothers; Noah, too, is
   said to have offered sacrifices to God when he had come forth from the
   ark after the deluge.  And concerning this subject we have already said
   in the foregoing books that the devils arrogate to themselves divinity,
   and require sacrifice that they may be esteemed gods, and delight in
   these honors on no other account than this, because they know that true
   sacrifice is due to the true God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [818] His own children being the children of his sister, and therefore
   his nephews.

   [819] This was allowed by the Egyptians and Athenians, never by the
   Romans.

   [820] Both in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, though not uniformly, nor in
   Latin commonly.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of the Two Fathers and Leaders Who Sprang from One
   Progenitor.

   Since, then, Adam was the father of both lines,--the father, that is to
   say, both of the line which belonged to the earthly, and of that which
   belonged to the heavenly city,--when Abel was slain, and by his death
   exhibited a marvellous mystery, there were henceforth two lines
   proceeding from two fathers, Cain and Seth, and in those sons of
   theirs, whom it behoved to register, the tokens of these two cities
   began to appear more distinctly.  For Cain begat Enoch, in whose name
   he built a city, an earthly one, which was not from home in this world,
   but rested satisfied with its temporal peace and happiness.  Cain, too,
   means "possession;" wherefore at his birth either his father or mother
   said," I have gotten a man through God."  Then Enoch means
   "dedication;" for the earthly city is dedicated in this world in which
   it is built, for in this world it finds the end towards which it aims
   and aspires.  Further, Seth signifies "resurrection," and Enos his son
   signifies "man," not as Adam, which also signifies man, but is used in
   Hebrew indifferently for man and woman, as it is written, "Male and
   female created He them, and blessed them, and called their name Adam,"
   [821] leaving no room to doubt that though the woman was distinctively
   called Eve, yet the name Adam, meaning man, was common to both.  But
   Enos means man in so restricted a sense, that Hebrew linguists tell us
   it cannot be applied to woman:  it is the equivalent of the "child of
   the resurrection," when they neither marry nor are given in marriage.
   [822]   For there shall be no generation in that place to which
   regeneration shall have brought us.  Wherefore I think it not
   immaterial to observe that in those generations which are propagated
   from him who is called Seth, although daughters as well as sons are
   said to have been begotten, no woman is expressly registered by name;
   but in those which sprang from Cain at the very termination to which
   the line runs, the last person named as begotten is a woman. For we
   read, "Methusael begat Lamech.  And Lamech took unto him two wives:
   the name of the one was Adah, and the name of the other Zillah.  And
   Adah bare Jabal:  he was the father of the shepherds that dwell in
   tents.  And his brother's name was Jubal:  he was the father of all
   such as handle the harp and organ.  And Zillah, she also bare
   Tubal-cain, an instructor of every artificer in brass and iron:  and
   the sister of Tubal-cain was Naamah." [823]   Here terminate all the
   generations of Cain, being eight in number, including Adam,--to wit,
   seven from Adam to Lamech, who married two wives, and whose children,
   among whom a woman also is named, form the eighth generation.  Whereby
   it is elegantly signified that the earthly city shall to its
   termination have carnal generations proceeding from the intercourse of
   males and females.  And therefore the wives themselves of the man who
   is the last named father of Cain's line, are registered in their own
   names,--a practice nowhere followed before the deluge save in Eve's
   case.  Now as Cain, signifying possession, the founder of the earthly
   city, and his son Enoch, meaning dedication, in whose name it was
   founded, indicate that this city is earthly both in its beginning and
   in its end,--a city in which nothing more is hoped for than can be seen
   in this world,--so Seth, meaning resurrection, and being the father of
   generations registered apart from the others, we must consider what
   this sacred history says of his son.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [821] Gen. v. 2.

   [822] Luke xx. 35, 36.

   [823] Gen. iv. 18-22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--The Significance of Abel, Seth, and Enos to Christ and His
   Body the Church.

   "And to Seth," it is said, "there was born a son, and he called his
   name Enos:  he hoped to call on the name of the Lord God." [824]   Here
   we have a loud testimony to the truth.  Man, then, the son of the
   resurrection, lives in hope:  he lives in hope as long as the city of
   God, which is begotten by faith in the resurrection, sojourns in this
   world.  For in these two men, Abel, signifying "grief," and his brother
   Seth, signifying "resurrection," the death of Christ and His life from
   the dead are prefigured.  And by faith in these is begotten in this
   world the city of God, that is to say, the man who has hoped to call on
   the name of the Lord.  "For by hope," says the apostle, "we are
   saved:   but hope that is seen is not hope:  for what a man seeth, why
   doth he yet hope for?  But if we hope for that we see not, then do we
   with patience wait for it." [825]   Who can avoid referring this to a
   profound mystery?  For did not Abel hope to call upon the name of the
   Lord God when his sacrifice is mentioned in Scripture as having been
   accepted by God?  Did not Seth himself hope to call on the name of the
   Lord God, of whom it was said, "For God hath appointed me another seed
   instead of Abel?"  Why then is this which is found to be common to all
   the godly specially attributed to Enos, unless because it was fit that
   in him, who is mentioned as the first-born of the father of those
   generations which were separated to the better part of the heavenly
   city, there should be a type of the man, or society of men, who live
   not according to man in contentment with earthly felicity, but
   according to God in hope of everlasting felicity?  And it was not said,
   "He hoped in the Lord God," nor "He called on the name of the Lord
   God," but "He hoped to call on the name of the Lord God."  And what
   does this "hoped to call" mean, unless it is a prophecy that a people
   should arise who, according to the election of grace, would call on the
   name of the Lord God?  It is this which has been said by another
   prophet, and which the apostle interprets of the people who belong to
   the grace of God:  "And it shall be that whosoever shall call upon the
   name of the Lord shall be saved." [826]   For these two expressions,
   "And he called his name Enos, which means man," and "He hoped to call
   on the name of the Lord God," are sufficient proof that man ought not
   to rest his hopes in himself; as it is elsewhere written, "Cursed is
   the man that trusteth in man." [827]   Consequently no one ought to
   trust in himself that he shall become a citizen of that other city
   which is not dedicated in the name of Cain's son in this present time,
   that is to say, in the fleeting course of this mortal world, but in the
   immortality of perpetual blessedness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [824] Gen. iv. 26.

   [825] Rom. viii. 24, 25.

   [826] Rom. x. 13.

   [827] Jer. xvii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--The Significance Of Enoch's Translation.

   For that line also of which Seth is the father has the name
   "Dedication" in the seventh generation from Adam, counting Adam.  For
   the seventh from him is Enoch, that is, Dedication.  But this is that
   man who was translated because he pleased God, and who held in the
   order of the generations a remarkable place, being the seventh from
   Adam, a number signalized by the consecration of the Sabbath.  But,
   counting from the diverging point of the two lines, or from Seth, he
   was the sixth.  Now it was on the sixth day God made man, and
   consummated His works.  But the translation of Enoch prefigured our
   deferred dedication; for though it is indeed already accomplished in
   Christ our Head, who so rose again that He shall die no more, and who
   was Himself also translated, yet there remains another dedication of
   the whole house, of which Christ Himself is the foundation, and this
   dedication is deferred till the end, when all shall rise again to die
   no more.  And whether it is the house of God, or the temple of God, or
   the city of God, that is said to be dedicated, it is all the same, and
   equally in accordance with the usage of the Latin language.  For Virgil
   himself calls the city of widest empire "the house of Assaracus," [828]
   meaning the Romans, who were descended through the Trojans from
   Assaracus.  He also calls them the house of Æneas, because Rome was
   built by those Trojans who had come to Italy under Æneas. [829]   For
   that poet imitated the sacred writings, in which the Hebrew nation,
   though so numerous, is called the house of Jacob.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [828] Æneid, i. 288.

   [829] Æneid, iii. 97.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--How It is that Cain's Line Terminates in the Eighth
   Generation, While Noah, Though Descended from the Same Father, Adam, is
   Found to Be the Tenth from Him.

   Some one will say, If the writer of this history intended, in
   enumerating the generations from Adam through his son Seth, to descend
   through them to Noah, in whose time the deluge occurred, and from him
   again to trace the connected generations down to Abraham, with whom
   Matthew begins the pedigree of Christ the eternal King of the city of
   God, what did he intend by enumerating the generations from Cain, and
   to what terminus did he mean to trace them?  We reply, To the deluge,
   by which the whole stock of the earthly city was destroyed, but
   repaired by the sons of Noah.  For the earthly city and community of
   men who live after the flesh will never fail until the end of this
   world, of which our Lord says, "The children of this world generate,
   and are generated." [830]   But the city of God, which sojourns in this
   world, is conducted by regeneration to the world to come, of which the
   children neither generate nor are generated.  In this world generation
   is common to both cities; though even now the city of God has many
   thousand citizens who abstain from the act of generation; yet the other
   city also has some citizens who imitate these, though erroneously.  For
   to that city belong also those who have erred from the faith, and
   introduced divers heresies; for they live according to man, not
   according to God.  And the Indian gymnosophists, who are said to
   philosophize in the solitudes of India in a state of nudity, are its
   citizens; and they abstain from marriage.  For continence is not a good
   thing, except when it is practised in the faith of the highest good,
   that is, God.  Yet no one is found to have practised it before the
   deluge; for indeed even Enoch himself, the seventh from Adam, who is
   said to have been translated without dying, begat sons and daughters
   before he was translated, and among these was Methuselah, by whom the
   succession of the recorded generations is maintained.

   Why, then, is so small a number of Cain's generations registered, if it
   was proper to trace them to the deluge, and if there was no such delay
   of the date of puberty as to preclude the hope of offspring for a
   hundred or more years?  For if the author of this book had not in view
   some one to whom he might rigidly trace the series of generations, as
   he designed in those which sprang from Seth's seed to descend to Noah,
   and thence to start again by a rigid order, what need was there of
   omitting the first-born sons for the sake of descending to Lamech, in
   whose sons that line terminates,--that is to say, in the eighth
   generation from Adam, or the seventh from Cain,--as if from this point
   he had wished to pass on to another series, by which he might reach
   either the Israelitish people, among whom the earthly Jerusalem
   presented a prophetic figure of the heavenly city, or to Jesus Christ,
   "according to the flesh, who is over all, God blessed for ever," [831]
   the Maker and Ruler of the heavenly city?  What, I say, was the need of
   this, seeing that the whole of Cain's posterity were destroyed in the
   deluge?  From this it is manifest that they are the first-born sons who
   are registered in this genealogy.  Why, then, are there so few of
   them?  Their numbers in the period before the deluge must have been
   greater, if the date of puberty bore no proportion to their longevity,
   and they had children before they were a hundred years old.  For
   supposing they were on an average thirty years old when they began to
   beget children, then, as there are eight generations, including Adam
   and Lamech's children, 8 times 30 gives 240 years; did they then
   produce no more children in all the rest of the time before the
   deluge?  With what intention, then, did he who wrote this record make
   no mention of subsequent generations?  For from Adam to the deluge
   there are reckoned, according to our copies of Scripture, 2262 years,
   [832] and according to the He brew text, 1656 years.  Supposing, then,
   the smaller number to be the true one, and subtracting from 1656 years
   240, is it credible that during the remaining 1400 and odd years until
   the deluge the posterity of Cain begat no children?

   But let any one who is moved by this call to mind that when I discussed
   the question, how it is credible that those primitive men could abstain
   for so many years from begetting children, two modes of solution were
   found,--either a puberty late in proportion to their longevity, or that
   the sons registered in the genealogies were not the first-born, but
   those through whom the author of the book intended to reach the point
   aimed at, as he intended to reach Noah by the generations of Seth.  So
   that, if in the generations of Cain there occurs no one whom the writer
   could make it his object to reach by omitting the first-born and
   inserting those who would serve such a purpose, then we must have
   recourse to the supposition of late puberty, and say that only at some
   age beyond a hundred years they became capable of begetting children,
   so that the order of the generations ran through the first-born, and
   filled up even the whole period before the deluge, long though it was.
   It is, however, possible that, for some more secret reason which
   escapes me, this city, which we say is earthly, is exhibited in all its
   generations down to Lamech and his sons, and that then the writer
   withholds from recording the rest which may have existed before the
   deluge.  And without supposing so late a puberty in these men, there
   might be another reason for tracing the generations by sons who were
   not first-born, viz., that the same city which Cain built, and named
   after his son Enoch, may have had a widely extended dominion and many
   kings, not reigning simultaneously, but successively, the reigning king
   begetting always his successor.  Cain himself would be the first of
   these kings; his son Enoch, in whose name the city in which he reigned
   was built, would be the second; the third Irad, whom Enoch begat; the
   fourth Mehujael, whom Irad begat; the fifth Methusael, whom Mehujael
   begat; the sixth Lamech, whom Methusael begat, and who is the seventh
   from Adam through Cain.  But it was not necessary that the first-born
   should succeed their fathers in the kingdom, but those would succeed
   who were recommended by the possession of some virtue useful to the
   earthly city, or who were chosen by lot, or the son who was best liked
   by his father would succeed by a kind of hereditary right to the
   throne.  And the deluge may have happened during the lifetime and reign
   of Lamech, and may have destroyed him along with all other men, save
   those who were in the ark.  For we cannot be surprised that, during so
   long a period from Adam to the deluge, and with the ages of individuals
   varying as they did, there should not be an equal number of generations
   in both lines, but seven in Cain's, and ten in Seth's; for as I have
   already said, Lamech is the seventh from Adam, Noah the tenth; and in
   Lamech's case not one son only is registered, as in the former
   instances, but more, because it was uncertain which of them would have
   succeeded when he died, if there had intervened any time to reign
   between his death and the deluge.

   But in whatever manner the generations of Cain's line are traced
   downwards, whether it be by first-born sons or by the heirs to the
   throne, it seems to me that I must by no means omit to notice that,
   when Lamech had been set down as the seventh from Adam, there were
   named, in addition, as many of his children as made up this number to
   eleven, which is the number signifying sin; for three sons and one
   daughter are added.  The wives of Lamech have another signification,
   different from that which I am now pressing.  For at present I am
   speaking of the children, and not of those by whom the children were
   begotten.  Since, then, the law is symbolized by the number
   ten,--whence that memorable Decalogue,--there is no doubt that the
   number eleven, which goes beyond [833] ten, symbolizes the
   transgression of the law, and consequently sin.  For this reason,
   eleven veils of goat's skin were ordered to be hung in the tabernacle
   of the testimony, which served in the wanderings of God's people as an
   ambulatory temple.  And in that haircloth there was a reminder of sins,
   because the goats were to be set on the left hand of the Judge; and
   therefore, when we confess our sins, we prostrate ourselves in
   haircloth, as if we were saying what is written in the psalm, "My sin
   is ever before me." [834]   The progeny of Adam, then, by Cain the
   murderer, is completed in the number eleven, which symbolizes sin; and
   this number itself is made up by a woman, as it was by the same sex
   that beginning was made of sin by which we all die.  And it was
   committed that the pleasure of the flesh, which resists the spirit,
   might follow; and so Naamah, the daughter of Lamech, means "pleasure."
   But from Adam to Noah, in the line of Seth, there are ten generations.
   And to Noah three sons are added, of whom, while one fell into sin, two
   were blessed by their father; so that, if you deduct the reprobate and
   add the gracious sons to the number, you get twelve,--a number
   signalized in the case of the patriarchs and of the apostles, and made
   up of the parts of the number seven multiplied into one another,--for
   three times four, or four times three, give twelve.  These things being
   so, I see that I must consider and mention how these two lines, which
   by their separate genealogies depict the two cities, one of earth-born,
   the other of regenerated persons, became afterwards so mixed and
   confused, that the whole human race, with the exception of eight
   persons, deserved to perish in the deluge.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [830] Luke xx. 34.

   [831] Rom. ix. 5.

   [832] Eusebius, Jerome, Bede, and others, who follow the Septuagint,
   reckon only 2242 years, which Vives explains by supposing Augustin to
   have made a copyist's error.

   [833] Transgreditur.

   [834] Ps. li. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Why It is That, as Soon as Cain's Son Enoch Has Been
   Named, the Genealogy is Forthwith Continued as Far as the Deluge, While
   After the Mention of Enos, Seth's Son, the Narrative Returns Again to
   the Creation of Man.

   We must first see why, in the enumeration of Cain's posterity, after
   Enoch, in whose name the city was built, has been first of all
   mentioned, the rest are at once enumerated down to that terminus of
   which I have spoken, and at which that race and the whole line was
   destroyed in the deluge; while, after Enos the son of Seth, has been
   mentioned, the rest are not at once named down to the deluge, but a
   clause is inserted to the following effect:  "This is the book of the
   generations of Adam.  In the day that God created man, in the likeness
   of God made He him; male and female created He them; and blessed them,
   and called their name Adam, in the day when they were created." [835]
   This seems to me to be inserted for this purpose, that here again the
   reckoning of the times may start from Adam himself--a purpose which the
   writer had not in view in speaking of the earthly city, as if God
   mentioned it, but did not take account of its duration.  But why does
   he return to this recapitulation after mentioning the son of Seth, the
   man who hoped to call on the name of the Lord God, unless because it
   was fit thus to present these two cities, the one beginning with a
   murderer and ending in a murderer (for Lamech, too, acknowledges to his
   two wives that he had committed murder), the other built up by him who
   hoped to call upon the name of the Lord God?  For the highest and
   complete terrestrial duty of the city of God, which is a stranger in
   this world, is that which was exemplified in the individual who was
   begotten by him who typified the resurrection of the murdered Abel.
   That one man is the unity of the whole heavenly city, not yet indeed
   complete, but to be completed, as this prophetic figure foreshows.  The
   son of Cain, therefore, that is, the son of possession (and of what but
   an earthly possession?), may have a name in the earthly city which was
   built in his name.  It is of such the Psalmist says, "They call their
   lands after their own names." [836]   Wherefore they incur what is
   written in another psalm:  "Thou, O Lord, in Thy city wilt despise
   their image." [837]   But as for the son of Seth, the son of the
   resurrection, let him hope to call on the name of the Lord God.  For he
   prefigures that society of men which says, "But I am like a green
   olive-tree in the house of God:  I have trusted in the mercy of God."
   [838]   But let him not seek the empty honors of a famous name upon
   earth, for "Blessed is the man that maketh the name of the Lord his
   trust, and respecteth not vanities nor lying follies." [839]   After
   having presented the two cities, the one founded in the material good
   of this world, the other in hope in God, but both starting from a
   common gate opened in Adam into this mortal state, and both running on
   and running out to their proper and merited ends, Scripture begins to
   reckon the times, and in this reckoning includes other generations,
   making a recapitulation from Adam, out of whose condemned seed, as out
   of one mass handed over to merited damnation, God made some vessels of
   wrath to dishonor and others vessels of mercy to honor; in punishment
   rendering to the former what is due, in grace giving to the latter what
   is not due:  in order that by the very comparison of itself with the
   vessels of wrath, the heavenly city, which sojourns on earth, may learn
   not to put confidence in the liberty of its own will, but may hope to
   call on the name of the Lord God.  For will, being a nature which was
   made good by the good God, but mutable by the immutable, because it was
   made out of nothing, can both decline from good to do evil, which takes
   place when it freely chooses, and can also escape the evil and do good,
   which takes place only by divine assistance.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [835] Gen. v. 1.

   [836] Ps. xlix. 11.

   [837] Ps. lxxiii. 20.

   [838] Ps. lii. 8.

   [839] Ps. xl. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Of the Fall of the Sons of God Who Were Captivated by the
   Daughters of Men, Whereby All, with the Exception of Eight Persons,
   Deservedly Perished in the Deluge.

   When the human race, in the exercise of this freedom of will, increased
   and advanced, there arose a mixture and confusion of the two cities by
   their participation in a common iniquity.  And this calamity, as well
   as the first, was occasioned by woman, though not in the same way; for
   these women were not themselves betrayed, neither did they persuade the
   men to sin, but having belonged to the earthly city and society of the
   earthly, they had been of corrupt manners from the first, and were
   loved for their bodily beauty by the sons of God, or the citizens of
   the other city which sojourns in this world.  Beauty is indeed a good
   gift of God; but that the good may not think it a great good, God
   dispenses it even to the wicked.  And thus, when the good that is great
   and proper to the good was abandoned by the sons of God, they fell to a
   paltry good which is not peculiar to the good, but common to the good
   and the evil; and when they were captivated by the daughters of men,
   they adopted the manners of the earthly to win them as their brides,
   and forsook the godly ways they had followed in their own holy
   society.  And thus beauty, which is indeed God's handiwork, but only a
   temporal, carnal, and lower kind of good, is not fitly loved in
   preference to God, the eternal, spiritual, and unchangeable good.  When
   the miser prefers his gold to justice, it is through no fault of the
   gold, but of the man; and so with every created thing.  For though it
   be good, it may be loved with an evil as well as with a good love:  it
   is loved rightly when it is loved ordinately; evilly, when
   inordinately.  It is this which some one has briefly said in these
   verses in praise of the Creator: [840]   "These are Thine, they are
   good, because Thou art good who didst create them.  There is in them
   nothing of ours, unless the sin we commit when we forget the order of
   things, and instead of Thee love that which Thou hast made."

   But if the Creator is truly loved, that is, if He Himself is loved and
   not another thing in His stead, He cannot be evilly loved; for love
   itself is to be ordinately loved, because we do well to love that
   which, when we love it, makes us live well and virtuously.  So that it
   seems to me that it is a brief but true definition of virtue to say, it
   is the order of love; and on this account, in the Canticles, the bride
   of Christ, the city of God, sings, "Order love within me." [841]   It
   was the order of this love, then, this charity or attachment, which the
   sons of God disturbed when they forsook God, and were enamored of the
   daughters of men. [842]   And by these two names (sons of God and
   daughters of men) the two cities are sufficiently distinguished.  For
   though the former were by nature children of men, they had come into
   possession of another name by grace.  For in the same Scripture in
   which the sons of God are said to have loved the daughters of men, they
   are also called angels of God; whence many suppose that they were not
   men but angels.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [840] Or, according to another reading, "Which I briefly said in these
   verses in praise of a taper."

   [841] Cant. ii. 4.

   [842] See De Doct. Christ. i. 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Whether We are to Believe that Angels, Who are of a
   Spiritual Substance, Fell in Love with the Beauty of Women, and Sought
   Them in Marriage, and that from This Connection Giants Were Born.

   In the third book of this work (c. 5) we made a passing reference to
   this question, but did not decide whether angels, inasmuch as they are
   spirits, could have bodily intercourse with women.  For it is written,
   "Who maketh His angels spirits," [843] that is, He makes those who are
   by nature spirits His angels by appointing them to the duty of bearing
   His messages.  For the Greek word angelos, which in Latin appears as
   "angelus," means a messenger.  But whether the Psalmist speaks of their
   bodies when he adds, "and His ministers a flaming fire," or means that
   God's ministers ought to blaze with love as with a spiritual fire, is
   doubtful.  However, the same trustworthy Scripture testifies that
   angels have appeared to men in such bodies as could not only be seen,
   but also touched.  There is, too, a very general rumor, which many have
   verified by their own experience, or which trustworthy persons who have
   heard the experience of others corroborate, that sylvans and fauns, who
   are commonly called "incubi," had often made wicked assaults upon
   women, and satisfied their lust upon them; and that certain devils,
   called Duses by the Gauls, are constantly attempting and effecting this
   impurity is so generally affirmed, that it were impudent to deny it.
   [844]   From these assertions, indeed, I dare not determine whether
   there be some spirits embodied in an aerial substance (for this
   element, even when agitated by a fan, is sensibly felt by the body),
   and who are capable of lust and of mingling sensibly with women; but
   certainly I could by no means believe that God's holy angels could at
   that time have so fallen, nor can I think that it is of them the
   Apostle Peter said, "For if God spared not the angels that sinned, but
   cast them down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness, to
   be reserved unto judgment." [845]   I think he rather speaks of these
   who first apostatized from God, along with their chief the devil, who
   enviously deceived the first man under the form of a serpent.  But the
   same holy Scripture affords the most ample testimony that even godly
   men have been called angels; for of John it is written:  "Behold, I
   send my messenger (angel) before Thy face, who shall prepare Thy way."
   [846]   And the prophet Malachi, by a peculiar grace specially
   communicated to him, was called an angel. [847]

   But some are moved by the fact that we have read that the fruit of the
   connection between those who are called angels of God and the women
   they loved were not men like our own breed, but giants; just as if
   there were not born even in our own time (as I have mentioned above)
   men of much greater size than the ordinary stature.  Was there not at
   Rome a few years ago, when the destruction of the city now accomplished
   by the Goths was drawing near, a woman, with her father and mother, who
   by her gigantic size over-topped all others?  Surprising crowds from
   all quarters came to see her, and that which struck them most was the
   circumstance that neither of her parents were quite up to the tallest
   ordinary stature.  Giants therefore might well be born, even before the
   sons of God, who are also called angels of God, formed a connection
   with the daughters of men, or of those living according to men, that is
   to say, before the sons of Seth formed a connection with the daughters
   of Cain.  For thus speaks even the canonical Scripture itself in the
   book in which we read of this; its words are:  "And it came to pass,
   when men began to multiply on the face of the earth, and daughters were
   born unto them, that the sons of God saw the daughters of men that they
   were fair [good]; and they took them wives of all which they chose.
   And the Lord God said, My Spirit shall not always strive with man, for
   that he also is flesh:  yet his days shall be an hundred and twenty
   years.  There were giants in the earth in those days; and also after
   that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men, and they
   bare children to them, the same became the giants, men of renown."
   [848]   These words of the divine book sufficiently indicate that
   already there were giants in the earth in those days, in which the sons
   of God took wives of the children of men, when they loved them because
   they were good, that is, fair.  For it is the custom of this Scripture
   to call those who are beautiful in appearance "good."  But after this
   connection had been formed, then too were giants born.  For the words
   are:  "There were giants in the earth in those days, and also after
   that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men."
   Therefore there were giants both before, "in those days," and "also
   after that."  And the words, "they bare children to them," show plainly
   enough that before the sons of God fell in this fashion they begat
   children to God, not to themselves,--that is to say, not moved by the
   lust of sexual intercourse, but discharging the duty of propagation,
   intending to produce not a family to gratify their own pride, but
   citizens to people the city of God; and to these they as God's angels
   would bear the message, that they should place their hope in God, like
   him who was born of Seth, the son of resurrection, and who hoped to
   call on the name of the Lord God, in which hope they and their
   offspring would be co-heirs of eternal blessings, and brethren in the
   family of which God is the Father.

   But that those angels were not angels in the sense of not being men, as
   some suppose, Scripture itself decides, which unambiguously declares
   that they were men.  For when it had first been stated that "the angels
   of God saw the daughters of men that they were fair, and they took them
   wives of all which they chose," it was immediately added, "And the Lord
   God said, My Spirit shall not always strive with these men, for that
   they also are flesh."  For by the Spirit of God they had been made
   angels of God, and sons of God; but declining towards lower things,
   they are called men, a name of nature, not of grace; and they are
   called flesh, as deserters of the Spirit, and by their desertion
   deserted [by Him].  The Septuagint indeed calls them both angels of God
   and sons of God, though all the copies do not show this, some having
   only the name" sons of God."  And Aquila, whom the Jews prefer to the
   other interpreters, [849] has translated neither angels of God nor sons
   of God, but sons of gods.  But both are correct.  For they were both
   sons of God, and thus brothers of their own fathers, who were children
   of the same God; and they were sons of gods, because begotten by gods,
   together with whom they themselves also were gods, according to that
   expression of the psalm: "I have said, Ye are gods, and all of you are
   children of the Most High." [850]   For the Septuagint translators are
   justly believed to have received the Spirit of prophecy; so that, if
   they made any alterations under His authority, and did not adhere to a
   strict translation, we could not doubt that this was divinely
   dictated.  However, the Hebrew word may be said to be ambiguous, and to
   be susceptible of either translation, "sons of God," or "sons of gods."

   Let us omit, then, the fables of those scriptures which are called
   apocryphal, because their obscure origin was unknown to the fathers
   from whom the authority of the true Scriptures has been transmitted to
   us by a most certain and well-ascertained succession.  For though there
   is some truth in these apocryphal writings, yet they contain so many
   false statements, that they have no canonical authority.  We cannot
   deny that Enoch, the seventh from Adam, left some divine writings, for
   this is asserted by the Apostle Jude in his canonical epistle.  But it
   is not without reason that these writings have no place in that canon
   of Scripture which was preserved in the temple of the Hebrew people by
   the diligence of successive priests; for their antiquity brought them
   under suspicion, and it was impossible to ascertain whether these were
   his genuine writings, and they were not brought forward as genuine by
   the persons who were found to have carefully preserved the canonical
   books by a successive transmission.  So that the writings which are
   produced under his name, and which contain these fables about the
   giants, saying that their fathers were not men, are properly judged by
   prudent men to be not genuine; just as many writings are produced by
   heretics under the names both of other prophets, and more recently,
   under the names of the apostles, all of which, after careful
   examination, have been set apart from canonical authority under the
   title of Apocrypha.  There is therefore no doubt that, according to the
   Hebrew and Christian canonical Scriptures, there were many giants
   before the deluge, and that these were citizens of the earthly society
   of men, and that the sons of God, who were according to the flesh the
   sons of Seth, sunk into this community when they forsook
   righteousness.  Nor need we wonder that giants should be born even from
   these.  For all of their children were not giants; but there were more
   then than in the remaining periods since the deluge.  And it pleased
   the Creator to produce them, that it might thus be demonstrated that
   neither beauty, nor yet size and strength, are of much moment to the
   wise man, whose blessedness lies in spiritual and immortal blessings,
   in far better and more enduring gifts, in the good things that are the
   peculiar property of the good, and are not shared by good and bad
   alike.  It is this which another prophet confirms when he says, "These
   were the giants, famous from the beginning, that were of so great
   stature, and so expert in war.  Those did not the Lord choose, neither
   gave He the way of knowledge unto them; but they were destroyed because
   they had no wisdom, and perished through their own foolishness." [851]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [843] Ps. civ. 4.

   [844] On these kinds of devils, see the note of Vives in loc., or
   Lecky's Hist. of Rationalism, i. 26, who quotes from Maury's Histoire
   de la Magie, that the Dusii were Celtic spirits, and are the origin of
   our "Deuce."

   [845] 2 Pet. ii. 4.

   [846] Mark i. 2.

   [847] Mal. ii. 7.

   [848] Gen. vi. 1-4.  Lactantius (Inst. ii. 15), Sulpicius Severus
   (Hist. i. 2), and others suppose from this passage that angels had
   commerce with the daughters of men.  See further references in the
   commentary of Pererius in loc.

   [849] Aquila lived in the time of Hadrian, to whom he is said to have
   been related.  He was excommunicated from the Church for the practice
   of astrology; and is best known by his translation of the Hebrew
   Scriptures into Greek, which he executed with great care and accuracy,
   though he has been charged with falsifying passages to support the Jews
   in their opposition to Christianity.

   [850] Ps. lxxxii. 6.

   [851] Baruch iii. 26-28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--How We are to Understand This Which the Lord Said to Those
   Who Were to Perish in the Flood:  "Their Days Shall Be 120 Years."

   But that which God said, "Their days shall be a hundred and twenty
   years," is not to be understood as a prediction that henceforth men
   should not live longer than 120 years,--for even after the deluge we
   find that they lived more than 500 years,--but we are to understand
   that God said this when Noah had nearly completed his fifth century,
   that is, had lived 480 years, which Scripture, as it frequently uses
   the name of the whole of the largest part, calls 500 years.  Now the
   deluge came in the 600th year of Noah's life, the second month; and
   thus 120 years were predicted as being the remaining span of those who
   were doomed, which years being spent, they should be destroyed by the
   deluge.  And it is not unreasonably believed that the deluge came as it
   did, because already there were not found upon earth any who were not
   worthy of sharing a death so manifestly judicial,--not that a good man,
   who must die some time, would be a jot the worse of such a death after
   it was past.  Nevertheless there died in the deluge none of those
   mentioned in the sacred Scripture as descended from Seth.  But here is
   the divine account of the cause of the deluge:  "The Lord God saw that
   the wickedness of man was great in the earth, and that every
   imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually.
   And it repented [852] the Lord that He had made man on the earth, and
   it grieved Him at His heart.  And the Lord said, I will destroy man,
   whom I have created, from the face of the earth; both man and beast,
   and the creeping thing, and the fowls of the air:  for I am angry that
   I have made them." [853]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [852] Lit.:  The Lord thought and reconsidered.

   [853] Gen. vi. 5-7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Of the Anger of God, Which Does Not Inflame His Mind, Nor
   Disturb His Unchangeable Tranquillity.

   The anger of God is not a disturbing emotion of His mind, but a
   judgment by which punishment is inflicted upon sin.  His thought and
   reconsideration also are the unchangeable reason which changes things;
   for He does not, like man, repent of anything He has done, because in
   all matters His decision is as inflexible as His prescience is
   certain.  But if Scripture were not to use such expressions as the
   above, it would not familiarly insinuate itself into the minds of all
   classes of men, whom it seeks access to for their good, that it may
   alarm the proud, arouse the careless, exercise the inquisitive, and
   satisfy the intelligent; and this it could not do, did it not first
   stoop, and in a manner descend, to them where they lie.  But its
   denouncing death on all the animals of earth and air is a declaration
   of the vastness of the disaster that was approaching:  not that it
   threatens destruction to the irrational animals as if they too had
   incurred it by sin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--That the Ark Which Noah Was Ordered to Make Figures In
   Every Respect Christ and the Church.

   Moreover, inasmuch as God commanded Noah, a just man, and, as the
   truthful Scripture says, a man perfect in his generation,--not indeed
   with the perfection of the citizens of the city of God in that immortal
   condition in which they equal the angels, but in so far as they can be
   perfect in their sojourn in this world,--inasmuch as God commanded him,
   I say, to make an ark, in which he might be rescued from the
   destruction of the flood, along with his family, i.e., his wife, sons,
   and daughters-in-law, and along with the animals who, in obedience to
   God's command, came to him into the ark:  this is certainly a figure of
   the city of God sojourning in this world; that is to say, of the
   church, which is rescued by the wood on which hung the Mediator of God
   and men, the man Christ Jesus. [854]   For even its very dimensions, in
   length, breadth, and height, represent the human body in which He came,
   as it had been foretold.  For the length of the human body, from the
   crown of the head to the sole of the foot, is six times its breadth
   from side to side, and ten times its depth or thickness, measuring from
   back to front:  that is to say, if you measure a man as he lies on his
   back or on his face, he is six times as long from head to foot as he is
   broad from side to side, and ten times as long as he is high from the
   ground.  And therefore the ark was made 300 cubits in length, 50 in
   breadth, and 30 in height.  And its having a door made in the side of
   it certainly signified the wound which was made when the side of the
   Crucified was pierced with the spear; for by this those who come to Him
   enter; for thence flowed the sacraments by which those who believe are
   initiated.  And the fact that it was ordered to be made of squared
   timbers, signifies the immoveable steadiness of the life of the saints;
   for however you turn a cube, it still stands.  And the other
   peculiarities of the ark's construction are signs of features of the
   church.

   But we have not now time to pursue this subject; and, indeed, we have
   already dwelt upon it in the work we wrote against Faustus the
   Manichean, who denies that there is anything prophesied of Christ in
   the Hebrew books.  It may be that one man's exposition excels
   another's, and that ours is not the best; but all that is said must be
   referred to this city of God we speak of, which sojourns in this wicked
   world as in a deluge, at least if the expositor would not widely miss
   the meaning of the author.  For example, the interpretation I have
   given in the work against Faustus, of the words, "with lower, second,
   and third stories shalt thou make it," is, that because the church is
   gathered out of all nations, it is said to have two stories, to
   represent the two kinds of men,--the circumcision, to wit, and the
   uncircumcision, or, as the apostle otherwise calls them, Jews and
   Gentiles; and to have three stories, because all the nations were
   replenished from the three sons of Noah.  Now any one may object to
   this interpretation, and may give another which harmonizes with the
   rule of faith.  For as the ark was to have rooms not only on the lower,
   but also on the upper stories, which were called "third stories," that
   there might be a habitable space on the third floor from the basement,
   some one may interpret these to mean the three graces commended by the
   apostle.--faith, hope, and charity.  Or even more suitably they may be
   supposed to represent those three harvests in the gospel, thirty-fold,
   sixty-fold, an hundred-fold,--chaste marriage dwelling in the ground
   floor, chaste widowhood in the upper, and chaste virginity in the top
   story.  Or any better interpretation may be given, so long as the
   reference to this city is maintained.  And the same statement I would
   make of all the remaining particulars in this passage which require
   exposition, viz., that although different explanations are given, yet
   they must all agree with the one harmonious catholic faith.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [854] 1 Tim. ii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of the Ark and the Deluge, and that We Cannot Agree with
   Those Who Receive the Bare History, But Reject the Allegorical
   Interpretation, Nor with Those Who Maintain the Figurative and Not the
   Historical Meaning.

   Yet no one ought to suppose either that these things were written for
   no purpose, or that we should study only the historical truth, apart
   from any allegorical meanings; or, on the contrary, that they are only
   allegories, and that there were no such facts at all, or that, whether
   it be so or no, there is here no prophecy of the church.  For what
   right-minded man will contend that books so religiously preserved
   during thousands of years, and transmitted by so orderly a succession,
   were written without an object, or that only the bare historical facts
   are to be considered when we read them?  For, not to mention other
   instances, if the number of the animals entailed the construction of an
   ark of great size, where was the necessity of sending into it two
   unclean and seven clean animals of each species, when both could have
   been preserved in equal numbers?  Or could not God, who ordered them to
   be preserved in order to replenish the race, restore them in the same
   way He had created them?

   But they who contend that these things never happened, but are only
   figures setting forth other things, in the first place suppose that
   there could not be a flood so great that the water should rise fifteen
   cubits above the highest mountains, because it is said that clouds
   cannot rise above the top of Mount Olympus, because it reaches the sky
   where there is none of that thicker atmosphere in which winds, clouds,
   and rains have their origin.  They do not reflect that the densest
   element of all, earth, can exist there; or perhaps they deny that the
   top of the mountain is earth.  Why, then, do these measurers and
   weighers of the elements contend that earth can be raised to those
   aerial altitudes, and that water cannot, while they admit that water is
   lighter, and liker to ascend than earth?  What reason do they adduce
   why earth, the heavier and lower element, has for so many ages scaled
   to the tranquil ether, while water, the lighter, and more likely to
   ascend, is not suffered to do the same even for a brief space of time?

   They say, too, that the area of that ark could not contain so many
   kinds of animals of both sexes, two of the unclean and seven of the
   clean.  But they seem to me to reckon only one area of 300 cubits long
   and 50 broad, and not to remember that there was another similar in the
   story above, and yet another as large in the story above that again;
   and that there was consequently an area of 900 cubits by 150.  And if
   we accept what Origen [855] has with some appropriateness suggested,
   that Moses the man of God, being, as it is written, "learned in all the
   wisdom of the Egyptians," [856] who delighted in geometry, may have
   meant geometrical cubits, of which they say that one is equal to six of
   our cubits, then who does not see what a capacity these dimensions give
   to the ark?  For as to their objection that an ark of such size could
   not be built, it is a very silly calumny; for they are aware that huge
   cities have been built, and they should remember that the ark was an
   hundred years in building.  Or, perhaps, though stone can adhere to
   stone when cemented with nothing but lime, so that a wall of several
   miles may be constructed, yet plank cannot be riveted to plank by
   mortices, bolts, nails, and pitch-glue, so as to construct an ark which
   was not made with curved ribs but straight timbers, which was not to be
   launched by its builders, but to be lifted by the natural pressure of
   the water when it reached it, and which was to be preserved from
   shipwreck as it floated about rather by divine oversight than by human
   skill.

   As to another customary inquiry of the scrupulous about the very minute
   creatures, not only such as mice and lizards, but also locusts,
   beetles, flies, fleas, and so forth, whether there were not in the ark
   a larger number of them than was determined by God in His command,
   those persons who are moved by this difficulty are to be reminded that
   the words "every creeping thing of the earth" only indicate that it was
   not needful to preserve in the ark the animals that can live in the
   water, whether the fishes that live submerged in it, or the sea-birds
   that swim on its surface.  Then, when it is said "male and female," no
   doubt reference is made to the repairing of the races, and consequently
   there was no need for those creatures being in the ark which are born
   without the union of the sexes from inanimate things, or from their
   corruption; or if they were in the ark, they might be there as they
   commonly are in houses, not in any determinate numbers; or if it was
   necessary that there should be a definite number of all those animals
   that cannot naturally live in the water, that so the most sacred
   mystery which was being enacted might be bodied forth and perfectly
   figured in actual realities, still this was not the care of Noah or his
   sons, but of God.  For Noah did not catch the animals and put them into
   the ark, but gave them entrance as they came seeking it.  For this is
   the force of the words, "They shall come unto thee," [857] --not, that
   is to say, by man's effort, but by God's will.  But certainly we are
   not required to believe that those which have no sex also came; for it
   is expressly and definitely said, "They shall be male and female."  For
   there are some animals which are born out of corruption, but yet
   afterwards they themselves copulate and produce offspring, as flies;
   but others, which have no sex, like bees.  Then, as to those animals
   which have sex, but without ability to propagate their kind, like mules
   and she-mules, it is probable that they were not in the ark, but that
   it was counted sufficient to preserve their parents, to wit, the horse
   and the ass; and this applies to all hybrids.  Yet, if it was necessary
   for the completeness of the mystery, they were there; for even this
   species has "male and female."

   Another question is commonly raised regarding the food of the
   carnivorous animals,--whether, without transgressing the command which
   fixed the number to be preserved, there were necessarily others
   included in the ark for their sustenance; or, as is more probable,
   there might be some food which was not flesh, and which yet suited
   all.  For we know how many animals whose food is flesh eat also
   vegetable products and fruits, especially figs and chestnuts.  What
   wonder is it, therefore, if that wise and just man was instructed by
   God what would suit each, so that without flesh he prepared and stored
   provision fit for every species?  And what is there which hunger would
   not make animals eat?  Or what could not be made sweet and wholesome by
   God, who, with a divine facility, might have enabled them to do without
   food at all, had it not been requisite to the completeness of so great
   a mystery that they should be fed?  But none but a contentious man can
   suppose that there was no prefiguring of the church in so manifold and
   circumstantial a detail.  For the nations have already so filled the
   church, and are comprehended in the framework of its unity, the clean
   and unclean together, until the appointed end, that this one very
   manifest fulfillment leaves no doubt how we should interpret even those
   others which are somewhat more obscure, and which cannot so readily be
   discerned.  And since this is so, if not even the most audacious will
   presume to assert that these things were written without a purpose, or
   that though the events really happened they mean nothing, or that they
   did not really happen, but are only allegory, or that at all events
   they are far from having any figurative reference to the church; if it
   has been made out that, on the other hand, we must rather believe that
   there was a wise purpose in their being committed to memory and to
   writing, and that they did happen, and have a significance, and that
   this significance has a prophetic reference to the church, then this
   book, having served this purpose, may now be closed, that we may go on
   to trace in the history subsequent to the deluge the courses of the two
   cities,--the earthly, that lives according to men, and the heavenly,
   that lives according to God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [855] In his second homily on Genesis.

   [856] Acts vii. 22.

   [857] Gen. vi. 19, 20.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XVI.

   ------------------------

   Argument--In the former part of this book, from the first to the
   twelfth chapter, the progress of the two cities, the earthly and the
   heavenly, from Noah to Abraham, is exhibited from Holy Scripture:  In
   the latter part, the progress of the heavenly alone, from Abraham to
   the kings of Israel, is the subject.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Whether, After the Deluge, from Noah to Abraham, Any
   Families Can Be Found Who Lived According to God.

   It is difficult to discover from Scripture, whether, after the deluge,
   traces of the holy city are continuous, or are so interrupted by
   intervening seasons of godlessness, that not a single worshipper of the
   one true God was found among men; because from Noah, who, with his
   wife, three sons, and as many daughters-in-law, achieved deliverance in
   the ark from the destruction of the deluge, down to Abraham, we do not
   find in the canonical books that the piety of any one is celebrated by
   express divine testimony, unless it be in the case of Noah, who
   commends with a prophetic benediction his two sons Shem and Japheth,
   while he beheld and foresaw what was long afterwards to happen.  It was
   also by this prophetic spirit that, when his middle son--that is, the
   son who was younger than the first and older than the last born--had
   sinned against him, he cursed him not in his own person, but in his
   son's (his own grandson's), in the words, "Cursed be the lad Canaan; a
   servant shall he be unto his brethren." [858]   Now Canaan was born of
   Ham, who, so far from covering his sleeping father's nakedness, had
   divulged it.  For the same reason also he subjoins the blessing on his
   two other sons, the oldest and youngest, saying, "Blessed be the Lord
   God of Shem; and Canaan shall be his servant.  God shall gladden
   Japheth, and he shall dwell in the houses of Shem." [859]   And so,
   too, the planting of the vine by Noah, and his intoxication by its
   fruit, and his nakedness while he slept, and the other things done at
   that time, and recorded, are all of them pregnant with prophetic
   meanings, and veiled in mysteries. [860]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [858] Gen. ix. 25.

   [859] Gen. ix. 26, 27.

   [860] See Contra Faust. xii. c. 22 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--What Was Prophetically Prefigured in the Sons of Noah.

   The things which then were hidden are now sufficiently revealed by the
   actual events which have followed.  For who can carefully and
   intelligently consider these things without recognizing them
   accomplished in Christ?  Shem, of whom Christ was born in the flesh,
   means "named."  And what is of greater name than Christ, the fragrance
   of whose name is now everywhere perceived, so that even prophecy sings
   of it beforehand, comparing it in the Song of Songs, [861] to ointment
   poured forth?  Is it not also in the houses of Christ, that is, in the
   churches, that the "enlargement" of the nations dwells?  For Japheth
   means "enlargement."  And Ham (i.e., hot), who was the middle son of
   Noah, and, as it were, separated himself from both, and remained
   between them, neither belonging to the first-fruits of Israel nor to
   the fullness of the Gentiles, what does he signify but the tribe of
   heretics, hot with the spirit, not of patience, but of impatience, with
   which the breasts of heretics are wont to blaze, and with which they
   disturb the peace of the saints?  But even the heretics yield an
   advantage to those that make proficiency, according to the apostle's
   saying, "There must also be heresies, that they which are approved may
   be made manifest among you." [862]   Whence, too, it is elsewhere said,
   "The son that receives instruction will be wise, and he uses the
   foolish as his servant." [863]   For while the hot restlessness of
   heretics stirs questions about many articles of the catholic faith, the
   necessity of defending them forces us both to investigate them more
   accurately, to understand them more clearly, and to proclaim them more
   earnestly; and the question mooted by an adversary becomes the occasion
   of instruction.  However, not only those who are openly separated from
   the church, but also all who glory in the Christian name, and at the
   same time lead abandoned lives, may without absurdity seem to be
   figured by Noah's middle son:  for the passion of Christ, which was
   signified by that man's nakedness, is at once proclaimed by their
   profession, and dishonored by their wicked conduct.  Of such,
   therefore, it has been said, "By their fruits ye shall know them."
   [864]   And therefore was Ham cursed in his son, he being, as it were,
   his fruit.  So, too, this son of his, Canaan, is fitly interpreted
   "their movement," which is nothing else than their work.  But Shem and
   Japheth, that is to say, the circumcision and uncircumcision, or, as
   the apostle otherwise calls them, the Jews and Greeks, but called and
   justified, having somehow discovered the nakedness of their father
   (which signifies the Saviour's passion), took a garment and laid it
   upon their backs, and entered backwards and covered their father's
   nakedness, without their seeing what their reverence hid.  For we both
   honor the passion of Christ as accomplished for us, and we hate the
   crime of the Jews who crucified Him.  The garment signifies the
   sacrament, their backs the memory of things past:  for the church
   celebrates the passion of Christ as already accomplished, and no longer
   to be looked forward to, now that Japheth already dwells in the
   habitations of Shem, and their wicked brother between them.

   But the wicked brother is, in the person of his son (i.e., his work),
   the boy, or slave, of his good brothers, when good men make a skillful
   use of bad men, either for the exercise of their patience or for their
   advancement in wisdom.  For the apostle testifies that there are some
   who preach Christ from no pure motives; "but," says he, "whether in
   pretence or in truth, Christ is preached; and I therein do rejoice,
   yea, and will rejoice." [865]   For it is Christ Himself who planted
   the vine of which the prophet says, "The vine of the Lord of hosts is
   the house of Israel;" [866] and He drinks of its wine, whether we thus
   understand that cup of which He says, "Can ye drink of the cup that I
   shall drink of?" [867] and, "Father, if it be possible, let this cup
   pass from me," [868] by which He obviously means His passion.  Or, as
   wine is the fruit of the vine, we may prefer to understand that from
   this vine, that is to say, from the race of Israel, He has assumed
   flesh and blood that He might suffer; "and he was drunken," that is, He
   suffered; "and was naked," that is, His weakness appeared in His
   suffering, as the apostle says, "though He was crucified through
   weakness." [869]   Wherefore the same apostle says, "The weakness of
   God is stronger than men; and the foolishness of God is wiser than
   men." [870]   And when to the expression "he was naked" Scripture adds
   "in his house," it elegantly intimates that Jesus was to suffer the
   cross and death at the hands of His own household, His own kith and
   kin, the Jews.  This passion of Christ is only externally and verbally
   professed by the reprobate, for what they profess, they do not
   understand.  But the elect hold in the inner man this so great mystery,
   and honor inwardly in the heart this weakness and foolishness of God.
   And of this there is a figure in Ham going out to proclaim his father's
   nakedness; while Shem and Japheth, to cover or honor it, went in, that
   is to say, did it inwardly.

   These secrets of divine Scripture we investigate as well as we can.
   All will not accept our interpretation with equal confidence, but all
   hold it certain that these things were neither done nor recorded
   without some foreshadowing of future events, and that they are to be
   referred only to Christ and His church, which is the city of God,
   proclaimed from the very beginning of human history by figures which we
   now see everywhere accomplished.  From the blessing of the two sons of
   Noah, and the cursing of the middle son, down to Abraham, or for more
   than a thousand years, there is, as I have said, no mention of any
   righteous persons who worshipped God.  I do not therefore conclude that
   there were none; but it had been tedious to mention every one, and
   would have displayed historical accuracy rather than prophetic
   foresight.  The object of the writer of these sacred books, or rather
   of the Spirit of God in him, is not only to record the past, but to
   depict the future, so far as it regards the city of God; for whatever
   is said of those who are not its citizens, is given either for her
   instruction, or as a foil to enhance her glory. Yet we are not to
   suppose that all that is recorded has some signification; but those
   things which have no signification of their own are interwoven for the
   sake of the things which are significant.  It is only the ploughshare
   that cleaves the soil; but to effect this, other parts of the plough
   are requisite.  It is only the strings in harps and other musical
   instruments which produce melodious sounds; but that they may do so,
   there are other parts of the instrument which are not indeed struck by
   those who sing, but are connected with the strings which are struck,
   and produce musical notes.  So in this prophetic history some things
   are narrated which have no significance, but are, as it were, the
   framework to which the significant things are attached.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [861] Song of Solomon i. 3.

   [862] 1 Cor. xi. 19.

   [863] Prov. x. 5. (LXX.).

   [864] Matt. vii. 20.

   [865] Phil. i. 18.

   [866] Isa. v. 7.

   [867] Matt. xx. 22.

   [868] Matt. xxvi. 39.

   [869] 2 Cor xiii. 4.

   [870] 1 Cor. i. 25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Of the Generations of the Three Sons of Noah.

   We must therefore introduce into this work an explanation of the
   generations of the three sons of Noah, in so far as that may illustrate
   the progress in time of the two cities.  Scripture first mentions that
   of the youngest son, who is called Japheth:  he had eight sons, [871]
   and by two of these sons seven grandchildren, three by one son, four by
   the other; in all, fifteen descendants.  Ham, Noah's middle son, had
   four sons, and by one of them five grandsons, and by one of these two
   great-grandsons; in all, eleven.  After enumerating these, Scripture
   returns to the first of the sons, and says, "Cush begat Nimrod; he
   began to be a giant on the earth.  He was a giant hunter against the
   Lord God:  wherefore they say, As Nimrod the giant hunter against the
   Lord.  And the beginning of his kingdom was Babylon, Erech, Accad, and
   Calneh, in the land of Shinar.  Out of that land went forth Assur, and
   built Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth, and Calah, and Resen between
   Nineveh and Calah:  this was a great city."  Now this Cush, father of
   the giant Nimrod, is the first-named among the sons of Ham, to whom
   five sons and two grandsons are ascribed.  But he either begat this
   giant after his grandsons were born, or, which is more credible,
   Scripture speaks of him separately on account of his eminence; for
   mention is also made of his kingdom, which began with that magnificent
   city Babylon, and the other places, whether cities or districts,
   mentioned along with it.  But what is recorded of the land of Shinar
   which belonged to Nimrod's kingdom, to wit, that Assur went forth from
   it and built Nineveh and the other cities mentioned with it, happened
   long after; but he takes occasion to speak of it here on account of the
   grandeur of the Assyrian kingdom, which was wonderfully extended by
   Ninus son of Belus, and founder of the great city Nineveh, which was
   named after him, Nineveh, from Ninus.  But Assur, father of the
   Assyrian, was not one of the sons of Ham, Noah's son, but is found
   among the sons of Shem, his eldest son.  Whence it appears that among
   Shem's offspring there arose men who afterwards took possession of that
   giant's kingdom, and advancing from it, founded other cities, the first
   of which was called Nineveh, from Ninus.  From him Scripture returns to
   Ham's other son, Mizraim; and his sons are enumerated, not as seven
   individuals, but as seven nations.  And from the sixth, as if from the
   sixth son, the race called the Philistines are said to have sprung; so
   that there are in all eight.  Then it returns again to Canaan, in whose
   person Ham was cursed; and his eleven sons are named.  Then the
   territories they occupied, and some of the cities, are named.  And
   thus, if we count sons and grandsons, there are thirty-one of Ham's
   descendants registered.

   It remains to mention the sons of Shem, Noah's eldest son; for to him
   this genealogical narrative gradually ascends from the youngest.  But
   in the commencement of the record of Shem's sons there is an obscurity
   which calls for explanation, since it is closely connected with the
   object of our investigation.  For we read, "Unto Shem also, the father
   of all the children of Heber, the brother of Japheth the elder, were
   children born." [872]   This is the order of the words:  And to Shem
   was born Heber, even to himself, that is, to Shem himself was born
   Heber, and Shem is the father of all his children.  We are intended to
   understand that Shem is the patriarch of all his posterity who were to
   be mentioned, whether sons, grandsons, great-grandsons, or descendants
   at any remove.  For Shem did not beget Heber, who was indeed in the
   fifth generation from him.  For Shem begat, among other sons, Arphaxad;
   Arphaxad begat Cainan, Cainan begat Salah, Salah begat Heber.  And it
   was with good reason that he was named first among Shem's offspring,
   taking precedence even of his sons, though only a grandchild of the
   fifth generation; for from him, as tradition says, the Hebrews derived
   their name, though the other etymology which derives the name from
   Abraham (as if Abrahews) may possibly be correct. But there can be
   little doubt that the former is the right etymology, and that they were
   called after Heber, Heberews, and then, dropping a letter, Hebrews; and
   so was their language called Hebrew, which was spoken by none but the
   people of Israel among whom was the city of God, mysteriously
   prefigured in all the people, and truly present in the saints.  Six of
   Shem's sons then are first named, then four grandsons born to one of
   these sons; then it mentions another son of Shem, who begat a grandson;
   and his son, again, or Shem's great-grandson, was Heber.  And Heber
   begat two sons, and called the one Peleg, which means "dividing;" and
   Scripture subjoins the reason of this name, saying, "for in his days
   was the earth divided."  What this means will afterwards appear.
   Heber's other son begat twelve sons; consequently all Shem's
   descendants are twenty-seven.  The total number of the progeny of the
   three sons of Noah is seventy-three, fifteen by Japheth, thirty-one by
   Ham, twenty-seven by Shem.  Then Scripture adds, "These are the sons of
   Shem, after their families, after their tongues, in their lands, after
   their nations."  And so of the whole number "These are the families of
   the sons of Noah after their generations, in their nations; and by
   these were the isles of the nations dispersed through the earth after
   the flood."  From which we gather that the seventy-three (or rather, as
   I shall presently show, seventy-two) were not individuals, but
   nations.  For in a former passage, when the sons of Japheth were
   enumerated, it is said in conclusion, "By these were the isles of the
   nations divided in their lands, every one after his language, in their
   tribes, and in their nations."

   But nations are expressly mentioned among the sons of Ham, as I showed
   above.  "Mizraim begat those who are called Ludim;" and so also of the
   other seven nations.  And after enumerating all of them, it concludes,
   "These are the sons of Ham, in their families, according to their
   languages, in their territories, and in their nations."  The reason,
   then, why the children of several of them are not mentioned, is that
   they belonged by birth to other nations, and did not themselves become
   nations.  Why else is it, that though eight sons are reckoned to
   Japheth, the sons of only two of these are mentioned; and though four
   are reckoned to Ham, only three are spoken of as having sons; and
   though six are reckoned to Shem, the descendants of only two of these
   are traced?  Did the rest remain childless?  We cannot suppose so; but
   they did not produce nations so great as to warrant their being
   mentioned, but were absorbed in the nations to which they belonged by
   birth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [871] Augustin here follows the Greek version, which introduces the
   name Elisa among the sons of Japheth, though not found in the Hebrew.
   It is not found in the Complutensian Greek translation, nor in the Mss.
   used by Jerome.

   [872] Gen. x. 21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Of the Diversity of Languages, and of the Founding of
   Babylon.

   But though these nations are said to have been dispersed according to
   their languages, yet the narrator recurs to that time when all had but
   one language, and explains how it came to pass that a diversity of
   languages was introduced.  "The whole earth," he says, "was of one lip,
   and all had one speech.  And it came to pass, as they journeyed from
   the east, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar, and dwelt
   there.  And they said one to another, Come, and let us make bricks, and
   burn them thoroughly.  And they had bricks for stone, and slime for
   mortar.  And they said, Come, and let us build for ourselves a city,
   and a tower whose top shall reach the sky; and let us make us a name,
   before we be scattered abroad on the face of all the earth.  And the
   Lord came down to see the city and the tower, which the children of men
   builded.  And the Lord God said, Behold, the people is one, and they
   have all one language; and this they begin to do:  and now nothing will
   be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do.  Come, and let
   us go down, and confound there their language, that they may not
   understand one another's speech.  And God scattered them thence on the
   face of all the earth: and they left off to build the city and the
   tower.  Therefore the name of it is called Confusion; because the Lord
   did there confound the language of all the earth:  and the Lord God
   scattered them thence on the face of all the earth." [873]   This city,
   which was called Confusion, is the same as Babylon, whose wonderful
   construction Gentile history also notices.  For Babylon means
   Confusion.  Whence we conclude that the giant Nimrod was its founder,
   as had been hinted a little before, where Scripture, in speaking of
   him, says that the beginning of his kingdom was Babylon, that is,
   Babylon had a supremacy over the other cities as the metropolis and
   royal residence; although it did not rise to the grand dimensions
   designed by its proud and impious founder.  The plan was to make it so
   high that it should reach the sky, whether this was meant of one tower
   which they intended to build higher than the others, or of all the
   towers, which might be signified by the singular number, as we speak of
   "the soldier," meaning the army, and of the frog or the locust, when we
   refer to the whole multitude of frogs and locusts in the plagues with
   which Moses smote the Egyptians. [874]  But what did these vain and
   presumptuous men intend?  How did they expect to raise this lofty mass
   against God, when they had built it above all the mountains and the
   clouds of the earth's atmosphere?  What injury could any spiritual or
   material elevation do to God?  The safe and true way to heaven is made
   by humility, which lifts up the heart to the Lord, not against Him; as
   this giant is said to have been a "hunter against the Lord."  This has
   been misunderstood by some through the ambiguity of the Greek word, and
   they have translated it, not "against the Lord," but "before the Lord;"
   for enantion means both "before" and "against."  In the Psalm this word
   is rendered, "Let us weep before the Lord our Maker." [875]   The same
   word occurs in the book of Job, where it is written, "Thou hast broken
   into fury against the Lord." [876]   And so this giant is to be
   recognized as a "hunter against the Lord."  And what is meant by the
   term "hunter" but deceiver, oppressor, and destroyer of the animals of
   the earth?  He and his people therefore, erected this tower against the
   Lord, and so gave expression to their impious pride; and justly was
   their wicked intention punished by God, even though it was
   unsuccessful.  But what was the nature of the punishment?  As the
   tongue is the instrument of domination, in it pride was punished; so
   that man, who would not understand God when He issued His commands,
   should be misunderstood when he himself gave orders.  Thus was that
   conspiracy disbanded, for each man retired from those he could not
   understand, and associated with those whose speech was intelligible;
   and the nations were divided according to their languages, and
   scattered over the earth as seemed good to God, who accomplished this
   in ways hidden from and incomprehensible to us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [873] Gen. xi. 1-9.

   [874] Ex. x.

   [875] Ps. xcv. 6.

   [876] Job xv. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of God's Coming Down to Confound the Languages of the
   Builders of the City.

   We read, "The Lord came down to see the city and the tower which the
   sons of men built:"  it was not the sons of God, but that society which
   lived in a merely human way, and which we call the earthly city.  God,
   who is always wholly everywhere, does not move locally; but He is said
   to descend when He does anything in the earth out of the usual course,
   which, as it were, makes His presence felt.  And in the same way, He
   does not by "seeing" learn some new thing, for He cannot ever be
   ignorant of anything; but He is said to see and recognize, in time,
   that which He causes others to see and recognize.  And therefore that
   city was not previously being seen as God made it be seen when He
   showed how offensive it was to Him.  We might, indeed, interpret God's
   descending to the city of the descent of His angels in whom He dwells;
   so that the following words, "And the Lord God said, Behold, they are
   all one race and of one language," and also what follows, "Come, and
   let us go down and confound their speech," are a recapitulation,
   explaining how the previously intimated "descent of the Lord" was
   accomplished.  For if He had already gone down, why does He say, "Come,
   and let us go down and confound?"--words which seem to be addressed to
   the angels, and to intimate that He who was in the angels descended in
   their descent.  And the words most appropriately are, not, "Go ye down
   and confound," but, "Let us confound their speech;" showing that He so
   works by His servants, that they are themselves also fellow-laborers
   with God, as the apostle says, "For we are fellow-laborers with God."
   [877]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [877] 1 Cor. iii. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--What We are to Understand by God's Speaking to the Angels.

   We might have supposed that the words uttered at the creation of man,
   "Let us," and not Let me, "make man," were addressed to the angels, had
   He not added "in our image;" but as we cannot believe that man was made
   in the image of angels, or that the image of God is the same as that of
   angels, it is proper to refer this expression to the plurality of the
   Trinity.  And yet this Trinity, being one God, even after saying "Let
   us make," goes on to say, "And God made man in His image," [878] and
   not "Gods made," or "in their image."  And were there any difficulty in
   applying to the angels the words, "Come, and let us go down and
   confound their speech," we might refer the plural to the Trinity, as if
   the Father were addressing the Son and the Holy Spirit; but it rather
   belongs to the angels to approach God by holy movements, that is, by
   pious thoughts, and thereby to avail themselves of the unchangeable
   truth which rules in the court of heaven as their eternal law.  For
   they are not themselves the truth; but partaking in the creative truth,
   they are moved towards it as the fountain of life, that what they have
   not in themselves they may obtain in it.  And this movement of theirs
   is steady, for they never go back from what they have reached.  And to
   these angels God does not speak, as we speak to one another, or to God,
   or to angels, or as the angels speak to us, or as God speaks to us
   through them:  He speaks to them in an ineffable manner of His own, and
   that which He says is conveyed to us in a manner suited to our
   capacity.  For the speaking of God antecedent and superior to all His
   works, is the immutable reason of His work:  it has no noisy and
   passing sound, but an energy eternally abiding and producing results in
   time.  Thus He speaks to the holy angels; but to us, who are far off,
   He speaks otherwise.  When, however, we hear with the inner ear some
   part of the speech of God, we approximate to the angels.  But in this
   work I need not labor to give an account of the ways in which God
   speaks.  For either the unchangeable Truth speaks directly to the mind
   of the rational creature in some indescribable way, or speaks through
   the changeable creature, either presenting spiritual images to our
   spirit, or bodily voices to our bodily sense.

   The words, "Nothing will be restrained from them which they have
   imagined to do," [879] are assuredly not meant as an affirmation, but
   as an interrogation, such as is used by persons threatening, as e.g.,
   when Dido exclaims,

   "They will not take arms and pursue?" [880]

   We are to understand the words as if it had been said, Shall nothing be
   restrained from them which they have imagined to do? [881]   From these
   three men, therefore, the three sons of Noah we mean, 73, or rather, as
   the catalogue will show, 72 nations and as many languages were
   dispersed over the earth, and as they increased filled even the
   islands.  But the nations multiplied much more than the languages.  For
   even in Africa we know several barbarous nations which have but one
   language; and who can doubt that, as the human race increased, men
   contrived to pass to the islands in ships?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [878] Gen. i. 26.

   [879] Gen. xi. 6.

   [880] Virgil, Æn., iv. 592.

   [881] Here Augustin remarks on the addition of the particle ne to the
   word non, which he has made to bring out the sense.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Whether Even the Remotest Islands Received Their Fauna from
   the Animals Which Were Preserved, Through the Deluge, in the Ark.

   There is a question raised about all those kinds of beasts which are
   not domesticated, nor are produced like frogs from the earth, but are
   propagated by male and female parents, such as wolves and animals of
   that kind; and it is asked how they could be found in the islands after
   the deluge, in which all the animals not in the ark perished, unless
   the breed was restored from those which were preserved in pairs in the
   ark.  It might, indeed, be said that they crossed to the islands by
   swimming, but this could only be true of those very near the mainland;
   whereas there are some so distant, that we fancy no animal could swim
   to them.  But if men caught them and took them across with themselves,
   and thus propagated these breeds in their new abodes, this would not
   imply an incredible fondness for the chase.  At the same time, it
   cannot be denied that by the intervention of angels they might be
   transferred by God's order or permission.  If, however, they were
   produced out of the earth as at their first creation, when God said,
   "Let the earth bring forth the living creature," [882] this makes it
   more evident that all kinds of animals were preserved in the ark, not
   so much for the sake of renewing the stock, as of prefiguring the
   various nations which were to be saved in the church; this, I say, is
   more evident, if the earth brought forth many animals in islands to
   which they could not cross over.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [882] Gen. i. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Whether Certain Monstrous Races of Men are Derived from the
   Stock of Adam or Noah's Sons.

   It is also asked whether we are to believe that certain monstrous races
   of men, spoken of in secular history, [883] have sprung from Noah's
   sons, or rather, I should say, from that one man from whom they
   themselves were descended.  For it is reported that some have one eye
   in the middle of the forehead; some, feet turned backwards from the
   heel; some, a double sex, the right breast like a man, the left like a
   woman, and that they alternately beget and bring forth:  others are
   said to have no mouth, and to breathe only through the nostrils; others
   are but a cubit high, and are therefore called by the Greeks "Pigmies:"
   [884]   they say that in some places the women conceive in their fifth
   year, and do not live beyond their eighth.  So, too, they tell of a
   race who have two feet but only one leg, and are of marvellous
   swiftness, though they do not bend the knee:  they are called
   Skiopodes, because in the hot weather they lie down on their backs and
   shade themselves with their feet.  Others are said to have no head, and
   their eyes in their shoulders; and other human or quasi-human races are
   depicted in mosaic in the harbor esplanade of Carthage, on the faith of
   histories of rarities.  What shall I say of the Cynocephali, whose
   dog-like head and barking proclaim them beasts rather than men?  But we
   are not bound to believe all we hear of these monstrosities.  But
   whoever is anywhere born a man, that is, a rational, mortal animal, no
   matter what unusual appearance he presents in color, movement, sound,
   nor how peculiar he is in some power, part, or quality of his nature,
   no Christian can doubt that he springs from that one protoplast.  We
   can distinguish the common human nature from that which is peculiar,
   and therefore wonderful.

   The same account which is given of monstrous births in individual cases
   can be given of monstrous races.  For God, the Creator of all, knows
   where and when each thing ought to be, or to have been created, because
   He sees the similarities and diversities which can contribute to the
   beauty of the whole.  But He who cannot see the whole is offended by
   the deformity of the part, because he is blind to that which balances
   it, and to which it belongs.  We know that men are born with more than
   four fingers on their hands or toes on their feet:  this is a smaller
   matter; but far from us be the folly of supposing that the Creator
   mistook the number of a man's fingers, though we cannot account for the
   difference.  And so in cases where the divergence from the rule is
   greater.  He whose works no man justly finds fault with, knows what He
   has done.  At Hippo-Diarrhytus there is a man whose hands are
   crescent-shaped, and have only two fingers each, and his feet similarly
   formed.  If there were a race like him, it would be added to the
   history of the curious and wonderful.  Shall we therefore deny that
   this man is descended from that one man who was first created?  As for
   the Androgyni, or Hermaphrodites, as they are called, though they are
   rare, yet from time to time there appears persons of sex so doubtful,
   that it remains uncertain from which sex they take their name; though
   it is customary to give them a masculine name, as the more worthy.  For
   no one ever called them Hermaphroditesses.  Some years ago, quite
   within my own memory, a man was born in the East, double in his upper,
   but single in his lower half--having two heads, two chests, four hands,
   but one body and two feet like an ordinary man; and he lived so long
   that many had an opportunity of seeing him.  But who could enumerate
   all the human births that have differed widely from their ascertained
   parents?  As, therefore, no one will deny that these are all descended
   from that one man, so all the races which are reported to have diverged
   in bodily appearance from the usual course which nature generally or
   almost universally preserves, if they are embraced in that definition
   of man as rational and mortal animals, unquestionably trace their
   pedigree to that one first father of all.  We are supposing these
   stories about various races who differ from one another and from us to
   be true; but possibly they are not:  for if we were not aware that
   apes, and monkeys, and sphinxes are not men, but beasts, those
   historians would possibly describe them as races of men, and flaunt
   with impunity their false and vainglorious discoveries.  But supposing
   they are men of whom these marvels are recorded, what if God has seen
   fit to create some races in this way, that we might not suppose that
   the monstrous births which appear among ourselves are the failures of
   that wisdom whereby He fashions the human nature, as we speak of the
   failure of a less perfect workman?  Accordingly, it ought not to seem
   absurd to us, that as in individual races there are monstrous births,
   so in the whole race there are monstrous races.  Wherefore, to conclude
   this question cautiously and guardedly, either these things which have
   been told of some races have no existence at all; or if they do exist,
   they are not human races; or if they are human, they are descended from
   Adam.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [883] Pliny, Hist. Nat. vii. 2; Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. ix. 4.

   [884] From pugme, a cubit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Whether We are to Believe in the Antipodes.

   But as to the fable that there are Antipodes, that is to say, men on
   the opposite side of the earth, where the sun rises when it sets to us,
   men who walk with their feet opposite ours, that is on no ground
   credible.  And, indeed, it is not affirmed that this has been learned
   by historical knowledge, but by scientific conjecture, on the ground
   that the earth is suspended within the concavity of the sky, and that
   it has as much room on the one side of it as on the other:  hence they
   say that the part which is beneath must also be inhabited.  But they do
   not remark that, although it be supposed or scientifically demonstrated
   that the world is of a round and spherical form, yet it does not follow
   that the other side of the earth is bare of water; nor even, though it
   be bare, does it immediately follow that it is peopled.  For Scripture,
   which proves the truth of its historical statements by the
   accomplishment of its prophecies, gives no false information; and it is
   too absurd to say, that some men might have taken ship and traversed
   the whole wide ocean, and crossed from this side of the world to the
   other, and that thus even the inhabitants of that distant region are
   descended from that one first man.  Wherefore let us seek if we can
   find the city of God that sojourns on earth among those human races who
   are catalogued as having been divided into seventy-two nations and as
   many languages.  For it continued down to the deluge and the ark, and
   is proved to have existed still among the sons of Noah by their
   blessings, and chiefly in the eldest son Shem; for Japheth received
   this blessing, that he should dwell in the tents of Shem.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Of the Genealogy of Shem, in Whose Line the City of God is
   Preserved Till the Time of Abraham.

   It is necessary, therefore, to preserve the series of generations
   descending from Shem, for the sake of exhibiting the city of God after
   the flood; as before the flood it was exhibited in the series of
   generations descending from Seth.  And therefore does divine Scripture,
   after exhibiting the earthly city as Babylon or "Confusion," revert to
   the patriarch Shem, and recapitulate the generations from him to
   Abraham, specifying besides, the year in which each father begat the
   son that belonged to this line, and how long he lived.  And
   unquestionably it is this which fulfills the promise I made, that it
   should appear why it is said of the sons of Heber, "The name of the one
   was Peleg, for in his days the earth was divided." [885]   For what can
   we understand by the division of the earth, if not the diversity of
   languages?  And, therefore, omitting the other sons of Shem, who are
   not concerned in this matter, Scripture gives the genealogy of those by
   whom the line runs on to Abraham, as before the flood those are given
   who carried on the line to Noah from Seth.  Accordingly this series of
   generations begins thus:  "These are the generations of Shem:  Shem was
   an hundred years old, and begat Arphaxad two years after the flood.
   And Shem lived after he begat Arphaxad five hundred years, and begat
   sons and daughters."  In like manner it registers the rest, naming the
   year of his life in which each begat the son who belonged to that line
   which extends to Abraham.  It specifies, too, how many years he lived
   thereafter, begetting sons and daughters, that we may not childishly
   suppose that the men named were the only men, but may understand how
   the population increased, and how regions and kingdoms so vast could be
   populated by the descendants of Shem; especially the kingdom of
   Assyria, from which Ninus subdued the surrounding nations, reigning
   with brilliant prosperity, and bequeathing to his descendants a vast
   but thoroughly consolidated empire, which held together for many
   centuries.

   But to avoid needless prolixity, we shall mention not the number of
   years each member of this series lived, but only the year of his life
   in which he begat his heir, that we may thus reckon the number of years
   from the flood to Abraham, and may at the same time leave room to touch
   briefly and cursorily upon some other matters necessary to our
   argument.  In the second year, then, after the flood, Shem when he was
   a hundred years old begat Arphaxad; Arphaxad when he was 135 years old
   begat Cainan; Cainan when he was 130 years begat Salah.  Salah himself,
   too, was the same age when he begat Eber.  Eber lived 134 years, and
   begat Peleg, in whose days the earth was divided.  Peleg himself lived
   130 years, and begat Reu; and Reu lived 132 years, and begat Serug;
   Serug 130, and begat Nahor; and Nahor 79, and begat Terah; and Terah
   70, and begat Abram, whose name God afterwards changed into Abraham.
   There are thus from the flood to Abraham 1072 years, according to the
   Vulgate or Septuagint versions.  In the Hebrew copies far fewer years
   are given; and for this either no reason or a not very credible one is
   given.

   When, therefore, we look for the city of God in these seventy-two
   nations, we cannot affirm that while they had but one lip, that is, one
   language, the human race had departed from the worship of the true God,
   and that genuine godliness had survived only in those generations which
   descend from Shem through Arphaxad and reach to Abraham; but from the
   time when they proudly built a tower to heaven, a symbol of godless
   exaltation, the city or society of the wicked becomes apparent.
   Whether it was only disguised before, or non-existent; whether both
   cities remained after the flood,--the godly in the two sons of Noah who
   were blessed, and in their posterity, and the ungodly in the cursed son
   and his descendants, from whom sprang that mighty hunter against the
   Lord,--is not easily determined.  For possibly--and certainly this is
   more credible--there were despisers of God among the descendants of the
   two sons, even before Babylon was founded, and worshippers of God among
   the descendants of Ham.  Certainly neither race was ever obliterated
   from earth.  For in both the Psalms in which it is said, "They are all
   gone aside, they are altogether become filthy; there is none that doeth
   good, no, not one," we read further, "Have all the workers of iniquity
   no knowledge? who eat up my people as they eat bread, and call not upon
   the Lord." [886]   There was then a people of God even at that time.
   And therefore the words, "There is none that doeth good, no, not one,"
   were said of the sons of men, not of the sons of God.  For it had been
   previously said, "God looked down from heaven upon the sons of men, to
   see if any understood and sought after God;" and then follow the words
   which demonstrate that all the sons of men, that is, all who belong to
   the city which lives according to man, not according to God, are
   reprobate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [885] Gen. x. 25.

   [886] Ps. xiv. 3, 4; liii. 3, 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--That the Original Language in Use Among Men Was that Which
   Was Afterwards Called Hebrew, from Heber, in Whose Family It Was
   Preserved When the Confusion of Tongues Occurred.

   Wherefore, as the fact of all using one language did not secure the
   absence of sin-infected men from the race,--for even before the deluge
   there was one language, and yet all but the single family of just Noah
   were found worthy of destruction by the flood,--so when the nations, by
   a prouder godlessness, earned the punishment of the dispersion and the
   confusion of tongues, and the city of the godless was called Confusion
   or Babylon, there was still the house of Heber in which the primitive
   language of the race survived.  And therefore, as I have already
   mentioned, when an enumeration is made of the sons of Shem, who each
   founded a nation, Heber is first mentioned, although he was of the
   fifth generation from Shem.  And because, when the other races were
   divided by their own peculiar languages, his family preserved that
   language which is not unreasonably believed to have been the common
   language of the race, it was on this account thenceforth named Hebrew.
   For it then became necessary to distinguish this language from the rest
   by a proper name; though, while there was only one, it had no other
   name than the language of man, or human speech, it alone being spoken
   by the whole human race.  Some one will say:  If the earth was divided
   by languages in the days of Peleg, Heber's son, that language, which
   was formerly common to all, should rather have been called after
   Peleg.  But we are to understand that Heber himself gave to his son
   this name Peleg, which means Division; because he was born when the
   earth was divided, that is, at the very time of the division, and that
   this is the meaning of the words, "In his days the earth was divided."
   [887]   For unless Heber had been still alive when the languages were
   multiplied, the language which was preserved in his house would not
   have been called after him.  We are induced to believe that this was
   the primitive and common language, because the multiplication and
   change of languages was introduced as a punishment, and it is fit to
   ascribe to the people of God an immunity from this punishment.  Nor is
   it without significance that this is the language which Abraham
   retained, and that he could not transmit it to all his descendants, but
   only to those of Jacob's line, who distinctively and eminently
   constituted God's people, and received His covenants, and were Christ's
   progenitors according to the flesh.  In the same way, Heber himself did
   not transmit that language to all his posterity, but only to the line
   from which Abraham sprang.  And thus, although it is not expressly
   stated, that when the wicked were building Babylon there was a godly
   seed remaining, this indistinctness is intended to stimulate research
   rather than to elude it.  For when we see that originally there was one
   common language, and that Heber is mentioned before all Shem's sons,
   though he belonged to the fifth generation from him, and that the
   language which the patriarchs and prophets used, not only in their
   conversation, but in the authoritative language of Scripture, is called
   Hebrew, when we are asked where that primitive and common language was
   preserved after the confusion of tongues, certainly, as there can be no
   doubt that those among whom it was preserved were exempt from the
   punishment it embodied, what other suggestion can we make, than that it
   survived in the family of him whose name it took, and that this is no
   small proof of the righteousness of this family, that the punishment
   with which the other families were visited did not fall upon it?

   But yet another question is mooted:  How did Heber and his son Peleg
   each found a nation, if they had but one language?  For no doubt the
   Hebrew nation propagated from Heber through Abraham, and becoming
   through him a great people, is one nation.  How, then, are all the sons
   of the three branches of Noah's family enumerated as founding a nation
   each, if Heber and Peleg did not so?  It is very probable that the
   giant Nimrod founded also his nation, and that Scripture has named him
   separately on account of the extraordinary dimensions of his empire and
   of his body, so that the number of seventy-two nations remains.  But
   Peleg was mentioned, not because he founded a nation (for his race and
   language are Hebrew), but on account of the critical time at which he
   was born, all the earth being then divided.  Nor ought we to be
   surprised that the giant Nimrod lived to the time in which Babylon was
   founded and the confusion of tongues occurred, and the consequent
   division of the earth.  For though Heber was in the sixth generation
   from Noah, and Nimrod in the fourth, it does not follow that they could
   not be alive at the same time.  For when the generations are few, they
   live longer and are born later; but when they are many, they live a
   shorter time, and come into the world earlier.  We are to understand
   that, when the earth was divided, the descendants of Noah who are
   registered as founders of nations were not only already born, but were
   of an age to have immense families, worthy to be called tribes or
   nations.  And therefore we must by no means suppose that they were born
   in the order in which they were set down; otherwise, how could the
   twelve sons of Joktan, another son of Heber's, and brother of Peleg,
   have already founded nations, if Joktan was born, as he is registered,
   after his brother Peleg, since the earth was divided at Peleg's birth?
   We are therefore to understand that, though Peleg is named first, he
   was born long after Joktan, whose twelve sons had already families so
   large as to admit of their being divided by different languages.  There
   is nothing extraordinary in the last born being first named:  of the
   sons of Noah, the descendants of Japheth are first named; then the sons
   of Ham, who was the second son; and last the sons of Shem, who was the
   first and oldest.  Of these nations the names have partly survived, so
   that at this day we can see from whom they have sprung, as the
   Assyrians from Assur, the Hebrews from Heber, but partly have been
   altered in the lapse of time, so that the most learned men, by profound
   research in ancient records, have scarcely been able to discover the
   origin, I do not say of all, but of some of these nations.  There is,
   for example, nothing in the name Egyptians to show that they are
   descended from Misraim, Ham's son, nor in the name Ethiopians to show a
   connection with Cush, though such is said to be the origin of these
   nations.  And if we take a general survey of the names, we shall find
   that more have been changed than have remained the same.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [887] Gen. x. 25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Of the Era in Abraham's Life from Which a New Period in
   the Holy Succession Begins.

   Let us now survey the progress of the city of God from the era of the
   patriarch Abraham, from whose time it begins to be more conspicuous,
   and the divine promises which are now fulfilled in Christ are more
   fully revealed.  We learn, then, from the intimations of holy
   Scripture, that Abraham was born in the country of the Chaldeans, a
   land belonging to the Assyrian empire.  Now, even at that time impious
   superstitions were rife with the Chaldeans, as with other nations.  The
   family of Terah, to which Abraham belonged, was the only one in which
   the worship of the true God survived, and the only one, we may suppose,
   in which the Hebrew language was preserved; although Joshua the son of
   Nun tells us that even this family served other gods in Mesopotamia.
   [888]   The other descendants of Heber gradually became absorbed in
   other races and other languages.  And thus, as the single family of
   Noah was preserved through the deluge of water to renew the human race,
   so, in the deluge of superstition that flooded the whole world, there
   remained but the one family of Terah in which the seed of God's city
   was preserved.  And as, when Scripture has enumerated the generations
   prior to Noah, with their ages, and explained the cause of the flood
   before God began to speak to Noah about the building of the ark, it is
   said, "These are the generations of Noah;" so also now, after
   enumerating the generations from Shem, Noah's son, down to Abraham, it
   then signalizes an era by saying, "These are the generations of Terah:
   Terah begat Abram, Nahor, and Haran; and Haran begat Lot.  And Haran
   died before his father Terah in the land of his nativity, in Ur of the
   Chaldees.  And Abram and Nahor took them wives:  the name of Abram's
   wife was Sarai; and the name of Nahor's wife Milcah, the daughter of
   Haran, the father of Milcah, and the father of Iscah." [889]   This
   Iscah is supposed to be the same as Sarah, Abraham's wife.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [888] Josh. xxiv. 2.

   [889] Gen. xi. 27-29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Why, in the Account of Terah's Emigration, on His
   Forsaking the Chaldeans and Passing Over into Mesopotamia, No Mention
   is Made of His Son Nahor.

   Next it is related how Terah with his family left the region of the
   Chaldeans and came into Mesopotamia, and dwelt in Haran.  But nothing
   is said about one of his sons called Nahor, as if he had not taken him
   along with him.  For the narrative runs thus:  "And Terah took Abram
   his son, and Lot the son of Haran, his son's son, and Sarah his
   daughter-in-law, his son Abram's wife, and led them forth out of the
   region of the Chaldeans to go into the land of Canaan; and he came into
   Haran, and dwelt there." [890]   Nahor and Milcah his wife are nowhere
   named here.  But afterwards, when Abraham sent his servant to take a
   wife for his son Isaac, we find it thus written:  "And the servant took
   ten camels of the camels of his lord, and of all the goods of his lord,
   with him; and arose, and went into Mesopotamia, into the city of
   Nahor." [891]   This and other testimonies of this sacred history show
   that Nahor, Abraham's brother, had also left the region of the
   Chaldeans, and fixed his abode in Mesopotamia, where Abraham dwelt with
   his father.  Why, then, did the Scripture not mention him, when Terah
   with his family went forth out of the Chaldean nation and dwelt in
   Haran, since it mentions that he took with him not only Abraham his
   son, but also Sarah his daughter-in-law, and Lot his grandson?  The
   only reason we can think of is, that perhaps he had lapsed from the
   piety of his father and brother, and adhered to the superstition of the
   Chaldeans, and had afterwards emigrated thence, either through
   penitence, or because he was persecuted as a suspected person.  For in
   the book called Judith, when Holofernes, the enemy of the Israelites,
   inquired what kind of nation that might be, and whether war should be
   made against them, Achior, the leader of the Ammonites, answered him
   thus:  "Let our lord now hear a word from the mouth of thy servant, and
   I will declare unto thee the truth concerning the people which dwelleth
   near thee in this hill country, and there shall no lie come out of the
   mouth of thy servant.  For this people is descended from the Chaldeans,
   and they dwelt heretofore in Mesopotamia, because they would not follow
   the gods of their fathers, which were glorious in the land of the
   Chaldeans, but went out of the way of their ancestors, and adored the
   God of heaven, whom they knew; and they cast them out from the face of
   their gods, and they fled into Mesopotamia, and dwelt there many days.
   And their God said to them, that they should depart from their
   habitation, and go into the land of Canaan; and they dwelt," [892]
   etc., as Achior the Ammonite narrates.  Whence it is manifest that the
   house of Terah had suffered persecution from the Chaldeans for the true
   piety with which they worshipped the one and true God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [890] Gen. xi. 31.

   [891] Gen. xxiv. 10.

   [892] Judith v. 5-9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Years of Terah, Who Completed His Lifetime in
   Haran.

   On Terah's death in Mesopotamia, where he is said to have lived 205
   years, the promises of God made to Abraham now begin to be pointed out;
   for thus it is written:  "And the days of Terah in Haran were two
   hundred and five years, and he died in Haran." [893]   This is not to
   be taken as if he had spent all his days there, but that he there
   completed the days of his life, which were two hundred and five years:
   otherwise it would not be known how many years Terah lived, since it is
   not said in what year of his life he came into Haran; and it is absurd
   to suppose that, in this series of generations, where it is carefully
   recorded how many years each one lived, his age was the only one not
   put on record.  For although some whom the same Scripture mentions have
   not their age recorded, they are not in this series, in which the
   reckoning of time is continuously indicated by the death of the parents
   and the succession of the children.  For this series, which is given in
   order from Adam to Noah, and from him down to Abraham, contains no one
   without the number of the years of his life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [893] Gen. xi. 32.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Of the Time of the Migration of Abraham, When, According
   to the Commandment of God, He Went Out from Haran.

   When, after the record of the death of Terah, the father of Abraham, we
   next read, "And the Lord said to Abram, Get thee out of thy country,
   and from thy kindred, and from thy father's house," [894] etc., it is
   not to be supposed, because this follows in the order of the narrative,
   that it also followed in the chronological order of events.  For if it
   were so, there would be an insoluble difficulty.  For after these words
   of God which were spoken to Abraham, the Scripture says:  "And Abram
   departed, as the Lord had spoken unto him; and Lot went with him.  Now
   Abraham was seventy-five years old when he departed out of Haran."
   [895]   How can this be true if he departed from Haran after his
   father's death?  For when Terah was seventy years old, as is intimated
   above, he begat Abraham; and if to this number we add the seventy-five
   years which Abraham reckoned when he went out of Haran, we get 145
   years.  Therefore that was the number of the years of Terah, when
   Abraham departed out of that city of Mesopotamia; for he had reached
   the seventy-fifth year of his life, and thus his father, who begat him
   in the seventieth year of his life, had reached, as was said, his
   145th.  Therefore he did not depart thence after his father's death,
   that is, after the 205 years his father lived; but the year of his
   departure from that place, seeing it was his seventy-fifth, is inferred
   beyond a doubt to have been the 145th of his father, who begat him in
   his seventieth year.  And thus it is to be understood that the
   Scripture, according to its custom, has gone back to the time which had
   already been passed by the narrative; just as above, when it had
   mentioned the grandsons of Noah, it said that they were in their
   nations and tongues; and yet afterwards, as if this also had followed
   in order of time, it says, "And the whole earth was of one lip, and one
   speech for all." [896]   How, then, could they be said to be in their
   own nations and according to their own tongues, if there was one for
   all; except because the narrative goes back to gather up what it had
   passed over?  Here, too, in the same way, after saying, "And the days
   of Terah in Haran were 205 years, and Terah died in Haran," the
   Scripture, going back to what had been passed over in order to complete
   what had been begun about Terah, says, "And the Lord said to Abram, Get
   thee out of thy country," [897] etc.  After which words of God it is
   added, "And Abram departed, as the Lord spake unto him; and Lot went
   with him.  But Abram was seventy-five years old when he departed out of
   Haran."  Therefore it was done when his father was in the 145th year of
   his age; for it was then the seventy-fifth of his own.  But this
   question is also solved in another way, that the seventy-five years of
   Abraham when he departed out of Haran are reckoned from the year in
   which he was delivered from the fire of the Chaldeans, not from that of
   his birth, as if he was rather to be held as having been born then.

   Now the blessed Stephen, in narrating these things in the Acts of the
   Apostles, says:  "The God of glory appeared unto our father Abraham,
   when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in Charran, and said unto
   him, Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy
   father's house, and come into the land which I will show thee." [898]
   According to these words of Stephen, God spoke to Abraham, not after
   the death of his father, who certainly died in Haran, where his son
   also dwelt with him, but before he dwelt in that city, although he was
   already in Mesopotamia.  Therefore he had already departed from the
   Chaldeans.  So that when Stephen adds, "Then Abraham went out of the
   land of the Chaldeans, and dwelt in Charran," [899] this does not point
   out what took place after God spoke to him (for it was not after these
   words of God that he went out of the land of the Chaldeans, since he
   says that God spoke to him in Mesopotamia), but the word "then" which
   he uses refers to that whole period from his going out of the land of
   the Chaldeans and dwelling in Haran.  Likewise in what follows, "And
   thenceforth, when his father was dead, he settled him in this land,
   wherein ye now dwell, and your fathers," he does not say, after his
   father was dead he went out from Haran; but thenceforth he settled him
   here, after his father was dead.  It is to be understood, therefore,
   that God had spoken to Abraham when he was in Mesopotamia, before he
   dwelt in Haran; but that he came to Haran with his father, keeping in
   mind the precept of God, and that he went out thence in his own
   seventy-fifth year, which was his father's 145th.  But he says that his
   settlement in the land of Canaan, not his going forth from Haran, took
   place after his father's death; because his father was already dead
   when he purchased the land, and personally entered on possession of
   it.  But when, on his having already settled in Mesopotamia, that is,
   already gone out of the land of the Chaldeans, God says, "Get thee out
   of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's house,"
   [900] this means, not that he should cast out his body from thence, for
   he had already done that, but that he should tear away his soul.  For
   he had not gone out from thence in mind, if he was held by the hope and
   desire of returning,--a hope and desire which was to be cut off by
   God's command and help, and by his own obedience.  It would indeed be
   no incredible supposition that afterwards, when Nahor followed his
   father, Abraham then fulfilled the precept of the Lord, that he should
   depart out of Haran with Sarah his wife and Lot his brother's son.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [894] Gen. xii. 1.

   [895] Gen. xii. 4.

   [896] Gen. xi. 1.

   [897] Gen. xii. 1.

   [898] Acts vii. 2, 3.

   [899] Acts vii. 4.

   [900] Gen. xii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of the Order and Nature of the Promises of God Which Were
   Made to Abraham.

   God's promises made to Abraham are now to be considered; for in these
   the oracles of our God, [901] that is, of the true God, began to appear
   more openly concerning the godly people, whom prophetic authority
   foretold.  The first of these reads thus:  "And the Lord said unto
   Abram, Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy
   father's house, and go into a land that I will show thee:  and I will
   make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee and magnify thy
   name; and thou shall be blessed:  and I will bless them that bless
   thee, and curse them that curse thee:  and in thee shall all tribes of
   the earth be blessed." [902]   Now it is to be observed that two things
   are promised to Abraham, the one, that his seed should possess the land
   of Canaan, which is intimated when it is said, "Go into a land that I
   will show thee, and I will make of thee a great nation;" but the other
   far more excellent, not about the carnal but the spiritual seed,
   through which he is the father, not of the one Israelite nation, but of
   all nations who follow the footprints of his faith, which was first
   promised in these words, "And in thee shall all tribes of the earth be
   blessed."  Eusebius thought this promise was made in Abraham's
   seventy-fifth year, as if soon after it was made Abraham had departed
   out of Haran because the Scripture cannot be contradicted in which we
   read, "Abram was seventy and five years old when he departed out of
   Haran."  But if this promise was made in that year, then of course
   Abraham was staying in Haran with his father; for he could not depart
   thence unless he had first dwelt there.  Does this, then, contradict
   what Stephen says, "The God of glory appeared to our father Abraham,
   when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in Charran?" [903]   But it
   is to be understood that the whole took place in the same year,--both
   the promise of God before Abraham dwelt in Haran, and his dwelling in
   Haran, and his departure thence,--not only because Eusebius in the
   Chronicles reckons from the year of this promise, and shows that after
   430 years the exodus from Egypt took place, when the law was given, but
   because the Apostle Paul also mentions it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [901] Various reading, "of our Lord Jesus Christ."

   [902] Gen. xii. 1-3.

   [903] Acts vii. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of the Three Most Famous Kingdoms of the Nations, of Which
   One, that is the Assyrian, Was Already Very Eminent When Abraham Was
   Born.

   During the same period there were three famous kingdoms of the nations,
   in which the city of the earth-born, that is, the society of men living
   according to man under the domination of the fallen angels, chiefly
   flourished, namely, the three kingdoms of Sicyon, Egypt, and Assyria.
   Of these, Assyria was much the most powerful and sublime; for that king
   Ninus, son of Belus, had subdued the people of all Asia except India.
   By Asia I now mean not that part which is one province of this greater
   Asia, but what is called Universal Asia, which some set down as the
   half, but most as the third part of the whole world,--the three being
   Asia, Europe, and Africa, thereby making an unequal division.  For the
   part called Asia stretches from the south through the east even to the
   north; Europe from the north even to the west; and Africa from the west
   even to the south.  Thus we see that two, Europe and Africa, contain
   one half of the world, and Asia alone the other half.  And these two
   parts are made by the circumstance, that there enters between them from
   the ocean all the Mediterranean water, which makes this great sea of
   ours.  So that, if you divide the world into two parts, the east and
   the west, Asia will be in the one, and Europe and Africa in the other.
   So that of the three kingdoms then famous, one, namely Sicyon, was not
   under the Assyrians, because it was in Europe; but as for Egypt, how
   could it fail to be subject to the empire which ruled all Asia with the
   single exception of India?  In Assyria, therefore, the dominion of the
   impious city had the pre-eminence.  Its head was Babylon,--an
   earth-born city, most fitly named, for it means confusion.  There Ninus
   reigned after the death of his father Belus, who first had reigned
   there sixty-five years.  His son Ninus, who, on his father's death,
   succeeded to the kingdom, reigned fifty-two years, and had been king
   forty-three years when Abraham was born, which was about the 1200th
   year before Rome was founded, as it were another Babylon in the west.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Of the Repeated Address of God to Abraham, in Which He
   Promised the Land of Canaan to Him and to His Seed.

   Abraham, then, having departed out of Haran in the seventy-fifth year
   of his own age, and in the hundred and forty-fifth of his father's,
   went with Lot, his brother's son, and Sarah his wife, into the land of
   Canaan, and came even to Sichem, where again he received the divine
   oracle, of which it is thus written:  "And the Lord appeared unto
   Abram, and said unto him, Unto thy seed will I give this land." [904]
   Nothing is promised here about that seed in which he is made the father
   of all nations, but only about that by which he is the father of the
   one Israelite nation; for by this seed that land was possessed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [904] Gen. xii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of the Divine Preservation of Sarah's Chastity in Egypt,
   When Abraham Had Called Her Not His Wife But His Sister.

   Having built an altar there, and called upon God, Abraham proceeded
   thence and dwelt in the desert, and was compelled by pressure of famine
   to go on into Egypt.  There he called his wife his sister, and told no
   lie.  For she was this also, because she was near of blood; just as
   Lot, on account of the same nearness, being his brother's son, is
   called his brother.  Now he did not deny that she was his wife, but
   held his peace about it, committing to God the defence of his wife's
   chastity, and providing as a man against human wiles; because if he had
   not provided against the danger as much as he could, he would have been
   tempting God rather than trusting in Him.  We have said enough about
   this matter against the calumnies of Faustus the Manichæan.  At last
   what Abraham had expected the Lord to do took place.  For Pharaoh, king
   of Egypt, who had taken her to him as his wife, restored her to her
   husband on being severely plagued.  And far be it from us to believe
   that she was defiled by lying with another; because it is much more
   credible that, by these great afflictions, Pharaoh was not permitted to
   do this.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Parting of Lot and Abraham, Which They Agreed to
   Without Breach of Charity.

   On Abraham's return out of Egypt to the place he had left, Lot, his
   brother's son, departed from him into the land of Sodom, without breach
   of charity.  For they had grown rich, and began to have many herdmen of
   cattle, and when these strove together, they avoided in this way the
   pugnacious discord of their families.  Indeed, as human affairs go,
   this cause might even have given rise to some strife between
   themselves.  Consequently these are the words of Abraham to Lot, when
   taking precaution against this evil, "Let there be no strife between me
   and thee, and between my herdmen and thy herdmen; for we be brethren.
   Behold, is not the whole land before thee?  Separate thyself from me:
   if thou wilt go to the left hand, I will go to the right; or if thou
   wilt go to the right hand, I will go to the left." [905]   From this,
   perhaps, has arisen a pacific custom among men, that when there is any
   partition of earthly things, the greater should make the division, the
   less the choice.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [905] Gen. xiii. 8, 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of the Third Promise of God, by Which He Assured the Land
   of Canaan to Abraham and His Seed in Perpetuity.

   Now, when Abraham and Lot had separated, and dwelt apart, owing to the
   necessity of supporting their families, and not to vile discord, and
   Abraham was in the land of Canaan, but Lot in Sodom, the Lord said to
   Abraham in a third oracle, "Lift up thine eyes, and look from the place
   where thou now art, to the north, and to Africa, and to the east, and
   to the sea; for all the land which thou seest, to thee will I give it,
   and to thy seed for ever.  And I will make thy seed as the dust of the
   earth:  if any one can number the dust of the earth, thy seed shall
   also be numbered.  Arise, and walk through the land, in the length of
   it, and in the breadth of it; for unto thee will I give it." [906]   It
   does not clearly appear whether in this promise that also is contained
   by which he is made the father of all nations.  For the clause, "And I
   will make thy seed as the dust of the earth," may seem to refer to
   this, being spoken by that figure the Greeks call hyperbole, which
   indeed is figurative, not literal.  But no person of understanding can
   doubt in what manner the Scripture uses this and other figures.  For
   that figure (that is, way of speaking) is used when what is said is far
   larger than what is meant by it; for who does not see how incomparably
   larger the number of the dust must be than that of all men can be from
   Adam himself down to the end of the world?  How much greater, then,
   must it be than the seed of Abraham,--not only that pertaining to the
   nation of Israel, but also that which is and shall be according to the
   imitation of faith in all nations of the whole wide world!  For that
   seed is indeed very small in comparison with the multitude of the
   wicked, although even those few of themselves make an innumerable
   multitude, which by a hyperbole is compared to the dust of the earth.
   Truly that multitude which was promised to Abraham is not innumerable
   to God, although to man; but to God not even the dust of the earth is
   so.  Further, the promise here made may be understood not only of the
   nation of Israel, but of the whole seed of Abraham, which may be fitly
   compared to the dust for multitude, because regarding it also there is
   the promise [907] of many children, not according to the flesh, but
   according to the spirit.  But we have therefore said that this does not
   clearly appear, because the multitude even of that one nation, which
   was born according to the flesh of Abraham through his grandson Jacob,
   has increased so much as to fill almost all parts of the world.
   Consequently, even it might by hyperbole be compared to the dust for
   multitude, because even it alone is innumerable by man.  Certainly no
   one questions that only that land is meant which is called Canaan.  But
   that saying, "To thee will I give it, and to thy seed for ever," may
   move some, if by "for ever" they understand "to eternity."  But if in
   this passage they take "for ever" thus, as we firmly hold it means that
   the beginning of the world to come is to be ordered from the end of the
   present, there is still no difficulty, because, although the Israelites
   are expelled from Jerusalem, they still remain in other cities in the
   land of Canaan, and shall remain even to the end; and when that whole
   land is inhabited by Christians, they also are the very seed of
   Abraham.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [906] Gen. xiii. 14-17.

   [907] Various reading, "the express promise."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Of Abraham's Overcoming the Enemies of Sodom, When He
   Delivered Lot from Captivity and Was Blessed by Melchizedek the Priest.

   Having received this oracle of promise, Abraham migrated, and remained
   in another place of the same land, that is, beside the oak of Mamre,
   which was Hebron.  Then on the invasion of Sodom, when five kings
   carried on war against four, and Lot was taken captive with the
   conquered Sodomites, Abraham delivered him from the enemy, leading with
   him to battle three hundred and eighteen of his home-born servants, and
   won the victory for the kings of Sodom, but would take nothing of the
   spoils when offered by the king for whom he had won them.  He was then
   openly blessed by Melchizedek, who was priest of God Most High, about
   whom many and great things are written in the epistle which is
   inscribed to the Hebrews, which most say is by the Apostle Paul, though
   some deny this.  For then first appeared the sacrifice which is now
   offered to God by Christians in the whole wide world, and that is
   fulfilled which long after the event was said by the prophet to Christ,
   who was yet to come in the flesh, "Thou art a priest for ever after the
   order of Melchizedek," [908] --that is to say, not after the order of
   Aaron, for that order was to be taken away when the things shone forth
   which were intimated beforehand by these shadows.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [908] Ps. cx. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Of the Word of the Lord to Abraham, by Which It Was
   Promised to Him that His Posterity Should Be Multiplied According to
   the Multitude of the Stars; On Believing Which He Was Declared
   Justified While Yet in Uncircumcision.

   The word of the Lord came to Abraham in a vision also.  For when God
   promised him protection and exceeding great reward, he, being
   solicitous about posterity, said that a certain Eliezer of Damascus,
   born in his house, would be his heir.  Immediately he was promised an
   heir, not that house-born servant, but one who was to come forth of
   Abraham himself; and again a seed innumerable, not as the dust of the
   earth, but as the stars of heaven,--which rather seems to me a promise
   of a posterity exalted in celestial felicity.  For, so far as multitude
   is concerned, what are the stars of heaven to the dust of the earth,
   unless one should say the comparison is like inasmuch as the stars also
   cannot be numbered?  For it is not to be believed that all of them can
   be seen.  For the more keenly one observes them, the more does he see.
   So that it is to be supposed some remain concealed from the keenest
   observers, to say nothing of those stars which are said to rise and set
   in another part of the world most remote from us.  Finally, the
   authority of this book condemns those like Aratus or Eudoxus, or any
   others who boast that they have found out and written down the complete
   number of the stars.  Here, indeed, is set down that sentence which the
   apostle quotes in order to commend the grace of God, "Abraham believed
   God, and it was counted to him for righteousness;" [909] lest the
   circumcision should glory, and be unwilling to receive the
   uncircumcised nations to the faith of Christ.  For at the time when he
   believed, and his faith was counted to him for righteousness, Abraham
   had not yet been circumcised.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [909] Rom. iv. 3; Gen. xv. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Of the Meaning of the Sacrifice Abraham Was Commanded to
   Offer When He Supplicated to Be Taught About Those Things He Had
   Believed.

   In the same vision, God in speaking to him also says, "I am God that
   brought thee out of the region of the Chaldees, to give thee this land
   to inherit it." [910]   And when Abram asked whereby he might know that
   he should inherit it, God said to him, "Take me an heifer of three
   years old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram of three years
   old, and a turtle-dove, and a pigeon.  And he took unto him all these,
   and divided them in the midst, and laid each piece one against another;
   but the birds divided he not.  And the fowls came down," as it is
   written, "on the carcasses, and Abram sat down by them.  But about the
   going down of the sun, great fear fell upon Abram; and, lo, an horror
   of great darkness fell upon him.  And He said unto Abram, Know of a
   surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land not theirs, and they
   shall reduce them to servitude and shall afflict them four hundred
   years:  but the nation whom they shall serve will I judge; and
   afterward shall they come out hither with great substance.  And thou
   shalt go to thy fathers in peace; kept in a good old age.  But in the
   fourth generation they shall come hither again:  for the iniquity of
   the Amorites is not yet full.  And when the sun was setting, there was
   a flame, and a smoking furnace, and lamps of fire, that passed through
   between those pieces.  In that day the Lord made a covenant with Abram,
   saying, Unto thy seed will I give this land, from the river of Egypt
   unto the great river Euphrates:  the Kenites, and the Kenizzites, and
   the Kadmonites, and the Hittites, and the Perizzites, and the Rephaims,
   and the Amorites, and the Canaanites, and the Hivites, and the
   Girgashites, and the Jebusites." [911]

   All these things were said and done in a vision from God; but it would
   take long, and would exceed the scope of this work, to treat of them
   exactly in detail.  It is enough that we should know that, after it was
   said Abram believed in God, and it was counted to him for
   righteousness, he did not fail in faith in saying, "Lord God, whereby
   shall I know that I shall inherit it?" for the inheritance of that land
   was promised to him.  Now he does not say, How shall I know, as if he
   did not yet believe; but he says, "Whereby shall I know," meaning that
   some sign might be given by which he might know the manner of those
   things which he had believed, just as it is not for lack of faith the
   Virgin Mary says, "How shall this be, seeing I know not a man?" [912]
   for she inquired as to the way in which that should take place which
   she was certain would come to pass.  And when she asked this, she was
   told, "The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the
   Highest shall overshadow thee." [913]   Here also, in fine, a symbol
   was given, consisting of three animals, a heifer, a she-goat, and a
   ram, and two birds, a turtle-dove and pigeon, that he might know that
   the things which he had not doubted should come to pass were to happen
   in accordance with this symbol.  Whether, therefore, the heifer was a
   sign that the people should be put under the law, the she-goat that the
   same people was to become sinful, the ram that they should reign (and
   these animals are said to be of three years old for this reason, that
   there are three remarkable divisions of time, from Adam to Noah, and
   from him to Abraham, and from him to David, who, on the rejection of
   Saul, was first established by the will of the Lord in the kingdom of
   the Israelite nation:  in this third division, which extends from
   Abraham to David, that people grew up as if passing through the third
   age of life), or whether they had some other more suitable meaning,
   still I have no doubt whatever that spiritual things were prefigured by
   them as well as by the turtle-dove and pigeon.  And it is said, "But
   the birds divided he not," because carnal men are divided among
   themselves, but the spiritual not at all, whether they seclude
   themselves from the busy conversation of men, like the turtle-dove, or
   dwell among them, like the pigeon; for both birds are simple and
   harmless, signifying that even in the Israelite people, to which that
   land was to be given, there would be individuals who were children of
   the promise, and heirs of the kingdom that is [914] to remain in
   eternal felicity.  But the fowls coming down on the divided carcasses
   represent nothing good, but the spirits of this air, seeking some food
   for themselves in the division of carnal men.  But that Abraham sat
   down with them, signifies that even amid these divisions of the carnal,
   true believers shall persevere to the end.  And that about the going
   down of the sun great fear fell upon Abraham and a horror of great
   darkness, signifies that about the end of this world believers shall be
   in great perturbation and tribulation, of which the Lord said in the
   gospel, "For then shall be great tribulation, such as was not from the
   beginning." [915]

   But what is said to Abraham, "Know of a surety that thy seed shall be a
   stranger in a land not theirs, and they shall reduce them to servitude,
   and shall afflict them 400 years," is most clearly a prophecy about the
   people of Israel which was to be in servitude in Egypt.  Not that this
   people was to be in that servitude under the oppressive Egyptians for
   400 years, but it is foretold that this should take place in the course
   of those 400 years.  For as it is written of Terah the father of
   Abraham, "And the days of Terah in Haran were 205 years," [916] not
   because they were all spent there, but because they were completed
   there, so it is said here also, "And they shall reduce them to
   servitude, and shall afflict them 400 years," for this reason, because
   that number was completed, not because it was all spent in that
   affliction.  The years are said to be 400 in round numbers, although
   they were a little more,--whether you reckon from this time, when these
   things were promised to Abraham, or from the birth of Isaac, as the
   seed of Abraham, of which these things are predicted.  For, as we have
   already said above, from the seventy-fifth year of Abraham, when the
   first promise was made to him, down to the exodus of Israel from Egypt,
   there are reckoned 430 years, which the apostle thus mentions:  "And
   this I say, that the covenant confirmed by God, the law, which was made
   430 years after, cannot disannul, that it should make the promise of
   none effect." [917]   So then these 430 years might be called 400,
   because they are not much more, especially since part even of that
   number had already gone by when these things were shown and said to
   Abraham in vision, or when Isaac was born in his father's 100th year,
   twenty-five years after the first promise, when of these 430 years
   there now remained 405, which God was pleased to call 400.  No one will
   doubt that the other things which follow in the prophetic words of God
   pertain to the people of Israel.

   When it is added, "And when the sun was now setting there was a flame,
   and lo, a smoking furnace, and lamps of fire, which passed through
   between those pieces," this signifies that at the end of the world the
   carnal shall be judged by fire.  For just as the affliction of the city
   of God, such as never was before, which is expected to take place under
   Antichrist, was signified by Abraham's horror of great darkness about
   the going down of the sun, that is, when the end of the world draws
   nigh,--so at the going down of the sun, that is, at the very end of the
   world, there is signified by that fire the day of judgment, which
   separates the carnal who are to be saved by fire from those who are to
   be condemned in the fire.  And then the covenant made with Abraham
   particularly sets forth the land of Canaan, and names eleven tribes in
   it from the river of Egypt even to the great river Euphrates.  It is
   not then from the great river of Egypt, that is, the Nile, but from a
   small one which separates Egypt from Palestine, where the city of
   Rhinocorura is.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [910] Gen. xv. 7.

   [911] Gen. xv. 9-21.

   [912] Luke i. 34.

   [913] Luke i. 35.

   [914] Various reading, "who are to remain."

   [915] Matt. xxiv. 21.

   [916] Gen. xi. 32.

   [917] Gal. iii. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Of Sarah's Handmaid, Hagar, Whom She Herself Wished to Be
   Abraham's Concubine.

   And here follow the times of Abraham's sons, the one by Hagar the bond
   maid, the other by Sarah the free woman, about whom we have already
   spoken in the previous book.  As regards this transaction, Abraham is
   in no way to be branded as guilty concerning this concubine, for he
   used her for the begetting of progeny, not for the gratification of
   lust; and not to insult, but rather to obey his wife, who supposed it
   would be solace of her barrenness if she could make use of the fruitful
   womb of her handmaid to supply the defect of her own nature, and by
   that law of which the apostle says, "Likewise also the husband hath not
   power of his own body, but the wife," [918] could, as a wife, make use
   of him for childbearing by another, when she could not do so in her own
   person.  Here there is no wanton lust, no filthy lewdness.  The
   handmaid is delivered to the husband by the wife for the sake of
   progeny, and is received by the husband for the sake of progeny, each
   seeking, not guilty excess, but natural fruit.  And when the pregnant
   bond woman despised her barren mistress, and Sarah, with womanly
   jealousy, rather laid the blame of this on her husband, even then
   Abraham showed that he was not a slavish lover, but a free begetter of
   children, and that in using Hagar he had guarded the chastity of Sarah
   his wife, and had gratified her will and not his own,--had received her
   without seeking, had gone in to her without being attached, had
   impregnated without loving her,--for he says, "Behold thy maid is in
   thy hands:  do to her as it pleaseth thee;" [919] a man able to use
   women as a man should,--his wife temperately, his handmaid compliantly,
   neither intemperately!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [918] 1 Cor. vii. 4.

   [919] Gen. xvi. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Of God's Attestation to Abraham, by Which He Assures Him,
   When Now Old, of a Son by the Barren Sarah, and Appoints Him the Father
   of the Nations, and Seals His Faith in the Promise by the Sacrament of
   Circumcision.

   After these things Ishmael was born of Hagar; and Abraham might think
   that in him was fulfilled what God had promised him, saying, when he
   wished to adopt his home-born servant, "This shall not be thine heir;
   but he that shall come forth of thee, he shall be thine heir." [920]
   Therefore, lest he should think that what was promised was fulfilled in
   the handmaid's son, "when Abram was ninety years old and nine, God
   appeared to him, and said unto him, I am God; be well-pleasing in my
   sight, and be without complaint, and I will make my covenant between me
   and thee, and will fill thee exceedingly." [921]

   Here there are more distinct promises about the calling of the nations
   in Isaac, that is, in the son of the promise, by which grace is
   signified, and not nature; for the son is promised from an old man and
   a barren old woman.  For although God effects even the natural course
   of procreation, yet where the agency of God is manifest, through the
   decay or failure of nature, grace is more plainly discerned.  And
   because this was to be brought about, not by generation, but by
   regeneration, circumcision was enjoined now, when a son was promised of
   Sarah.  And by ordering all, not only sons, but also home-born and
   purchased servants to be circumcised, he testifies that this grace
   pertains to all.  For what else does circumcision signify than a nature
   renewed on the putting off of the old?  And what else does the eighth
   day mean than Christ, who rose again when the week was completed, that
   is, after the Sabbath?  The very names of the parents are changed:  all
   things proclaim newness, and the new covenant is shadowed forth in the
   old.  For what does the term old covenant imply but the concealing of
   the new?  And what does the term new covenant imply but the revealing
   of the old?  The laughter of Abraham is the exultation of one who
   rejoices, not the scornful laughter of one who mistrusts.  And those
   words of his in his heart, "Shall a son be born to me that am an
   hundred years old? and shall Sarah, that is ninety years old, bear?"
   are not the words of doubt, but of wonder.  And when it is said, "And I
   will give to thee, and to thy seed after thee, the land in which thou
   art a stranger, all the land of Canaan, for an everlasting possession,"
   if it troubles any one whether this is to be held as fulfilled, or
   whether its fulfilment may still be looked for, since no kind of
   earthly possession can be everlasting for any nation whatever, let him
   know that the word translated everlasting, by our writers is what the
   Greeks term aio;nion, which is derived from aio;n, the Greek for
   sæculum, an age.  But the Latins have not ventured to translate this by
   secular, lest they should change the meaning into something widely
   different.  For many things are called secular which so happen in this
   world as to pass away even in a short time; but what is termed aio;nion
   either has no end, or lasts to the very end of this world.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [920] Gen. xv. 4.

   [921] Gen. xvii. 1-22.  The passage is given in full by Augustin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of the Male, Who Was to Lose His Soul If He Was Not
   Circumcised on the Eighth Day, Because He Had Broken God's Covenant.

   When it is said, "The male who is not circumcised in the flesh of his
   foreskin, that soul shall be cut off from his people, because he hath
   broken my covenant," [922] some may be troubled how that ought to be
   understood, since it can be no fault of the infant whose life it is
   said must perish; nor has the covenant of God been broken by him, but
   by his parents, who have not taken care to circumcise him.  But even
   the infants, not personally in their own life, but according to the
   common origin of the human race, have all broken God's covenant in that
   one in whom all have sinned. [923]   Now there are many things called
   God's covenants besides those two great ones, the old and the new,
   which any one who pleases may read and know.  For the first covenant,
   which was made with the first man, is just this:  "In the day ye eat
   thereof, ye shall surely die." [924]   Whence it is written in the book
   called Ecclesiasticus, "All flesh waxeth old as doth a garment.  For
   the covenant from the beginning is, Thou shall die the death." [925]
   Now, as the law was more plainly given afterward, and the apostle says,
   "Where no law is, there is no prevarication," [926] on what supposition
   is what is said in the psalm true, "I accounted all the sinners of the
   earth prevaricators," [927] except that all who are held liable for any
   sin are accused of dealing deceitfully (prevaricating) with some law?
   If on this account, then, even the infants are, according to the true
   belief, born in sin, not actual but original, so that we confess they
   have need of grace for the remission of sins, certainly it must be
   acknowledged that in the same sense in which they are sinners they are
   also prevaricators of that law which was given in Paradise, according
   to the truth of both scriptures, "I accounted all the sinners of the
   earth prevaricators," and "Where no law is, there is no
   prevarication."  And thus, be cause circumcision was the sign of
   regeneration, and the infant, on account of the original sin by which
   God's covenant was first broken, was not undeservedly to lose his
   generation unless delivered by regeneration, these divine words are to
   be understood as if it had been said, Whoever is not born again, that
   soul shall perish from his people, because he hath broken my covenant,
   since he also has sinned in Adam with all others.  For had He said,
   Because he hath broken this my covenant, He would have compelled us to
   understand by it only this of circumcision; but since He has not
   expressly said what covenant the infant has broken, we are free to
   understand Him as speaking of that covenant of which the breach can be
   ascribed to an infant.  Yet if any one contends that it is said of
   nothing else than circumcision, that in it the infant has broken the
   covenant of God because, he is not circumcised, he must seek some
   method of explanation by which it may be understood without absurdity
   (such as this) that he has broken the covenant, because it has been
   broken in him although not by him.  Yet in this case also it is to be
   observed that the soul of the infant, being guilty of no sin of neglect
   against itself, would perish unjustly, unless original sin rendered it
   obnoxious to punishment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [922] Gen. xvii. 14.

   [923] Rom. v. 12, 19.

   [924] Gen. ii. 17.

   [925] Ecclus. xv. 17.

   [926] Rom. iv. 15.

   [927] Ps. cxix. 119.  Augustin and the Vulgate follow the LXX.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--Of the Change of Name in Abraham and Sarah, Who Received
   the Gift of Fecundity When They Were Incapable of Regeneration Owing to
   the Barrenness of One, and the Old Age of Both.

   Now when a promise so great and clear was made to Abraham, in which it
   was so plainly said to him, "I have made thee a father of many nations,
   and I will increase thee exceedingly, and I will make nations of thee,
   and kings shall go forth of thee.  And I will give thee a son of Sarah;
   and I will bless him, and he shall become nations, and kings of nations
   shall be of him," [928] --a promise which we now see fulfilled in
   Christ,--from that time forward this couple are not called in
   Scripture, as formerly, Abram and Sarai, but Abraham and Sarah, as we
   have called them from the first, for every one does so now.  The reason
   why the name of Abraham was changed is given:  "For," He says, "I have
   made thee a father of many nations."  This, then, is to be understood
   to be the meaning of Abraham; but Abram, as he was formerly called,
   means "exalted father."  The reason of the change of Sarah's name is
   not given; but as those say who have written interpretations of the
   Hebrew names contained in these books, Sarah means "my princess," and
   Sarai "strength."  Whence it is written in the Epistle to the Hebrews,
   "Through faith also Sarah herself received strength to conceive seed."
   [929]   For both were old, as the Scripture testifies; but she was also
   barren, and had ceased to menstruate, so that she could no longer bear
   children even if she had not been barren.  Further, if a woman is
   advanced in years, yet still retains the custom of women, she can bear
   children to a young man, but not to an old man, although that same old
   man can beget, but only of a young woman; as after Sarah's death
   Abraham could of Keturah, because he met with her in her lively age.
   This, then, is what the apostle mentions as wonderful, saying, besides,
   that Abraham's body was now dead; [930] because at that age he was no
   longer able to beget children of any woman who retained now only a
   small part of her natural vigor.  Of course we must understand that his
   body was dead only to some purposes, not to all; for if it was so to
   all, it would no longer be the aged body of a living man, but the
   corpse of a dead one.  Although that question, how Abraham begot
   children of Keturah, is usually solved in this way, that the gift of
   begetting which he received from the Lord, remained even after the
   death of his wife, yet I think that solution of the question which I
   have followed is preferable, because, although in our days an old man
   of a hundred years can beget children of no woman, it was not so then,
   when men still lived so long that a hundred years did not yet bring on
   them the decrepitude of old age.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [928] Gen. xvii. 5, 6, 16.

   [929] Heb. xi. 11.

   [930] Heb. xi. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--Of the Three Men or Angels, in Whom the Lord is Related to
   Have Appeared to Abraham at the Oak of Mamre.

   God appeared again to Abraham at the oak of Mamre in three men, who it
   is not to be doubted were angels, although some think that one of them
   was Christ, and assert that He was visible before He put on flesh.  Now
   it belongs to the divine power, and invisible, incorporeal, and
   incommutable nature, without changing itself at all, to appear even to
   mortal men, not by what it is, but by what is subject to it.  And what
   is not subject to it?  Yet if they try to establish that one of these
   three was Christ by the fact that, although he saw three, he addressed
   the Lord in the singular, as it is written, "And, lo, three men stood
   by him:  and, when he saw them, he ran to meet them from the tent-door,
   and worshipped toward the ground, and said, Lord, if I have found favor
   before thee," [931] etc.; why do they not advert to this also, that
   when two of them came to destroy the Sodomites, while Abraham still
   spoke to one, calling him Lord, and interceding that he would not
   destroy the righteous along with the wicked in Sodom, Lot received
   these two in such a way that he too in his conversation with them
   addressed the Lord in the singular?  For after saying to them in the
   plural, "Behold, my lords, turn aside into your servant's house," [932]
   etc., yet it is afterwards said, "And the angels laid hold upon his
   hand, and the hand of his wife, and the hands of his two daughters,
   because the Lord was merciful unto him.  And it came to pass, whenever
   they had led him forth abroad, that they said, Save thy life; look not
   behind thee, neither stay thou in all this region:  save thyself in the
   mountain, lest thou be caught.  And Lot said unto them, I pray thee,
   Lord, since thy servant hath found grace in thy sight," [933] etc.  And
   then after these words the Lord also answered him in the singular,
   although He was in two angels, saying, "See, I have accepted thy face,"
   [934] etc.  This makes it much more credible that both Abraham in the
   three men and Lot in the two recognized the Lord, addressing Him in the
   singular number, even when they were addressing men; for they received
   them as they did for no other reason than that they might minister
   human refection to them as men who needed it.  Yet there was about them
   something so excellent, that those who showed them hospitality as men
   could not doubt that God was in them as He was wont to be in the
   prophets, and therefore sometimes addressed them in the plural, and
   sometimes God in them in the singular.  But that they were angels the
   Scripture testifies, not only in this book of Genesis, in which these
   transactions are related, but also in the Epistle to the Hebrews, where
   in praising hospitality it is said, "For thereby some have entertained
   angels unawares." [935]   By these three men, then, when a son Isaac
   was again promised to Abraham by Sarah, such a divine oracle was also
   given that it was said, "Abraham shall become a great and numerous
   nation, and all the nations of the earth shall be blessed in him."
   [936]   And here these two things, are promised with the utmost brevity
   and fullness,--the nation of Israel according to the flesh, and all
   nations according to faith.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [931] Gen. xviii. 2, 3.

   [932] Gen. xix. 2.

   [933] Gen. xix. 16-19.

   [934] Gen. xix. 21.

   [935] Heb. xiii. 2.

   [936] Gen. xviii. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--Of Lot's Deliverance from Sodom, and Its Consumption by
   Fire from Heaven; And of Abimelech, Whose Lust Could Not Harm Sarah's
   Chastity.

   After this promise Lot was delivered out of Sodom, and a fiery rain
   from heaven turned into ashes that whole region of the impious city,
   where custom had made sodomy as prevalent as laws have elsewhere made
   other kinds of wickedness.  But this punishment of theirs was a
   specimen of the divine judgment to come.  For what is meant by the
   angels forbidding those who were delivered to look back, but that we
   are not to look back in heart to the old life which, being regenerated
   through grace, we have put off, if we think to escape the last
   judgment?  Lot's wife, indeed, when she looked back, remained, and,
   being turned into salt, furnished to believing men a condiment by which
   to savor somewhat the warning to be drawn from that example.  Then
   Abraham did again at Gerar, with Abimelech the king of that city, what
   he had done in Egypt about his wife, and received her back untouched in
   the same way.  On this occasion, when the king rebuked Abraham for not
   saying she was his wife, and calling her his sister, he explained what
   he had been afraid of, and added this further, "And yet indeed she is
   my sister by the father's side, but not by the mother's; [937] for she
   was Abraham's sister by his own father, and so near of kin.  But her
   beauty was so great, that even at that advanced age she could be fallen
   in love with.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [937] Gen. xx. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--Of Isaac, Who Was Born According to the Promise, Whose
   Name Was Given on Account of the Laughter of Both Parents.

   After these things a son was born to Abraham, according to God's
   promise, of Sarah, and was called Isaac, which means laughter.  For his
   father had laughed when he was promised to him, in wondering delight,
   and his mother, when he was again promised by those three men, had
   laughed, doubting for joy; yet she was blamed by the angel because that
   laughter, although it was for joy, yet was not full of faith.
   Afterwards she was confirmed in faith by the same angel.  From this,
   then, the boy got his name.  For when Isaac was born and called by that
   name, Sarah showed that her laughter was not that of scornful reproach,
   but that of joyful praise; for she said, "God hath made me to laugh, so
   that every one who hears will laugh with me." [938]   Then in a little
   while the bond maid was cast out of the house with her son; and,
   according to the apostle, these two women signify the old and new
   covenants,--Sarah representing that of the Jerusalem which is above,
   that is, the city of God. [939]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [938] Gen. xxi. 6.

   [939] Gal. iv. 24-26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--Of Abraham's Obedience and Faith, Which Were Proved by the
   Offering Up, of His Son in Sacrifice, and of Sarah's Death.

   Among other things, of which it would take too long time to mention the
   whole, Abraham was tempted about the offering up of his well-beloved
   son Isaac, to prove his pious obedience, and so make it known to the
   world, not to God.  Now every temptation is not blame-worthy; it may
   even be praise-worthy, because it furnishes probation.  And, for the
   most part, the human mind cannot attain to self-knowledge otherwise
   than by making trial of its powers through temptation, by some kind of
   experimental and not merely verbal self-interrogation; when, if it has
   acknowledged the gift of God, it is pious, and is consolidated by
   steadfast grace and not puffed up by vain boasting.  Of course Abraham
   could never believe that God delighted in human sacrifices; yet when
   the divine commandment thundered, it was to be obeyed, not disputed.
   Yet Abraham is worthy of praise, because he all along believed that his
   son, on being offered up, would rise again; for God had said to him,
   when he was unwilling to fulfill his wife's pleasure by casting out the
   bond maid and her son, "In Isaac shall thy seed be called."  No doubt
   He then goes on to say, "And as for the son of this bond woman, I will
   make him a great nation, because he is thy seed." [940]   How then is
   it said "In Isaac shall thy seed be called," when God calls Ishmael
   also his seed?  The apostle, in explaining this, says, "In Isaac shall
   thy seed be called, that is, they which are the children of the flesh,
   these are not the children of God:  but the children of the promise are
   counted for the seed." [941]   In order, then, that the children of the
   promise may be the seed of Abraham, they are called in Isaac, that is,
   are gathered together in Christ by the call of grace.  Therefore the
   father, holding fast from the first the promise which behoved to be
   fulfilled through this son whom God had ordered him to slay, did not
   doubt that he whom he once thought it hopeless he should ever receive
   would be restored to him when he had offered him up.  It is in this way
   the passage in the Epistle to the Hebrews is also to be understood and
   explained.  "By faith," he says, "Abraham overcame, when tempted about
   Isaac:  and he who had received the promise offered up his only son, to
   whom it was said, In Isaac shall thy seed be called:  thinking that God
   was able to raise him up, even from the dead;" therefore he has added,
   "from whence also he received him in a similitude." [942]   In whose
   similitude but His of whom the apostle says, "He that spared not His
   own Son, but delivered Him up for us all?" [943]   And on this account
   Isaac also himself carried to the place of sacrifice the wood on which
   he was to be offered up, just as the Lord Himself carried His own
   cross.  Finally, since Isaac was not to be slain, after his father was
   forbidden to smite him, who was that ram by the offering of which that
   sacrifice was completed with typical blood?  For when Abraham saw him,
   he was caught by the horns in a thicket.  What, then, did he represent
   but Jesus, who, before He was offered up, was crowned with thorns by
   the Jews?

   But let us rather hear the divine words spoken through the angel.  For
   the Scripture says, "And Abraham stretched forth his hand to take the
   knife, that he might slay his son.  And the Angel of the Lord called
   unto him from heaven, and said, Abraham.  And he said, Here am I.  And
   he said, Lay not thine hand upon the lad, neither do thou anything unto
   him:  for now I know that thou fearest God, and hast not spared thy
   beloved son for my sake." [944]   It is said, "Now I know," that is,
   Now I have made to be known; for God was not previously ignorant of
   this.  Then, having offered up that ram instead of Isaac his son,
   "Abraham," as we read, "called the name of that place The Lord seeth:
   as they say this day, In the mount the Lord hath appeared." [945]   As
   it is said, "Now I know," for Now I have made to be known, so here,
   "The Lord sees," for The Lord hath appeared, that is, made Himself to
   be seen.  "And the Angel of the Lord called unto Abraham from heaven
   the second time, saying, By myself have I sworn, saith the Lord;
   because thou hast done this thing, and hast not spared thy beloved son
   for my sake; that in blessing I will bless thee, and in multiplying I
   will multiply thy seed as the stars of heaven, and as the sand which is
   upon the seashore; and thy seed shall possess by inheritance the cities
   of the adversaries:  and in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth
   be blessed; because thou hast obeyed my voice." [946]   In this manner
   is that promise concerning the calling of the nations in the seed of
   Abraham confirmed even by the oath of God, after that burnt-offering
   which typified Christ.  For He had often promised, but never sworn.
   And what is the oath of God, the true and faithful, but a confirmation
   of the promise, and a certain reproof to the unbelieving?

   After these things Sarah died, in the 127th year of her life, and the
   137th of her husband for he was ten years older than she, as he himself
   says, when a son is promised to him by her:  "Shall a son be born to me
   that am an hundred years old? and shall Sarah, that is ninety years
   old, bear?" [947]   Then Abraham bought a field, in which he buried his
   wife.  And then, according to Stephen's account, he was settled in that
   land, entering then on actual possession of it,--that is, after the
   death of his father, who is inferred to have died two years before.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [940] Gen. xxi. 12, 13.

   [941] Rom. ix. 7, 8.

   [942] Heb. xi. 17-19.

   [943] Rom. viii. 32.

   [944] Gen. xxii. 10-12.

   [945] Gen. xxii. 14.

   [946] Gen. xxii. 15-18.

   [947] Gen. xvii. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--Of Rebecca, the Grand-Daughter of Nahor, Whom Isaac Took
   to Wife.

   Isaac married Rebecca, the grand-daughter of Nahor, his father's
   brother, when he was forty years old, that is, in the 140th year of his
   father's life, three years after his mother's death.  Now when a
   servant was sent to Mesopotamia by his father to fetch her, and when
   Abraham said to that servant, "Put thy hand under my thigh, and I will
   make thee swear by the Lord, the God of heaven, and the Lord of the
   earth, that thou shalt not take a wife unto my son Isaac of the
   daughters of the Canaanites," [948] what else was pointed out by this,
   but that the Lord, the God of heaven, and the Lord of the earth, was to
   come in the flesh which was to be derived from that thigh?  Are these
   small tokens of the foretold truth which we see fulfilled in Christ?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [948] Gen. xxiv. 2, 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--What is Meant by Abraham's Marrying Keturah After Sarah's
   Death.

   What did Abraham mean by marrying Keturah after Sarah's death?  Far be
   it from us to suspect him of incontinence, especially when he had
   reached such an age and such sanctity of faith.  Or was he still
   seeking to beget children, though he held fast, with most approved
   faith, the promise of God that his children should be multiplied out of
   Isaac as the stars of heaven and the dust of the earth?  And yet, if
   Hagar and Ishmael, as the apostle teaches us, signified the carnal
   people of the old covenant, why may not Keturah and her sons also
   signify the carnal people who think they belong to the new covenant?
   For both are called both the wives and the concubines of Abraham; but
   Sarah is never called a concubine (but only a wife).  For when Hagar is
   given to Abraham, it is written. "And Sarai, Abram's wife, took Hagar
   the Egyptian, her handmaid, after Abraham had dwelt ten years in the
   land of Canaan, and gave her to her husband Abram to be his wife."
   [949]   And of Keturah, whom he took after Sarah's departure, we read,
   "Then again Abraham took a wife, whose name was Keturah." [950]   Lo!
   both are called wives, yet both are found to have been concubines; for
   the Scripture afterward says, "And Abraham gave his whole estate unto
   Isaac his son.  But unto the sons of his concubines Abraham gave gifts,
   and sent them away from his son Isaac, (while he yet lived,) eastward,
   unto the east country." [951]   Therefore the sons of the concubines,
   that is, the heretics and the carnal Jews, have some gifts, but do not
   attain the promised kingdom; "For they which are the children of the
   flesh, these are not the children of God:  but the children of the
   promise are counted for the seed, of whom it was said, In Isaac shall
   thy seed be called." [952]   For I do not see why Keturah, who was
   married after the wife's death, should be called a concubine, except on
   account of this mystery.  But if any one is unwilling to put such
   meanings on these things, he need not calumniate Abraham.  For what if
   even this was provided against the heretics who were to be the
   opponents of second marriages, so that it might be shown that it was no
   sin in the case of the father of many nations himself, when, after his
   wife's death, he married again?  And Abraham died when he was 175 years
   old, so that he left his son Isaac seventy-five years old, having
   begotten him when 100 years old.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [949] Gen. xvi. 3.

   [950] Gen. xxv. 1.

   [951] Gen. xxv. 5, 6.

   [952] Rom. ix. 7, 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 35.--What Was Indicated by the Divine Answer About the Twins
   Still Shut Up in the Womb of Rebecca Their Mother.

   Let us now see how the times of the city of God run on from this point
   among Abraham's descendants.  In the time from the first year of
   Isaac's life to the seventieth, when his sons were born, the only
   memorable thing is, that when he prayed God that his wife, who was
   barren, might bear, and the Lord granted what he sought, and she
   conceived, the twins leapt while still enclosed in her womb.  And when
   she was troubled by this struggle, and inquired of the Lord, she
   received this answer:  "Two nations are in thy womb, and two manner of
   people shall be separated from thy bowels; and the one people shall
   overcome the other people, and the elder shall serve the younger."
   [953]   The Apostle Paul would have us understand this as a great
   instance of grace; [954] for the children being not yet born, neither
   having done any good or evil, the younger is chosen without any good
   desert and the elder is rejected, when beyond doubt, as regards
   original sin, both were alike, and as regards actual sin, neither had
   any.  But the plan of the work on hand does not permit me to speak more
   fully of this matter now, and I have said much about it in other
   works.  Only that saying, "The elder shall serve the younger," is
   understood by our writers, almost without exception, to mean that the
   elder people, the Jews, shall serve the younger people, the
   Christians.  And truly, although this might seem to be fulfilled in the
   Idumean nation, which was born of the elder (who had two names, being
   called both Esau and Edom, whence the name Idumeans), because it was
   afterwards to be overcome by the people which sprang from the younger,
   that is, by the Israelites, and was to become subject to them; yet it
   is more suitable to believe that, when it was said, "The one people
   shall overcome the other people, and the elder shall serve the
   younger," that prophecy meant some greater thing; and what is that
   except what is evidently fulfilled in the Jews and Christians?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [953] Gen. xxv. 23.

   [954] Rom. ix. 10-13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 36.--Of the Oracle and Blessing Which Isaac Received, Just as
   His Father Did, Being Beloved for His Sake.

   Isaac also received such an oracle as his father had often received.
   Of this oracle it is thus written:  "And there was a famine over the
   land, beside the first famine that was in the days of Abraham.  And
   Isaac went unto Abimelech king of the Philistines unto Gerar.  And the
   Lord appeared unto him, and said, Go not down into Egypt; but dwell in
   the land which I shall tell thee of.  And abide in this land, and I
   will be with thee, and will bless thee:  unto thee and unto thy seed I
   will give all this land; and I will establish mine oath, which I sware
   unto Abraham thy father:  and I will multiply thy seed as the stars of
   heaven, and will give unto thy seed all this land:  and in thy seed
   shall all the nations of the earth be blessed; because that Abraham thy
   father obeyed my voice, and kept my precepts, my commandments, my
   righteousness, and my laws." [955]   This patriarch neither had another
   wife, nor any concubine, but was content with the twin-children
   begotten by one act of generation.  He also was afraid, when he lived
   among strangers, of being brought into danger owing to the beauty of
   his wife, and did like his father in calling her his sister, and not
   telling that she was his wife; for she was his near blood-relation by
   the father's and mother's side.  She also remained untouched by the
   strangers, when it was known she was his wife.  Yet we ought not to
   prefer him to his father because he knew no woman besides his one
   wife.  For beyond doubt the merits of his father's faith and obedience
   were greater, inasmuch as God says it is for his sake He does Isaac
   good:  "In thy seed," He says, "shall all the nations of the earth be
   blessed, because that Abraham thy father obeyed my voice, and kept my
   precepts, my commandments, my statutes, and my laws."  And again in
   another oracle He says, "I am the God of Abraham thy father:  fear not,
   for I am with thee, and will bless thee, and multiply thy seed for my
   servant Abraham's sake." [956]   So that we must understand how
   chastely Abraham acted, because imprudent men, who seek some support
   for their own wickedness in the Holy Scriptures, think he acted through
   lust.  We may also learn this, not to compare men by single good
   things, but to consider everything in each; for it may happen that one
   man has something in his life and character in which he excels another,
   and it may be far more excellent than that in which the other excels
   him.  And thus, according to sound and true judgment, while continence
   is preferable to marriage, yet a believing married man is better than a
   continent unbeliever; for the unbeliever is not only less praiseworthy,
   but is even highly detestable.  We must conclude, then, that both are
   good; yet so as to hold that the married man who is most faithful and
   most obedient is certainly better than the continent man whose faith
   and obedience are less.  But if equal in other things, who would
   hesitate to prefer the continent man to the married?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [955] Gen. xxvi. 1-5.

   [956] Gen. xxvi. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 37.--Of the Things Mystically Prefigured in Esau and Jacob.

   Isaac's two sons, Esau and Jacob, grew up together.  The primacy of the
   elder was transferred to the younger by a bargain and agreement between
   them, when the elder immoderately lusted after the lentiles the younger
   had prepared for food, and for that price sold his birthright to him,
   confirming it with an oath.  We learn from this that a person is to be
   blamed, not for the kind of food he eats, but for immoderate greed.
   Isaac grew old, and old age deprived him of his eyesight.  He wished to
   bless the elder son, and instead of the elder, who was hairy,
   unwittingly blessed the younger, who put himself under his father's
   hands, having covered himself with kid-skins, as if bearing the sins of
   others.  Lest we should think this guile of Jacob's was fraudulent
   guile, instead of seeking in it the mystery of a great thing, the
   Scripture has predicted in the words just before, "Esau was a cunning
   hunter, a man of the field; and Jacob was a simple man, dwelling at
   home." [957]   Some of our writers have interpreted this, "without
   guile."  But whether the Greek alastos means "without guile," or
   "simple," or rather "without reigning," in the receiving of that
   blessing what is the guile of the man without guile?  What is the guile
   of the simple, what the fiction of the man who does not lie, but a
   profound mystery of the truth?  But what is the blessing itself?
   "See," he says, "the smell of my son is as the smell of a full field
   which the Lord hath blessed:  therefore God give thee of the dew of
   heaven, and of the fruitfulness of the earth, and plenty of corn and
   wine:  let nations serve thee, and princes adore thee:  and be lord of
   thy brethren, and let thy father's sons adore thee:  cursed be he that
   curseth thee, and blessed be he that blesseth thee." [958]   The
   blessing of Jacob is therefore a proclamation of Christ to all
   nations.  It is this which has come to pass, and is now being
   fulfilled.  Isaac is the law and the prophecy:  even by the mouth of
   the Jews Christ is blessed by prophecy as by one who knows not, because
   it is itself not understood.  The world like a field is filled with the
   odor of Christ's name:  His is the blessing of the dew of heaven, that
   is, of the showers of divine words; and of the fruitfulness of the
   earth, that is, of the gathering together of the peoples:  His is the
   plenty of corn and wine, that is, the multitude that gathers bread and
   wine in the sacrament of His body and blood.  Him the nations serve,
   Him princes adore.  He is the Lord of His brethren, because His people
   rules over the Jews.  Him His Father's sons adore, that is, the sons of
   Abraham according to faith; for He Himself is the son of Abraham
   according to the flesh.  He is cursed that curseth Him, and he that
   blesseth Him is blessed.  Christ, I say, who is ours is blessed, that
   is, truly spoken of out of the mouths of the Jews, when, although
   erring, they yet sing the law and the prophets, and think they are
   blessing another for whom they erringly hope.  So, when the elder son
   claims the promised blessing, Isaac is greatly afraid, and wonders when
   he knows that he has blessed one instead of the other, and demands who
   he is; yet he does not complain that he has been deceived, yea, when
   the great mystery is revealed to him, in his secret heart he at once
   eschews anger, and confirms the blessing.  "Who then," he says, "hath
   hunted me venison, and brought it me, and I have eaten of all before
   thou camest, and have blessed him, and he shall be blessed?" [959]
   Who would not rather have expected the curse of an angry man here, if
   these things had been done in an earthly manner, and not by inspiration
   from above?  O things done, yet done prophetically; on the earth, yet
   celestially; by men, yet divinely!  If everything that is fertile of so
   great mysteries should be examined carefully, many volumes would be
   filled; but the moderate compass fixed for this work compels us to
   hasten to other things.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [957] Gen. xxv. 27.

   [958] Gen. xxvii. 27-29.

   [959] Gen. xxvii. 33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 38.--Of Jacob's Mission to Mesopotamia to Get a Wife, and of
   the Vision Which He Saw in a Dream by the Way, and of His Getting Four
   Women When He Sought One Wife.

   Jacob was sent by his parents to Mesopotamia that he might take a wife
   there.  These were his father's words on sending him:  "Thou shall not
   take a wife of the daughters of the Canaanites.  Arise, fly to
   Mesopotamia, to the house of Bethuel, thy mother's father, and take
   thee a wife from thence of the daughters of Laban thy mother's
   brother.  And my God bless thee, and increase thee, and multiply thee;
   and thou shalt be an assembly of peoples; and give to thee the blessing
   of Abraham thy father, and to thy seed after thee; that thou mayest
   inherit the land wherein thou dwellest, which God gave unto Abraham."
   [960]   Now we understand here that the seed of Jacob is separated from
   Isaac's other seed which came through Esau.  For when it is said, "In
   Isaac shall thy seed be called," [961] by this seed is meant solely the
   city of God; so that from it is separated Abraham's other seed, which
   was in the son of the bond woman, and which was to be in the sons of
   Keturah.  But until now it had been uncertain regarding Isaac's
   twin-sons whether that blessing belonged to both or only to one of
   them; and if to one, which of them it was.  This is now declared when
   Jacob is prophetically blessed by his father, and it is said to him,
   "And thou shalt be an assembly of peoples, and God give to thee the
   blessing of Abraham thy father."

   When Jacob was going to Mesopotamia, he received in a dream an oracle,
   of which it is thus written:  "And Jacob went out from the well of the
   oath, [962] and went to Haran.  And he came to a place, and slept
   there, for the sun was set; and he took of the stones of the place, and
   put them at his head, and slept in that place, and dreamed.  And behold
   a ladder set up on the earth, and the top of it reached to heaven; and
   the angels of God ascended and descended by it.  And the Lord stood
   above it, and said, I am the God of Abraham thy father, and the God of
   Isaac; fear not:  the land whereon thou sleepest, to thee will I give
   it, and to thy seed; and thy seed shall be as the dust of the earth;
   and it shall be spread abroad to the sea, and to Africa, and to the
   north, and to the east:  and all the tribes of the earth shall be
   blessed in thee and in thy seed.  And, behold, I am with thee, to keep
   thee in all thy way wherever thou goest, and I will bring thee back
   into this land; for I will not leave thee, until I have done all which
   I have spoken to thee of.  And Jacob awoke out of his sleep, and said,
   Surely the Lord is in this place, and I knew it not.  And he was
   afraid, and said, How dreadful is this place! this is none other but
   the house of God, and this is the gate of heaven.  And Jacob arose, and
   took the stone that he had put under his head there, and set it up for
   a memorial, and poured oil upon the top of it.  And Jacob called the
   name of that place the house of God." [963]   This is prophetic.  For
   Jacob did not pour oil on the stone in an idolatrous way, as if making
   it a god; neither did he adore that stone, or sacrifice to it.  But
   since the name of Christ comes from the chrism or anointing, something
   pertaining to the great mystery was certainly represented in this.  And
   the Saviour Himself is understood to bring this latter to remembrance
   in the gospel, when He says of Nathanael, "Behold an Israelite indeed,
   in whom is no guile!" [964] because Israel who saw this vision is no
   other than Jacob.  And in the same place He says, "Verily, verily, I
   say unto you, Ye shall see heaven open, and the angels of God ascending
   and descending upon the Son of man."

   Jacob went on to Mesopotamia to take a wife from thence.  And the
   divine Scripture points out how, without unlawfully desiring any of
   them, he came to have four women, of whom he begat twelve sons and one
   daughter; for he had come to take only one.  But when one was falsely
   given him in place of the other, he did not send her away after
   unwittingly using her in the night, lest he should seem to have put her
   to shame; but as at that time, in order to multiply posterity, no law
   forbade a plurality of wives, he took her also to whom alone he had
   promised marriage.  As she was barren, she gave her handmaid to her
   husband that she might have children by her; and her elder sister did
   the same thing in imitation of her, although she had borne, because she
   desired to multiply progeny.  We do not read that Jacob sought any but
   one, or that he used many, except for the purpose of begetting
   offspring, saving conjugal rights; and he would not have done this, had
   not his wives, who had legitimate power over their own husband's body,
   urged him to do it.  So he begat twelve sons and one daughter by four
   women.  Then he entered into Egypt by his son Joseph, who was sold by
   his brethren for envy, and carried there, and who was there exalted.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [960] Gen. xxviii. 1-4.

   [961] Gen. xxi. 12.

   [962] Beer-sheba.

   [963] Gen. xxviii. 10-19.

   [964] John i. 47, 51.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 39.--The Reason Why Jacob Was Also Called Israel.

   As I said a little ago, Jacob was also called Israel, the name which
   was most prevalent among the people descended from him.  Now this name
   was given him by the angel who wrestled with him on the way back from
   Mesopotamia, and who was most evidently a type of Christ.  For when
   Jacob overcame him, doubtless with his own consent, that the mystery
   might be represented, it signified Christ's passion, in which the Jews
   are seen overcoming Him.  And yet he besought a blessing from the very
   angel he had overcome; and so the imposition of this name was the
   blessing.  For Israel means seeing God, [965] which will at last be the
   reward of all the saints.  The angel also touched him on the breadth of
   the thigh when he was overcoming him, and in that way made him lame.
   So that Jacob was at one and the same time blessed and lame:  blessed
   in those among that people who believed in Christ, and lame in the
   unbelieving.  For the breadth of the thigh is the multitude of the
   family.  For there are many of that race of whom it was prophetically
   said beforehand, "And they have halted in their paths." [966]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [965] Gen. xxxii. 28:  Israel = a prince of God; ver. 30; Peniel = the
   face of God.

   [966] Ps. xviii. 45.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 40.--How It is Said that Jacob Went into Egypt with
   Seventy-Five Souls, When Most of Those Who are Mentioned Were Born at a
   Later Period.

   Seventy-five men are reported to have entered Egypt along with Jacob,
   counting him with his children.  In this number only two women are
   mentioned, one a daughter, the other a grand-daughter.  But when the
   thing is carefully considered, it does not appear that Jacob's
   offspring was so numerous on the day or year when he entered Egypt.
   There are also included among them the great-grandchildren of Joseph,
   who could not possibly be born already.  For Jacob was then 130 years
   old, and his son Joseph thirty-nine and as it is plain that he took a
   wife when he was thirty or more, how could he in nine years have
   great-grandchildren by the children whom he had by that wife?  Now
   since, Ephraim and Manasseh, the sons of Joseph, could not even have
   children, for Jacob found them boys under nine years old when he
   entered Egypt, in what way are not only their sons but their grandsons
   reckoned among those seventy-five who then entered Egypt with Jacob?
   For there is reckoned there Machir the son of Manasseh, grandson of
   Joseph, and Machir's son, that is, Gilead, grandson of Manasseh,
   great-grandson of Joseph; there, too, is he whom Ephraim, Joseph's
   other son, begot, that is, Shuthelah, grandson of Joseph, and
   Shuthelah's son Ezer, grandson of Ephraim, and great-grand-son of
   Joseph, who could not possibly be in existence when Jacob came into
   Egypt, and there found his grandsons, the sons of Joseph, their
   grandsires, still boys under nine years of age. [967]   But doubtless,
   when the Scripture mentions Jacob's entrance into Egypt with
   seventy-five souls, it does not mean one day, or one year, but that
   whole time as long as Joseph lived, who was the cause of his entrance.
   For the same Scripture speaks thus of Joseph:  "And Joseph dwelt in
   Egypt, he and his brethren, and all his father's house:  and Joseph
   lived 110 years, and saw Ephraim's children of the third generation."
   [968]   That is, his great-grandson, the third from Ephraim; for the
   third generation means son, grandson, great-grandson.  Then it is
   added, "The children also of Machir, the son of Manasseh, were born
   upon Joseph's knees." [969]   And this is that grandson of Manasseh,
   and great-grandson of Joseph.  But the plural number is employed
   according to scriptural usage; for the one daughter of Jacob is spoken
   of as daughters, just as in the usage of the Latin tongue liberi is
   used in the plural for children even when there is only one.  Now, when
   Joseph's own happiness is proclaimed, because he could see his
   great-grandchildren, it is by no means to be thought they already
   existed in the thirty-ninth year of their great-grandsire Joseph, when
   his father Jacob came to him in Egypt.  But those who diligently look
   into these things will the less easily be mistaken, because it is
   written, "These are the names of the sons of Israel who entered into
   Egypt along with Jacob their father." [970]   For this means that the
   seventy-five are reckoned along with him, not that they were all with
   him when he entered Egypt; for, as I have said, the whole period during
   which Joseph, who occasioned his entrance, lived, is held to be the
   time of that entrance.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [967] Augustin here follows the Septuagint, which at Gen. xlvi. 20 adds
   these names to those of Manasseh and Ephraim, and at ver. 27 gives the
   whole number as seventy-five. 1 Gen. l. 22, 23.

   [968] Gen. l. 22, 23.

   [969] Gen. l. 23.

   [970] Gen. xlvi. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 41.--Of the Blessing Which Jacob Promised in Judah His Son.

   If, on account of the Christian people in whom the city of God sojourns
   in the earth, we look for the flesh of Christ in the seed of Abraham,
   setting aside the sons of the concubines, we have Isaac; if in the seed
   of Isaac, setting aside Esau, who is also Edom, we have Jacob, who also
   is Israel; if in the seed of Israel himself, setting aside the rest, we
   have Judah, because Christ sprang of the tribe of Judah.  Let us hear,
   then, how Israel, when dying in Egypt, in blessing his sons,
   prophetically blessed Judah.  He says:  "Judah, thy brethren shall
   praise thee:  thy hands shall be on the back of thine enemies; thy
   father's children shall adore thee.  Judah is a lion's whelp:  from the
   sprouting, my son, thou art gone up:  lying down, thou hast slept as a
   lion, and as a lion's whelp; who shall awake him?  A prince shall not
   be lacking out of Judah, and a leader from his thighs, until the things
   come that are laid up for him; and He shall be the expectation of the
   nations.  Binding his foal unto the vine, and his ass's foal to the
   choice vine; he shall wash his robe in wine, and his clothes in the
   blood of the grape:  his eyes are red with wine, and his teeth are
   whiter than milk." [971]   I have expounded these words in disputing
   against Faustus the Manichæan; and I think it is enough to make the
   truth of this prophecy shine, to remark that the death of Christ is
   predicted by the word about his lying down, and not the necessity, but
   the voluntary character of His death, in the title of lion.  That power
   He Himself proclaims in the gospel, saying, "I have the power of laying
   down my life, and I have the power of taking it again.  No man taketh
   it from me; but I lay it down of myself, and take it again." [972]   So
   the lion roared, so He fulfilled what He said.  For to this power what
   is added about the resurrection refers, "Who shall awake him?"  This
   means that no man but Himself has raised Him, who also said of His own
   body, "Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up."
   [973]   And the very nature of His death, that is, the height of the
   cross, is understood by the single words "Thou are gone up."  The
   evangelist explains what is added, "Lying down, thou hast slept," when
   he says, "He bowed His head, and gave up the ghost." [974]   Or at
   least His burial is to be understood, in which He lay down sleeping,
   and whence no man raised Him, as the prophets did some, and as He
   Himself did others; but He Himself rose up as if from sleep.  As for
   His robe which He washes in wine, that is, cleanses from sin in His own
   blood, of which blood those who are baptized know the mystery, so that
   he adds, "And his clothes in the blood of the grape," what is it but
   the Church?  "And his eyes are red with wine," [these are] His
   spiritual people drunken with His cup, of which the psalm sings, "And
   thy cup that makes drunken, how excellent it is!"  "And his teeth are
   whiter than milk," [975] --that is, the nutritive words which,
   according to the apostle, the babes drink, being as yet unfit for solid
   food. [976]   And it is He in whom the promises of Judah were laid up,
   so that until they come, princes, that is, the kings of Israel, shall
   never be lacking out of Judah.  "And He is the expectation of the
   nations."  This is too plain to need exposition.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [971] Gen. xlix. 8-12.

   [972] John x. 18.

   [973] John ii. 19.

   [974] John xix. 30.

   [975] Gen. xlix. 12.

   [976] 1 Pet. ii. 2; 1 Cor. iii. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 42.--Of the Sons of Joseph, Whom Jacob Blessed, Prophetically
   Changing His Hands.

   Now, as Isaac's two sons, Esau and Jacob, furnished a type of the two
   people, the Jews and the Christians (although as pertains to carnal
   descent it was not the Jews but the Idumeans who came of the seed of
   Esau, nor the Christian nations but rather the Jews who came of
   Jacob's; for the type holds only as regards the saying, "The elder
   shall serve the younger" [977] ), so the same thing happened in
   Joseph's two sons; for the elder was a type of the Jews, and the
   younger of the Christians.  For when Jacob was blessing them, and laid
   his right hand on the younger, who was at his left, and his left hand
   on the elder, who was at his right, this seemed wrong to their father,
   and he admonished his father by trying to correct his mistake and show
   him which was the elder.  But he would not change his hands, but said,
   "I know, my son, I know.  He also shall become a people, and he also
   shall be exalted; but his younger brother shall be greater than he, and
   his seed shall become a multitude of nations." [978]   And these two
   promises show the same thing.  For that one is to become "a people;"
   this one "a multitude of nations."  And what can be more evident than
   that these two promises comprehend the people of Israel, and the whole
   world of Abraham's seed, the one according to the flesh, the other
   according to faith?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [977] Gen. xxv. 23.

   [978] Gen. xlviii. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 43.--Of the Times of Moses and Joshua the Son of Nun, of the
   Judges, and Thereafter of the Kings, of Whom Saul Was the First, But
   David is to Be Regarded as the Chief, Both by the Oath and by Merit.

   Jacob being dead, and Joseph also, during the remaining 144 years until
   they went out of the land of Egypt, that nation increased to an
   incredible degree, even although wasted by so great persecutions, that
   at one time the male children were murdered at their birth, because the
   wondering Egyptians were terrified at the too great increase of that
   people.  Then Moses, being stealthily kept from the murderers of the
   infants, was brought to the royal house, God preparing to do great
   things by him, and was nursed and adopted by the daughter of Pharaoh
   (that was the name of all the kings of Egypt), and became so great a
   man that he--yea, rather God, who had promised this to Abraham, by
   him--drew that nation, so wonderfully multiplied, out of the yoke of
   hardest and most grievous servitude it had borne there.  At first,
   indeed, he fled thence (we are told he fled into the land of Midian),
   because, in defending an Israelite, he had slain an Egyptian, and was
   afraid.  Afterward, being divinely commissioned in the power of the
   Spirit of God, he overcame the magi of Pharaoh who resisted him.  Then,
   when the Egyptians would not let God's people go, ten memorable plagues
   were brought by Him upon them,--the water turned into blood, the frogs
   and lice, the flies, the death of the cattle, the boils, the hail, the
   locusts, the darkness, the death of the first-born.  At last the
   Egyptians were destroyed in the Red Sea while pursuing the Israelites,
   whom they had let go when at length they were broken by so many great
   plagues.  The divided sea made a way for the Israelites who were
   departing, but, returning on itself, it overwhelmed their pursuers with
   its waves.  Then for forty years the people of God went through the
   desert, under the leadership of Moses, when the tabernacle of testimony
   was dedicated, in which God was worshipped by sacrifices prophetic of
   things to come, and that was after the law had been very terribly given
   in the mount, for its divinity was most plainly attested by wonderful
   signs and voices.  This took place soon after the exodus from Egypt,
   when the people had entered the desert, on the fiftieth day after the
   passover was celebrated by the offering up of a lamb, which is so
   completely a type of Christ, foretelling that through His sacrificial
   passion He should go from this world to the Father (for pascha in, the
   Hebrew tongue means transit), that when the new covenant was revealed,
   after Christ our passover was offered up, the Holy Spirit came from
   heaven on the fiftieth day; and He is called in the gospel the Finger
   of God, because He recalls to our remembrance the things done before by
   way of types, and because the tables of that law are said to have been
   written by the finger of God.

   On the death of Moses, Joshua the son of Nun ruled the people, and led
   them into the land of promise, and divided it among them.  By these two
   wonderful leaders wars were also carried on most prosperously and
   wonderfully, God calling to witness that they had got these victories
   not so much on account of the merit of the Hebrew people as on account
   of the sins of the nations they subdued.  After these leaders there
   were judges, when the people were settled in the land of promise, so
   that, in the meantime, the first promise made to Abraham began to be
   fulfilled about the one nation, that is, the Hebrew, and about the land
   of Canaan; but not as yet the promise about all nations, and the whole
   wide world, for that was to be fulfilled, not by the observances of the
   old law, but by the advent of Christ in the flesh, and by the faith of
   the gospel.  And it was to prefigure this that it was not Moses, who
   received the law for the people on Mount Sinai, that led the people
   into the land of promise, but Joshua, whose name also was changed at
   God's command, so that he was called Jesus.  But in the times of the
   judges prosperity alternated with adversity in war, according as the
   sins of the people and the mercy of God were displayed.

   We come next to the times of the kings.  The first who reigned was
   Saul; and when he was rejected and laid low in battle, and his
   offspring rejected so that no kings should arise out of it, David
   succeeded to the kingdom, whose son Christ is chiefly called.  He was
   made a kind of starting-point and beginning of the advanced youth of
   God's people, who had passed a kind of age of puberty from Abraham to
   this David.  And it is not in vain that the evangelist Matthew records
   the generations in such a way as to sum up this first period from
   Abraham to David in fourteen generations.  For from the age of puberty
   man begins to be capable of generation; therefore he starts the list of
   generations from Abraham, who also was made the father of many nations
   when he got his name changed.  So that previously this family of God's
   people was in its childhood, from Noah to Abraham; and for that reason
   the first language was then learned, that is, the Hebrew.  For man
   begins to speak in childhood, the age succeeding infancy, which is so
   termed because then he cannot speak. [979]   And that first age is
   quite drowned in oblivion, just as the first age of the human race was
   blotted out by the flood; for who is there that can remember his
   infancy?  Wherefore in this progress of the city of God, as the
   previous book contained that first age, so this one ought to contain
   the second and third ages, in which third age, as was shown by the
   heifer of three years old, the she-goat of three years old, and the ram
   of three years old, the yoke of the law was imposed, and there appeared
   abundance of sins, and the beginning of the earthly kingdom arose, in
   which there were not lacking spiritual men, of whom the turtledove and
   pigeon represented the mystery.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [979] Infans, from in, not, and fari, to speak.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XVII.

   ------------------------

   Argument--In this book the history of the city of God is traced during
   the period of the kings and prophets from Samuel to David, even to
   Christ; and the prophecies which are recorded in the books of Kings,
   Psalms, and those of Solomon, are interpreted of Christ and the church.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Prophetic Age.

   By the favor of God we have treated distinctly of His promises made to
   Abraham, that both the nation of Israel according to the flesh, and all
   nations according to faith, should be his seed, and the City of God,
   proceeding according to the order of time, will point [980] out how
   they were fulfilled.  Having therefore in the previous book come down
   to the reign of David, we shall now treat of what remains, so far as
   may seem sufficient for the object of this work, beginning at the same
   reign.  Now, from the time when holy Samuel began to prophesy, and ever
   onward until the people of Israel was led captive into Babylonia, and
   until, according to the prophecy of holy Jeremiah, on Israel's return
   thence after seventy years, the house of God was built anew, this whole
   period is the prophetic age.  For although both the patriarch Noah
   himself, in whose days the whole earth was destroyed by the flood, and
   others before and after him down to this time when there began to be
   kings over the people of God, may not underservedly be styled prophets,
   on account of certain things pertaining to the city of God and the
   kingdom of heaven, which they either predicted or in any way signified
   should come to pass, and especially since we read that some of them, as
   Abraham and Moses, were expressly so styled, yet those are most and
   chiefly called the days of the prophets from the time when Samuel began
   to prophesy, who at God's command first anointed Saul to be king, and,
   on his rejection, David himself, whom others of his issue should
   succeed as long as it was fitting they should do so.  If, therefore, I
   wished to rehearse all that the prophets have predicted concerning
   Christ, while the city of God, with its members dying and being born in
   constant succession, ran its course through those times, this work
   would extend beyond all bounds.  First, because the Scripture itself,
   even when, in treating in order of the kings and of their deeds and the
   events of their reigns, it seems to be occupied in narrating as with
   historical diligence the affairs transacted, will be found, if the
   things handled by it are considered with the aid of the Spirit of God,
   either more, or certainly not less, intent on foretelling things to
   come than on relating things past.  And who that thinks even a little
   about it does not know how laborious and prolix a work it would be, and
   how many volumes it would require to search this out by thorough
   investigation and demonstrate it by argument?  And then, because of
   that which without dispute pertains to prophecy, there are so many
   things concerning Christ and the kingdom of heaven, which is the city
   of God, that to explain these a larger discussion would be necessary
   than the due proportion of this work admits of.  Therefore I shall, if
   I can, so limit myself, that in carrying through this work, I may, with
   God's help, neither say what is superfluous nor omit what is necessary.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [980] Has pointed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--At What Time the Promise of God Was Fulfilled Concerning
   the Land of Canaan, Which Even Carnal Israel Got in Possession.

   In the preceding book we said, that in the promise of God to Abraham
   two things were promised from the beginning, the one, name ly, that his
   seed should possess the land of Canaan, which was intimated when it was
   said, "Go into a land that I will show thee, and I will make of thee a
   great nation;" [981] but the other far more excellent, concerning not
   the carnal but the spiritual seed, by which he is the father, not of
   the one nation of Israel, but of all nations who follow the footsteps
   of his faith, which began to be promised in these words, "And in thee
   shall all families of the earth be blessed." [982]   And thereafter we
   showed by yet many other proofs that these two things were promised.
   Therefore the seed of Abraham, that is, the people of Israel according
   to the flesh, already was in the land of promise; and there, not only
   by holding and possessing the cities of the enemies, but also by having
   kings, had already begun to reign, the promises of God concerning that
   people being already in great part fulfilled:  not only those that were
   made to those three fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and whatever
   others were made in their times, but those also that were made through
   Moses himself, by whom the same people was set free from servitude in
   Egypt, and by whom all bygone things were revealed in his times, when
   he led the people through the wilderness.  But neither by the
   illustrious leader Jesus the son of Nun, who led that people into the
   land of promise, and, after driving out the nations, divided it among
   the twelve tribes according to God's command, and died; nor after him,
   in the whole time of the judges, was the promise of God concerning the
   land of Canaan fulfilled, that it should extend from some river of
   Egypt even to the great river Euphrates; nor yet was it still
   prophesied as to come, but its fulfillment was expected.  And it was
   fulfilled through David, and Solomon his son, whose kingdom was
   extended over the whole promised space; for they subdued all those
   nations, and made them tributary.  And thus, under those kings, the
   seed of Abraham was established in the land of promise according to the
   flesh, that is, in the land of Canaan, so that nothing yet remained to
   the complete fulfillment of that earthly promise of God, except that,
   so far as pertains to temporal prosperity, the Hebrew nation should
   remain in the same land by the succession of posterity in an unshaken
   state even to the end of this mortal age, if it obeyed the laws of the
   Lord its God.  But since God knew it would not do this, He used His
   temporal punishments also for training His few faithful ones in it, and
   for giving needful warning to those who should afterwards be in all
   nations, in whom the other promise, revealed in the New Testament, was
   about to be fulfilled through the incarnation of Christ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [981] Gen. xii. 1, 2.

   [982] Gen. xii. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Of the Three-Fold Meaning of the Prophecies, Which are to
   Be Referred Now to the Earthly, Now to the Heavenly Jerusalem, and Now
   Again to Both.

   Wherefore just as that divine oracle to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and
   all the other prophetic signs or sayings which are given in the earlier
   sacred writings, so also the other prophecies from this time of the
   kings pertain partly to the nation of Abraham's flesh, and partly to
   that seed of his in which all nations are blessed as fellow-heirs of
   Christ by the New Testament, to the possessing of eternal life and the
   kingdom of the heavens.  Therefore they pertain partly to the bond maid
   who gendereth to bondage, that is, the earthly Jerusalem, which is in
   bondage with her children; but partly to the free city of God, that is,
   the true Jerusalem eternal in the heavens, whose children are all those
   that live according to God in the earth:  but there are some things
   among them which are understood to pertain to both,--to the bond maid
   properly, to the free woman figuratively. [983]

   Therefore prophetic utterances of three kinds are to be found;
   forasmuch as there are some relating to the earthly Jerusalem, some to
   the heavenly, and some to both.  I think it proper to prove what I say
   by examples.  The prophet Nathan was sent to convict king David of
   heinous sin, and predict to him what future evils should be consequent
   on it.  Who can question that this and the like pertain to the
   terrestrial city, whether publicly, that is, for the safety or help of
   the people, or privately, when there are given forth for each one's
   private good divine utterances whereby something of the future may be
   known for the use of temporal life?  But where we read, "Behold, the
   days come, saith the Lord, that I will make for the house of Israel,
   and for the house of Judah, a new testament:  not according to the
   testament that I settled for their fathers in the day when I laid hold
   of their hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt; because they
   continued not in my testament, and I regarded them not, saith the
   Lord.  For this is the testament that I will make for the house of
   Israel:  after those days, saith the Lord, I will give my laws in their
   mind, and will write them upon their hearts, and I will see to them;
   and I will be to them a God, and they shall be to me a people;" [984]
   --without doubt this is prophesied to the Jerusalem above, whose reward
   is God Himself, and whose chief and entire good it is to have Him, and
   to be His.  But this pertains to both, that the city of God is called
   Jerusalem, and that it is prophesied the house of God shall be in it;
   and this prophecy seems to be fulfilled when king Solomon builds that
   most noble temple.  For these things both happened in the earthly
   Jerusalem, as history shows, and were types of the heavenly Jerusalem.
   And this kind of prophecy, as it were compacted and commingled of both
   the others in the ancient canonical books, containing historical
   narratives, is of very great significance, and has exercised and
   exercises greatly the wits of those who search holy writ.  For example,
   what we read of historically as predicted and fulfilled in the seed of
   Abraham according to the flesh, we must also inquire the allegorical
   meaning of, as it is to be fulfilled in the seed of Abraham according
   to faith.  And so much is this the case, that some have thought there
   is nothing in these books either foretold and effected, or effected
   although not foretold, that does not insinuate something else which is
   to be referred by figurative signification to the city of God on high,
   and to her children who are pilgrims in this life.  But if this be so,
   then the utterances of the prophets, or rather the whole of those
   Scriptures that are reckoned under the title of the Old Testament, will
   be not of three, but of two different kinds.  For there will be nothing
   there which pertains to the terrestrial Jerusalem only, if whatever is
   there said and fulfilled of or concerning her signifies something which
   also refers by allegorical prefiguration to the celestial Jerusalem;
   but there will be only two kinds one that pertains to the free
   Jerusalem, the other to both.  But just as, I think, they err greatly
   who are of opinion that none of the records of affairs in that kind of
   writings mean anything more than that they so happened, so I think
   those very daring who contend that the whole gist of their contents
   lies in allegorical significations.  Therefore I have said they are
   threefold, not two-fold.  Yet, in holding this opinion, I do not blame
   those who may be able to draw out of everything there a spiritual
   meaning, only saving, first of all, the historical truth.  For the
   rest, what believer can doubt that those things are spoken vainly which
   are such that, whether said to have been done or to be yet to come,
   they do not beseem either human or divine affairs?  Who would not
   recall these to spiritual understanding if he could, or confess that
   they should be recalled by him who is able?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [983] Gal. iv. 22-31.

   [984] Heb. viii. 8-10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--About the Prefigured Change of the Israelitic Kingdom and
   Priesthood, and About the Things Hannah the Mother of Samuel
   Prophesied, Personating the Church.

   Therefore the advance of the city of God, where it reached the times of
   the kings, yielded a figure, when, on the rejection of Saul, David
   first obtained the kingdom on such a footing that thenceforth his
   descendants should reign in the earthly Jerusalem in continual
   succession; for the course of affairs signified and foretold, what is
   not to be passed by in silence, concerning the change of things to
   come, what belongs to both Testaments, the Old and the New,--where the
   priesthood and kingdom are changed by one who is a priest, and at the
   same time a king, new and everlasting, even Christ Jesus.  For both the
   substitution in the ministry of God, on Eli's rejection as priest, of
   Samuel, who executed at once the office of priest and judge, and the
   establishment of David in the kingdom, when Saul was rejected, typified
   this of which I speak.  And Hannah herself, the mother of Samuel, who
   formerly was barren, and afterwards was gladdened with fertility, does
   not seem to prophesy anything else, when she exultingly pours forth her
   thanksgiving to the Lord, on yielding up to God the same boy she had
   born and weaned with the same piety with which she had vowed him.  For
   she says, "My heart is made strong in the Lord, and my horn is exalted
   in my God; my mouth is enlarged over mine enemies; I am made glad in
   Thy salvation.  Because there is none holy as the Lord; and none is
   righteous as our God:  there is none holy save Thee.  Do not glory so
   proudly, and do not speak lofty things, neither let vaunting talk come
   out of your mouth; for a God of knowledge is the Lord, and a God
   preparing His curious designs.  The bow of the mighty hath He made
   weak, and the weak are girded with strength.  They that were full of
   bread are diminished; and the hungry have passed beyond the earth:  for
   the barren hath born seven; and she that hath many children is waxed
   feeble.  The Lord killeth and maketh alive:  He bringeth down to hell,
   and bringeth up again.  The Lord maketh poor and maketh rich:  He
   bringeth low and lifteth up.  He raiseth up the poor out of the dust,
   and lifteth up the beggar from the dunghill, that He may set him among
   the mighty of [His] people, and maketh them inherit the throne of
   glory; giving the vow to him that voweth, and He hath blessed the years
   of the just:  for man is not mighty in strength.  The Lord shall make
   His adversary weak:  the Lord is holy.  Let not the prudent glory in
   his prudence and let not the mighty glory in his might; and let not the
   rich glory in his riches:  but let him that glorieth glory in this, to
   understand and know the Lord, and to do judgment and justice in the
   midst of the earth.  The Lord hath ascended into the heavens, and hath
   thundered:  He shall judge the ends of the earth, for He is righteous:
   and He giveth strength to our kings, and shall exalt the horn of His
   Christ." [985]

   Do you say that these are the words of a single weak woman giving
   thanks for the birth of a son?  Can the mind of men be so much averse
   to the light of truth as not to perceive that the sayings this woman
   pours forth exceed her measure?  Moreover, he who is suitably
   interested in these things which have already begun to be fulfilled
   even in this earthly pilgrimage also, does he not apply his mind, and
   perceive, and acknowledge, that through this woman--whose very name,
   which is Hannah, means "His grace"--the very Christian religion, the
   very city of God, whose king and founder is Christ, in fine, the very
   grace of God, hath thus spoken by the prophetic Spirit, whereby the
   proud are cut off so that they fall, and the humble are filled so that
   they rise, which that hymn chiefly celebrates?  Unless perchance any
   one will say that this woman prophesied nothing, but only lauded God
   with exulting praise on account of the son whom she had obtained in
   answer to prayer.  What then does she mean when she says, "The bow of
   the mighty hath He made weak, and the weak are girded with strength;
   they that were full of bread are diminished, and the hungry have gone
   beyond the earth; for the barren hath born seven, and she that hath
   many children is waxed feeble?"  Had she herself born seven, although
   she had been barren?  She had only one when she said that; neither did
   she bear seven afterwards, nor six, with whom Samuel himself might be
   the seventh, but three males and two females.  And then, when as yet no
   one was king over that people, whence, if she did not prophesy, did she
   say what she puts at the end, "He giveth strength to our kings, and
   shall exalt the horn of His Christ?"

   Therefore let the Church of Christ, the city of the great King, [986]
   full of grace, prolific of offspring, let her say what the prophecy
   uttered about her so long before by the mouth of this pious mother
   confesses, "My heart is made strong in the Lord, and my horn is exalted
   in my God."  Her heart is truly made strong, and her horn is truly
   exalted, because not in herself, but in the Lord her God.  "My mouth is
   enlarged over mine enemies;" because even in pressing straits the word
   of God is not bound, not even in preachers who are bound. [987]   "I am
   made glad," she says, "in Thy salvation."  This is Christ Jesus
   Himself, whom old Simeon, as we read in the Gospel, embracing as a
   little one, yet recognizing as great, said, "Lord, now lettest Thou Thy
   servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen Thy salvation." [988]
     Therefore may the Church say, "I am made glad in Thy salvation.  For
   there is none holy as the Lord, and none is righteous as our God;" as
   holy and sanctifying, just and justifying. [989]   "There is none holy
   beside Thee;" because no one becomes so except by reason of Thee.  And
   then it follows, "Do not glory so proudly, and do not speak lofty
   things, neither let vaunting talk come out of your mouth.  For a God of
   knowledge is the Lord."  He knows you even when no one knows; for "he
   who thinketh himself to be something when he is nothing deceiveth
   himself." [990]   These things are said to the adversaries of the city
   of God who belong to Babylon, who presume in their own strength, and
   glory in themselves, not in the Lord; of whom are also the carnal
   Israelites, the earth-born inhabitants of the earthly Jerusalem, who,
   as saith the apostle, "being ignorant of the righteousness of God,"
   [991] that is, which God, who alone is just, and the justifier, gives
   to man, "and wishing to establish their own," that is, which is as it
   were procured by their own selves, not bestowed by Him, "are not
   subject to the righteousness of God," just because they are proud, and
   think they are able to please God with their own, not with that which
   is of God, who is the God of knowledge, and therefore also takes the
   oversight of consciences, there beholding the thoughts of men that they
   are vain, [992] if they are of men, and are not from Him.  "And
   preparing," she says, "His curious designs."  What curious designs do
   we think these are, save that the proud must fall, and the humble
   rise?  These curious designs she recounts, saying, "The bow of the
   mighty is made weak, and the weak are girded with strength."  The bow
   is made weak, that is, the intention of those who think themselves so
   powerful, that without the gift and help of God they are able by human
   sufficiency to fulfill the divine commandments; and those are girded
   with strength whose in ward cry is, "Have mercy upon me, O Lord, for I
   am weak." [993]

   "They that were full of bread," she says, "are diminished, and the
   hungry have gone beyond the earth."  Who are to be understood as full
   of bread except those same who were as if mighty, that is, the
   Israelites, to whom were committed the oracles of God? [994]   But
   among that people the children of the bond maid were diminished,--by
   which word minus, although it is Latin, the idea is well expressed that
   from being greater they were made less,--because, even in the very
   bread, that is, the divine oracles, which the Israelites alone of all
   nations have received, they savor earthly things.  But the nations to
   whom that law was not given, after they have come through the New
   Testament to these oracles, by thirsting much have gone beyond the
   earth, because in them they have savored not earthly, but heavenly
   things.  And the reason why this is done is as it were sought; "for the
   barren," she says, "hath born seven, and she that hath many children is
   waxed feeble."  Here all that had been prophesied hath shone forth to
   those who understood the number seven, which signifies the perfection
   of the universal Church.  For which reason also the Apostle John writes
   to the seven churches, [995] showing in that way that he writes to the
   totality of the one Church; and in the Proverbs of Solomon it is said
   aforetime, prefiguring this, "Wisdom hath builded her house, she hath
   strengthened her seven pillars." [996]   For the city of God was barren
   in all nations before that child arose whom we see. [997]   We also see
   that the temporal Jerusalem, who had many children, is now waxed
   feeble.  Because, whoever in her were sons of the free woman were her
   strength; but now, forasmuch as the letter is there, and not the
   spirit, having lost her strength, she is waxed feeble.

   "The Lord killeth and maketh alive:"  He has killed her who had many
   children, and made this barren one alive, so that she has born seven.
   Although it may be more suitably understood that He has made those same
   alive whom He has killed.  For she, as it were, repeats that by adding,
   "He bringeth down to hell, and bringeth up."  To whom truly the apostle
   says, "If ye be dead with Christ, seek those things which are above,
   where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God." [998]   Therefore they
   are killed by the Lord in a salutary way, so that he adds, "Savor
   things which are above, not things on the earth;" so that these are
   they who, hungering, have passed beyond the earth.  "For ye are dead,"
   he says:  behold how God savingly kills!  Then there follows, "And your
   life is hid with Christ in God:" behold how God makes the same alive!
   But does He bring them down to hell and bring them up again?  It is
   without controversy among believers that we best see both parts of this
   work fulfilled in Him, to wit our Head, with whom the apostle has said
   our life is hid in God.  "For when He spared not His own Son, but
   delivered Him up for us all," [999] in that way, certainly, He has
   killed Him.  And forasmuch as He raised Him up again from the dead, He
   has made Him alive again.  And since His voice is acknowledged in the
   prophecy, "Thou wilt not leave my soul in hell," [1000] He has brought
   Him down to hell and brought Him up again.  By this poverty of His we
   are made rich; [1001] for "the Lord maketh poor and maketh rich."  But
   that we may know what this is, let us hear what follows:  "He bringeth
   low and lifteth up;" and truly He humbles the proud and exalts the
   humble.  Which we also read elsewhere, "God resisteth the proud, but
   giveth grace to the humble." [1002]   This is the burden of the entire
   song of this woman whose name is interpreted "His grace."

   Farther, what is added, "He raiseth up the poor from the earth," I
   understand of none better than of Him who, as was said a little ago,
   "was made poor for us, when He was rich, that by His poverty we might
   be made rich."  For He raised Him from the earth so quickly that His
   flesh did not see corruption.  Nor shall I divert from Him what is
   added, "And raiseth up the poor from the dunghill."  For indeed he who
   is the poor man is also the beggar. [1003]   But by the dunghill from
   which he is lifted up we are with the greatest reason to understand the
   persecuting Jews, of whom the apostle says, when telling that when he
   belonged to them he persecuted the Church, "What things were gain to
   me, those I counted loss for Christ; and I have counted them not only
   loss, but even dung, that I might win Christ." [1004]   Therefore that
   poor one is raised up from the earth above all the rich, and that
   beggar is lifted up from that dunghill above all the wealthy, "that he
   may sit among the mighty of the people," to whom He says, "Ye shall sit
   upon twelve thrones," [1005] "and to make them inherit the throne of
   glory."  For these mighty ones had said, "Lo, we have forsaken all and
   followed Thee."  They had most mightily vowed this vow.

   But whence do they receive this, except from Him of whom it is here
   immediately said, "Giving the vow to him that voweth?"  Otherwise they
   would be of those mighty ones whose bow is weakened.  "Giving," she
   saith, "the vow to him that voweth."  For no one could vow anything
   acceptable to God, unless he received from Him that which he might
   vow.  There follows, "And He hath blessed the years of the just," to
   wit, that he may live for ever with Him to whom it is said, "And Thy
   years shall have no end."  For there the years abide; but here they
   pass away, yea, they perish:  for before they come they are not, and
   when they shall have come they shall not be, because they bring their
   own end with them.  Now of these two, that is, "giving the vow to him
   that voweth," and "He hath blessed the years of the just," the one is
   what we do, the other what we receive.  But this other is not received
   from God, the liberal giver, until He, the helper, Himself has enabled
   us for the former; "for man is not mighty in strength."  "The Lord
   shall make his adversary weak," to wit, him who envies the man that
   vows, and resists him, lest he should fulfill what he has vowed.  Owing
   to the ambiguity of the Greek, it may also be understood "his own
   adversary."  For when God has begun to possess us, immediately he who
   had been our adversary becomes His, and is conquered by us; but not by
   our own strength, "for man is not mighty in strength."  Therefore "the
   Lord shall make His own adversary weak, the Lord is holy," that he may
   be conquered by the saints, whom the Lord, the Holy of holies, hath
   made saints.  For this reason, "let not the prudent glory in his
   prudence, and let not the mighty glory in his might, and let not the
   rich glory in his riches; but let him that glorieth glory in this,--to
   understand and know the Lord, and to do judgment and justice in the
   midst of the earth."  He in no small measure understands and knows the
   Lord who understands and knows that even this, that he can understand
   and know the Lord, is given to him by the Lord.  "For what hast thou,"
   saith the apostle, "that thou hast not received?  But if thou hast
   received it, why dost thou glory as if thou hadst not received it?"
   [1006]   That is, as if thou hadst of thine own self whereof thou
   mightest glory.  Now, he does judgment and justice who lives aright.
   But he lives aright who yields obedience to God when He commands.  "The
   end of the commandment," that is, to which the commandment has
   reference, "is charity out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and
   faith unfeigned."  Moreover, this "charity," as the Apostle John
   testifies, "is of God." [1007]   Therefore to do justice and judgment
   is of God.  But what is "in the midst of the earth?"  For ought those
   who dwell in the ends of the earth not to do judgment and justice?  Who
   would say so?  Why, then, is it added, "In the midst of the earth?"
   For if this had not been added, and it had only been said, "To do
   judgment and justice," this commandment would rather have pertained to
   both kinds of men,--both those dwelling inland and those on the
   sea-coast.  But lest any one should think that, after the end of the
   life led in this body, there remains a time for doing judgment and
   justice which he has not done while he was in the flesh, and that the
   divine judgment can thus be escaped, "in the midst of the earth"
   appears to me to be said of the time when every one lives in the body;
   for in this life every one carries about his own earth, which, on a
   man's dying, the common earth takes back, to be surely returned to him
   on his rising again.  Therefore "in the midst of the earth," that is,
   while our soul is shut up in this earthly body, judgment and justice
   are to be done, which shall be profitable for us hereafter, when "every
   one shall receive according to that he hath done in the body, whether
   good or bad." [1008]   For when the apostle there says "in the body,"
   he means in the time he has lived in the body.  Yet if any one
   blaspheme with malicious mind and impious thought, without any member
   of his body being employed in it, he shall not therefore be guiltless
   because he has not done it with bodily motion, for he will have done it
   in that time which he has spent in the body.  In the same way we may
   suitably understand what we read in the psalm, "But God, our King
   before the worlds, hath wrought salvation in the midst of the earth;"
   [1009] so that the Lord Jesus may be understood to be our God who is
   before the worlds, because by Him the worlds were made, working our
   salvation in the midst of the earth, for the Word was made flesh and
   dwelt in an earthly body.

   Then after Hannah has prophesied in these words, that he who glorieth
   ought to glory not in himself at all, but in the Lord, she says, on
   account of the retribution which is to come on the day of judgment,
   "The Lord hath ascended into the heavens, and hath thundered:  He shall
   judge the ends of the earth, for He is righteous."  Throughout she
   holds to the order of the creed of Christians:  For the Lord Christ has
   ascended into heaven, and is to come thence to judge the quick and
   dead. [1010]   For, as saith the apostle, "Who hath ascended but He who
   hath also descended into the lower parts of the earth?  He that
   descended is the same also that ascended up above all heavens, that He
   might fill all things." [1011]   Therefore He hath thundered through
   His clouds, which He hath filled with His Holy Spirit when He ascended
   up.  Concerning which the bond maid Jerusalem--that is, the unfruitful
   vineyard--is threatened in Isaiah the prophet that they shall rain no
   showers upon her.  But "He shall judge the ends of the earth" is spoken
   as if it had been said, "even the extremes of the earth."  For it does
   not mean that He shall not judge the other parts of the earth, who,
   without doubt, shall judge all men.  But it is better to understand by
   the extremes of the earth the extremes of man, since those things shall
   not be judged which, in the middle time, are changed for the better or
   the worse, but the ending in which he shall be found who is judged.
   For which reason it is said, "He that shall persevere even unto the
   end, the same shall be saved." [1012]   He, therefore, who
   perseveringly does judgment and justice in the midst of the earth shall
   not be condemned when the extremes of the earth shall be judged.  "And
   giveth," she saith, "strength to our kings," that He may not condemn
   them in judging.  He giveth them strength whereby as kings they rule
   the flesh, and conquer the world in Him who hath poured out His blood
   for them.  "And shall exalt the horn of His Christ."  How shall Christ
   exalt the horn of His Christ?  For He of whom it was said above, "The
   Lord hath ascended into the heavens," meaning the Lord Christ, Himself,
   as it is said here, "shall exalt the horn of His Christ."  Who,
   therefore, is the Christ of His Christ?  Does it mean that He shall
   exalt the horn of each one of His believing people, as she says in the
   beginning of this hymn, "Mine horn is exalted in my God?"  For we can
   rightly call all those christs who are anointed with His chrism,
   forasmuch as the whole body with its head is one Christ. [1013]   These
   things hath Hannah, the mother of Samuel, the holy and much-praised
   man, prophesied, in which, indeed, the change of the ancient priesthood
   was then figured and is now fulfilled, since she that had many children
   is waxed feeble, that the barren who hath born seven might have the new
   priesthood in Christ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [985] 1 Sam. ii. 1-10.

   [986] Ps. xlviii. 2.

   [987] 2 Tim. ii. 9; Eph. vi. 20.

   [988] Luke ii. 25-30.

   [989] Rom. iii. 26?

   [990] Gal. vi. 3.

   [991] Rom. x. 3.

   [992] Ps. xciv. 11; 1 Cor. iii. 20.

   [993] Ps. vi. 2.

   [994] Rom. iii. 2.

   [995] Rev. i. 4.

   [996] Prov. ix. 1.

   [997] By whom we see her made fruitful.

   [998] Col. iii. 1-3.

   [999] Rom. viii. 32.

   [1000] Ps. xvi. 10; Acts ii. 27, 31.

   [1001] 2 Cor. viii. 9.

   [1002] Jas. iv. 6; 1 Pet. v. 5.

   [1003] For the poor man is the same as the beggar.

   [1004] Phil. iii. 7, 8.

   [1005] Matt. xix. 27, 28.

   [1006] 1 Cor. iv. 7.

   [1007] 1 John iv. 7.

   [1008] 2 Cor. v. 10.

   [1009] Ps. lxxiv. 12.

   [1010] Acts x. 42.

   [1011] Eph. iv. 9, 10.

   [1012] Matt. xxiv. 13.

   [1013] 1 Cor. xii. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of Those Things Which a Man of God Spake by the Spirit to
   Eli the Priest, Signifying that the Priesthood Which Had Been Appointed
   According to Aaron Was to Be Taken Away.

   But this is said more plainly by a man of God sent to Eli the priest
   himself, whose name indeed is not mentioned, but whose office and
   ministry show him to have been indubitably a prophet.  For it is thus
   written:  "And there came a man of God unto Eli, and said, Thus saith
   the Lord, I plainly revealed myself unto thy father's house, when they
   were in the land of Egypt slaves in Pharaoh's house; and I chose thy
   father's house out of all the sceptres of Israel to fill the office of
   priest for me, to go up to my altar, to burn incense and wear the
   ephod; and I gave thy father's house for food all the offerings made by
   fire of the children of Israel.  Wherefore then hast thou looked at
   mine incense and at mine offerings with an impudent eye, and hast
   glorified thy sons above me, to bless the first-fruits of every
   sacrifice in Israel before me?  Therefore thus saith the Lord God of
   Israel, I said thy house and thy father's house should walk before me
   for ever:  but now the Lord saith, Be it far from me; for them that
   honor me will I honor, and he that despiseth me shall be despised.
   Behold, the days come, that I will cut off thy seed, and the seed of
   thy father's house, and thou shalt never have an old man in my house.
   And I will cut off the man of thine from mine altar, so that his eyes
   shall be consumed, and his heart shall melt away; and every one of thy
   house that is left shall fall by the sword of men.  And this shall be a
   sign unto thee that shall come upon these thy two sons, Hophni and
   Phinehas; in one day they shall die both of them.  And I will raise me
   up a faithful priest, that shall do according to all that is in mine
   heart and in my soul; and I will build him a sure house, and he shall
   walk before my Christ for ever.  And it shall come to pass that he who
   is left in thine house shall come to worship him with a piece of money,
   saying, Put me into one part of thy priesthood, that I may eat bread."
   [1014]

   We cannot say that this prophecy, in which the change of the ancient
   priesthood is foretold with so great plainness, was fulfilled in
   Samuel; for although Samuel was not of another tribe than that which
   had been appointed by God to serve at the altar, yet he was not of the
   sons of Aaron, whose offspring was set apart that the priests might be
   taken out of it.  And thus by that transaction also the same change
   which should come to pass through Christ Jesus is shadowed forth, and
   the prophecy itself in deed, not in word, belonged to the Old Testament
   properly, but figuratively to the New, signifying by the fact just what
   was said by the word to Eli the priest through the prophet.  For there
   were afterwards priests of Aaron's race, such as Zadok and Abiathar
   during David's reign, and others in succession, before the time came
   when those things which were predicted so long before about the
   changing of the priesthood behoved to be fulfilled by Christ.  But who
   that now views these things with a believing eye does not see that they
   are fulfilled?  Since, indeed, no tabernacle, no temple, no altar, no
   sacrifice, and therefore no priest either, has remained to the Jews, to
   whom it was commanded in the law of God that he should be ordained of
   the seed of Aaron; which is also mentioned here by the prophet, when he
   says, "Thus saith the Lord God of Israel, I said thy house and thy
   father's house shall walk before me for ever:  but now the Lord saith,
   That be far from me; for them that honor me will I honor, and he that
   despiseth me shall be despised."  For that in naming his father's house
   he does not mean that of his immediate father, but that of Aaron, who
   first was appointed priest, to be succeeded by others descended from
   him, is shown by the preceding words, when he says, "I was revealed
   unto thy father's house, when they were in the land of Egypt slaves in
   Pharaoh's house; and I chose thy father's house out of all the sceptres
   of Israel to fill the office of priest for me."  Which of the fathers
   in that Egyptian slavery, but Aaron, was his father, who, when they
   were set free, was chosen to the priesthood?  It was of his lineage,
   therefore, he has said in this passage it should come to pass that they
   should no longer be priests; which already we see fulfilled.  If faith
   be watchful, the things are before us:  they are discerned, they are
   grasped, and are forced on the eyes of the unwilling, so that they are
   seen:  "Behold the days come," he says, "that I will cut off thy seed,
   and the seed of thy father's house, and thou shall never have an old
   man in mine house.  And I will cut off the man of thine from mine
   altar, so that his eyes shall be consumed and his heart shall melt
   away."  Behold the days which were foretold have already come.  There
   is no priest after the order of Aaron; and whoever is a man of his
   lineage, when he sees the sacrifice of the Christians prevailing over
   the whole world, but that great honor taken away from himself, his eyes
   fail and his soul melts away consumed with grief.

   But what follows belongs properly to the house of Eli, to whom these
   things were said:  "And every one of thine house that is left shall
   fall by the sword of men.  And this shall be a sign unto thee that
   shall come upon these thy two sons, Hophni and Phinehas; in one day
   they shall die both of them."  This, therefore, is made a sign of the
   change of the priesthood from this man's house, by which it is
   signified that the priesthood of Aaron's house is to be changed.  For
   the death of this man's sons signified the death not of the men, but of
   the priesthood itself of the sons of Aaron.  But what follows pertains
   to that Priest whom Samuel typified by succeeding this one.  Therefore
   the things which follow are said of Christ Jesus, the true Priest of
   the New Testament:  "And I will raise me up a faithful Priest that
   shall do according to all that is in mine heart and in my soul; and I
   will build Him a sure house."  The same is the eternal Jerusalem
   above.  "And He shall walk," saith He, "before my Christ always."  "He
   shall walk" means "he shall be conversant with," just as He had said
   before of Aaron's house, "I said that thine house and thy father's
   house shall walk before me for ever."  But what He says, "He shall walk
   before my Christ," is to be understood entirely of the house itself,
   not of the priest, who is Christ Himself, the Mediator and Saviour.
   His house, therefore, shall walk before Him.  "Shall walk" may also be
   understood to mean from death to life, all the time this mortality
   passes through, even to the end of this world.  But where God says,
   "Who will do all that is in mine heart and in my soul," we must not
   think that God has a soul, for He is the Author of souls; but this is
   said of God tropically, not properly, just as He is said to have hands
   and feet, and other corporal members.  And, lest it should be supposed
   from such language that man in the form of this flesh is made in the
   image of God, wings also are ascribed to Him, which man has not at all;
   and it is said to God, "Hide me under the shadow of Thy wings," [1015]
   that men may understand that such things are said of that ineffable
   nature not in proper but in figurative words.

   But what is added, "And it shall come to pass that he who is left in
   thine house shall come to worship him," is not said properly of the
   house of this Eli, but of that Aaron, the men of which remained even to
   the advent of Jesus Christ, of which race there are not wanting men
   even to this present.  For of that house of Eli it had already been
   said above, "And every one of thine house that is left shall fall by
   the sword of men."  How, therefore, could it be truly said here, "And
   it shall come to pass that every one that is left shall come to worship
   him," if that is true, that no one shall escape the avenging sword,
   unless he would have it understood of those who belong to the race of
   that whole priesthood after the order of Aaron?  Therefore, if it is of
   these the predestinated remnant, about whom another prophet has said,
   "The remnant shall be saved;" [1016] whence the apostle also says,
   "Even so then at this time also the remnant according to the election
   of grace is saved;" [1017] since it is easily understood to be of such
   a remnant that it is said, "He that is left in thine house," assuredly
   he believes in Christ; just as in the time of the apostle very many of
   that nation believed; nor are there now wanting those, although very
   few, who yet believe, and in them is fulfilled what this man of God has
   here immediately added, "He shall come to worship him with a piece of
   money;" to worship whom, if not that Chief Priest, who is also God?
   For in that priesthood after the order of Aaron men did not come to the
   temple or altar of God for the purpose of worshipping the priest.  But
   what is that he says, "With a piece of money," if not the short word of
   faith, about which the apostle quotes the saying, "A consummating and
   shortening word will the Lord make upon the earth?" [1018]   But that
   money is put for the word the psalm is a witness, where it is sung,
   "The words of the Lord are pure words, money tried with the fire."
   [1019]

   What then does he say who comes to worship the priest of God, even the
   Priest who is God?  "Put me into one part of Thy priesthood, to eat
   bread."  I do not wish to be set in the honor of my fathers, which is
   none; put me in a part of Thy priesthood.  For "I have chosen to be
   mean in Thine house;" [1020] I desire to be a member, no matter what,
   or how small, of Thy priesthood.  By the priesthood he here means the
   people itself, of which He is the Priest who is the Mediator between
   God and men, the man Christ Jesus. [1021]   This people the Apostle
   Peter calls "a holy people, a royal priesthood." [1022]   But some have
   translated, "Of Thy sacrifice," not "Of Thy priesthood," which no less
   signifies the same Christian people.  Whence the Apostle Paul says, "We
   being many are one bread, one body." [1023] [And again he says,
   "Present your bodies a living sacrifice." [1024] ]  What, therefore, he
   has added, to "eat bread," also elegantly expresses the very kind of
   sacrifice of which the Priest Himself says, "The bread which I will
   give is my flesh for the life of the world." [1025]   The same is the
   sacrifice not after the order of Aaron, but after the order of
   Melchisedec: [1026]   let him that readeth understand. [1027]
   Therefore this short and salutarily humble confession, in which it is
   said, "Put me in a part of Thy priesthood, to eat bread," is itself the
   piece of money, for it is both brief, and it is the Word of God who
   dwells in the heart of one who believes.  For because He had said
   above, that He had given for food to Aaron's house the sacrificial
   victims of the Old Testament, where He says, "I have given thy father's
   house for food all things which are offered by fire of the children of
   Israel," which indeed were the sacrifices of the Jews; therefore here
   He has said, "To eat bread," which is in the New Testament the
   sacrifice of the Christians.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1014] 1 Sam. ii. 27-36.

   [1015] Ps. xvii. 8.

   [1016] Isa. x. 21.

   [1017] Rom. xi. 5.

   [1018] Isa. xxxviii. 22; Rom. ix. 28.

   [1019] Ps. xii. 6.

   [1020] Ps. lxxxiv. 10.

   [1021] 1 Tim. ii. 5.

   [1022] 1 Pet. ii. 9.

   [1023] 1 Cor. x. 17.

   [1024] Rom. xii. 1.

   [1025] John vi. 51.

   [1026] Heb. vii. 11, 27.

   [1027] Matt. xxiv. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Of the Jewish Priesthood and Kingdom, Which, Although
   Promised to Be Established for Ever, Did Not Continue; So that Other
   Things are to Be Understood to Which Eternity is Assured.

   While, therefore, these things now shine forth as clearly as they were
   loftily foretold, still some one may not vainly be moved to ask, How
   can we be confident that all things are to come to pass which are
   predicted in these books as about to come, if this very thing which is
   there divinely spoken, "Thine house and thy father's house shall walk
   before me for ever," could not have effect?  For we see that priesthood
   has been changed; and there can be no hope that what was promised to
   that house may some time be fulfilled, because that which succeeds on
   its being rejected and changed is rather predicted as eternal.  He who
   says this does not yet understand, or does not recollect, that this
   very priesthood after the order of Aaron was appointed as the shadow of
   a future eternal priesthood; and therefore, when eternity is promised
   to it, it is not promised to the mere shadow and figure, but to what is
   shadowed forth and prefigured by it.  But lest it should be thought the
   shadow itself was to remain, therefore its mutation also behoved to be
   foretold.

   In this way, too, the kingdom of Saul himself, who certainly was
   reprobated and rejected, was the shadow of a kingdom yet to come which
   should remain to eternity.  For, indeed, the oil with which he was
   anointed, and from that chrism he is called Christ, is to be taken in a
   mystical sense, and is to be understood as a great mystery; which David
   himself venerated so much in him, that he trembled with smitten heart
   when, being hid in a dark cave, which Saul also entered when pressed by
   the necessity of nature, he had come secretly behind him and cut off a
   small piece of his robe, that he might be able to prove how he had
   spared him when he could have killed him, and might thus remove from
   his mind the suspicion through which he had vehemently persecuted the
   holy David, thinking him his enemy.  Therefore he was much afraid lest
   he should be accused of violating so great a mystery in Saul, because
   he had thus meddled even his clothes.  For thus it is written:  "And
   David's heart smote him because he had taken away the skirt of his
   cloak." [1028]   But to the men with him, who advised him to destroy
   Saul thus delivered up into his hands, he saith, "The Lord forbid that
   I should do this thing to my lord, the Lord's christ, to lay my hand
   upon him, because he is the Lord's christ."  Therefore he showed so
   great reverence to this shadow of what was to come, not for its own
   sake, but for the sake of what it prefigured.  Whence also that which
   Samuel says to Saul, "Since thou hast not kept my commandment which the
   Lord commanded thee, whereas now the Lord would have prepared thy
   kingdom over Israel for ever, yet now thy kingdom shall not continue
   for thee; and the Lord will seek Him a man after His own heart, and the
   Lord will command him to be prince over His people, because thou hast
   not kept that which the Lord commanded thee," [1029] is not to be taken
   as if God had settled that Saul himself should reign for ever, and
   afterwards, on his sinning, would not keep this promise; nor was He
   ignorant that he would sin, but He had established his kingdom that it
   might be a figure of the eternal kingdom.  Therefore he added, "Yet now
   thy kingdom shall not continue for thee."  Therefore what it signified
   has stood and shall stand; but it shall not stand for this man, because
   he himself was not to reign for ever, nor his offspring; so that at
   least that word "for ever" might seem to be fulfilled through his
   posterity one to another.  "And the Lord," he saith, "will seek Him a
   man," meaning either David or the Mediator of the New Testament, [1030]
   who was figured in the chrism with which David also and his offspring
   was anointed.  But it is not as if He knew not where he was that God
   thus seeks Him a man, but, speaking through a man, He speaks as a man,
   and in this sense seeks us.  For not only to God the Father, but also
   to His Only-begotten, who came to seek what was lost, [1031] we had
   been known already even so far as to be chosen in Him before the
   foundation of the world. [1032]   "He will seek Him" therefore means,
   He will have His own (just as if He had said, Whom He already has known
   to be His own He will show to others to be His friend).  Whence in
   Latin this word (quærit) receives a preposition and becomes acquirit
   (acquires), the meaning of which is plain enough; although even without
   the addition of the preposition quærere is understood as acquirere,
   whence gains are called quæstus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1028] 1 Sam. xxiv. 5, 6.

   [1029] 1 Sam. xiii. 13, 14.

   [1030] Heb. ix. 15.

   [1031] Luke xix. 10.

   [1032] Eph. i. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Of the Disruption of the Kingdom of Israel, by Which the
   Perpetual Division of the Spiritual from the Carnal Israel Was
   Prefigured.

   Again Saul sinned through disobedience, and again Samuel says to him in
   the word of the Lord, "Because thou hast despised the word of the Lord,
   the Lord hath despised thee, that thou mayest not be king over Israel."
   [1033]   And again for the same sin, when Saul confessed it, and prayed
   for pardon, and besought Samuel to return with him to appease the Lord,
   he said, "I will not return with thee:  for thou hast despised the word
   of the Lord, and the Lord will despise thee that thou mayest not be
   king over Israel.  And Samuel turned his face to go away, and Saul laid
   hold upon the skirt of his mantle, and rent it.  And Samuel said unto
   him, The Lord hath rent the kingdom from Israel out of thine hand this
   day, and will give it to thy neighbor, who is good above thee, and will
   divide Israel in twain.  And He will not be changed, neither will He
   repent:  for He is not as a man, that He should repent; who threatens
   and does not persist." [1034]   He to whom it is said, "The Lord will
   despise thee that thou mayest not be king over Israel," and "The Lord
   hath rent the kingdom from Israel out of thine hand this day," reigned
   forty years over Israel,--that is, just as long a time as David
   himself,--yet heard this in the first period of his reign, that we may
   understand it was said because none of his race was to reign, and that
   we may look to the race of David, whence also is sprung, according to
   the flesh, [1035] the Mediator between God and men, the man Christ
   Jesus. [1036]

   But the Scripture has not what is read in most Latin copies, "The Lord
   hath rent the kingdom of Israel out of thine hand this day," but just
   as we have set it down it is found in the Greek copies, "The Lord hath
   rent the kingdom from Israel out of thine hand;" that the words "out of
   thine hand" may be understood to mean "from Israel."  Therefore this
   man figuratively represented the people of Israel, which was to lose
   the kingdom, Christ Jesus our Lord being about to reign, not carnally,
   but spiritually.  And when it is said of Him, "And will give it to thy
   neighbor," that is to be referred to the fleshly kinship, for Christ,
   according to the flesh, was of Israel, whence also Saul sprang.  But
   what is added, "Good above thee," may indeed be understood, "Better
   than thee," and indeed some have thus translated it; but it is better
   taken thus, "Good above thee," as meaning that because He is good,
   therefore He must be above thee, according to that other prophetic
   saying, "Till I put all Thine enemies under Thy feet." [1037]   And
   among them is Israel, from whom, as His persecutor, Christ took away
   the kingdom; although the Israel in whom there was no guile may have
   been there too, a sort of grain, as it were, of that chaff.  For
   certainly thence came the apostles, thence so many martyrs, of whom
   Stephen is the first, thence so many churches, which the Apostle Paul
   names, magnifying God in their conversion.

   Of which thing I do not doubt what follows is to be understood, "And
   will divide Israel in twain," to wit, into Israel pertaining to the
   bond woman, and Israel pertaining to the free.  For these two kinds
   were at first together, as Abraham still clave to the bond woman, until
   the barren, made fruitful by the grace of God, cried, "Cast out the
   bond woman and her son." [1038]   We know, indeed, that on account of
   the sin of Solomon, in the reign of his son Rehoboam, Israel was
   divided in two, and continued so, the separate parts having their own
   kings, until that whole nation was overthrown with a great destruction,
   and carried away by the Chaldeans.  But what was this to Saul, when, if
   any such thing was threatened, it would be threatened against David
   himself, whose son Solomon was?  Finally, the Hebrew nation is not now
   divided internally, but is dispersed through the earth
   indiscriminately, in the fellowship of the same error.  But that
   division with which God threatened the kingdom and people in the person
   of Saul, who represented them, is shown to be eternal and unchangeable
   by this which is added, "And He will not be changed, neither will He
   repent:  for He is not as a man, that He should repent; who threatens
   and does not persist,"--that is, a man threatens and does not persist,
   but not God, who does not repent like man.  For when we read that He
   repents, a change of circumstance is meant, flowing from the divine
   immutable foreknowledge.  Therefore, when God is said not to repent, it
   is to be understood that He does not change.

   We see that this sentence concerning this division of the people of
   Israel, divinely uttered in these words, has been altogether
   irremediable and quite perpetual.  For whoever have turned, or are
   turning, or shall turn thence to Christ, it has been according to the
   foreknowledge of God, not according to the one and the same nature of
   the human race.  Certainly none of the Israelites, who, cleaving to
   Christ, have continued in Him, shall ever be among those Israelites who
   persist in being His enemies even to the end of this life, but shall
   for ever remain in the separation which is here foretold.  For the Old
   Testament, from the Mount Sinai, which gendereth to bondage, [1039]
   profiteth nothing, unless because it bears witness to the New
   Testament.  Otherwise, however long Moses is read, the veil is put over
   their heart; but when any one shall turn thence to Christ, the veil
   shall be taken away. [1040]   For the very desire of those who turn is
   changed from the old to the new, so that each no longer desires to
   obtain carnal but spiritual felicity.  Wherefore that great prophet
   Samuel himself, before he had anointed Saul, when he had cried to the
   Lord for Israel, and He had heard him, and when he had offered a whole
   burnt-offering, as the aliens were coming to battle against the people
   of God, and the Lord thundered above them and they were confused, and
   fell before Israel and were overcome; [then] he took one stone and set
   it up between the old and new Massephat [Mizpeh], and called its name
   Ebenezer, which means "the stone of the helper," and said, "Hitherto
   hath the Lord helped us." [1041]   Massephat is interpreted "desire."
   That stone of the helper is the mediation of the Saviour, by which we
   go from the old Massephat to the new,--that is, from the desire with
   which carnal happiness was expected in the carnal kingdom to the desire
   with which the truest spiritual happiness is expected in the kingdom of
   heaven; and since nothing is better than that, the Lord helpeth us
   hitherto.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1033] 1 Sam. xv. 23.

   [1034] 1 Sam. xv. 26-29.

   [1035] Rom. i. 3.

   [1036] 1 Tim. ii. 5.

   [1037] Ps. cx. 1.

   [1038] Gen. xxi. 10.

   [1039] Gal. iv. 25.

   [1040] 2 Cor. iii. 15, 16.

   [1041] 1 Sam. vii. 9-12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Of the Promises Made to David in His Son, Which are in No
   Wise Fulfilled in Solomon, But Most Fully in Christ.

   And now I see I must show what, pertaining to the matter I treat of,
   God promised to David himself, who succeeded Saul in the kingdom, whose
   change prefigured that final change on account of which all things were
   divinely spoken, all things were committed to writing.  When many
   things had gone prosperously with king David, he thought to make a
   house for God, even that temple of most excellent renown which was
   afterwards built by king Solomon his son.  While he was thinking of
   this, the word of the Lord came to Nathan the prophet, which he brought
   to the king, in which, after God had said that a house should not be
   built unto Him by David himself, and that in all that long time He had
   never commanded any of His people to build Him a house of cedar, he
   says, "And now thus shalt thou say unto my servant David, Thus saith
   God Almighty, I took thee from the sheep-cote that thou mightest be for
   a ruler over my people in Israel:  and I was with thee whithersoever
   thou wentest, and have cut off all thine enemies from before thy face,
   and have made thee a name, according to the name of the great ones who
   are over the earth.  And I will appoint a place for my people Israel,
   and will plant him, and he shall dwell apart, and shall be troubled no
   more; and the son of wickedness shall not humble him any more, as from
   the beginning, from the days when I appointed judges over my people
   Israel.  And I will give thee rest from all thine enemies, and the Lord
   will tell [hath told] thee, because thou shall build an house for Him.
   And it shall come to pass when thy days be fulfilled, and thou shall
   sleep with thy fathers, that I will raise up thy seed after thee, which
   shall proceed out of thy bowels, and I will prepare his kingdom.  He
   shall build me an house for my name; and I will order his throne even
   to eternity.  I will be his Father, and he shall be my son.  And if he
   commit iniquity, I will chasten him with the rod of men, and with the
   stripes of the sons of men:  but my mercy I will not take away from
   him, as I took it away from those whom I put away from before my face.
   And his house shall be faithful, and his kingdom even for evermore
   before me, and his throne shall be set up even for evermore." [1042]

   He who thinks this grand promise was fulfilled in Solomon greatly errs;
   for he attends to the saying, "He shall build me an house," but he does
   not attend to the saying, "His house shall be faithful, and his kingdom
   for evermore before me."  Let him therefore attend and behold the house
   of Solomon full of strange women worshipping false gods, and the king
   himself, aforetime wise, seduced by them, and cast down into the same
   idolatry:  and let him not dare to think that God either promised this
   falsely, or was unable to foreknow that Solomon and his house would
   become what they did.  But we ought not to be in doubt here, or to see
   the fulfillment of these things save in Christ our Lord, who was made
   of the seed of David according to the flesh, [1043] lest we should
   vainly and uselessly look for some other here, like the carnal Jews.
   For even they understand this much, that the son whom they read of in
   that place as promised to David was not Solomon; so that, with
   wonderful blindness to Him who was promised and is now declared with so
   great manifestation, they say they hope for another.  Indeed, even in
   Solomon there appeared some image of the future event, in that he built
   the temple, and had peace according to his name (for Solomon means
   "pacific"), and in the beginning of his reign was wonderfully
   praiseworthy; but while, as a shadow of Him that should come, he
   foreshowed Christ our Lord, he did not also in his own person resemble
   Him.  Whence some things concerning him are so written as if they were
   prophesied of himself, while the Holy Scripture, prophesying even by
   events, somehow delineates in him the figure of things to come.  For,
   besides the books of divine history, in which his reign is narrated,
   the 72d Psalm also is inscribed in the title with his name, in which so
   many things are said which cannot at all apply to him, but which apply
   to the Lord Christ with such evident fitness as makes it quite apparent
   that in the one the figure is in some way shadowed forth, but in the
   other the truth itself is presented.  For it is known within what
   bounds the kingdom of Solomon was enclosed; and yet in that psalm, not
   to speak of other things, we read, "He shall have dominion from sea
   even to sea, and from the river to the ends of the earth," [1044] which
   we see fulfilled in Christ.  Truly he took the beginning of His
   reigning from the river where John baptized; for, when pointed out by
   him, He began to be acknowledged by the disciples, who called Him not
   only Master, but also Lord.

   Nor was it for any other reason that, while his father David was still
   living, Solomon began to reign, which happened to none other of their
   kings, except that from this also it might be clearly apparent that it
   was not himself this prophecy spoken to his father signified
   beforehand, saying, "And it shall come to pass when thy days be
   fulfilled, and thou shall sleep with thy fathers, that I will raise up
   thy seed which shall proceed out of thy bowels, and I will prepare His
   kingdom."  How, therefore, shall it be thought on account of what
   follows, "He shall build me an house," that this Solomon is prophesied,
   and not rather be understood on account of what precedes, "When thy
   days be fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers, I will raise
   up thy seed after thee," that another pacific One is promised, who is
   foretold as about to be raised up, not before David's death, as he was,
   but after it?  For however long the interval of time might be before
   Jesus Christ came, beyond doubt it was after the death of king David,
   to whom He was so promised, that He behoved to come, who should build
   an house of God, not of wood and stone, but of men, such as we rejoice
   He does build.  For to this house, that is, to believers, the apostle
   saith, "The temple of God is holy, which temple ye are." [1045]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1042] 2 Sam. vii. 8-16.

   [1043] Rom. i. 3.

   [1044] Ps. lxxii. 8.

   [1045] 1 Cor. iii. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--How Like the Prophecy About Christ in the 89th Psalm is to
   the Things Promised in Nathan's Prophecy in the Books of Samuel.

   Wherefore also in the 89th Psalm, of which the title is, "An
   instruction for himself by Ethan the Israelite," mention is made of the
   promises God made to king David, and some things are there added
   similar to those found in the Book of Samuel, such as this, "I have
   sworn to David my servant that I will prepare his seed for ever."
   [1046]   And again, "Then thou spakest in vision to thy sons, and
   saidst, I have laid help upon the mighty One, and have exalted the
   chosen One out of my people.  I have found David my servant, and with
   my holy oil I have anointed him.  For mine hand shall help him, and
   mine arm shall strengthen him.  The enemy shall not prevail against
   him, and the son of iniquity shall harm him no more.  And I will beat
   down his foes from before his face, and those that hate him will I put
   to flight.  And my truth and my mercy shall be with him, and in my name
   shall his horn be exalted.  I will set his hand also in the sea, and
   his right hand in the rivers.  He shall cry unto me, Thou art my
   Father, my God, and the undertaker of my salvation.  Also I will make
   him my first-born, high among the kings of the earth.  My mercy will I
   keep for him for evermore, and my covenant shall be faithful (sure)
   with him.  His seed also will I set for ever and ever, and his throne
   as the days of heaven." [1047]   Which words, when rightly understood,
   are all understood to be about the Lord Jesus Christ, under the name of
   David, on account of the form of a servant, which the same Mediator
   assumed [1048] from the virgin of the seed of David. [1049]   For
   immediately something is said about the sins of his children, such as
   is set down in the Book of Samuel, and is more readily taken as if of
   Solomon.  For there, that is, in the Book of Samuel, he says, "And if
   he commit iniquity I will chasten him with the rod of men, and with the
   stripes of the sons of men; but my mercy will I not take away from
   him," [1050] meaning by stripes the strokes of correction.  Hence that
   saying, "Touch ye not my christs." [1051]   For what else is that than,
   Do not harm them?  But in the psalm, when speaking as if of David, He
   says something of the same kind there too.  "If his children," saith
   He, "forsake my law, and walk not in my judgments; if they profane my
   righteousnesses, and keep not my commandments; I will visit their
   iniquities with the rod, and their faults with stripes:  but my mercy I
   will not make void from him." [1052]   He did not say "from them,"
   although He spoke of his children, not of himself; but he said "from
   him," which means the same thing if rightly understood.  For of Christ
   Himself, who is the head of the Church, there could not be found any
   sins which required to be divinely restrained by human correction,
   mercy being still continued; but they are found in His body and
   members, which is His people.  Therefore in the Book of Samuel it is
   said, "iniquity of Him," but in the psalm, "of His children," that we
   may understand that what is said of His body is in some way said of
   Himself.  Wherefore also, when Saul persecuted His body, that is, His
   believing people, He Himself saith from heaven, "Saul, Saul, why
   persecutest thou me?" [1053]   Then in the following words of the psalm
   He says, "Neither will I hurt in my truth, nor profane my covenant, and
   the things that proceed from my lips I will not disallow.  Once have I
   sworn by my holiness, if I lie unto David," [1054] --that is, I will in
   no wise lie unto David; for Scripture is wont to speak thus.  But what
   that is in which He will not lie, He adds, saying, "His seed shall
   endure for ever, and his throne as the sun before me, and as the moon
   perfected for ever, and a faithful witness in heaven." [1055]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1046] Ps. lxxxix. 3, 4.

   [1047] Ps. lxxxix. 19-29.

   [1048] Phil. ii. 7.

   [1049] Matt. i. 1, 18; Luke i. 27.

   [1050] ^  2 Sam. vii. 14, 15.

   [1051] Ps. cv. 15.

   [1052] Ps. lxxxix. 30-33.

   [1053] Acts ix. 4.

   [1054] Ps. lxxxix. 34, 35.

   [1055] Ps. lxxxix. 36, 37.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--How Different the Acts in the Kingdom of the Earthly
   Jerusalem are from Those Which God Had Promised, So that the Truth of
   the Promise Should Be Understood to Pertain to the Glory of the Other
   King and Kingdom.

   That it might not be supposed that a promise so strongly expressed and
   confirmed was fulfilled in Solomon, as if he hoped for, yet did not
   find it, he says, "But Thou hast cast off, and hast brought to nothing,
   O Lord." [1056]   This truly was done concerning the kingdom of Solomon
   among his posterity, even to the overthrow of the earthly Jerusalem
   itself, which was the seat of the kingdom, and especially the
   destruction of the very temple which had been built by Solomon.  But
   lest on this account God should be thought to have done contrary to His
   promise, immediately he adds, "Thou hast delayed Thy Christ." [1057]
   Therefore he is not Solomon, nor yet David himself, if the Christ of
   the Lord is delayed.  For while all the kings are called His christs,
   who were consecrated with that mystical chrism, not only from king
   David downwards, but even from that Saul who first was anointed king of
   that same people, David himself indeed calling him the Lord's christ,
   yet there was one true Christ, whose figure they bore by the prophetic
   unction, who, according to the opinion of men, who thought he was to be
   understood as come in David or in Solomon, was long delayed, but who,
   according as God had disposed, was to come in His own time.  The
   following part of this psalm goes on to say what in the meantime, while
   He was delayed, was to become of the kingdom of the earthly Jerusalem,
   where it was hoped He would certainly reign:  "Thou hast overthrown the
   covenant of Thy servant; Thou hast profaned in the earth his
   sanctuary.  Thou hast broken down all his walls; Thou hast put his
   strong-holds in fear.  All that pass by the way spoil him; he is made a
   reproach to his neighbors.  Thou hast set up the right hand of his
   enemies; Thou hast made all his enemies to rejoice.  Thou hast turned
   aside the help of his sword, and hast not helped him in war.  Thou hast
   destroyed him from cleansing; Thou hast dashed down his seat to the
   ground.  Thou hast shortened the days of his seat; Thou hast poured
   confusion over him." [1058]   All these things came upon Jerusalem the
   bond woman, in which some also reigned who were children of the free
   woman, holding that kingdom in temporary stewardship, but holding the
   kingdom of the heavenly Jerusalem, whose children they were, in true
   faith, and hoping in the true Christ.  But how these things came upon
   that kingdom, the history of its affairs points out if it is read.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1056] Ps. lxxxix. 38.

   [1057] Ps. lxxxix. 38.

   [1058] Ps. lxxxix. 39-45.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of the Substance of the People of God, Which Through His
   Assumption of Flesh is in Christ, Who Alone Had Power to Deliver His
   Own Soul from Hell.

   But after having prophesied these things, the prophet betakes him to
   praying to God; yet even the very prayer is prophecy:  "How long, Lord,
   dost Thou turn away in the end?" [1059]   "Thy face" is understood, as
   it is elsewhere said, "How long dost Thou turn away Thy face from me?"
   [1060]   For therefore some copies have here not "dost," but "wilt Thou
   turn away;" although it could be understood, "Thou turnest away Thy
   mercy, which Thou didst promise to David."  But when he says, "in the
   end," what does it mean, except even to the end?  By which end is to be
   understood the last time, when even that nation is to believe in Christ
   Jesus, before which end what He has just sorrowfully bewailed must come
   to pass.  On account of which it is also added here, "Thy wrath shall
   burn like fire.  Remember what is my substance." [1061]   This cannot
   be better understood than of Jesus Himself, the substance of His
   people, of whose nature His flesh is.  "For not in vain," he says,
   "hast Thou made all the sons of men." [1062]   For unless the one Son
   of man had been the substance of Israel, through which Son of man many
   sons of men should be set free, all the sons of men would have been
   made wholly in vain.  But now, indeed, all mankind through the fall of
   the first man has fallen from the truth into vanity; for which reason
   another psalm says, "Man is like to vanity:  his days pass away as a
   shadow;" [1063] yet God has not made all the sons of men in vain,
   because He frees many from vanity through the Mediator Jesus, and those
   whom He did not foreknow as to be delivered, He made not wholly in vain
   in the most beautiful and most just ordination of the whole rational
   creation, for the use of those who were to be delivered, and for the
   comparison of the two cities by mutual contrast.  Thereafter it
   follows, "Who is the man that shall live, and shall not see death?
   shall he snatch his soul from the hand of hell?" [1064]   Who is this
   but that substance of Israel out of the seed of David, Christ Jesus, of
   whom the apostle says, that "rising from the dead He now dieth not, and
   death shall no more have dominion over Him?" [1065]   For He shall so
   live and not see death, that yet He shall have been dead; but shall
   have delivered His soul from the hand of hell, whither He had descended
   in order to loose some from the chains of hell; but He hath delivered
   it by that power of which He says in the Gospel, "I have the power of
   laying down my life, and I have the power of taking it again." [1066]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1059] Ps. lxxxix. 46.

   [1060] Ps. xiii. 1.

   [1061] Ps. lxxxix. 46, 47.

   [1062] Ps. lxxxix. 47.

   [1063] Ps. cxliv. 4.

   [1064] Ps. lxxxix. 48.

   [1065] Rom. vi. 9.

   [1066] John x. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--To Whose Person the Entreaty for the Promises is to Be
   Understood to Belong, When He Says in the Psalm, "Where are Thine
   Ancient Compassions, Lord?" Etc.

   But the rest of this psalm runs thus:  "Where are Thine ancient
   compassions, Lord, which Thou swarest unto David in Thy truth?
   Remember, Lord, the reproach of Thy servants, which I have borne in my
   bosom of many nations; wherewith Thine enemies have reproached, O Lord,
   wherewith they have reproached the change of Thy Christ." [1067]   Now
   it may with very good reason be asked whether this is spoken in the
   person of those Israelites who desired that the promise made to David
   might be fulfilled to them; or rather of the Christians, who are
   Israelites not after the flesh but after the Spirit. [1068]   This
   certainly was spoken or written in the time of Ethan, from whose name
   this psalm gets its title, and that was the same as the time of David's
   reign; and therefore it would not have been said, "Where are Thine
   ancient compassions, Lord, which Thou hast sworn unto David in Thy
   truth?" unless the prophet had assumed the person of those who should
   come long afterwards, to whom that time when these things were promised
   to David was ancient.  But it may be understood thus, that many
   nations, when they persecuted the Christians, reproached them with the
   passion of Christ, which Scripture calls His change, because by dying
   He is made immortal.  The change of Christ, according to this passage,
   may also be understood to be reproached by the Israelites, because,
   when they hoped He would be theirs, He was made the Saviour of the
   nations; and many nations who have believed in Him by the New Testament
   now reproach them who remain in the old with this:  so that it is said,
   "Remember, Lord, the reproach of Thy servants;" because through the
   Lord's not forgetting, but rather pitying them, even they after this
   reproach are to believe.  But what I have put first seems to me the
   most suitable meaning.  For to the enemies of Christ who are reproached
   with this, that Christ hath left them, turning to the Gentiles, [1069]
   this speech is incongruously assigned, "Remember, Lord, the reproach of
   Thy servants," for such Jews are not to be styled the servants of God;
   but these words fit those who, if they suffered great humiliations
   through persecution for the name of Christ, could call to mind that an
   exalted kingdom had been promised to the seed of David, and in desire
   of it, could say not despairingly, but as asking, seeking, knocking,
   [1070] "Where are Thine ancient compassions, Lord, which Thou swarest
   unto David in Thy truth?  Remember, Lord, the reproach of Thy servants,
   that I have borne in my bosom of many nations;" that is, have patiently
   endured in my inward parts.  "That Thine enemies have reproached, O
   Lord, wherewith they have reproached the change of Thy Christ," not
   thinking it a change, but a consumption. [1071]   But what does
   "Remember, Lord," mean, but that Thou wouldst have compassion, and
   wouldst for my patiently borne humiliation reward me with the
   excellency which Thou swarest unto David in Thy truth?  But if we
   assign these words to the Jews, those servants of God who, on the
   conquest of the earthly Jerusalem, before Jesus Christ was born after
   the manner of men, were led into captivity, could say such things,
   understanding the change of Christ, because indeed through Him was to
   be surely expected, not an earthly and carnal felicity, such as
   appeared during the few years of king Solomon, but a heavenly and
   spiritual felicity; and when the nations, then ignorant of this through
   unbelief, exulted over and insulted the people of God for being
   captives, what else was this than ignorantly to reproach with the
   change of Christ those who understand the change of Christ?  And
   therefore what follows when this psalm is concluded, "Let the blessing
   of the Lord be for evermore, amen, amen," is suitable enough for the
   whole people of God belonging to the heavenly Jerusalem, whether for
   those things that lay hid in the Old Testament before the New was
   revealed, or for those that, being now revealed in the New Testament,
   are manifestly discerned to belong to Christ.  For the blessing of the
   Lord in the seed of David does not belong to any particular time, such
   as appeared in the days of Solomon, but is for evermore to be hoped
   for, in which most certain hope it is said, "Amen, amen;" for this
   repetition of the word is the confirmation of that hope.  Therefore
   David understanding this, says in the second Book of Kings, in the
   passage from which we digressed to this psalm, [1072] "Thou hast spoken
   also for Thy servant's house for a great while to come." [1073]
   Therefore also a little after he says, "Now begin, and bless the house
   of Thy servant for evermore," etc., because the son was then about to
   be born from whom his posterity should be continued to Christ, through
   whom his house should be eternal, and should also be the house of God.
   For it is called the house of David on account of David's race; but the
   selfsame is called the house of God on account of the temple of God,
   made of men, not of stones, where shall dwell for evermore the people
   with and in their God, and God with and in His people, so that God may
   fill His people, and the people be filled with their God, while God
   shall be all in all, Himself their reward in peace who is their
   strength in war.  Therefore, when it is said in the words of Nathan,
   "And the Lord will tell thee what an house thou shalt build for Him,"
   [1074] it is afterwards said in the words of David, "For Thou, Lord
   Almighty, God of Israel, hast opened the ear of Thy servant, saying, I
   will build thee an house." [1075]   For this house is built both by us
   through living well, and by God through helping us to live well; for
   "except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it."
   [1076]   And when the final dedication of this house shall take place,
   then what God here says by Nathan shall be fulfilled, "And I will
   appoint a place for my people Israel, and will plant him, and he shall
   dwell apart, and shall be troubled no more; and the son of iniquity
   shall not humble him any more, as from the beginning, from the days
   when I appointed judges over my people Israel." [1077]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1067] Ps. lxxxix. 49-51.

   [1068] Rom. iii. 28, 29.

   [1069] Acts xiii. 46.

   [1070] Matt. vii. 7, 8.

   [1071] Another reading, "consummation."

   [1072] See above, chap. viii.

   [1073] 2 Sam. vii. 19.

   [1074] 2 Sam. vii. 8.

   [1075] 2 Sam. vii. 2.

   [1076] Ps. cxxvii. 1.

   [1077] 2 Sam. vii. 10, 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Whether the Truth of This Promised Peace Can Be Ascribed
   to Those Times Passed Away Under Solomon.

   Whoever hopes for this so great good in this world, and in this earth,
   his wisdom is but folly.  Can any one think it was fulfilled in the
   peace of Solomon's reign?  Scripture certainly commends that peace with
   excellent praise as a shadow of that which is to come.  But this
   opinion is to be vigilantly opposed, since after it is said, "And the
   son of iniquity shall not humble him any more," it is immediately
   added, "as from the beginning, from the days in which I appointed
   judges over my people Israel." [1078]   For the judges were appointed
   over that people from the time when they received the land of promise,
   before kings had begun to be there.  And certainly the son of iniquity,
   that is, the foreign enemy, humbled him through periods of time in
   which we read that peace alternated with wars; and in that period
   longer times of peace are found than Solomon had, who reigned forty
   years.  For under that judge who is called Ehud there were eighty years
   of peace. [1079]   Be it far from us, therefore, that we should believe
   the times of Solomon are predicted in this promise, much less indeed
   those of any other king whatever.  For none other of them reigned in
   such great peace as he; nor did that nation ever at all hold that
   kingdom so as to have no anxiety lest it should be subdued by enemies:
   for in the very great mutability of human affairs such great security
   is never given to any people, that it should not dread invasions
   hostile to this life.  Therefore the place of this promised peaceful
   and secure habitation is eternal, and of right belongs eternally to
   Jerusalem the free mother, where the genuine people of Israel shall
   be:  for this name is interpreted "Seeing God;" in the desire of which
   reward a pious life is to be led through faith in this miserable
   pilgrimage. [1080]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1078] 2 Sam. vii. 10-11.

   [1079] Judg. iii. 30.

   [1080] Israel--a prince of God; Peniel--the face of God (Gen. xxxii.
   28-30).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of David's Concern in the Writing of the Psalms.

   In the progress of the city of God through the ages, therefore, David
   first reigned in the earthly Jerusalem as a shadow of that which was to
   come.  Now David was a man skilled in songs, who dearly loved musical
   harmony, not with a vulgar delight, but with a believing disposition,
   and by it served his God, who is the true God, by the mystical
   representation of a great thing.  For the rational and well-ordered
   concord of diverse sounds in harmonious variety suggests the compact
   unity of the well-ordered city.  Then almost all his prophecy is in
   psalms, of which a hundred and fifty are contained in what we call the
   Book of Psalms, of which some will have it those only were made by
   David which are in scribed with his name.  But there are also some who
   think none of them were made by him except those which are marked "Of
   David;" but those which have in the title "For David" have been made by
   others who assumed his person.  Which opinion is refuted by the voice
   of the Saviour Himself in the Gospel, when He says that David himself
   by the Spirit said Christ was his Lord; for the 110th Psalm begins
   thus, "The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit Thou at my right hand, until I
   make Thine enemies Thy footstool." [1081]   And truly that very psalm,
   like many more, has in the title, not "of David," but "for David."  But
   those seem to me to hold the more credible opinion, who ascribe to him
   the authorship of all these hundred and fifty psalms, and think that he
   prefixed to some of them the names even of other men, who prefigured
   something pertinent to the matter, but chose to have no man's name in
   the titles of the rest, just as God inspired him in the management of
   this variety, which, although dark, is not meaningless.  Neither ought
   it to move one not to believe this that the names of some prophets who
   lived long after the times of king David are read in the inscriptions
   of certain psalms in that book, and that the things said there seem to
   be spoken as it were by them.  Nor was the prophetic Spirit unable to
   reveal to king David, when he prophesied, even these names of future
   prophets, so that he might prophetically sing something which should
   suit their persons; just as it was revealed to a certain prophet that
   king Josiah should arise and reign after more than three hundred years,
   who predicted his future deeds also along with his name. [1082]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1081] Ps. cx. 1, quoted in Matt. xxii. 44.

   [1082] 1 Kings xiii. 2; fulfilled 2 Kings xxiii. 15-17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Whether All the Things Prophesied in the Psalms Concerning
   Christ and His Church Should Be Taken Up in the Text of This Work.

   And now I see it may be expected of me that I shall open up in this
   part of this book what David may have prophesied in the Psalms
   concerning the Lord Jesus Christ or His Church.  But although I have
   already done so in one instance, I am prevented from doing as that
   expectation seems to demand, rather by the abundance than the scarcity
   of matter.  For the necessity of shunning prolixity forbids my setting
   down all things; yet I fear lest if I select some I shall appear to
   many, who know these things, to have passed by the more necessary.
   Besides, the proof that is adduced ought to be supported by the context
   of the whole psalm, so that at least there may be nothing against it if
   everything does not support it; lest we should seem, after the fashion
   of the centos, to gather for the thing we wish, as it were, verses out
   of a grand poem, what shall be found to have been written not about it,
   but about some other and widely different thing.  But ere this could be
   pointed out in each psalm, the whole of it must be expounded; and how
   great a work that would be, the volumes of others, as well as our own,
   in which we have done it, show well enough.  Let him then who will, or
   can, read these volumes, and he will find out how many and great things
   David, at once king and prophet, has prophesied concerning Christ and
   His Church, to wit, concerning the King and the city which He has
   built.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of the Things Pertaining to Christ and the Church, Said
   Either Openly or Tropically in the 45th Psalm.

   For whatever direct and manifest prophetic utterances there may be
   about anything, it is necessary that those which are tropical should be
   mingled with them; which, chiefly on account of those of slower
   understanding, thrust upon the more learned the laborious task of
   clearing up and expounding them.  Some of them, indeed, on the very
   first blush, as soon as they are spoken, exhibit Christ and the Church,
   although some things in them that are less intelligible remain to be
   expounded at leisure.  We have an example of this in that same Book of
   Psalms:  "My heart bubbled up a good matter:  I utter my words to the
   king.  My tongue is the pen of a scribe, writing swiftly.  Thy form is
   beautiful beyond the sons of men; grace is poured out in Thy lips:
   therefore God hath blessed Thee for evermore.  Gird Thy sword about Thy
   thigh, O Most Mighty.  With Thy goodliness and Thy beauty go forward,
   proceed prosperously, and reign, because of Thy truth, and meekness,
   and righteousness; and Thy right hand shall lead Thee forth
   wonderfully.  Thy sharp arrows are most powerful:  in the heart of the
   king's enemies.  The people shall fall under Thee.  Thy throne, O God,
   is for ever and ever:  a rod of direction is the rod of Thy kingdom.
   Thou hast loved righteousness, and hast hated iniquity:  therefore God,
   Thy God, hath anointed Thee with the oil of exultation above Thy
   fellows.  Myrrh and drops, and cassia from Thy vestments, from the
   houses of ivory:  out of which the daughters of kings have delighted
   Thee in Thine honor." [1083]   Who is there, no matter how slow, but
   must here recognize Christ whom we preach, and in whom we believe, if
   he hears that He is God, whose throne is for ever and ever, and that He
   is anointed by God, as God indeed anoints, not with a visible, but with
   a spiritual and intelligible chrism?  For who is so untaught in this
   religion, or so deaf to its far and wide spread fame, as not to know
   that Christ is named from this chrism, that is, from this anointing?
   But when it is acknowledged that this King is Christ, let each one who
   is already subject to Him who reigns because of truth, meekness, and
   righteousness, inquire at his leisure into these other things that are
   here said tropically:  how His form is beautiful beyond the sons of
   men, with a certain beauty that is the more to be loved and admired the
   less it is corporeal; and what His sword, arrows, and other things of
   that kind may be, which are set down, not properly, but tropically.

   Then let him look upon His Church, joined to her so great Husband in
   spiritual marriage and divine love, of which it is said in these words
   which follow, "The queen stood upon Thy right hand in gold-embroidered
   vestments, girded about with variety.  Hearken, O daughter, and look,
   and incline thine ear; forget also thy people, and thy father's house.
   Because the King hath greatly desired thy beauty; for He is the Lord
   thy God.  And the daughters of Tyre shall worship Him with gifts; the
   rich among the people shall entreat Thy face.  The daughter of the King
   has all her glory within, in golden fringes, girded about with
   variety.  The virgins shall be brought after her to the King:  her
   neighbors shall be brought to Thee.  They shall be brought with
   gladness and exultation:  they shall be led into the temple of the
   King.  Instead of thy fathers, sons shall be born to thee:  thou shalt
   establish them as princes over all the earth.  They shall be mindful of
   thy name in every generation and descent.  Therefore shall the people
   acknowledge thee for evermore, even for ever and ever." [1084]   I do
   not think any one is so stupid as to believe that some poor woman is
   here praised and described, as the spouse, to wit, of Him to whom it is
   said, "Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever:  a rod of direction is
   the rod of Thy kingdom.  Thou hast loved righteousness and hated
   iniquity:  therefore God, Thy God, hath anointed Thee with the oil of
   exultation above Thy fellows;" [1085] that is, plainly, Christ above
   Christians.  For these are His fellows, out of the unity and concord of
   whom in all nations that queen is formed, as it is said of her in
   another psalm, "The city of the great King." [1086]   The same is Sion
   spiritually, which name in Latin is interpreted speculatio (discovery);
   for she descries the great good of the world to come, because her
   attention is directed thither.  In the same way she is also Jerusalem
   spiritually, of which we have already said many things.  Her enemy is
   the city of the devil, Babylon, which is interpreted "confusion."  Yet
   out of this Babylon this queen is in all nations set free by
   regeneration, and passes from the worst to the best King,--that is,
   from the devil to Christ.  Wherefore it is said to her, "Forget thy
   people and thy father's house."  Of this impious city those also are a
   portion who are Israelites only in the flesh and not by faith, enemies
   also of this great King Himself, and of His queen.  For Christ, having
   come to them, and been slain by them, has the more become the King of
   others, whom He did not see in the flesh.  Whence our King Himself says
   through the prophecy of a certain psalm, "Thou wilt deliver me from the
   contradictions of the people; Thou wilt make me head of the nations.  A
   people whom I have not known hath served me:  in the hearing of the ear
   it hath obeyed me." [1087]   Therefore this people of the nations,
   which Christ did not know in His bodily presence, yet has believed in
   that Christ as announced to it; so that it might be said of it with
   good reason, "In the hearing of the ear it hath obeyed me," for "faith
   is by hearing." [1088]   This people, I say, added to those who are the
   true Israelites both by the flesh and by faith, is the city of God,
   which has brought forth Christ Himself according to the flesh, since He
   was in these Israelites only.  For thence came the Virgin Mary, in whom
   Christ assumed flesh that He might be man.  Of which city another psalm
   says, "Mother Sion, shall a man say, and the man is made in her, and
   the Highest Himself hath founded her." [1089]   Who is this Highest,
   save God?  And thus Christ, who is God, before He became man through
   Mary in that city, Himself founded it by the patriarchs and prophets.
   As therefore was said by prophecy so long before to this queen, the
   city of God, what we already can see fulfilled, "Instead of thy
   fathers, sons are born to thee; thou shall make them princes over all
   the earth;" [1090] so out of her sons truly are set up even her fathers
   [princes] through all the earth, when the people, coming together to
   her, confess to her with the confession of eternal praise for ever and
   ever.  Beyond doubt, whatever interpretation is put on what is here
   expressed somewhat darkly in figurative language, ought to be in
   agreement with these most manifest things.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1083] Ps. xlv. 1-9.

   [1084] Ps. xlv. 9-17.

   [1085] Ps. xlv. 7.

   [1086] Ps. xlviii. 2.

   [1087] Ps. xviii. 43.

   [1088] Rom. x. 5.

   [1089] Ps. lxxxvii. 5.

   [1090] Ps. xlv. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of Those Things in the 110th Psalm Which Relate to the
   Priesthood of Christ, and in the 22d to His Passion.

   Just as in that psalm also where Christ is most openly proclaimed as
   Priest, even as He is here as King, "The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit
   Thou at my right hand, until I make Thine enemies Thy footstool."
   [1091]   That Christ sits on the right hand of God the Father is
   believed, not seen; that His enemies also are put under His feet doth
   not yet appear; it is being done, [therefore] it will appear at last:
   yea, this is now believed, afterward it shall be seen.  But what
   follows, "The Lord will send forth the rod of Thy strength out of Sion,
   and rule Thou in the midst of Thine enemies," [1092] is so clear, that
   to deny it would imply not merely unbelief and mistake, but downright
   impudence.  And even enemies must certainly confess that out of Sion
   has been sent the law of Christ which we call the gospel, and
   acknowledge as the rod of His strength.  But that He rules in the midst
   of His enemies, these same enemies among whom He rules themselves bear
   witness, gnashing their teeth and consuming away, and having power to
   do nothing against Him.  Then what he says a little after, "The Lord
   hath sworn and will not repent," [1093] by which words He intimates
   that what He adds is immutable, "Thou art a priest for ever after the
   order of Melchizedek," [1094] who is permitted to doubt of whom these
   things are said, seeing that now there is nowhere a priesthood and
   sacrifice after the order of Aaron, and everywhere men offer under
   Christ as the Priest, which Melchizedek showed when he blessed
   Abraham?  Therefore to these manifest things are to be referred, when
   rightly understood, those things in the same psalm that are set down a
   little more obscurely, and we have already made known in our popular
   sermons how these things are to be rightly understood.  So also in that
   where Christ utters through prophecy the humiliation of His passion,
   saying, "They pierced my hands and feet; they counted all my bones.
   Yea, they looked and stared at me." [1095]   By which words he
   certainly meant His body stretched out on the cross, with the hands and
   feet pierced and perforated by the striking through of the nails, and
   that He had in that way made Himself a spectacle to those who looked
   and stared.  And he adds, "They parted my garments among them, and over
   my vesture they cast lots." [1096]   How this prophecy has been
   fulfilled the Gospel history narrates.  Then, indeed, the other things
   also which are said there less openly are rightly understood when they
   agree with those which shine with so great clearness; especially
   because those things also which we do not believe as past, but survey
   as present, are beheld by the whole world, being now exhibited just as
   they are read of in this very psalm as predicted so long before.  For
   it is there said a little after, "All the ends of the earth shall
   remember, and turn unto the Lord, and all the kindreds of the nations
   shall worship before Him; for the kingdom is the Lord's, and He shall
   rule the nations."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1091] Ps. cx. 1.

   [1092] Ps. cx. 2.

   [1093] Ps. cx. 4.

   [1094] Ps. cx. 4.

   [1095] Ps. xxii. 16, 17.

   [1096] Ps. xxii. 18, 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Of the 3d, 41st, 15th, and 68th Psalms, in Which the Death
   and Resurrection of the Lord are Prophesied.

   About His resurrection also the oracles of the Psalms are by no means
   silent.  For what else is it that is sung in His person in the 3d
   Psalm, "I laid me down and took a sleep, [and] I awaked, for the Lord
   shall sustain me?" [1097]   Is there perchance any one so stupid as to
   believe that the prophet chose to point it out to us as something great
   that He had slept and risen up, unless that sleep had been death, and
   that awaking the resurrection, which behoved to be thus prophesied
   concerning Christ?  For in the 41st Psalm also it is shown much more
   clearly, where in the person of the Mediator, in the usual way, things
   are narrated as if past which were prophesied as yet to come, since
   these things which were yet to come were in the predestination and
   foreknowledge of God as if they were done, because they were certain.
   He says, "Mine enemies speak evil of me; When shall he die, and his
   name perish?  And if he came in to see me, his heart spake vain
   things:  he gathered iniquity to himself.  He went out of doors, and
   uttered it all at once.  Against me all mine enemies whisper together:
   against me do they devise evil.  They have planned an unjust thing
   against me.  Shall not he that sleeps also rise again?" [1098]   These
   words are certainly so set down here that he may be understood to say
   nothing else than if he said, Shall not He that died recover life
   again?  The previous words clearly show that His enemies have mediated
   and planned His death, and that this was executed by him who came in to
   see, and went out to betray.  But to whom does not Judas here occur,
   who, from being His disciple, became His betrayer?  Therefore because
   they were about to do what they had plotted,--that is, were about to
   kill Him,--he, to show them that with useless malice they were about to
   kill Him who should rise again, so adds this verse, as if he said, What
   vain thing are you doing?  What will be your crime will be my sleep.
   "Shall not He that sleeps also rise again?"  And yet he indicates in
   the following verses that they should not commit so great an impiety
   with impunity, saying, "Yea, the man of my peace in whom I trusted, who
   ate my bread, hath enlarged the heel over me;" [1099] that is, hath
   trampled me under foot.  "But Thou," he saith, "O Lord, be merciful
   unto me, and raise me up, that I may requite them." [1100]   Who can
   now deny this who sees the Jews, after the passion and resurrection of
   Christ, utterly rooted up from their abodes by warlike slaughter and
   destruction?  For, being slain by them, He has risen again, and has
   requited them meanwhile by temporary discipline, save that for those
   who are not corrected He keeps it in store for the time when He shall
   judge the quick and the dead. [1101]   For the Lord Jesus Himself, in
   pointing out that very man to the apostles as His betrayer, quoted this
   very verse of this psalm, and said it was fulfilled in Himself:  "He
   that ate my bread enlarged the heel over me."  But what he says, "In
   whom I trusted," does not suit the head but the body.  For the Saviour
   Himself was not ignorant of him concerning whom He had already said
   before, "One of you is a devil." [1102]   But He is wont to assume the
   person of His members, and to ascribe to Himself what should be said of
   them, because the head and the body is one Christ; [1103] whence that
   saying in the Gospel, "I was an hungered, and ye gave me to eat."
   [1104]   Expounding which, He says, "Since ye did it to one of the
   least of mine, ye did it to me." [1105]   Therefore He said that He had
   trusted, because his disciples then had trusted concerning Judas; for
   he was numbered with the apostles. [1106]

   But the Jews do not expect that the Christ whom they expect will die;
   therefore they do not think ours to be Him whom the law and the
   prophets announced, but feign to themselves I know not whom of their
   own, exempt from the suffering of death.  Therefore, with wonderful
   emptiness and blindness, they contend that the words we have set down
   signify, not death and resurrection, but sleep and awaking again.  But
   the 16th Psalm also cries to them, "Therefore my heart is jocund, and
   my tongue hath exulted; moreover, my flesh also shall rest in hope:
   for Thou wilt not leave my soul in hell; neither wilt Thou give Thine
   Holy One to see corruption." [1107]   Who but He that rose again the
   third day could say his flesh had rested in this hope; that His soul,
   not being left in hell, but speedily returning to it, should revive it,
   that it should not be corrupted as corpses are wont to be, which they
   can in no wise say of David the prophet and king?  The 68th Psalm also
   cries out, "Our God is the God of Salvation:  even of the Lord the exit
   was by death." [1108]   What could be more openly said?  For the God of
   salvation is the Lord Jesus, which is interpreted Saviour, or Healing
   One.  For this reason this name was given, when it was said before He
   was born of the virgin:  "Thou shall bring forth a Son, and shalt call
   His name Jesus; for He shall save His people from their sins." [1109]
   Because His blood was shed for the remission of their sins, it behoved
   Him to have no other exit from this life than death.  Therefore, when
   it had been said, "Our God is the God of salvation," immediately it was
   added, "Even of the Lord the exit was by death," in order to show that
   we were to be saved by His dying.  But that saying is marvellous, "Even
   of the Lord," as if it was said, Such is that life of mortals, that not
   even the Lord Himself could go out of it otherwise save through death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1097] Ps. iii. 5.

   [1098] Ps. xli. 5-8.

   [1099] Ps. xli. 9.

   [1100] Ps. xli. 10.

   [1101] 2 Tim. iv. 1; 2 Pet. iv. 5.

   [1102] John vi. 70.

   [1103] 1 Cor. xii. 12.

   [1104] Matt. xxv. 35.

   [1105] Matt. xxv. 40.

   [1106] Acts. i. 17.

   [1107] Ps. xvi. 9, 10.

   [1108] Ps. lxviii. 20.

   [1109] Matt. i. 21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of the 69th Psalm, in Which the Obstinate Unbelief of the
   Jews is Declared.

   But when the Jews will not in the least yield to the testimonies of
   this prophecy, which are so manifest, and are also brought by events to
   so clear and certain a completion, certainly that is fulfilled in them
   which is written in that psalm which here follows.  For when the things
   which pertain to His passion are prophetically spoken there also in the
   person of Christ, that is mentioned which is unfolded in the Gospel:
   "They gave me gall for my meat; and in my thirst they gave me vinegar
   for drink." [1110]   And as it were after such a feast and dainties in
   this way given to Himself, presently He brings in [these words]:  "Let
   their table become a trap before them, and a retribution, and an
   offence:  let their eyes be dimmed that they see not, and their back be
   always bowed down," [1111] etc.  Which things are not spoken as wished
   for, but are predicted under the prophetic form of wishing.  What
   wonder, then, if those whose eyes are dimmed that they see not do not
   see these manifest things?  What wonder if those do not look up at
   heavenly things whose back is always bowed down that they may grovel
   among earthly things?  For these words transferred from the body
   signify mental faults.  Let these things which have been said about the
   Psalms, that is, about king David's prophecy, suffice, that we may keep
   within some bound.  But let those readers excuse us who knew them all
   before; and let them not complain about those perhaps stronger proofs
   which they know or think I have passed by.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1110] Ps. lxix. 21; Matt. xxvii. 34, 48.

   [1111] Ps. lxix. 22, 23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of David's Reign and Merit; And of His Son Solomon, and
   that Prophecy Relating to Christ Which is Found Either in Those Books
   Which are Joined to Those Written by Him, or in Those Which are
   Indubitably His.

   David therefore reigned in the earthly Jerusalem, a son of the heavenly
   Jerusalem, much praised by the divine testimony; for even his faults
   are overcome by great piety, through the most salutary humility of his
   repentance, that he is altogether one of those of whom he himself says,
   "Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are
   covered." [1112]   After him Solomon his son reigned over the same
   whole people, who, as was said before, began to reign while his father
   was still alive.  This man, after good beginnings, made a bad end.  For
   indeed "prosperity, which wears out the minds of the wise," [1113] hurt
   him more than that wisdom profited him, which even yet is and shall
   hereafter be renowned, and was then praised far and wide.  He also is
   found to have prophesied in his books, of which three are received as
   of canonical authority, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Songs.
   But it has been customary to ascribe to Solomon other two, of which one
   is called Wisdom, the other Ecclesiasticus, on account of some
   resemblance of style,--but the more learned have no doubt that they are
   not his; yet of old the Church, especially the Western, received them
   into authority,--in the one of which, called the Wisdom of Solomon, the
   passion of Christ is most openly prophesied.  For indeed His impious
   murderers are quoted as saying, "Let us lie in wait for the righteous,
   for he is unpleasant to us, and contrary to our works; and he
   upbraideth us with our transgressions of the law, and objecteth to our
   disgrace the transgressions of our education.  He professeth to have
   the knowledge of God, and he calleth himself the Son of God.  He was
   made to reprove our thoughts.  He is grievous for as even to behold;
   for his life is unlike other men's and his ways are different.  We are
   esteemed of him as counterfeits; and he abstaineth from our ways as
   from filthiness.  He extols the latter end of the righteous; and
   glorieth that he hath God for his Father.  Let us see, therefore, if
   his words be true; and let us try what shall happen to him, and we
   shall know what shall be the end of him.  For if the righteous be the
   Son of God, He will undertake for him, and deliver him out of the hand
   of those that are against him.  Let us put him to the question with
   contumely and torture, that we may know his reverence, and prove his
   patience.  Let us condemn him to the most shameful death; for by His
   own sayings He shall be respected.  These things did they imagine, and
   were mistaken; for their own malice hath quite blinded them." [1114]
   But in Ecclesiasticus the future faith of the nations is predicted in
   this manner:  "Have mercy upon us, O God, Ruler of all, and send Thy
   fear upon all the nations:  lift up Thine hand over the strange
   nations, and let them see Thy power.  As Thou wast sanctified in us
   before them, so be Thou sanctified in them before us, and let them
   acknowledge Thee, according as we also have acknowledged Thee; for
   there is not a God beside Thee, O Lord." [1115]   We see this prophecy
   in the form of a wish and prayer fulfilled through Jesus Christ.  But
   the things which are not written in the canon of the Jews cannot be
   quoted against their contradictions with so great validity.

   But as regards those three books which it is evident are Solomon's and
   held canonical by the Jews, to show what of this kind may be found in
   them pertaining to Christ and the Church demands a laborious
   discussion, which, if now entered on, would lengthen this work unduly.
   Yet what we read in the Proverbs of impious men saying, "Let us
   unrighteously hide in the earth the righteous man; yea, let us swallow
   him up alive as hell, and let us take away his memory from the earth:
   let us seize his precious possession," [1116] is not so obscure that it
   may not be understood, without laborious exposition, of Christ and His
   possession the Church.  Indeed, the gospel parable about the wicked
   husbandmen shows that our Lord Jesus Himself said something like it:
   "This is the heir; come, let us kill him, and the inheritance shall be
   ours." [1117] In like manner also that passage in this same book, on
   which we have already touched [1118] when we were speaking of the
   barren woman who hath born seven, must soon after it was uttered have
   come to be understood of only Christ and the Church by those who knew
   that Christ was the Wisdom of God.  "Wisdom hath builded her an house,
   and hath set up seven pillars; she hath sacrificed her victims, she
   hath mingled her wine in the bowl; she hath also furnished her table.
   She hath sent her servants summoning to the bowl with excellent
   proclamation, saying, Who is simple, let him turn aside to me.  And to
   the void of sense she hath said, Come, eat of my bread, and drink of
   the wine which I have mingled for you." [1119]   Here certainly we
   perceive that the Wisdom of God, that is, the Word co-eternal with the
   Father, hath builded Him an house, even a human body in the virgin
   womb, and hath subjoined the Church to it as members to a head, hath
   slain the martyrs as victims, hath furnished a table with wine and
   bread, where appears also the priesthood after the order of
   Melchizedek, and hath called the simple and the void of sense, because,
   as saith the apostle, "He hath chosen the weak things of this world
   that He might confound the things which are mighty." [1120]   Yet to
   these weak ones she saith what follows, "Forsake simplicity, that ye
   may live; and seek prudence, that ye may have life." [1121]   But to be
   made partakers of this table is itself to begin to have life.  For when
   he says in another book, which is called Ecclesiastes, "There is no
   good for a man, except that he should eat and drink," [1122] what can
   he be more credibly understood to say, than what belongs to the
   participation of this table which the Mediator of the New Testament
   Himself, the Priest after the order of Melchizedek, furnishes with His
   own body and blood?  For that sacrifice has succeeded all the
   sacrifices of the Old Testament, which were slain as a shadow of that
   which was to come; wherefore also we recognize the voice in the 40th
   Psalm as that of the same Mediator speaking through prophesy,
   "Sacrifice and offering Thou didst not desire; but a body hast Thou
   perfected for me." [1123]   Because, instead of all these sacrifices
   and oblations, His body is offered, and is served up to the partakers
   of it.  For that this Ecclesiastes, in this sentence about eating and
   drinking, which he often repeats, and very much commends, does not
   savor the dainties of carnal pleasures, is made plain enough when he
   says, "It is better to go into the house of mourning than to go into
   the house of feasting." [1124]   And a little after He says, "The heart
   of the wise is in the house of mourning, and the heart of the simple in
   the house of feasting." [1125]   But I think that more worthy of
   quotation from this book which relates to both cities, the one of the
   devil, the other of Christ, and to their kings, the devil and Christ:
   "Woe to thee, O land," he says, "when thy king is a youth, and thy
   princes eat in the morning!  Blessed art thou, O land, when thy king is
   the son of nobles, and thy princes eat in season, in fortitude, and not
   in confusion!" [1126]   He has called the devil a youth, because of the
   folly and pride, and rashness and unruliness, and other vices which are
   wont to abound at that age; but Christ is the Son of nobles, that is,
   of the holy patriarchs, of those belonging to the free city, of whom He
   was begotten in the flesh.  The princes of that and other cities are
   eaters in the morning, that is, before the suitable hour, because they
   do not expect the seasonable felicity, which is the true, in the world
   to come, desiring to be speedily made happy with the renown of this
   world; but the princes of the city of Christ patiently wait for the
   time of a blessedness that is not fallacious.  This is expressed by the
   words, "in fortitude, and not in confusion," because hope does not
   deceive them; of which the apostle says, "But hope maketh not ashamed."
   [1127]   A psalm also saith, "For they that hope in Thee shall not be
   put to shame." [1128]   But now the Song of Songs is a certain
   spiritual pleasure of holy minds, in the marriage of that King and
   Queen-city, that is, Christ and the Church.  But this pleasure is
   wrapped up in allegorical veils, that the Bridegroom may be more
   ardently desired, and more joyfully unveiled, and may appear; to whom
   it is said in this same song, "Equity hath delighted Thee; [1129] and
   the bride who there hears, "Charity is in thy delights." [1130]   We
   pass over many things in silence, in our desire to finish this work.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1112] Ps. xxxii. 1.

   [1113] Sallust, Bell. Cat. c. xi.

   [1114] Wisd. ii. 12-21.

   [1115] Ecclus. xxxvi. 1-5.

   [1116] Prov. i. 11-13.

   [1117] Matt. xxi. 38.

   [1118] Ch. 4.

   [1119] Prov. ix. 1-5 (ver. 1 is quoted above in ch. 4).

   [1120] 1 Cor. i. 27.

   [1121] Prov. ix. 6.

   [1122] Eccles. ii. 24; iii. 13; v. 18; viii. 15.

   [1123] Ps. xl. 6.

   [1124] Eccles. vii. 2.

   [1125] Eccles. vii. 4.

   [1126] Eccles. x. 16, 17.

   [1127] Rom. v. 5.

   [1128] Ps. lxix. 6?

   [1129] Cant. i. 4.

   [1130] Cant. vii. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of the Kings After Solomon, Both in Judah and Israel.

   The other kings of the Hebrews after Solomon are scarcely found to have
   prophesied, through certain enigmatic words or actions of theirs, what
   may pertain to Christ and the Church, either in Judah or Israel; for so
   were the parts of that people styled, when, on account of Solomon's
   offence, from the time of Rehoboam his son, who succeeded him in the
   kingdom, it was divided by God as a punishment.  The ten tribes,
   indeed, which Jeroboam the servant of Solomon received, being appointed
   the king in Samaria, were distinctively called Israel, although this
   had been the name of that whole people; but the two tribes, namely, of
   Judah and Benjamin, which for David's sake, lest the kingdom should be
   wholly wrenched from his race, remained subject to the city of
   Jerusalem, were called Judah, because that was the tribe whence David
   sprang.  But Benjamin, the other tribe which, as was said, belonged to
   the same kingdom, was that whence Saul sprang before David.  But these
   two tribes together, as was said, were called Judah, and were
   distinguished by this name from Israel which was the distinctive title
   of the ten tribes under their own king.  For the tribe of Levi, because
   it was the priestly one, bound to the servitude of God, not of the
   kings, was reckoned the thirteenth.  For Joseph, one of the twelve sons
   of Israel, did not, like the others, form one tribe, but two, Ephraim
   and Manasseh.  Yet the tribe of Levi also belonged more to the kingdom
   of Jerusalem, where was the temple of God whom it served.  On the
   division of the people, therefore, Rehoboam, son of Solomon, reigned in
   Jerusalem as the first king of Judah, and Jeroboam, servant of Solomon,
   in Samaria as king of Israel.  And when Rehoboam wished as a tyrant to
   pursue that separated part with war, the people were prohibited from
   fighting with their brethren by God, who told them through a prophet
   that He had done this; whence it appeared that in this matter there had
   been no sin either of the king or people of Israel, but the
   accomplished will of God the avenger.  When this was known, both parts
   settled down peaceably, for the division made was not religious but
   political.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Of Jeroboam, Who Profaned the People Put Under Him by the
   Impiety of Idolatry, Amid Which, However, God Did Not Cease to Inspire
   the Prophets, and to Guard Many from the Crime of Idolatry.

   But Jeroboam king of Israel, with perverse mind, not believing in God,
   whom he had proved true in promising and giving him the kingdom, was
   afraid lest, by coming to the temple of God which was in Jerusalem,
   where, according to the divine law, that whole nation was to come in
   order to sacrifice, the people should be seduced from him, and return
   to David's line as the seed royal; and set up idolatry in his kingdom,
   and with horrible impiety beguiled the people, ensnaring them to the
   worship of idols with himself.  Yet God did not altogether cease to
   reprove by the prophets, not only that king, but also his successors
   and imitators in his impiety, and the people too.  For there the great
   and illustrious prophet Elijah and Elisha his disciple arose, who also
   did many wonderful works.  Even there, when Elijah said, "O Lord, they
   have slain Thy prophets, they have digged down Thine altars; and I am
   left alone, and they seek my life," it was answered that seven thousand
   men were there who had not bowed the knee to Baal. [1131]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1131] 1 Kings xix. 10, 14, 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Of the Varying Condition of Both the Hebrew Kingdoms,
   Until the People of Both Were at Different Times Led into Captivity,
   Judah Being Afterwards Recalled into His Kingdom, Which Finally Passed
   into the Power of the Romans.

   So also in the kingdom of Judah pertaining to Jerusalem prophets were
   not lacking even in the times of succeeding kings, just as it pleased
   God to send them, either for the prediction of what was needful, or for
   correction of sin and instruction in righteousness; [1132] for there,
   too, although far less than in Israel, kings arose who grievously
   offended God by their impieties, and, along with their people, who were
   like them, were smitten with moderate scourges.  The no small merits of
   the pious kings there are praised indeed.  But we read that in Israel
   the kings were, some more, others less, yet all wicked.  Each part,
   therefore, as the divine providence either ordered or permitted, was
   both lifted up by prosperity and weighed down by adversity of various
   kinds; and it was afflicted not only by foreign, but also by civil wars
   with each other, in order that by certain existing causes the mercy or
   anger of God might be manifested; until, by His growing indignation,
   that whole nation was by the conquering Chaldeans not only overthrown
   in its abode, but also for the most part transported to the lands of
   the Assyrians,--first, that part of the thirteen tribes called Israel,
   but afterwards Judah also, when Jerusalem and that most noble temple
   was cast down,--in which lands it rested seventy years in captivity.
   Being after that time sent forth thence, they rebuilt the overthrown
   temple.  And although very many stayed in the lands of the strangers,
   yet the kingdom no longer had two separate parts, with different kings
   over each, but in Jerusalem there was one prince over them; and at
   certain times, from every direction wherever they were, and from
   whatever place they could, they all came to the temple of God which was
   there.  Yet not even then were they without foreign enemies and
   conquerors; yea, Christ found them tributaries of the Romans.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1132] 2 Tim. iii. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Of the Prophets, Who Either Were the Last Among the Jews,
   or Whom the Gospel History Reports About the Time of Christ's Nativity.

   But in that whole time after they returned from Babylon, after Malachi,
   Haggai, and Zechariah, who then prophesied, and Ezra, they had no
   prophets down to the time of the Saviour's advent except another
   Zechariah, the father of John, and Elisabeth his wife, when the
   nativity of Christ was already close at hand; and when He was already
   born, Simeon the aged, and Anna a widow, and now very old; and, last of
   all, John himself, who, being a young man, did not predict that Christ,
   now a young man, was to come, but by prophetic knowledge pointed Him
   out though unknown; for which reason the Lord Himself says, "The law
   and the prophets were until John." [1133]   But the prophesying of
   these five is made known to us in the gospel, where the virgin mother
   of our Lord herself is also found to have prophesied before John.  But
   this prophecy of theirs the wicked Jews do not receive; but those
   innumerable persons received it who from them believed the gospel.  For
   then truly Israel was divided in two, by that division which was
   foretold by Samuel the prophet to king Saul as immutable.  But even the
   reprobate Jews hold Malachi, Haggai, Zechariah, and Ezra as the last
   received into canonical authority.  For there are also writings of
   these, as of others, who being but a very few in the great multitude of
   prophets, have written those books which have obtained canonical
   authority, of whose predictions it seems good to me to put in this work
   some which pertain to Christ and His Church; and this, by the Lord's
   help, shall be done more conveniently in the following book, that we
   may not further burden this one, which is already too long.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1133] Matt. xi. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XVIII.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Augustin traces the parallel courses of the earthly and
   heavenly cities from the time of Abraham to the end of the world; and
   alludes to the oracles regarding Christ, both those uttered by the
   Sibyls, and those of the sacred prophets who wrote after the foundation
   of Rome, Hosea, Amos, Isaiah, Micah, and their successors.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of Those Things Down to the Times of the Saviour Which Have
   Been Discussed in the Seventeen Books.

   I Promised to write of the rise, progress, and appointed end of the two
   cities, one of which is God's, the other this world's, in which, so far
   as mankind is concerned, the former is now a stranger.  But first of
   all I undertook, so far as His grace should enable me, to refute the
   enemies of the city of God, who prefer their gods to Christ its
   founder, and fiercely hate Christians with the most deadly malice.  And
   this I have done in the first ten books.  Then, as regards my threefold
   promise which I have just mentioned, I have treated distinctly, in the
   four books which follow the tenth, of the rise of both cities.  After
   that, I have proceeded from the first man down to the flood in one
   book, which is the fifteenth of this work; and from that again down to
   Abraham our work has followed both in chronological order.  From the
   patriarch Abraham down to the time of the Israelite kings, at which we
   close our sixteenth book, and thence down to the advent of Christ
   Himself in the flesh, to which period the seventeenth book reaches, the
   city of God appears from my way of writing to have run its course
   alone; whereas it did not run its course alone in this age, for both
   cities, in their course amid mankind, certainly experienced chequered
   times together just as from the beginning.  But I did this in order
   that, first of all, from the time when the promises of God began to be
   more clear, down to the virgin birth of Him in whom those things
   promised from the first were to be fulfilled, the course of that city
   which is God's might be made more distinctly apparent, without
   interpolation of foreign matter from the history of the other city,
   although down to the revelation of the new covenant it ran its course,
   not in light, but in shadow.  Now, therefore, I think fit to do what I
   passed by, and show, so far as seems necessary, how that other city ran
   its course from the times of Abraham, so that attentive readers may
   compare the two.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Of the Kings and Times of the Earthly City Which Were
   Synchronous with the Times of the Saints, Reckoning from the Rise of
   Abraham.

   The society of mortals spread abroad through the earth everywhere, and
   in the most diverse places, although bound together by a certain
   fellowship of our common nature, is yet for the most part divided
   against itself, and the strongest oppress the others, because all
   follow after their own interests and lusts, while what is longed for
   either suffices for none, or not for all, because it is not the very
   thing.  For the vanquished succumb to the victorious, preferring any
   sort of peace and safety to freedom itself; so that they who chose to
   die rather than be slaves have been greatly wondered at.  For in almost
   all nations the very voice of nature somehow proclaims, that those who
   happen to be conquered should choose rather to be subject to their
   conquerors than to be killed by all kinds of warlike destruction.  This
   does not take place without the providence of God, in whose power it
   lies that any one either subdues or is subdued in war; that some are
   endowed with kingdoms, others made subject to kings.  Now, among the
   very many kingdoms of the earth into which, by earthly interest or
   lust, society is divided (which we call by the general name of the city
   of this world), we see that two, settled and kept distinct from each
   other both in time and place, have grown far more famous than the rest,
   first that of the Assyrians, then that of the Romans.  First came the
   one, then the other.  The former arose in the east, and, immediately on
   its close, the latter in the west.  I may speak of other kingdoms and
   other kings as appendages of these.

   Ninus, then, who succeeded his father Belus, the first king of Assyria,
   was already the second king of that kingdom when Abraham was born in
   the land of the Chaldees.  There was also at that time a very small
   kingdom of Sicyon, with which, as from an ancient date, that most
   universally learned man Marcus Varro begins, in writing of the Roman
   race.  For from these kings of Sicyon he passes to the Athenians, from
   them to the Latins, and from these to the Romans.  Yet very little is
   related about these kingdoms, before the foundation of Rome, in
   comparison with that of Assyria.  For although even Sallust, the Roman
   historian, admits that the Athenians were very famous in Greece, yet he
   thinks they were greater in fame than in fact.  For in speaking of them
   he says, "The deeds of the Athenians, as I think, were very great and
   magnificent, but yet somewhat less than reported by fame.  But because
   writers of great genius arose among them, the deeds of the Athenians
   were celebrated throughout the world as very great.  Thus the virtue of
   those who did them was held to be as great as men of transcendent
   genius could represent it to be by the power of laudatory words."
   [1134]   This city also derived no small glory from literature and
   philosophy, the study of which chiefly flourished there.  But as
   regards empire, none in the earliest times was greater than the
   Assyrian, or so widely extended.  For when Ninus the son of Belus was
   king, he is reported to have subdued the whole of Asia, even to the
   boundaries of Libya, which as to number is called the third part, but
   as to size is found to be the half of the whole world.  The Indians in
   the eastern regions were the only people over whom he did not reign;
   but after his death Semiramis his wife made war on them.  Thus it came
   to pass that all the people and kings in those countries were subject
   to the kingdom and authority of the Assyrians, and did whatever they
   were commanded.  Now Abraham was born in that kingdom among the
   Chaldees, in the time of Ninus.  But since Grecian affairs are much
   better known to us than Assyrian, and those who have diligently
   investigated the antiquity of the Roman nation's origin have followed
   the order of time through the Greeks to the Latins, and from them to
   the Romans, who themselves are Latins, we ought on this account, where
   it is needful, to mention the Assyrian kings, that it may appear how
   Babylon, like a first Rome, ran its course along with the city of God,
   which is a stranger in this world.  But the things proper for insertion
   in this work in comparing the two cities, that is, the earthly and
   heavenly, ought to be taken mostly from the Greek and Latin kingdoms,
   where Rome herself is like a second Babylon.

   At Abraham's birth, then, the second kings of Assyria and Sicyon
   respectively were Ninus and Europs, the first having been Belus and
   Ægialeus.  But when God promised Abraham, on his departure from
   Babylonia, that he should become a great nation, and that in his seed
   all nations of the earth should be blessed, the Assyrians had their
   seventh king, the Sicyons their fifth; for the son of Ninus reigned
   among them after his mother Semiramis, who is said to have been put to
   death by him for attempting to defile him by incestuously lying with
   him.  Some think that she founded Babylon, and indeed she may have
   founded it anew.  But we have told, in the sixteenth book, when or by
   whom it was founded.  Now the son of Ninus and Semiramis, who succeeded
   his mother in the kingdom, is also called Ninus by some, but by others
   Ninias, a patronymic word.  Telexion then held the kingdom of the
   Sicyons.  In his reign times were quiet and joyful to such a degree,
   that after his death they worshipped him as a god by offering
   sacrifices and by celebrating games, which are said to have been first
   instituted on this occasion.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1134] Sallust, Bell. Cat. c. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--What Kings Reigned in Assyria and Sicyon When, According to
   the Promise, Isaac Was Born to Abraham in His Hundredth Year, and When
   the Twins Esau and Jacob Were Born of Rebecca to Isaac in His Sixtieth
   Year.

   In his times also, by the promise of God, Isaac, the son of Abraham,
   was born to his father when he was a hundred years old, of Sarah his
   wife, who, being barren and old, had already lost hope of issue.
   Aralius was then the fifth king of the Assyrians.  To Isaac himself, in
   his sixtieth year, were born twin-sons, Esau and Jacob, whom Rebecca
   his wife bore to him, their grandfather Abraham, who died on completing
   a hundred and seventy years, being still alive, and reckoning his
   hundred and sixtieth year. [1135]   At that time there reigned as the
   seventh kings,--among the Assyrians, that more ancient Xerxes, who was
   also called Balæus; and among the Sicyons, Thuriachus, or, as some
   write his name, Thurimachus.  The kingdom of Argos, in which Inachus
   reigned first, arose in the time of Abraham's grandchildren.  And I
   must not omit what Varro relates, that the Sicyons were also wont to
   sacrifice at the tomb of their seventh king Thuriachus.  In the reign
   of Armamitres in Assyria and Leucippus in Sicyon as the eighth kings,
   and of Inachus as the first in Argos, God spoke to Isaac, and promised
   the same two things to him as to his father,--namely, the land of
   Canaan to his seed, and the blessing of all nations in his seed.  These
   same things were promised to his son, Abraham's grandson, who was at
   first called Jacob, afterwards Israel, when Belocus was the ninth king
   of Assyria, and Phoroneus, the son of Inachus, reigned as the second
   king of Argos, Leucippus still continuing king of Sicyon.  In those
   times, under the Argive king Phoroneus, Greece was made more famous by
   the institution of certain laws and judges.  On the death of Phoroneus,
   his younger brother Phegous built a temple at his tomb, in which he was
   worshipped as God, and oxen were sacrificed to him.  I believe they
   thought him worthy of so great honor, because in his part of the
   kingdom (for their father had divided his territories between them, in
   which they reigned during his life) he had founded chapels for the
   worship of the gods, and had taught them to measure time, by months and
   years, and to that extent to keep count and reckoning of events.  Men
   still uncultivated, admiring him for these novelties, either fancied he
   was, or resolved that he should be made, a god after his death.  Io
   also is said to have been the daughter of Inachus, who was afterwards
   called Isis, when she was worshipped in Egypt as a great goddess;
   although others write that she came as a queen out of Ethiopia, and
   because she ruled extensively and justly, and instituted for her
   subjects letters and many useful things, such divine honor was given
   her there after she died, that if any one said she had been human, he
   was charged with a capital crime.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1135] In the Hebrew text, Gen. xxv. 7, a hundred and seventy-five
   years.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Of the Times of Jacob and His Son Joseph.

   In the reign of Balæus, the ninth king of Assyria, and Mesappus, the
   eighth of Sicyon, who is said by some to have been also called Cephisos
   (if indeed the same man had both names, and those who put the other
   name in their writings have not rather confounded him with another
   man), while Apis was third king of Argos, Isaac died, a hundred and
   eighty years old, and left his twin-sons a hundred and twenty years
   old.  Jacob, the younger of these, belonged to the city of God about
   which we write (the elder being wholly rejected), and had twelve sons,
   one of whom, called Joseph, was sold by his brothers to merchants going
   down to Egypt, while his grandfather Isaac was still alive.  But when
   he was thirty years of age, Joseph stood before Pharaoh, being exalted
   out of the humiliation he endured, because, in divinely interpreting
   the king's dreams, he foretold that there would be seven years of
   plenty, the very rich abundance of which would be consumed by seven
   other years of famine that should follow.  On this account the king
   made him ruler over Egypt, liberating him from prison, into which he
   had been thrown for keeping his chastity intact; for he bravely
   preserved it from his mistress, who wickedly loved him, and told lies
   to his weakly credulous master, and did not consent to commit adultery
   with her, but fled from her, leaving his garment in her hands when she
   laid hold of him.  In the second of the seven years of famine Jacob
   came down into Egypt to his son with all he had, being a hundred and
   thirty years old, as he himself said in answer to the king's question.
   Joseph was then thirty-nine, if we add seven years of plenty and two of
   famine to the thirty he reckoned when honored by the king.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of Apis King of Argos, Whom the Egyptians Called Serapis,
   and Worshipped with Divine Honors.

   In these times Apis king of Argos crossed over into Egypt in ships,
   and, on dying there, was made Serapis, the chief god of all the
   Egyptians.  Now Varro gives this very ready reason why, after his
   death, he was called, not Apis, but Serapis.  The ark in which he was
   placed when dead, which every one now calls a sarcophagus, was then
   called in Greek soros, and they began to worship him when buried in it
   before his temple was built; and from Soros and Apis he was called
   first [Sorosapis, or] Sorapis, and then Serapis, by changing a letter,
   as easily happens.  It was decreed regarding him also, that whoever
   should say he had been a man should be capitally punished.  And since
   in every temple where Isis and Serapis were worshipped there was also
   an image which, with finger pressed on the lips, seemed to warn men to
   keep silence, Varro thinks this signifies that it should be kept secret
   that they had been human.  But that bull which, with wonderful folly,
   deluded Egypt nourished with abundant delicacies in honor of him, was
   not called Serapis, but Apis, because they worshipped him alive without
   a sarcophagus.  On the death of that bull, when they sought and found a
   calf of the same color,--that is, similarly marked with certain white
   spots,--they believed it was something miraculous, and divinely
   provided for them.  Yet it was no great thing for the demons, in order
   to deceive them, to show to a cow when she was conceiving and pregnant
   the image of such a bull, which she alone could see, and by it attract
   the breeding passion of the mother, so that it might appear in a bodily
   shape in her young, just as Jacob so managed with the spotted rods that
   the sheep and goats were born spotted.  For what men can do with real
   colors and substances, the demons can very easily do by showing unreal
   forms to breeding animals.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Who Were Kings of Argos, and of Assyria, When Jacob Died in
   Egypt.

   Apis, then, who died in Egypt, was not the king of Egypt, but of
   Argos.  He was succeeded by his son Argus, from whose name the land was
   called Argos and the people Argives, for under the earlier kings
   neither the place nor the nation as yet had this name.  While he then
   reigned over Argos, and Eratus over Sicyon, and Balæus still remained
   king of Assyria, Jacob died in Egypt a hundred and forty-seven years
   old, after he had, when dying, blessed his sons and his grandsons by
   Joseph, and prophesied most plainly of Christ, saying in the blessing
   of Judah, "A prince shall not fail out of Judah, nor a leader from his
   thighs, until those things come which are laid up for him; and He is
   the expectation of the nations." [1136]   In the reign of Argus, Greece
   began to use fruits, and to have crops of corn in cultivated fields,
   the seed having been brought from other countries.  Argus also began to
   be accounted a god after his death, and was honored with a temple and
   sacrifices.  This honor was conferred in his reign, before being given
   to him, on a private individual for being the first to yoke oxen in the
   plough.  This was one Homogyrus, who was struck by lightning.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1136] Gen. xlix. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Who Were Kings When Joseph Died in Egypt.

   In the reign of Mamitus, the twelfth king of Assyria, and Plemnæus, the
   eleventh of Sicyon, while Argus still reigned over the Argives, Joseph
   died in Egypt a hundred and ten years old.  After his death, the people
   of God, increasing wonderfully, remained in Egypt a hundred and
   forty-five years, in tranquillity at first, until those who knew Joseph
   were dead.  Afterward, through envy of their increase, and the
   suspicion that they would at length gain their freedom, they were
   oppressed with persecutions and the labors of intolerable servitude,
   amid which, however, they still grew, being multiplied with God-given
   fertility.  During this period the same kingdoms continued in Assyria
   and Greece.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Who Were Kings When Moses Was Born, and What Gods Began to
   Be Worshipped Then.

   When Saphrus reigned as the fourteenth king of Assyria, and Orthopolis
   as the twelfth of Sicyon, and Criasus as the fifth of Argos, Moses was
   born in Egypt, by whom the people of God were liberated from the
   Egyptian slavery, in which they behoved to be thus tried that they
   might desire the help of their Creator.  Some have thought that
   Prometheus lived during the reign of the kings now named.  He is
   reported to have formed men out of clay, because he was esteemed the
   best teacher of wisdom; yet it does not appear what wise men there were
   in his days.  His brother Atlas is said to have been a great
   astrologer; and this gave occasion for the fable that he held up the
   sky, although the vulgar opinion about his holding up the sky appears
   rather to have been suggested by a high mountain named after him.
   Indeed, from those times many other fabulous things began to be
   invented in Greece; yet, down to Cecrops king of Athens, in whose reign
   that city received its name, and in whose reign God brought His people
   out of Egypt by Moses, only a few dead heroes are reported to have been
   deified according to the vain superstition of the Greeks.  Among these
   were Melantomice, the wife of king Criasus, and Phorbas their son, who
   succeeded his father as sixth king of the Argives, and Iasus, son of
   Triopas, their seventh king, and their ninth king, Sthenelas, or
   Stheneleus, or Sthenelus,--for his name is given differently by
   different authors.  In those times also, Mercury, the grandson of Atlas
   by his daughter Maia, is said to have lived, according to the common
   report in books.  He was famous for his skill in many arts, and taught
   them to men, for which they resolved to make him, and even believed
   that he deserved to be, a god after death.  Hercules is said to have
   been later, yet belonging to the same period; although some, whom I
   think mistaken, assign him an earlier date than Mercury.  But at
   whatever time they were born, it is agreed among grave historians, who
   have committed these ancient things to writing, that both were men, and
   that they merited divine honors from mortals because they conferred on
   them many benefits to make this life more pleasant to them.  Minerva
   was far more ancient than these; for she is reported to have appeared
   in virgin age in the times of Ogyges at the lake called Triton, from
   which she is also styled Tritonia, the inventress truly of many works,
   and the more readily believed to be a goddess because her origin was so
   little known.  For what is sung about her having sprung from the head
   of Jupiter belongs to the region of poetry and fable, and not to that
   of history and real fact.  And historical writers are not agreed when
   Ogyges flourished, in whose time also a great flood occurred,--not that
   greatest one from which no man escaped except those who could get into
   the ark, for neither Greek nor Latin history knew of it, yet a greater
   flood than that which happened afterward in Deucalion's time.  For
   Varro begins the book I have already mentioned at this date, and does
   not propose to himself, as the starting-point from which he may arrive
   at Roman affairs, anything more ancient than the flood of Ogyges, that
   is, which happened in the time of Ogyges.  Now our writers of
   chronicles--first Eusebius, and afterwards Jerome, who entirely follow
   some earlier historians in this opinion--relate that the flood of
   Ogyges happened more than three hundred years after, during the reign
   of Phoroneus, the second king of Argos.  But whenever he may have
   lived, Minerva was already worshipped as a goddess when Cecrops reigned
   in Athens, in whose reign the city itself is reported to have been
   rebuilt or founded.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--When the City of Athens Was Founded, and What Reason Varro
   Assigns for Its Name.

   Athens certainly derived its name from Minerva, who in Greek is called
   'Athene, and Varro points out the following reason why it was so
   called.  When an olive-tree suddenly appeared there, and water burst
   forth in another place, these prodigies moved the king to send to the
   Delphic Apollo to inquire what they meant and what he should do.  He
   answered that the olive signified Minerva, the water Neptune, and that
   the citizens had it in their power to name their city as they chose,
   after either of these two gods whose signs these were.  On receiving
   this oracle, Cecrops convoked all the citizens of either sex to give
   their vote, for it was then the custom in those parts for the women
   also to take part in public deliberations.  When the multitude was
   consulted, the men gave their votes for Neptune, the women for Minerva;
   and as the women had a majority of one, Minerva conquered.  Then
   Neptune, being enraged, laid waste the lands of the Athenians, by
   casting up the waves of the sea; for the demons have no difficulty in
   scattering any waters more widely.  The same authority said, that to
   appease his wrath the women should be visited by the Athenians with the
   three-fold punishment--that they should no longer have any vote; that
   none of their children should be named after their mothers; and that no
   one should call them Athenians.  Thus that city, the mother and nurse
   of liberal doctrines, and of so many and so great philosophers, than
   whom Greece had nothing more famous and noble, by the mockery of demons
   about the strife of their gods, a male and female, and from the victory
   of the female one through the women, received the name of Athens; and,
   on being damaged by the vanquished god, was compelled to punish the
   very victory of the victress, fearing the waters of Neptune more than
   the arms of Minerva.  For in the women who were thus punished, Minerva,
   who had conquered, was conquered too, and could not even help her
   voters so far that, although the right of voting was henceforth lost,
   and the mothers could not give their names to the children, they might
   at least be allowed to be called Athenians, and to merit the name of
   that goddess whom they had made victorious over a male god by giving
   her their votes.  What and how much could be said about this, if we had
   not to hasten to other things in our discourse, is obvious.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--What Varro Reports About the Term Areopagus, and About
   Deucalion's Flood.

   Marcus Varro, however, is not willing to credit lying fables against
   the gods, lest he should find something dishonoring to their majesty;
   and therefore he will not admit that the Areopagus, the place where the
   Apostle Paul disputed with the Athenians, got this name because Mars,
   who in Greek is called AAres, when he was charged with the crime of
   homicide, and was judged by twelve gods in that field, was acquitted by
   the sentence of six; because it was the custom, when the votes were
   equal, to acquit rather than condemn.  Against this opinion, which is
   much most widely published, he tries, from the notices of obscure
   books, to support another reason for this name, lest the Athenians
   should be thought to have called it Areopagus from the words" Mars" and
   "field," [1137] as if it were the field of Mars, to the dishonor of the
   gods, forsooth, from whom he thinks lawsuits and judgments far
   removed.  And he asserts that this which is said about Mars is not less
   false than what is said about the three goddesses, to wit, Juno,
   Minerva, and Venus, whose contest for the palm of beauty, before Paris
   as judge, in order to obtain the golden apple, is not only related, but
   is celebrated in songs and dances amid the applause of the theatres, in
   plays meant to please the gods who take pleasure in these crimes of
   their own, whether real or fabled.  Varro does not believe these
   things, because they are incompatible with the nature of the gods and
   of morality; and yet, in giving not a fabulous but a historic reason
   for the name of Athens, he inserts in his books the strife between
   Neptune and Minerva as to whose name should be given to that city,
   which was so great that, when they contended by the display of
   prodigies, even Apollo dared not judge between them when consulted;
   but, in order to end the strife of the gods, just as Jupiter sent the
   three goddesses we have named to Paris, so he sent them to men, when
   Minerva won by the vote, and yet was defeated by the punishment of her
   own voters, for she was unable to confer the title of Athenians on the
   women who were her friends, although she could impose it on the men who
   were her opponents.  In these times, when Cranaos reigned at Athens as
   the successor of Cecrops, as Varro writes, but, according to our
   Eusebius and Jerome, while Cecrops himself still remained, the flood
   occurred which is called Deucalion's, because it occurred chiefly in
   those parts of the earth in which he reigned.  But this flood did not
   at all reach Egypt or its vicinity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1137] Ares and pagos.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--When Moses Led the People Out of Egypt; And Who Were Kings
   When His Successor Joshua the Son of Nun Died.

   Moses led the people out of Egypt in the last time of Cecrops king of
   Athens, when Ascatades reigned in Assyria, Marathus in Sicyon, Triopas
   in Argos; and having led forth the people, he gave them at Mount Sinai
   the law he received from God, which is called the Old Testament,
   because it has earthly promises, and because, through Jesus Christ,
   there was to be a New Testament, in which the kingdom of heaven should
   be promised.  For the same order behoved to be observed in this as is
   observed in each man who prospers in God, according to the saying of
   the apostle, "That is not first which is spiritual, but that which is
   natural," since, as he says, and that truly, "The first man of the
   earth, is earthly; the second man, from heaven, is heavenly." [1138]
   Now Moses ruled the people for forty years in the wilderness, and died
   a hundred and twenty years old, after he had prophesied of Christ by
   the types of carnal observances in the tabernacle, priesthood, and
   sacrifices, and many other mystic ordinances.  Joshua the son of Nun
   succeeded Moses, and settled in the land of promise the people he had
   brought in, having by divine authority conquered the people by whom it
   was formerly possessed.  He also died, after ruling the people
   twenty-seven years after the death of Moses, when Amyntas reigned in
   Assyria as the eighteenth king, Coracos as the sixteenth in Sicyon,
   Danaos as the tenth in Argos, Ericthonius as the fourth in Athens.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1138] 1 Cor. xv. 46, 47.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Of the Rituals of False Gods Instituted by the Kings of
   Greece in the Period from Israel's Exodus from Egypt Down to the Death
   of Joshua the Son of Nun.

   During this period, that is, from Israel's exodus from Egypt down to
   the death of Joshua the son of Nun, through whom that people received
   the land of promise, rituals were instituted to the false gods by the
   kings of Greece, which, by stated celebration, recalled the memory of
   the flood, and of men's deliverance from it, and of that troublous life
   they then led in migrating to and fro between the heights and the
   plains.  For even the Luperci, [1139] when they ascend and descend the
   sacred path, are said to represent the men who sought the mountain
   summits because of the inundation of water, and returned to the
   lowlands on its subsidence.  In those times, Dionysus, who was also
   called Father Liber, and was esteemed a god after death, is said to
   have shown the vine to his host in Attica.  Then the musical games were
   instituted for the Delphic Apollo, to appease his anger, through which
   they thought the regions of Greece were afflicted with barrenness,
   because they had not defended his temple which Danaos burnt when he
   invaded those lands; for they were warned by his oracle to institute
   these games.  But king Ericthonius first instituted games to him in
   Attica, and not to him only, but also to Minerva, in which games the
   olive was given as the prize to the victors, because they relate that
   Minerva was the discoverer of that fruit, as Liber was of the grape.
   In those years Europa is alleged to have been carried off by Xanthus
   king of Crete (to whom we find some give another name), and to have
   borne him Rhadamanthus, Sarpedon, and Minos, who are more commonly
   reported to have been the sons of Jupiter by the same woman.  Now those
   who worship such gods regard what we have said about Xanthus king of
   Crete as true history; but this about Jupiter, which the poets sing,
   the theatres applaud, and the people celebrate, as empty fable got up
   as a reason for games to appease the deities, even with the false
   ascription of crimes to them.  In those times Hercules was held in
   honor in Tyre, but that was not the same one as he whom we spoke of
   above.  In the more secret history there are said to have been several
   who were called Father Liber and Hercules.  This Hercules, whose great
   deeds are reckoned as twelve (not including the slaughter of Antæus the
   African, because that affair pertains to another Hercules), is declared
   in their books to have burned himself on Mount OEta, because he was not
   able, by that strength with which he had subdued monsters, to endure
   the disease under which he languished.  At that time the king, or
   rather tyrant Busiris, who is alleged to have been the son of Neptune
   by Libya the daughter of Epaphus, is said to have offered up his guests
   in sacrifice to the gods.  Now it must not be believed that Neptune
   committed this adultery, lest the gods should be criminated; yet such
   things must be ascribed to them by the poets and in the theatres, that
   they may be pleased with them.  Vulcan and Minerva are said to have
   been the parents of Ericthonius king of Athens, in whose last years
   Joshua the son of Nun is found to have died.  But since they will have
   it that Minerva is a virgin, they say that Vulcan, being disturbed in
   the struggle between them, poured out his seed into the earth, and on
   that account the man born of it received that name; for in the Greek
   language eris is "strife," and chthon "earth," of which two words
   Ericthonius is a compound.  Yet it must be admitted that the more
   learned disprove and disown such things concerning their gods, and
   declare that this fabulous belief originated in the fact that in the
   temple at Athens, which Vulcan and Minerva had in common, a boy who had
   been exposed was found wrapped up in the coils of a dragon, which
   signified that he would become great, and, as his parents were unknown,
   he was called the son of Vulcan and Minerva, because they had the
   temple in common.  Yet that fable accounts for the origin of his name
   better than this history.  But what does it matter to us?  Let the one
   in books that speak the truth edify religious men, and the other in
   lying fables delight impure demons.  Yet these religious men worship
   them as gods.  Still, while they deny these things concerning them they
   cannot clear them of all crime, because at their demand they exhibit
   plays in which the very things they wisely deny are basely done, and
   the gods are appeased by these false and base things.  Now, even
   although the play celebrates an unreal crime of the gods, yet to
   delight in the ascription of an unreal crime is a real one.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1139] The priests who officiated at the Lupercalia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--What Fables Were Invented at the Time When Judges Began to
   Rule the Hebrews.

   After the death of Joshua the son of Nun, the people of God had judges,
   in whose times they were alternately humbled by afflictions on account
   of their sins, and consoled by prosperity through the compassion of
   God.  In those times were invented the fables about Triptolemus, who,
   at the command of Ceres, borne by winged snakes, bestowed corn on the
   needy lands in flying over them; about that beast the Minotaur, which
   was shut up in the Labyrinth, from which men who entered its
   inextricable mazes could find no exit; about the Centaurs, whose form
   was a compound of horse and man; about Cerberus, the three-headed dog
   of hell; about Phryxus and his sister Hellas, who fled, borne by a
   winged ram; about the Gorgon, whose hair was composed of serpents, and
   who turned those who looked on her into stone; about Bellerophon, who
   was carried by a winged horse called Pegasus; about Amphion, who
   charmed and attracted the stones by the sweetness of his harp; about
   the artificer Dædalus and his son Icarus, who flew on wings they had
   fitted on; about OEdipus, who compelled a certain four-footed monster
   with a human face, called a sphynx, to destroy herself by casting
   herself headlong, having solved the riddle she was wont to propose as
   insoluble; about Antæus, who was the son of the earth, for which
   reason, on falling on the earth, he was wont to rise up stronger, whom
   Hercules slew; and perhaps there are others which I have forgotten.
   These fables, easily found in histories containing a true account of
   events, bring us down to the Trojan war, at which Marcus Varro has
   closed his second book about the race of the Roman people; and they are
   so skillfully invented by men as to involve no scandal to the gods.
   But whoever have pretended as to Jupiter's rape of Ganymede, a very
   beautiful boy, that king Tantalus committed the crime, and the fable
   ascribed it to Jupiter; or as to his impregnating Danäe as a golden
   shower, that it means that the woman's virtue was corrupted by gold:
   whether these things were really done or only fabled in those days, or
   were really done by others and falsely ascribed to Jupiter, it is
   impossible to tell how much wickedness must have been taken for granted
   in men's hearts that they should be thought able to listen to such lies
   with patience.  And yet they willingly accepted them, when, indeed, the
   more devotedly they worshipped Jupiter, they ought the more severely to
   have punished those who durst say such things of him.  But they not
   only were not angry at those who invented these things, but were afraid
   that the gods would be angry at them if they did not act such fictions
   even in the theatres.  In those times Latona bore Apollo, not him of
   whose oracle we have spoken above as so often consulted, but him who is
   said, along with Hercules, to have fed the flocks of king Admetus; yet
   he was so believed to be a god, that very many, indeed almost all, have
   believed him to be the selfsame Apollo.  Then also Father Liber made
   war in India, and led in his army many women called Bacchæ, who were
   notable not so much for valor as for fury.  Some, indeed, write that
   this Liber was both conquered and bound and some that he was slain in
   Persia, even telling where he was buried; and yet in his name, as that
   of a god, the unclean demons have instituted the sacred, or rather the
   sacrilegious, Bacchanalia, of the outrageous vileness of which the
   senate, after many years, became so much ashamed as to prohibit them in
   the city of Rome.  Men believed that in those times Perseus and his
   wife Andromeda were raised into heaven after their death, so that they
   were not ashamed or afraid to mark out their images by constellations,
   and call them by their names.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Theological Poets.

   During the same period of time arose the poets, who were also called
   theologues, because they made hymns about the gods; yet about such gods
   as, although great men, were yet but men, or the elements of this world
   which the true God made, or creatures who were ordained as
   principalities and powers according to the will of the Creator and
   their own merit.  And if, among much that was vain and false, they sang
   anything of the one true God, yet, by worshipping Him along with others
   who are not gods, and showing them the service that is due to Him
   alone, they did not serve Him at all rightly; and even such poets as
   Orpheus, Musæus, and Linus, were unable to abstain from dishonoring
   their gods by fables.  But yet these theologues worshipped the gods,
   and were not worshipped as gods, although the city of the ungodly is
   wont, I know not how, to set Orpheus over the sacred, or rather
   sacrilegious, rites of hell.  The wife of king Athamas, who was called
   Ino, and her son Melicertes, perished by throwing themselves into the
   sea, and were, according to popular belief, reckoned among the gods,
   like other men of the same times, [among whom were] Castor and Pollux.
   The Greeks, indeed, called her who was the mother of Melicertes,
   Leucothea, the Latins, Matuta; but both thought her a goddess.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Of the Fall of the Kingdom of Argos, When Picus the Son of
   Saturn First Received His Father's Kingdom of Laurentum.

   During those times the kingdom of Argos came to an end; being
   transferred to Mycene, from which Agamemnon came, and the kingdom of
   Laurentum arose, of which Picus son of Saturn was the first king, when
   the woman Deborah judged the Hebrews; but it was the Spirit of God who
   used her as His agent, for she was also a prophetess, although her
   prophecy is so obscure that we could not demonstrate, without a long
   discussion, that it was uttered concerning Christ.  Now the Laurentes
   already reigned in Italy, from whom the origin of the Roman people is
   quite evidently derived after the Greeks; yet the kingdom of Assyria
   still lasted, in which Lampares was the twenty-third king when Picus
   first began to reign at Laurentum.  The worshippers of such gods may
   see what they are to think of Saturn the father of Picus, who deny that
   he was a man; of whom some also have written that he himself reigned in
   Italy before Picus his son; and Virgil in his well-known book says,

   "That race indocile, and through mountains high

   Dispersed, he settled, and endowed with laws,

   And named their country Latium, because

   Latent within their coasts he dwelt secure.

   Tradition says the golden ages pure

   Began when he was king." [1140]

   But they regard these as poetic fancies, and assert that the father of
   Picus was Sterces rather, and relate that, being a most skillful
   husbandman, he discovered that the fields could be fertilized by the
   dung of animals, which is called stercus from his name.  Some say he
   was called Stercutius.  But for whatever reason they chose to call him
   Saturn, it is yet certain they made this Sterces or Stercutius a god
   for his merit in agriculture; and they likewise received into the
   number of these gods Picus his son, whom they affirm to have been a
   famous augur and warrior.  Picus begot Faunus, the second king of
   Laurentum; and he too is, or was, a god with them.  These divine honors
   they gave to dead men before the Trojan war.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1140] Æneid, viii. 321.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of Diomede, Who After the Destruction of Troy Was Placed
   Among the Gods, While His Companions are Said to Have Been Changed into
   Birds.

   Troy was overthrown, and its destruction was everywhere sung and made
   well known even to boys; for it was signally published and spread
   abroad, both by its own greatness and by writers of excellent style.
   And this was done in the reign of Latinus the son of Faunus, from whom
   the kingdom began to be called Latium instead of Laurentum.  The
   victorious Greeks, on leaving Troy destroyed and returning to their own
   countries, were torn and crushed by divers and horrible calamities.
   Yet even from among them they increased the number of their gods for
   they made Diomede a god.  They allege that his return home was
   prevented by a divinely imposed punishment, and they prove, not by
   fabulous and poetic falsehood, but by historic attestation, that his
   companions were turned into birds.  Yet they think that, even although
   he was made a god, he could neither restore them to the human form by
   his own power, nor yet obtain it from Jupiter his king, as a favor
   granted to a new inhabitant of heaven.  They also say that his temple
   is in the island of Diomedæa, not far from Mount Garganus in Apulia,
   and that these birds fly round about this temple, and worship in it
   with such wonderful obedience, that they fill their beaks with water
   and sprinkle it; and if Greeks, or those born of the Greek race, come
   there, they are not only still, but fly to meet them; but if they are
   foreigners, they fly up at their heads, and wound them with such severe
   strokes as even to kill them.  For they are said to be well enough
   armed for these combats with their hard and large beaks.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--What Varro Says of the Incredible Transformations of Men.

   In support of this story, Varro relates others no less incredible about
   that most famous sorceress Circe, who changed the companions of Ulysses
   into beasts, and about the Arcadians, who, by lot, swam across a
   certain pool, and were turned into wolves there, and lived in the
   deserts of that region with wild beasts like themselves.  But if they
   never fed on human flesh for nine years, they were restored to the
   human form on swimming back again through the same pool.  Finally, he
   expressly names one Demænetus, who, on tasting a boy offered up in
   sacrifice by the Arcadians to their god Lycæus according to their
   custom, was changed into a wolf, and, being restored to his proper form
   in the tenth year, trained himself as a pugilist, and was victorious at
   the Olympic games.  And the same historian thinks that the epithet
   Lycæus was applied in Arcadia to Pan and Jupiter for no other reason
   than this metamorphosis of men into wolves, because it was thought it
   could not be wrought except by a divine power.  For a wolf is called in
   Greek lukos, from which the name Lycæus appears to be formed.  He says
   also that the Roman Luperci were as it were sprung of the seed of these
   mysteries.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--What We Should Believe Concerning the Transformations
   Which Seem to Happen to Men Through the Art of Demons.

   Perhaps our readers expect us to say something about this so great
   delusion wrought by the demons; and what shall we say but that men must
   fly out of the midst of Babylon? [1141]   For this prophetic precept is
   to be understood spiritually in this sense, that by going forward in
   the living God, by the steps of faith, which worketh by love, we must
   flee out of the city of this world, which is altogether a society of
   ungodly angels and men.  Yea, the greater we see the power of the
   demons to be in these depths, so much the more tenaciously must we
   cleave to the Mediator through whom we ascend from these lowest to the
   highest places.  For if we should say these things are not to be
   credited, there are not wanting even now some who would affirm that
   they had either heard on the best authority, or even themselves
   experienced, something of that kind.  Indeed we ourselves, when in
   Italy, heard such things about a certain region there where landladies
   of inns, imbued with these wicked arts, were said to be in the habit of
   giving to such travellers as they chose, or could manage, something in
   a piece of cheese by which they were changed on the spot into beasts of
   burden, and carried whatever was necessary, and were restored to their
   own form when the work was done.  Yet their mind did not become
   bestial, but remained rational and human, just as Apuleius, in the
   books he wrote with the title of The Golden Ass, has told, or feigned,
   that it happened to his own self that, on taking poison, he became an
   ass, while retaining his human mind.

   These things are either false, or so extraordinary as to be with good
   reason disbelieved.  But it is to be most firmly believed that Almighty
   God can do whatever He pleases, whether in punishing or favoring, and
   that the demons can accomplish nothing by their natural power (for
   their created being is itself angelic, although made malign by their
   own fault), except what He may permit, whose judgments are often
   hidden, but never unrighteous.  And indeed the demons, if they really
   do such things as these on which this discussion turns, do not create
   real substances, but only change the appearance of things created by
   the true God so as to make them seem to be what they are not.  I cannot
   therefore believe that even the body, much less the mind, can really be
   changed into bestial forms and lineaments by any reason, art, or power
   of the demons; but the phantasm of a man which even in thought or
   dreams goes through innumerable changes may, when the man's senses are
   laid asleep or overpowered, be presented to the senses of others in a
   corporeal form, in some indescribable way unknown to me, so that men's
   bodies themselves may lie somewhere, alive, indeed, yet with their
   senses locked up much more heavily and firmly than by sleep, while that
   phantasm, as it were embodied in the shape of some animal, may appear
   to the senses of others, and may even seem to the man himself to be
   changed, just as he may seem to himself in sleep to be so changed, and
   to bear burdens; and these burdens, if they are real substances, are
   borne by the demons, that men may be deceived by beholding at the same
   time the real substance of the burdens and the simulated bodies of the
   beasts of burden.  For a certain man called Præstantius used to tell
   that it had happened to his father in his own house, that he took that
   poison in a piece of cheese, and lay in his bed as if sleeping, yet
   could by no means be aroused.  But he said that after a few days he as
   it were woke up and related the things he had suffered as if they had
   been dreams, namely, that he had been made a sumpter horse, and, along
   with other beasts of burden, had carried provisions for the soldiers of
   what is called the Rhoetian Legion, because it was sent to Rhoetia.
   And all this was found to have taken place just as he told, yet it had
   seemed to him to be his own dream.  And another man declared that in
   his own house at night, before he slept, he saw a certain philosopher,
   whom he knew very well, come to him and explain to him some things in
   the Platonic philosophy which he had previously declined to explain
   when asked.  And when he had asked this philosopher why he did in his
   house what he had refused to do at home, he said, "I did not do it, but
   I dreamed I had done it."  And thus what the one saw when sleeping was
   shown to the other when awake by a phantasmal image.

   These things have not come to us from persons we might deem unworthy of
   credit, but from informants we could not suppose to be deceiving us.
   Therefore what men say and have committed to writing about the
   Arcadians being often changed into wolves by the Arcadian gods, or
   demons rather, and what is told in song about Circe transforming the
   companions of Ulysses, [1142] if they were really done, may, in my
   opinion, have been done in the way I have said.  As for Diomede's
   birds, since their race is alleged to have been perpetuated by constant
   propagation, I believe they were not made through the metamorphosis of
   men, but were slyly substituted for them on their removal, just as the
   hind was for Iphigenia, the daughter of king Agamemnon.  For juggleries
   of this kind could not be difficult for the demons if permitted by the
   judgment of God; and since that virgin was afterwards, found alive it
   is easy to see that a hind had been slyly substituted for her.  But
   because the companions of Diomede were of a sudden nowhere to be seen,
   and afterwards could nowhere be found, being destroyed by bad avenging
   angels, they were believed to have been changed into those birds, which
   were secretly brought there from other places where such birds were,
   and suddenly substituted for them by fraud.  But that they bring water
   in their beaks and sprinkle it on the temple of Diomede, and that they
   fawn on men of Greek race and persecute aliens, is no wonderful thing
   to be done by the inward influence of the demons, whose interest it is
   to persuade men that Diomede was made a god, and thus to beguile them
   into worshipping many false gods, to the great dishonor of the true
   God; and to serve dead men, who even in their lifetime did not truly
   live, with temples, altars, sacrifices, and priests, all which, when of
   the right kind, are due only to the one living and true God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1141] Isa. xlviii. 20.

   [1142] Virgil, Eclogue, viii. 70.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--That Æneas Came into Italy When Abdon the Judge Ruled Over
   the Hebrews.

   After the capture and destruction of Troy, Æneas, with twenty ships
   laden with the Trojan relics, came into Italy, when Latinus reigned
   there, Menestheus in Athens, Polyphidos in Sicyon, and Tautanos in
   Assyria, and Abdon was judge of the Hebrews.  On the death of Latinus,
   Æneas reigned three years, the same kings continuing in the above-named
   places, except that Pelasgus was now king in Sicyon, and Samson was
   judge of the Hebrews, who is thought to be Hercules, because of his
   wonderful strength.  Now the Latins made Æneas one of their gods,
   because at his death he was nowhere to be found.  The Sabines also
   placed among the gods their first king, Sancus, [Sangus], or Sanctus,
   as some call him.  At that time Codrus king of Athens exposed himself
   incognito to be slain by the Peloponnesian foes of that city, and so
   was slain.  In this way, they say, he delivered his country.  For the
   Peloponnesians had received a response from the oracle, that they
   should overcome the Athenians only on condition that they did not slay
   their king.  Therefore he deceived them by appearing in a poor man's
   dress, and provoking them, by quarrelling, to murder him.  Whence
   Virgil says, "Or the quarrels of Codrus." [1143]   And the Athenians
   worshipped this man as a god with sacrificial honors.  The fourth king
   of the Latins was Silvius the son of Æneas, not by Creüsa, of whom
   Ascanius the third king was born, but by Lavinia the daughter of
   Latinus, and he is said to have been his posthumous child.  Oneus was
   the twenty-ninth king of Assyria, Melanthus the sixteenth of the
   Athenians, and Eli the priest was judge of the Hebrews; and the kingdom
   of Sicyon then came to an end, after lasting, it is said, for nine
   hundred and fifty-nine years.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1143] Virgil, Eclogue, v. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of the Succession of the Line of Kings Among the
   Israelites After the Times of the Judges.

   While these kings reigned in the places mentioned, the period of the
   judges being ended, the kingdom of Israel next began with king Saul,
   when Samuel the prophet lived.  At that date those Latin kings began
   who were surnamed Silvii, having that surname, in addition to their
   proper name, from their predecessor, that son of Æneas who was called
   Silvius; just as, long afterward, the successors of Cæsar Augustus were
   surnamed Cæsars.  Saul being rejected, so that none of his issue should
   reign, on his death David succeeded him in the kingdom, after he had
   reigned forty years.  Then the Athenians ceased to have kings after the
   death of Codrus, and began to have a magistracy to rule the republic.
   After David, who also reigned forty years, his son Solomon was king of
   Israel, who built that most noble temple of God at Jerusalem.  In his
   time Alba was built among the Latins, from which thereafter the kings
   began to be styled kings not of the Latins, but of the Albans, although
   in the same Latium.  Solomon was succeeded by his son Rehoboam, under
   whom that people was divided into two kingdoms, and its separate parts
   began to have separate kings.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of the Kings of Latium, the First and Twelfth of Whom,
   Æneas and Aventinus, Were Made Gods.

   After Æneas, whom they deified, Latium had eleven kings, none of whom
   was deified.  But Aventinus, who was the twelfth after Æneas, having
   been laid low in war, and buried in that hill still called by his name,
   was added to the number of such gods as they made for themselves.
   Some, indeed, were unwilling to write that he was slain in battle, but
   said he was nowhere to be found, and that it was not from his name, but
   from the alighting of birds, that hill was called Aventinus. [1144]
   After this no god was made in Latium except Romulus the founder of
   Rome.  But two kings are found between these two, the first of whom I
   shall describe in the Virgilian verse:

   "Next came that Procas, glory of the Trojan race." [1145]

   That greatest of all kingdoms, the Assyrian, had its long duration
   brought to a close in his time, the time of Rome's birth drawing nigh.
   For the Assyrian empire was transferred to the Medes after nearly
   thirteen hundred and five years, if we include the reign of Belus, who
   begot Ninus, and, content with a small kingdom, was the first king
   there.  Now Procas reigned before Amulius.  And Amulius had made his
   brother Numitor's daughter, Rhea by name, who was also called Ilia, a
   vestal virgin, who conceived twin sons by Mars, as they will have it,
   in that way honoring or excusing her adultery, adding as a proof that a
   she-wolf nursed the infants when exposed.  For they think this kind of
   beast belongs to Mars so that the she-wolf is believed to have given
   her teats to the infants, because she knew they were the sons of Mars
   her lord; although there are not wanting persons who say that when the
   crying babes lay exposed, they were first of all picked up by I know
   not what harlot, and sucked her breasts first (now harlots were called
   lupæ, she-wolves, from which their vile abodes are even yet called
   lupanaria), and that afterwards they came into the hands of the
   shepherd Faustulus, and were nursed by Acca his wife.  Yet what wonder
   is it, if, to rebuke the king who had cruelly ordered them to be thrown
   into the water, God was pleased, after divinely delivering them from
   the water, to succor, by means of a wild beast giving milk, these
   infants by whom so great a city was to be founded?  Amulius was
   succeeded in the Latian kingdom by his brother Numitor, the grandfather
   of Romulus; and Rome was founded in the first year of this Numitor, who
   from that time reigned along with his grandson Romulus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1144] Varro, De Lingua Latina, v. 43.

   [1145] Æneid,vi. 767.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--That Rome Was Founded When the Assyrian Kingdom Perished,
   at Which Time Hezekiah Reigned in Judah.

   To be brief, the city of Rome was founded, like another Babylon, and as
   it were the daughter of the former Babylon, by which God was pleased to
   conquer the whole world, and subdue it far and wide by bringing it into
   one fellowship of government and laws.  For there were already powerful
   and brave peoples and nations trained to arms, who did not easily
   yield, and whose subjugation necessarily involved great danger and
   destruction as well as great and horrible labor.  For when the Assyrian
   kingdom subdued almost all Asia, although this was done by fighting,
   yet the wars could not be very fierce or difficult, because the nations
   were as yet untrained to resist, and neither so many nor so great as
   afterward; forasmuch as, after that greatest and indeed universal
   flood, when only eight men escaped in Noah's ark, not much more than a
   thousand years had passed when Ninus subdued all Asia with the
   exception of India.  But Rome did not with the same quickness and
   facility wholly subdue all those nations of the east and west which we
   see brought under the Roman empire, because, in its gradual increase,
   in whatever direction it was extended, it found them strong and
   warlike.  At the time when Rome was founded, then, the people of Israel
   had been in the land of promise seven hundred and eighteen years.  Of
   these years twenty-seven belong to Joshua the son of Nun, and after
   that three hundred and twenty-nine to the period of the judges.  But
   from the time when the kings began to reign there, three hundred and
   sixty-two years had passed.  And at that time there was a king in Judah
   called Ahaz, or, as others compute, Hezekiah his successor, the best
   and most pious king, who it is admitted reigned in the times of
   Romulus.  And in that part of the Hebrew nation called Israel, Hoshea
   had begun to reign.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Of the Erythræan Sibyl, Who is Known to Have Sung Many
   Things About Christ More Plainly Than the Other Sibyls. [1146]

   Some say the Erythræan sibyl prophesied at this time.  Now Varro
   declares there were many sibyls, and not merely one.  This sibyl of
   Erythræ certainly wrote some things concerning Christ which are quite
   manifest, and we first read them in the Latin tongue in verses of bad
   Latin, and unrhythmical, through the unskillfulness, as we afterwards
   learned, of some interpreter unknown to me.  For Flaccianus, a very
   famous man, who was also a proconsul, a man of most ready eloquence and
   much learning, when we were speaking about Christ, produced a Greek
   manuscript, saying that it was the prophecies of the Erythræan sibyl,
   in which he pointed out a certain passage which had the initial letters
   of the lines so arranged that these words could be read in them:
   'Iesous Christos Theou uios soter, which means, "Jesus Christ the Son
   of God, the Saviour."  And these verses, of which the initial letters
   yield that meaning, contain what follows as translated by some one into
   Latin in good rhythm:

   I            Judgment shall moisten the earth with the sweat of its
   standard,

   E   Ever enduring, behold the King shall come through the ages,

   S    Sent to be here in the flesh, and Judge at the last of the world.

   O   O God, the believing and faithless alike shall behold Thee

   U   Uplifted with saints, when at last the ages are ended.

   S    Seated before Him are souls in the flesh for His judgment.

   Ch   Hid in thick vapors, the while desolate lieth the earth.

   R            Rejected by men are the idols and long hidden treasures;

   E    Earth is consumed by the fire, and it searcheth the ocean and
   heaven;

   I     Issuing forth, it destroyeth the terrible portals of hell.

   S    Saints in their body and soul freedom and light shall inherit;

   T    Those who are guilty shall burn in fire and brimstone for ever.

   O   Occult actions revealing, each one shall publish his secrets;

   S    Secrets of every man's heart God shall reveal in the light.

   Th   Then shall be weeping and wailing, yea, and gnashing of teeth;

   E            Eclipsed is the sun, and silenced the stars in their
   chorus.

   O   Over and gone is the splendor of moonlight, melted the heaven,

   U   Uplifted by Him are the valleys, and cast down the mountains.

   U   Utterly gone among men are distinctions of lofty and lowly.

   I     Into the plains rush the hills, the skies and oceans are mingled.

   O   Oh, what an end of all things! earth broken in pieces shall perish;

   S   .   .   .   .    Swelling together at once shall the waters and
   flames flow in rivers.

   S            Sounding the archangel's trumpet shall peal down from
   heaven,

   O   Over the wicked who groan in their guilt and their manifold
   sorrows.

   T            Trembling, the earth shall be opened, revealing chaos and
   hell.

   E   Every king before God shall stand in that day to be judged.

   R    Rivers of fire and brimstone shall fall from the heavens.

   In these Latin verses the meaning of the Greek is correctly given,
   although not in the exact order of the lines as connected with the
   initial letters; for in three of them, the fifth, eighteenth, and
   nineteenth, where the Greek letter U occurs, Latin words could not be
   found beginning with the corresponding letter, and yielding a suitable
   meaning.  So that, if we note down together the initial letters of all
   the lines in our Latin translation except those three in which we
   retain the letter U in the proper place, they will express in five
   Greek words this meaning, "Jesus Christ the Son of God, the Saviour."
   And the verses are twenty-seven, which is the cube of three.  For three
   times three are nine; and nine itself, if tripled, so as to rise from
   the superficial square to the cube, comes to twenty-seven.  But if you
   join the initial letters of these five Greek words, 'Iesous Christos
   Theou uios soter, which mean, "Jesus Christ the Son of God, the
   Saviour," they will make the word ichdus, that is, "fish," in which
   word Christ is mystically understood, because He was able to live, that
   is, to exist, without sin in the abyss of this mortality as in the
   depth of waters. [1147]

   But this sibyl, whether she is the Erythræan, or, as some rather
   believe, the Cumæan, in her whole poem, of which this is a very small
   portion, not only has nothing that can relate to the worship of the
   false or feigned gods, but rather speaks against them and their
   worshippers in such a way that we might even think she ought to be
   reckoned among those who belong to the city of God.  Lactantius also
   inserted in his work the prophecies about Christ of a certain sibyl, he
   does not say which.  But I have thought fit to combine in a single
   extract, which may seem long, what he has set down in many short
   quotations.  She says, "Afterward He shall come into the injurious
   hands of the unbelieving, and they will give God buffets with profane
   hands, and with impure mouth will spit out envenomed spittle; but He
   will with simplicity yield His holy back to stripes.  And He will hold
   His peace when struck with the fist, that no one may find out what
   word, or whence, He comes to speak to hell; and He shall be crowned
   with a crown of thorns.  And they gave Him gall for meat, and vinegar
   for His thirst:  they will spread this table of inhospitality.  For
   thou thyself, being foolish, hast not understood thy God, deluding the
   minds of mortals, but hast both crowned Him with thorns and mingled for
   Him bitter gall.  But the veil of the temple shall be rent; and at
   midday it shall be darker than night for three hours.  And He shall die
   the death, taking sleep for three days; and then returning from hell,
   He first shall come to the light, the beginning of the resurrection
   being shown to the recalled."  Lactantius made use of these sibylline
   testimonies, introducing them bit by bit in the course of his
   discussion as the things he intended to prove seemed to require, and we
   have set them down in one connected series, uninterrupted by comment,
   only taking care to mark them by capitals, if only the transcribers do
   not neglect to preserve them hereafter.  Some writers, indeed, say that
   the Erythræan sibyl was not in the time of Romulus, but of the Trojan
   war.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1146] The Sibylline Oracles are a collection of prophecies and
   religious teachings in Greek hexameter under the assumed authority and
   inspiration of a Sibyl, i.e., a female prophet.  They are partly of
   heathen, partly of Jewish-Christian origin.  They were used by the
   fathers against the heathen as genuine prophecies without critical
   discrimination, and they appear also in the famous Dies iræ alongside
   with David as witnesses of the future judgment ("teste David cum
   Sibylla.")  They were edited by Alexander, Paris, 2d. ed. 1869, and by
   Friedlieb (in Greek and German), Leipzig, 1852.  Comp. Ewald:  Ueber
   Entstehung, Inhalt und Werth der sibyll.  Bücher, 1858, and Schürer,
   Geschichte der jüd.  Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu (Leipzig, 1885), ii. §
   33, pp. 700 sqq., Engl. transl. (Hist. of the Jews in the times of
   Jesus.  Edinburgh and New York, 1886), vol. iii. 271 sqq.--P.S.]

   [1147] [Hence the fish was a favorite symbol of the ancient
   Christians.  See Schaff, Church Hist. (revised ed.), vol. ii. 279
   sq.--P.S.]
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--That the Seven Sages Flourished in the Reign of Romulus,
   When the Ten Tribes Which Were Called Israel Were Led into Captivity by
   the Chaldeans, and Romulus, When Dead, Had Divine Honors Conferred on
   Him.

   While Romulus reigned, Thales the Milesian is said to have lived, being
   one of the seven sages, who succeeded the theological poets, of whom
   Orpheus was the most renowned, and were called Sophoi, that is, sages.
   During that time the ten tribes, which on the division of the people
   were called Israel, were conquered by the Chaldeans and led captive
   into their lands, while the two tribes which were called Judah, and had
   the seat of their kingdom in Jerusalem, remained in the land of Judea.
   As Romulus, when dead, could nowhere be found, the Romans, as is
   everywhere notorious, placed him among the gods,--a thing which by that
   time had already ceased to be done, and which was not done afterwards
   till the time of the Cæsars, and then not through error, but in
   flattery; so that Cicero ascribes great praises to Romulus, because he
   merited such honors not in rude and unlearned times, when men were
   easily deceived, but in times already polished and learned, although
   the subtle and acute loquacity of the philosophers had not yet
   culminated.  But although the later times did not deify dead men, still
   they did not cease to hold and worship as gods those deified of old;
   nay, by images, which the ancients never had, they even increased the
   allurements of vain and impious superstition, the unclean demons
   effecting this in their heart, and also deceiving them by lying
   oracles, so that even the fabulous crimes of the gods, which were not
   once imagined by a more polite age, were yet basely acted in the plays
   in honor of these same false deities.  Numa reigned after Romulus; and
   although he had thought that Rome would be better defended the more
   gods there were, yet on his death he himself was not counted worthy of
   a place among them, as if it were supposed that he had so crowded
   heaven that a place could not be found for him there.  They report that
   the Samian sibyl lived while he reigned at Rome, and when Manasseh
   began to reign over the Hebrews,--an impious king, by whom the prophet
   Isaiah is said to have been slain.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--What Philosophers Were Famous When Tarquinius Priscus
   Reigned Over the Romans, and Zedekiah Over the Hebrews, When Jerusalem
   Was Taken and the Temple Overthrown.

   When Zedekiah reigned over the Hebrews, and Tarquinius Priscus, the
   successor of Ancus Martius, over the Romans, the Jewish people was led
   captive into Babylon, Jerusalem and the temple built by Solomon being
   overthrown.  For the prophets, in chiding them for their iniquity and
   impiety, predicted that these things should come to pass, especially
   Jeremiah, who even stated the number of years.  Pittacus of Mitylene,
   another of the sages, is reported to have lived at that time.  And
   Eusebius writes that, while the people of God were held captive in
   Babylon, the five other sages lived, who must be added to Thales, whom
   we mentioned above, and Pittacus, in order to make up the seven.  These
   are Solon of Athens, Chilo of Lacedæmon, Periander of Corinth,
   Cleobulus of Lindus, and Bias of Priene.  These flourished after the
   theological poets, and were called sages, because they excelled other
   men in a certain laudable line of life, and summed up some moral
   precepts in epigrammatic sayings.  But they left posterity no literary
   monuments, except that Solon is alleged to have given certain laws to
   the Athenians, and Thales was a natural philosopher, and left books of
   his doctrine in short proverbs.  In that time of the Jewish captivity,
   Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Xenophanes, the natural philosophers,
   flourished.  Pythagoras also lived then, and at this time the name
   philosopher was first used.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--That at the Time When the Captivity of the Jews Was
   Brought to an End, on the Completion of Seventy Years, the Romans Also
   Were Freed from Kingly Rule.

   At this time, Cyrus king of Persia, who also ruled the Chaldeans and
   Assyrians, having somewhat relaxed the captivity of the Jews, made
   fifty thousand of them return in order to rebuild the temple.  They
   only began the first foundations and built the altar; but, owing to
   hostile invasions, they were unable to go on, and the work was put off
   to the time of Darius.  During the same time also those things were
   done which are written in the book of Judith, which, indeed, the Jews
   are said not to have received into the canon of the Scriptures.  Under
   Darius king of Persia, then, on the completion of the seventy years
   predicted by Jeremiah the prophet, the captivity of the Jews was
   brought to an end, and they were restored to liberty.  Tarquin then
   reigned as the seventh king of the Romans.  On his expulsion, they also
   began to be free from the rule of their kings.  Down to this time the
   people of Israel had prophets; but, although they were numerous, the
   canonical writings of only a few of them have been preserved among the
   Jews and among us.  In closing the previous book, I promised to set
   down something in this one about them, and I shall now do so.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of the Times of the Prophets Whose Oracles are Contained
   in Books and Who Sang Many Things About the Call of the Gentiles at the
   Time When the Roman Kingdom Began and the Assyrian Came to an End.

   In order that we may be able to consider these times, let us go back a
   little to earlier times.  At the beginning of the book of the prophet
   Hosea, who is placed first of twelve, it is written, "The word of the
   Lord which came to Hosea in the days of Uzziah, Jothan, Ahaz, and
   Hezekiah, kings of Judah." [1148]   Amos also writes that he prophesied
   in the days of Uzziah, and adds the name of Jeroboam king of Israel,
   who lived at the same time. [1149]   Isaiah the son of Amos--either the
   above-named prophet, or, as is rather affirmed, another who was not a
   prophet, but was called by the same name--also puts at the head of his
   book these four kings named by Hosea, saying by way of preface that he
   prophesied in their days. [1150]   Micah also names the same times as
   those of his prophecy, after the days of Uzziah; [1151] for he names
   the same three kings as Hosea named,--Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah.  We
   find from their own writings that these men prophesied
   contemporaneously.  To these are added Jonah in the reign of Uzziah,
   and Joel in that of Jotham, who succeeded Uzziah.  But we can find the
   date of these two prophets in the chronicles, [1152] not in their own
   writings, for they say nothing about it themselves.  Now these days
   extend from Procas king of the Latins, or his predecessor Aventinus,
   down to Romulus king of the Romans, or even to the beginning of the
   reign of his successor Numa Pompilius.  Hezekiah king of Judah
   certainly reigned till then.  So that thus these fountains of prophecy,
   as I may call them, burst forth at once during those times when the
   Assyrian kingdom failed and the Roman began; so that, just as in the
   first period of the Assyrian kingdom Abraham arose, to whom the most
   distinct promises were made that all nations should be blessed in his
   seed, so at the beginning of the western Babylon, in the time of whose
   government Christ was to come in whom these promises were to be
   fulfilled, the oracles of the prophets were given not only in spoken
   but in written words, for a testimony that so great a thing should come
   to pass.  For although the people of Israel hardly ever lacked prophets
   from the time when they began to have kings, these were only for their
   own use, not for that of the nations.  But when the more manifestly
   prophetic Scripture began to be formed, which was to benefit the
   nations too, it was fitting that it should begin when this city was
   founded which was to rule the nations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1148] Hos. i. 1.

   [1149] Amos i. 1.

   [1150] Isa. i. 1.  Isaiah's father was Amoz, a different name.

   [1151] Mic. i. 1.

   [1152] The chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--Of the Things Pertaining to the Gospel of Christ Which
   Hosea and Amos Prohesied.

   The prophet Hosea speaks so very profoundly that it is laborious work
   to penetrate his meaning.  But, according to promise, we must insert
   something from his book.  He says, "And it shall come to pass that in
   the place where it was said unto them, Ye are not my people, there they
   shall be called the sons of the living God." [1153]   Even the apostles
   understood this as a prophetic testimony of the calling of the nations
   who did not formerly belong to God; and because this same people of the
   Gentiles is itself spiritually among the children of Abraham, and for
   that reason is rightly called Israel, therefore he goes on to say, "And
   the children of Judah and the children of Israel shall be gathered
   together in one, and shall appoint themselves one headship, and shall
   ascend from the earth." [1154]   We should but weaken the savor of this
   prophetic oracle if we set ourselves to expound it.  Let the reader but
   call to mind that cornerstone and those two walls of partition, the one
   of the Jews, the other of the Gentiles, [1155] and he will recognize
   them, the one under the term sons of Judah, the other as sons of
   Israel, supporting themselves by one and the same headship, and
   ascending from the earth.  But that those carnal Israelites who are now
   unwilling to believe in Christ shall afterward believe, that is, their
   children shall (for they themselves, of course, shall go to their own
   place by dying), this same prophet testifies, saying, "For the children
   of Israel shall abide many days without a king, without a prince,
   without a sacrifice, without an altar, without a priesthood, without
   manifestations." [1156]   Who does not see that the Jews are now thus?
   But let us hear what he adds:  "And afterward shall the children of
   Israel return, and seek the Lord their God, and David their king, and
   shall be amazed at the Lord and at His goodness in the latter days."
   [1157] Nothing is clearer than this prophecy, in which by David, as
   distinguished by the title of king, Christ is to be understood, "who is
   made," as the apostle says, "of the seed of David according to the
   flesh." [1158]   This prophet has also foretold the resurrection of
   Christ on the third day, as it behoved to be foretold, with prophetic
   loftiness, when he says, "He will heal us after two days, and in the
   third day we shall rise again." [1159]   In agreement with this the
   apostle says to us, "If ye be risen with Christ, seek those things
   which are above." [1160]   Amos also prophesies thus concerning such
   things:  "Prepare thee, that thou mayst invoke thy God, O Israel; for
   lo, I am binding the thunder, and creating the spirit, and announcing
   to men their Christ." [1161]   And in another place he says, "In that
   day will I raise up the tabernacle of David that is fallen, and build
   up the breaches thereof:  and I will raise up his ruins, and will build
   them up again as in the days of old:  that the residue of men may
   inquire for me, and all the nations upon whom my name is invoked, saith
   the Lord that doeth this." [1162]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1153] Hos. i. 10.

   [1154] Hos. i. 11.

   [1155] Gal. ii. 14-20.

   [1156] Hos. iii. 4.

   [1157] Hos. iii. 5.

   [1158] Rom. i. 3.

   [1159] Hos. vi. 2.

   [1160] Col. iii. 1.

   [1161] Amos iv. 12, 13.

   [1162] Amos ix. 11, 12; Acts xv. 15-17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--What Things are Predicted by Isaiah Concerning Christ and
   the Church.

   The prophecy of Isaiah is not in the book of the twelve prophets, who
   are called the minor from the brevity of their writings, as compared
   with those who are called the greater prophets because they published
   larger volumes.  Isaiah belongs to the latter, yet I connect him with
   the two above named, because he prophesied at the same time.  Isaiah,
   then, together with his rebukes of wickedness, precepts of
   righteousness, and predictions of evil, also prophesied much more than
   the rest about Christ and the Church, that is, about the King and that
   city which he founded; so that some say he should be called an
   evangelist rather than a prophet.  But, in order to finish this work, I
   quote only one out of many in this place.  Speaking in the person of
   the Father, he says, "Behold, my servant shall understand, and shall be
   exalted and glorified very much.  As many shall be astonished at Thee."
   [1163]  This is about Christ.

   But let us now hear what follows about the Church.  He says, "Rejoice,
   O barren, thou that barest not; break forth and cry, thou that didst
   not travail with child:  for many more are the children of the desolate
   than of her that has an husband." [1164]   But these must suffice; and
   some things in them ought to be expounded; yet I think those parts
   sufficient which are so plain that even enemies must be compelled
   against their will to understand them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1163] Isa. lii. 13; liii. 13.  Augustin quotes these passages in full.

   [1164] Isa. liv. 1-5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--What Micah, Jonah, and Joel Prophesied in Accordance with
   the New Testament.

   The prophet Micah, representing Christ under the figure of a great
   mountain, speaks thus:  "It shall come to pass in the last days, that
   the manifested mountain of the Lord shall be prepared on the tops of
   the mountains, and it shall be exalted above the hills; and people
   shall hasten unto it.  Many nations shall go, and shall say, Come, let
   us go up into the mountain of the Lord, and into the house of the God
   of Jacob; and He will show us His way, and we will go in His paths:
   for out of Zion shall proceed the law, and the word of the Lord out of
   Jerusalem.  And He shall judge among many people, and rebuke strong
   nations afar off." [1165]   This prophet predicts the very place in
   which Christ was born, saying, "And thou, Bethlehem, of the house of
   Ephratah, art the least that can be reckoned among the thousands of
   Judah; out of thee shall come forth unto me a leader, to be the prince
   in Israel; and His going forth is from the beginning, even from the
   days of eternity.  Therefore will He give them [up] even until the time
   when she that travaileth shall bring forth; and the remnant of His
   brethren shall be converted to the sons of Israel.  And He shall stand,
   and see, and feed His flock in the strength of the Lord, and in the
   dignity of the name of the Lord His God:  for now shall He be magnified
   even to the utmost of the earth." [1166]

   The prophet Jonah, not so much by speech as by his own painful
   experience, prophesied Christ's death and resurrection much more
   clearly than if he had proclaimed them with his voice.  For why was he
   taken into the whale's belly and restored on the third day, but that he
   might be a sign that Christ should return from the depths of hell on
   the third day?

   I should be obliged to use many words in explaining all that Joel
   prophesies in order to make clear those that pertain to Christ and the
   Church.  But there is one passage I must not pass by, which the
   apostles also quoted when the Holy Spirit came down from above on the
   assembled believers according to Christ's promise.  He says, "And it
   shall come to pass after these things, that I will pour out my Spirit
   upon all flesh; and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and
   your old men shall dream, and your young men shall see visions:  and
   even on my servants and mine handmaids in those days will I pour out my
   Spirit." [1167]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1165] Mic. iv. 1-3.

   [1166] Mic. v. 2-4.

   [1167] Joel ii. 28, 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--Of the Predictions Concerning the Salvation of the World
   in Christ, in Obadiah, Nahum, and Habakkuk.

   The date of three of the minor prophets, Obadiah, Nahum, and Habakkuk,
   is neither mentioned by themselves nor given in the chronicles of
   Eusebius and Jerome.  For although they put Obadiah with Micah, yet
   when Micah prophesied does not appear from that part of their writings
   in which the dates are noted.  And this, I think, has happened through
   their error in negligently copying the works of others.  But we could
   not find the two others now mentioned in the copies of the chronicles
   which we have; yet because they are contained in the canon, we ought
   not to pass them by.

   Obadiah, so far as his writings are concerned, the briefest of all the
   prophets, speaks against Idumea, that is, the nation of Esau, that
   reprobate elder of the twin sons of Isaac and grandsons of Abraham.
   Now if, by that form of speech in which a part is put for the whole, we
   take Idumea as put for the nations, we may understand of Christ what he
   says among other things, "But upon Mount Sion shall be safety, and
   there shall be a Holy One." [1168]   And a little after, at the end of
   the same prophecy, he says, "And those who are saved again shall come
   up out of Mount Sion, that they may defend Mount Esau, and it shall be
   a kingdom to the Lord." [1169]   It is quite evident this was fulfilled
   when those saved again out of Mount Sion--that is, the believers in
   Christ from Judea, of whom the apostles are chiefly to be
   acknowledged--went up to defend Mount Esau.  How could they defend it
   except by making safe, through the preaching of the gospel, those who
   believed that they might be "delivered from the power of darkness and
   translated into the kingdom of God?" [1170]   This he expressed as an
   inference, adding, "And it shall be to the Lord a kingdom."  For Mount
   Sion signifies Judea, where it is predicted there shall be safety, and
   a Holy One, that is, Christ Jesus.  But Mount Esau is Idumea, which
   signifies the Church of the Gentiles, which, as I have expounded, those
   saved again out of Sion have defended that it should be a kingdom to
   the Lord.  This was obscure before it took place; but what believer
   does not find it out now that it is done?

   As for the prophet Nahum, through him God says, "I will exterminate the
   graven and the molten things:  I will make thy burial.  For lo, the
   feet of Him that bringeth good tidings and announceth peace are swift
   upon the mountains!  O Judah, celebrate thy festival days, and perform
   thy vows; for now they shall not go on any more so as to become
   antiquated.  It is completed, it is consumed, it is taken away.  He
   ascendeth who breathes in thy face, delivering thee out of
   tribulation." [1171]   Let him that remembers the gospel call to mind
   who hath ascended from hell and breathed the Holy Spirit in the face of
   Judah, that is, of the Jewish disciples; for they belong to the New
   Testament, whose festival days are so spiritually renewed that they
   cannot become antiquated.  Moreover, we already see the graven and
   molten things, that is, the idols of the false gods, exterminated
   through the gospel, and given up to oblivion as of the grave, and we
   know that this prophecy is fulfilled in this very thing.

   Of what else than the advent of Christ, who was to come, is Habakkuk
   understood to say, "And the Lord answered me, and said, Write the
   vision openly on a tablet of boxwood, that he that readeth these things
   may understand.  For the vision is yet for a time appointed, and it
   will arise in the end, and will not become void:  if it tarry, wait for
   it; because it will surely come, and will not be delayed?" [1172]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1168] Obad. 17.

   [1169] Obad. 21.

   [1170] Col. i. 13.

   [1171] Nah. i. 14; ii. 1.

   [1172] Hab. ii. 2, 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--Of the Prophecy that is Contained in the Prayer and Song
   of Habakkuk.

   In his prayer, with a song, to whom but the Lord Christ does he say, "O
   Lord, I have heard Thy hearing, and was afraid:  O Lord, I have
   considered Thy works, and was greatly afraid?" [1173]   What is this
   but the inexpressible admiration of the foreknown, new, and sudden
   salvation of men?  "In the midst of two living creatures thou shalt be
   recognized."  What is this but either between the two testaments, or
   between the two thieves, or between Moses and Elias talking with Him on
   the mount?  "While the years draw nigh, Thou wilt be recognized; at the
   coming of the time Thou wilt be shown," does not even need exposition.
   "While my soul shall be troubled at Him, in wrath Thou wilt be mindful
   of mercy."  What is this but that He puts Himself for the Jews, of
   whose nation He was, who were troubled with great anger and crucified
   Christ, when He, mindful of mercy, said, "Father, forgive them, for
   they know not what they do? [1174]   "God shall come from Teman, and
   the Holy One from the shady and close mountain." [1175]   What is said
   here, "He shall come from Teman," some interpret "from the south," or
   "from the southwest," by which is signified the noonday, that is, the
   fervor of charity and the splendor of truth.  "The shady and close
   mountain" might be understood in many ways, yet I prefer to take it as
   meaning the depth of the divine Scriptures, in which Christ is
   prophesied:  for in the Scriptures there are many things shady and
   close which exercise the mind of the reader; and Christ comes thence
   when he who has understanding finds Him there.  "His power covereth up
   the heavens, and the earth is full of His praise."  What is this but
   what is also said in the psalm, "Be Thou exalted, O God, above the
   heavens; and Thy glory above all the earth?" [1176]   "His splendor
   shall be as the light."  What is it but that the fame of Him shall
   illuminate believers?  "Horns are in His hands."  What is this but the
   trophy of the cross?  "And He hath placed the firm charity of His
   strength" [1177] needs no exposition.  "Before His face shall go the
   word, and it shall go forth into the field after His feet."  What is
   this but that He should both be announced before His coming hither and
   after His return hence?  "He stood, and the earth was moved."  What is
   this but that "He stood" for succor, "and the earth was moved" to
   believe?  "He regarded, and the nations melted;" that is, He had
   compassion, and made the people penitent.  "The mountains are broken
   with violence;" that is, through the power of those who work miracles
   the pride of the haughty is broken.  "The everlasting hills flowed
   down;" that is, they are humbled in time that they may be lifted up for
   eternity.  "I saw His goings [made] eternal for his labors;" that is, I
   beheld His labor of love not left without the reward of eternity.  "The
   tents of Ethiopia shall be greatly afraid, and the tents of the land of
   Midian;" that is, even those nations which are not under the Roman
   authority, being suddenly terrified by the news of Thy wonderful works,
   shall become a Christian people.  "Wert Thou angry at the rivers, O
   Lord? or was Thy fury against the rivers? or was Thy rage against the
   sea?"  This is said because He does not now come to condemn the world,
   but that the world through Him might be saved. [1178]   "For Thou shall
   mount upon Thy horses, and Thy riding shall be salvation;" that is,
   Thine evangelists shall carry Thee, for they are guided by Thee, and
   Thy gospel is salvation to them that believe in Thee.  "Bending, Thou
   wilt bend Thy bow against the sceptres, saith the Lord;" that is, Thou
   wilt threaten even the kings of the earth with Thy judgment.  "The
   earth shall be cleft with rivers;" that is, by the sermons of those who
   preach Thee flowing in upon them, men's hearts shall be opened to make
   confession, to whom it is said, "Rend your hearts and not your
   garments." [1179]   What does "The people shall see Thee and grieve"
   mean, but that in mourning they shall be blessed? [1180]   What is
   "Scattering the waters in marching," but that by walking in those who
   everywhere proclaim Thee, Thou wilt scatter hither and thither the
   streams of Thy doctrine?  What is "The abyss uttered its voice?"  Is it
   not that the depth of the human heart expressed what it perceived?  The
   words, "The depth of its phantasy," are an explanation of the previous
   verse, for the depth is the abyss; and "Uttered its voice" is to be
   understood before them, that is, as we have said, it expressed what it
   perceived.  Now the phantasy is the vision, which it did not hold or
   conceal, but poured forth in confession.  "The sun was raised up, and
   the moon stood still in her course;" that is, Christ ascended into
   heaven, and the Church was established under her King.  "Thy darts
   shall go in the light;" that is, Thy words shall not be sent in secret,
   but openly.  For He had said to His own disciples, "What I tell you in
   darkness, that speak ye in the light." [1181]   "By threatening thou
   shall diminish the earth;" that is, by that threatening Thou shall
   humble men.  "And in fury Thou shall cast down the nations;" for in
   punishing those who exalt themselves Thou dashest them one against
   another.  "Thou wentest forth for the salvation of Thy people, that
   Thou mightest save Thy Christ; Thou hast sent death on the heads of the
   wicked."  None of these words require exposition.  "Thou hast lifted up
   the bonds, even to the neck."  This may be understood even of the good
   bonds of wisdom, that the feet may be put into its fetters, and the
   neck into its collar.  "Thou hast struck off in amazement of mind the
   bonds" must be understood for, He lifts up the good and strikes off the
   bad, about which it is said to Him, "Thou hast broken asunder my
   bonds," [1182] and that "in amazement of mind," that is, wonderfully.
   "The heads of the mighty shall be moved in it;" to wit, in that
   wonder.  "They shall open their teeth like a poor man eating
   secretly."  For some of the mighty among the Jews shall come to the
   Lord, admiring His works and words, and shall greedily eat the bread of
   His doctrine in secret for fear of the Jews, just as the Gospel has
   shown they did.  "And Thou hast sent into the sea Thy horses, troubling
   many waters," which are nothing else than many people; for unless all
   were troubled, some would not be converted with fear, others pursued
   with fury.  "I gave heed, and my belly trembled at the voice of the
   prayer of my lips; and trembling entered into my bones, and my habit of
   body was troubled under me."  He gave heed to those things which he
   said, and was himself terrified at his own prayer, which he had poured
   forth prophetically, and in which he discerned things to come.  For
   when many people are troubled, he saw the threatening tribulation of
   the Church, and at once acknowledged himself a member of it, and said,
   "I shall rest in the day of tribulation," as being one of those who are
   rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation. [1183]   "That I may
   ascend," he says, "among the people of my pilgrimage," departing quite
   from the wicked people of his carnal kinship, who are not pilgrims in
   this earth, and do not seek the country above. [1184]   "Although the
   fig-tree," he says, "shall not blossom, neither shall fruit be in the
   vines; the labor of the olive shall lie, and the fields shall yield no
   meat; the sheep shall be cut off from the meat, and there shall be no
   oxen in the stalls."  He sees that nation which was to slay Christ
   about to lose the abundance of spiritual supplies, which, in prophetic
   fashion, he has set forth by the figure of earthly plenty.  And because
   that nation was to suffer such wrath of God, because, being ignorant of
   the righteousness of God, it wished to establish its own, [1185] he
   immediately says, "Yet will I rejoice in the Lord; I will joy in God my
   salvation.  The Lord God is my strength, and He will set my feet in
   completion; He will place me above the heights, that I may conquer in
   His song," to wit, in that song of which something similar is said in
   the psalm, "He set my feet upon a rock, and directed my goings, and put
   in my mouth a new song, a hymn to our God." [1186]   He therefore
   conquers in the song of the Lord, who takes pleasure in His praise, not
   in his own; that "He that glorieth, let him glory in the Lord." [1187]
     But some copies have, "I will joy in God my Jesus," which seems to me
   better than the version of those who, wishing to put it in Latin, have
   not set down that very name which for us it is dearer and sweeter to
   name.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1173] Hab. iii. 2.

   [1174] Luke xxiii. 34.

   [1175] Hab. iii. 3.

   [1176] Ps. lvii. 5, 11.

   [1177] Hab. iii. 4.

   [1178] John iii. 17.

   [1179] Joel ii. 13.

   [1180] Matt. v. 4.

   [1181] Matt. x. 27.

   [1182] Ps. cxvi. 16.

   [1183] Rom. xii. 12.

   [1184] Heb. xi. 13, 16.

   [1185] Rom. x. 3.

   [1186] Ps. xl. 2, 3.

   [1187] Jer. ix. 23, 24, as in 1 Cor. i. 31.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--What Jeremiah and Zephaniah Have, by the Prophetic Spirit,
   Spoken Before Concerning Christ and the Calling of the Nations.

   Jeremiah, like Isaiah, is one of the greater prophets, not of the
   minor, like the others from whose writings I have just given extracts.
   He prophesied when Josiah reigned in Jerusalem, and Ancus Martius at
   Rome, when the captivity of the Jews was already at hand; and he
   continued to prophesy down to the fifth month of the captivity, as we
   find from his writings.  Zephaniah, one of the minor prophets, is put
   along with him, because he himself says that he prophesied in the days
   of Josiah; but he does not say till when.  Jeremiah thus prophesied not
   only in the times of Ancus Martius, but also in those of Tarquinius
   Priscus, whom the Romans had for their fifth king.  For he had already
   begun to reign when that captivity took place.  Jeremiah, in
   prophesying of Christ, says, "The breath of our mouth, the Lord Christ,
   was taken in our sins," [1188] thus briefly showing both that Christ is
   our Lord and that He suffered for us.  Also in another place he says,
   "This is my God, and there shall none other be accounted of in
   comparison of Him; who hath found out all the way of prudence, and hath
   given it to Jacob His servant, and to Israel His beloved:  afterwards
   He was seen on the earth, and conversed with men." [1189]   Some
   attribute this testimony not to Jeremiah, but to his secretary, who was
   called Baruch; but it is more commonly ascribed to Jeremiah.  Again the
   same prophet says concerning Him, "Behold the days come, saith the
   Lord, that I will raise up unto David a righteous shoot, and a King
   shall reign and shall be wise, and shall do judgment and justice in the
   earth.  In those days Judah shall be saved, and Israel shall dwell
   confidently:  and this is the name which they shall call Him, Our
   righteous Lord." [1190]   And of the calling of the nations which was
   to come to pass, and which we now see fulfilled, he thus spoke:  "O
   Lord my God, and my refuge in the day of evils, to Thee shall the
   nations come from the utmost end of the earth, saying, Truly our
   fathers have worshipped lying images, wherein there is no profit."
   [1191]   But that the Jews, by whom He behoved even to be slain, were
   not going to acknowledge Him, this prophet thus intimates:  "Heavy is
   the heart through all; and He is a man, and who shall know Him?" [1192]
     That passage also is his which I have quoted in the seventeenth book
   concerning the new testament, of which Christ is the Mediator.  For
   Jeremiah himself says, "Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, that I
   will complete over the house of Jacob a new testament," and the rest,
   which may be read there. [1193]

   For the present I shall put down those predictions about Christ by the
   prophet Zephaniah, who prophesied with Jeremiah.  "Wait ye upon me,
   saith the Lord, in the day of my resurrection, in the future; because
   it is my determination to assemble the nations, and gather together the
   kingdoms." [1194]   And again he says, "The Lord will be terrible upon
   them, and will exterminate all the gods of the earth; and they shall
   worship Him every man from his place, even all the isles of the
   nations." [1195]   And a little after he says, "Then will I turn to the
   people a tongue, and to His offspring, that they may call upon the name
   of the Lord, and serve Him under one yoke.  From the borders of the
   rivers of Ethiopia shall they bring sacrifices unto me.  In that day
   thou shall not be confounded for all thy curious inventions, which thou
   hast done impiously against me:  for then I will take away from thee
   the haughtiness of thy trespass; and thou shalt no more magnify thyself
   above thy holy mountain.  And I will leave in thee a meek and humble
   people, and they who shall be left of Israel shall fear the name of the
   Lord." [1196]   These are the remnant of whom the apostle quotes that
   which is elsewhere prophesied:  "Though the number of the children of
   Israel be as the sand of the sea, a remnant shall be saved." [1197]
   These are the remnant of that nation who have believed in Christ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1188] Lam. iv. 20.

   [1189] Bar. iii. 35-37.

   [1190] Jer. xxiii. 5, 6.

   [1191] Jer. xvi. 19.

   [1192] Jer. xvii. 9.

   [1193] Jer. xxxi. 31; see Bk. xvii. 3.

   [1194] Zeph. iii. 8.

   [1195] Zeph. ii. 11.

   [1196] Zeph. iii. 9-12.

   [1197] Isa. x. 22; Rom. ix. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--Of the Prophecy of Daniel and Ezekiel, Other Two of the
   Greater Prophets.

   Daniel and Ezekiel, other two of the greater prophets, also first
   prophesied in the very captivity of Babylon.  Daniel even defined the
   time when Christ was to come and suffer by the exact date.  It would
   take too long to show this by computation, and it has been done often
   by others before us.  But of His power and glory he has thus spoken:
   "I saw in a night vision, and, behold, one like the Son of man was
   coming with the clouds of heaven, and He came even to the Ancient of
   days, and He was brought into His presence.  And to Him there was given
   dominion, and honor, and a kingdom:  and all people, tribes, and
   tongues shall serve Him.  His power is an everlasting power, which
   shall not pass away, and His kingdom shall not be destroyed." [1198]

   Ezekiel also, speaking prophetically in the person of God the Father,
   thus foretells Christ, speaking of Him in the prophetic manner as
   David, because He assumed flesh of the seed of David, and on account of
   that form of a servant in which He was made man, He who is the Son of
   God is also called the servant of God.  He says, "And I will set up
   over my sheep one Shepherd, who will feed them, even my servant David;
   and He shall feed them, and He shall be their shepherd.  And I the Lord
   will be their God, and my servant David a prince in the midst of them.
   I the Lord have spoken." [1199]   And in another place he says, "And
   one King shall be over them all:  and they shall no more be two
   nations, neither shall they be divided any more into two kingdoms:
   neither shall they defile themselves any more with their idols, and
   their abominations, and all their iniquities.  And I will save them out
   of all their dwelling-places wherein they have sinned, and will cleanse
   them; and they shall be my people, and I will be their God.  And my
   servant David shall be king over them, and there shall be one Shepherd
   for them all." [1200]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1198] Dan. vii. 13, 14.

   [1199] Ezek. xxxiv. 23.

   [1200] Ezek. xxxvii. 22-24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 35.--Of the Prophecy of the Three Prophets, Haggai, Zechariah,
   and Malachi.

   There remain three minor prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, who
   prophesied at the close of the captivity.  Of these Haggai more openly
   prophesies of Christ and the Church thus briefly:  "Thus saith the Lord
   of hosts, Yet one little while, and I will shake the heaven, and the
   earth, and the sea, and the dry land; and I will move all nations, and
   the desired of all nations shall come." [1201]   The fulfillment of
   this prophecy is in part already seen, and in part hoped for in the
   end.  For He moved the heaven by the testimony of the angels and the
   stars, when Christ became incarnate.  He moved the earth by the great
   miracle of His birth of the virgin.  He moved the sea and the dry land,
   when Christ was proclaimed both in the isles and in the whole world.
   So we see all nations moved to the faith; and the fulfillment of what
   follows, "And the desired of all nations shall come," is looked for at
   His last coming.  For ere men can desire and and wait for Him, they
   must believe and love Him.

   Zechariah says of Christ and the Church, "Rejoice greatly, O daughter
   of Sion; shout joyfully, O daughter of Jerusalem; behold, thy King
   shall come unto thee, just and the Saviour; Himself poor, and mounting
   an ass, and a colt the foal of an ass:  and His dominion shall be from
   sea to sea, and from the river even to the ends of the earth." [1202]
   How this was done, when the Lord Christ on His journey used a beast of
   burden of this kind, we read in the Gospel, where, also, as much of
   this prophecy is quoted as appears sufficient for the context.  In
   another place, speaking in the Spirit of prophecy to Christ Himself of
   the remission of sins through His blood, he says, "Thou also, by the
   blood of Thy testament, hast sent forth Thy prisoners from the lake
   wherein is no water." [1203]   Different opinions may be held,
   consistently with right belief, as to what he meant by this lake.  Yet
   it seems to me that no meaning suits better than that of the depth of
   human misery, which is, as it were, dry and barren, where there are no
   streams of righteousness, but only the mire of iniquity.  For it is
   said of it in the Psalms, "And He led me forth out of the lake of
   misery, and from the miry clay." [1204]

   Malachi, foretelling the Church which we now behold propagated through
   Christ, says most openly to the Jews, in the person of God, "I have no
   pleasure in you, and I will not accept a gift at your hand.  For from
   the rising even to the going down of the sun, my name is great among
   the nations; and in every place sacrifice shall be made, and a pure
   oblation shall be offered unto my name:  for my name shall be great
   among the nations, saith the Lord." [1205]   Since we can already see
   this sacrifice offered to God in every place, from the rising of the
   sun to his going down, through Christ's priesthood after the order of
   Melchisedec, while the Jews, to whom it was said, "I have no pleasure
   in you, neither will I accept a gift at your hand," cannot deny that
   their sacrifice has ceased, why do they still look for another Christ,
   when they read this in the prophecy, and see it fulfilled, which could
   not be fulfilled except through Him?  And a little after he says of
   Him, in the person of God, "My covenant was with Him of life and
   peace:  and I gave to Him that He might fear me with fear, and be
   afraid before my name.  The law of truth was in His mouth:  directing
   in peace He hath walked with me, and hath turned many away from
   iniquity.  For the Priest's lips shall keep knowledge, and they shall
   seek the law at His mouth:  for He is the Angel of the Lord Almighty."
   [1206]   Nor is it to be wondered at that Christ Jesus is called the
   Angel of the Almighty God.  For just as He is called a servant on
   account of the form of a servant in which He came to men, so He is
   called an angel on account of the evangel which He proclaimed to men.
   For if we interpret these Greek words, evangel is "good news," and
   angel is "messenger."  Again he says of Him, "Behold I will send mine
   angel, and He will look out the way before my face:  and the Lord, whom
   ye seek, shall suddenly come into His temple, even the Angel of the
   testament, whom ye desire.  Behold, He cometh, saith the Lord Almighty,
   and who shall abide the day of His entry, or who shall stand at His
   appearing?" [1207]   In this place he has foretold both the first and
   second advent of Christ:  the first, to wit, of which he says, "And He
   shall come suddenly into His temple;" that is, into His flesh, of which
   He said in the Gospel, "Destroy this temple, and in three days I will
   raise it up again." [1208]   And of the second advent he says, "Behold,
   He cometh, saith the Lord Almighty, and who shall abide the day of His
   entry, or who shall stand at His appearing?"  But what he says, "The
   Lord whom ye seek, and the Angel of the testament whom ye desire," just
   means that even the Jews, according to the Scriptures which they read,
   shall seek and desire Christ.  But many of them did not acknowledge
   that He whom they sought and desired had come, being blinded in their
   hearts, which were preoccupied with their own merits.  Now what he here
   calls the testament, either above, where he says, "My testament had
   been with Him," or here, where he has called Him the Angel of the
   testament, we ought, beyond a doubt, to take to be the new testament,
   in which the things promised are eternal, and not the old, in which
   they are only temporal.  Yet many who are weak are troubled when they
   see the wicked abound in such temporal things, because they value them
   greatly, and serve the true God to be rewarded with them.  On this
   account, to distinguish the eternal blessedness of the new testament,
   which shall be given only to the good, from the earthly felicity of the
   old, which for the most part is given to the bad as well, the same
   prophet says, "Ye have made your words burdensome to me:  yet ye have
   said, In what have we spoken ill of Thee?  Ye have said, Foolish is
   every one who serves God; and what profit is it that we have kept His
   observances, and that we have walked as suppliants before the face of
   the Lord Almighty?  And now we call the aliens blessed; yea, all that
   do wicked things are built up again; yea, they are opposed to God and
   are saved.  They that feared the Lord uttered these reproaches every
   one to his neighbor:  and the Lord hearkened and heard; and He wrote a
   book of remembrance before Him, for them that fear the Lord and that
   revere His name." [1209]   By that book is meant the New Testament.
   Finally, let us hear what follows:  "And they shall be an acquisition
   for me, saith the Lord Almighty, in the day which I make; and I will
   choose them as a man chooseth his son that serveth him.  And ye shall
   return, and shall discern between the just and the unjust, and between
   him that serveth God and him that serveth Him not.  For, behold, the
   day cometh burning as an oven, and it shall burn them up; and all the
   aliens and all that do wickedly shall be stubble:  and the day that
   shall come will set them on fire, saith the Lord Almighty, and shall
   leave neither root nor branch.  And unto you that fear my name shall
   the Sun of Righteousness arise, and health shall be in His wings; and
   ye shall go forth, and exult as calves let loose from bonds.  And ye
   shall tread down the wicked, and they shall be ashes under your feet,
   in the day in which I shall do [this], saith the Lord Almighty." [1210]
     This day is the day of judgment, of which, if God will, we shall
   speak more fully in its own place.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1201] Hag. ii. 6.

   [1202] Zech. ix. 9, 10.

   [1203] Zech. ix. 11.

   [1204] Ps. xl. 2.

   [1205] Mal. i. 10, 11.

   [1206] Mal. ii. 5-7.

   [1207] Mal. iii. 1, 2.

   [1208] John ii. 19.

   [1209] Mal. iii. 13-16.

   [1210] Mal. iii. 17; iv. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 36.--About Esdras and the Books of the Maccabees.

   After these three prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, during the
   same period of the liberation of the people from the Babylonian
   servitude Esdras also wrote, who is historical rather than prophetical,
   as is also the book called Esther, which is found to relate, for the
   praise of God, events not far from those times; unless, perhaps, Esdras
   is to be understood as prophesying of Christ in that passage where, on
   a question having arisen among certain young men as to what is the
   strongest thing, when one had said kings, another wine, the third
   women, who for the most part rule kings, yet that same third youth
   demonstrated that the truth is victorious over all. [1211]   For by
   consulting the Gospel we learn that Christ is the Truth.  From this
   time, when the temple was rebuilt, down to the time of Aristobulus, the
   Jews had not kings but princes; and the reckoning of their dates is
   found, not in the Holy Scriptures which are called canonical, but in
   others, among which are also the books of the Maccabees.  These are
   held as canonical, not by the Jews, but by the Church, on account of
   the extreme and wonderful sufferings of certain martyrs, who, before
   Christ had come in the flesh, contended for the law of God even unto
   death, and endured most grievous and horrible evils.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1211] Esdras iii. and iv.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 37.--That Prophetic Records are Found Which are More Ancient
   Than Any Fountain of the Gentile Philosophy.

   In the time of our prophets, then, whose writings had already come to
   the knowledge of almost all nations, the philosophers of the nations
   had not yet arisen,--at least, not those who were called by that name,
   which originated with Pythagoras the Samian, who was becoming famous at
   the time when the Jewish captivity ended.  Much more, then, are the
   other philosophers found to be later than the prophets.  For even
   Socrates the Athenian, the master of all who were then most famous,
   holding the pre-eminence in that department that is called the moral or
   active, is found after Esdras in the chronicles.  Plato also was born
   not much later, who far out went the other disciples of Socrates.  If,
   besides these, we take their predecessors, who had not yet been styled
   philosophers, to wit, the seven sages, and then the physicists, who
   succeeded Thales, and imitated his studious search into the nature of
   things, namely, Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Anaxagoras, and some
   others, before Pythagoras first professed himself a philosopher, even
   these did not precede the whole of our prophets in antiquity of time,
   since Thales, whom the others succeeded, is said to have flourished in
   the reign of Romulus, when the stream of prophecy burst forth from the
   fountains of Israel in those writings which spread over the whole
   world.  So that only those theological poets, Orpheus, Linus, and
   Musæus, and, it may be, some others among the Greeks, are found earlier
   in date than the Hebrew prophets whose writings we hold as
   authoritative.  But not even these preceded in time our true divine,
   Moses, who authentically preached the one true God, and whose writings
   are first in the authoritative canon; and therefore the Greeks, in
   whose tongue the literature of this age chiefly appears, have no ground
   for boasting of their wisdom, in which our religion, wherein is true
   wisdom, is not evidently more ancient at least, if not superior.  Yet
   it must be confessed that before Moses there had already been, not
   indeed among the Greeks, but among barbarous nations, as in Egypt, some
   doctrine which might be called their wisdom, else it would not have
   been written in the holy books that Moses was learned in all the wisdom
   of the Egyptians, [1212] as he was, when, being born there, and adopted
   and nursed by Pharaoh's daughter, he was also liberally educated.  Yet
   not even the wisdom of the Egyptians could be antecedent in time to the
   wisdom of our prophets, because even Abraham was a prophet.  And what
   wisdom could there be in Egypt before Isis had given them letters, whom
   they thought fit to worship as a goddess after her death?  Now Isis is
   declared to have been the daughter of Inachus, who first began to reign
   in Argos when the grandsons of Abraham are known to have been already
   born.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1212] Acts vii. 22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 38.--That the Ecclesiastical Canon Has Not Admitted Certain
   Writings on Account of Their Too Great Antiquity, Lest Through Them
   False Things Should Be Inserted Instead of True.

   If I may recall far more ancient times, our patriarch Noah was
   certainly even before that great deluge, and I might not undeservedly
   call him a prophet, forasmuch as the ark he made, in which he escaped
   with his family, was itself a prophecy of our times. [1213]   What of
   Enoch, the seventh from Adam?  Does not the canonical epistle of the
   Apostle Jude declare that he prophesied? [1214]   But the writings of
   these men could not be held as authoritative either among the Jews or
   us, on account of their too great antiquity, which made it seem needful
   to regard them with suspicion, lest false things should be set forth
   instead of true.  For some writings which are said be theirs are quoted
   by those who, according to their own humor, loosely believe what they
   please.  But the purity of the canon has not admitted these writings,
   not because the authority of these men who pleased God is rejected, but
   because they are not believed to be theirs.  Nor ought it to appear
   strange if writings for which so great antiquity is claimed are held in
   suspicion, seeing that in the very history of the kings of Judah and
   Israel containing their acts, which we believe to belong to the
   canonical Scripture, very many things are mentioned which are not
   explained there, but are said to be found in other books which the
   prophets wrote, the very names of these prophets being sometimes given,
   and yet they are not found in the canon which the people of God
   received.  Now I confess the reason of this is hidden from me; only I
   think that even those men, to whom certainly the Holy Spirit revealed
   those things which ought to be held as of religious authority, might
   write some things as men by historical diligence, and others as
   prophets by divine inspiration; and these things were so distinct, that
   it was judged that the former should be ascribed to themselves, but the
   latter to God speaking through them:  and so the one pertained to the
   abundance of knowledge, the other to the authority of religion.  In
   that authority the canon is guarded.  So that, if any writings outside
   of it are now brought forward under the name of the ancient prophets,
   they cannot serve even as an aid to knowledge, because it is uncertain
   whether they are genuine; and on this account they are not trusted,
   especially those of them in which some things are found that are even
   contrary to the truth of the canonical books, so that it is quite
   apparent they do not belong to them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1213] Heb. xi. 7; 1 Pet. iii. 20, 21.

   [1214] Jude 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 39.--About the Hebrew Written Characters Which that Language
   Always Possessed.

   Now we must not believe that Heber, from whose name the word Hebrew is
   derived, preserved and transmitted the Hebrew language to Abraham only
   as a spoken language, and that the Hebrew letters began with the giving
   of the law through Moses; but rather that this language, along with its
   letters, was preserved by that succession of fathers.  Moses, indeed,
   appointed some among the people of God to teach letters, before they
   could know any letters of the divine law.  The Scripture calls these
   men grammateisagogeis, who may be called in Latin inductores or
   introductores of letters, because they, as it were, introduce them into
   the hearts of the learners, or rather lead those whom they teach into
   them.  Therefore no nation could vaunt itself over our patriarchs and
   prophets by any wicked vanity for the antiquity of its wisdom; since
   not even Egypt, which is wont falsely and vainly to glory in the
   antiquity of her doctrines, is found to have preceded in time the
   wisdom of our patriarchs in her own wisdom, such as it is.  Neither
   will any one dare to say that they were most skillful in wonderful
   sciences before they knew letters, that is, before Isis came and taught
   them there.  Besides, what, for the most part, was that memorable
   doctrine of theirs which was called wisdom but astronomy, and it may be
   some other sciences of that kind, which usually have more power to
   exercise men's wit than to enlighten their minds with true wisdom?  As
   regards philosophy, which professes to teach men something which shall
   make them happy, studies of that kind flourished in those lands about
   the times of Mercury, whom they called Trismegistus, long before the
   sages and philosophers of Greece, but yet after Abraham, Isaac, Jacob,
   and Joseph, and even after Moses himself.  At that time, indeed, when
   Moses was born, Atlas is found to have lived, that great astronomer,
   the brother of Prometheus, and maternal grandson of the elder Mercury,
   of whom that Mercury Trismegistus was the grandson.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 40.--About the Most Mendacious Vanity of the Egyptians, in
   Which They Ascribe to Their Science an Antiquity of a Hundred Thousand
   Years.

   In vain, then, do some babble with most empty presumption, saying that
   Egypt has understood the reckoning of the stars for more than a hundred
   thousand years.  For in what books have they collected that number who
   learned letters from Isis their mistress, not much more than two
   thousand years ago?  Varro, who has declared this, is no small
   authority in history, and it does not disagree with the truth of the
   divine books.  For as it is not yet six thousand years since the first
   man, who is called Adam, are not those to be ridiculed rather than
   refuted who try to persuade us of anything regarding a space of time so
   different from, and contrary to, the ascertained truth?  For what
   historian of the past should we credit more than him who has also
   predicted things to come which we now see fulfilled?  And the very
   disagreement of the historians among themselves furnishes a good reason
   why we ought rather to believe him who does not contradict the divine
   history which we hold.  But, on the other hand, the citizens of the
   impious city, scattered everywhere through the earth, when they read
   the most learned writers, none of whom seems to be of contemptible
   authority, and find them disagreeing among themselves about affairs
   most remote from the memory of our age, cannot find out whom they ought
   to trust.  But we, being sustained by divine authority in the history
   of our religion, have no doubt that whatever is opposed to it is most
   false, whatever may be the case regarding other things in secular
   books, which, whether true or false, yield nothing of moment to our
   living rightly and happily.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 41.--About the Discord of Philosophic Opinion, and the Concord
   of the Scriptures that are Held as Canonical by the Church.

   But let us omit further examination of history, and return to the
   philosophers from whom we digressed to these things.  They seem to have
   labored in their studies for no other end than to find out how to live
   in a way proper for laying hold of blessedness.  Why, then, have the
   disciples dissented from their masters, and the fellow-disciples from
   one another, except because as men they have sought after these things
   by human sense and human reasonings?  Now, although there might be
   among them a desire of glory, so that each wished to be thought wiser
   and more acute than another, and in no way addicted to the judgment of
   others, but the inventor of his own dogma and opinion, yet I may grant
   that there were some, or even very many of them, whose love of truth
   severed them from their teachers or fellow-disciples, that they might
   strive for what they thought was the truth, whether it was so or not.
   But what can human misery do, or how or where can it reach forth, so as
   to attain blessedness, if divine authority does not lead it?  Finally,
   let our authors, among whom the canon of the sacred books is fixed and
   bounded, be far from disagreeing in any respect.  It is not without
   good reason, then, that not merely a few people prating in the schools
   and gymnasia in captious disputations, but so many and great people,
   both learned and unlearned, in countries and cities, have believed that
   God spoke to them or by them, i.e. the canonical writers, when they
   wrote these books.  There ought, indeed, to be but few of them, lest on
   account of their multitude what ought to be religiously esteemed should
   grow cheap; and yet not so few that their agreement should not be
   wonderful.  For among the multitude of philosophers, who in their works
   have left behind them the monuments of their dogmas, no one will easily
   find any who agree in all their opinions.  But to show this is too long
   a task for this work.

   But what author of any sect is so approved in this demon-worshipping
   city, that the rest who have differed from or opposed him in opinion
   have been disapproved?  The Epicureans asserted that human affairs were
   not under the providence of the gods; and the Stoics, holding the
   opposite opinion, agreed that they were ruled and defended by favora
   ble and tutelary gods.  Yet were not both sects famous among the
   Athenians?  I wonder, then, why Anaxagoras was accused of a crime for
   saying that the sun was a burning stone, and denying that it was a god
   at all; while in the same city Epicurus flourished gloriously and lived
   securely, although he not only did not believe that the sun or any star
   was a god, but contended that neither Jupiter nor any of the gods dwelt
   in the world at all, so that the prayers and supplications of men might
   reach them!  Were not both Aristippus and Antisthenes there, two noble
   philosophers and both Socratic? yet they placed the chief end of life
   within bounds so diverse and contradictory, that the first made the
   delight of the body the chief good, while the other asserted that man
   was made happy mainly by the virtue of the mind.  The one also said
   that the wise man should flee from the republic; the other, that he
   should administer its affairs.  Yet did not each gather disciples to
   follow his own sect?  Indeed, in the conspicuous and well-known porch,
   in gymnasia, in gardens, in places public and private, they openly
   strove in bands each for his own opinion, some asserting there was one
   world, others innumerable worlds; some that this world had a beginning,
   others that it had not; some that it would perish, others that it would
   exist always; some that it was governed by the divine mind, others by
   chance and accident; some that souls are immortal, others that they are
   mortal,--and of those who asserted their immortality, some said they
   transmigrated through beasts, others that it was by no means so; while
   of those who asserted their mortality, some said they perished
   immediately after the body, others that they survived either a little
   while or a longer time, but not always; some fixing supreme good in the
   body, some in the mind, some in both; others adding to the mind and
   body external good things; some thinking that the bodily senses ought
   to be trusted always, some not always, others never.  Now what people,
   senate, power, or public dignity of the impious city has ever taken
   care to judge between all these and other well-nigh innumerable
   dissensions of the philosophers, approving and accepting some, and
   disapproving and rejecting others?  Has it not held in its bosom at
   random, without any judgment, and confusedly, so many controversies of
   men at variance, not about fields, houses, or anything of a pecuniary
   nature, but about those things which make life either miserable or
   happy?  Even if some true things were said in it, yet falsehoods were
   uttered with the same licence; so that such a city has not amiss
   received the title of the mystic Babylon.  For Babylon means confusion,
   as we remember we have already explained.  Nor does it matter to the
   devil, its king, how they wrangle among themselves in contradictory
   errors, since all alike deservedly belong to him on account of their
   great and varied impiety.

   But that nation, that people, that city, that republic, these
   Israelites, to whom the oracles of God were entrusted, by no means
   confounded with similar licence false prophets with the true prophets;
   but, agreeing together, and differing in nothing, acknowledged and
   upheld the authentic authors of their sacred books.  These were their
   philosophers, these were their sages, divines, prophets, and teachers
   of probity and piety.  Whoever was wise and lived according to them was
   wise and lived not according to men, but according to God who hath
   spoken by them.  If sacrilege is forbidden there, God hath forbidden
   it.  If it is said, "Honor thy father and thy mother," [1215] God hath
   commanded it.  If it is said, "Thou shall not commit adultery, Thou
   shall not kill, Thou shall not steal," [1216] and other similar
   commandments, not human lips but the divine oracles have enounced
   them.  Whatever truth certain philosophers, amid their false opinions,
   were able to see, and strove by laborious discussions to persuade men
   of,--such as that God had made this world, and Himself most providently
   governs it, or of the nobility of the virtues, of the love of country,
   of fidelity in friendship, of good works and everything pertaining to
   virtuous manners, although they knew not to what end and what rule all
   these things were to be referred,--all these, by words prophetic, that
   is, divine, although spoken by men, were commended to the people in
   that city, and not inculcated by contention in arguments, so that he
   who should know them might be afraid of contemning, not the wit of men,
   but the oracle of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1215] Ex. xx. 12.

   [1216] Ex. xx. 13-15, the order as in Mark x. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 42.--By What Dispensation of God's Providence the Sacred
   Scriptures of the Old Testament Were Translated Out of Hebrew into
   Greek, that They Might Be Made Known to All the Nations.

   One of the Ptolemies, kings of Egypt, desired to know and have these
   sacred books.  For after Alexander of Macedon, who is also styled the
   Great, had by his most wonderful, but by no means enduring power,
   subdued the whole of Asia, yea, almost the whole world, partly by force
   of arms, partly by terror, and, among other kingdoms of the East, had
   entered and obtained Judea also, on his death his generals did not
   peaceably divide that most ample kingdom among them for a possession,
   but rather dissipated it, wasting all things by wars.  Then Egypt began
   to have the Ptolemies as her kings.  The first of them, the son of
   Lagus, carried many captive out of Judea into Egypt.  But another
   Ptolemy, called Philadelphus, who succeeded him, permitted all whom he
   had brought under the yoke to return free; and more than that, sent
   kingly gifts to the temple of God, and begged Eleazar, who was the high
   priest, to give him the Scriptures, which he had heard by report were
   truly divine, and therefore greatly desired to have in that most noble
   library he had made.  When the high priest had sent them to him in
   Hebrew, he afterwards demanded interpreters of him, and there were
   given him seventy-two, out of each of the twelve tribes six men, most
   learned in both languages, to wit, the Hebrew and Greek and their
   translation is now by custom called the Septuagint.  It is reported,
   indeed, that there was an agreement in their words so wonderful,
   stupendous, and plainly divine, that when they had sat at this work,
   each one apart (for so it pleased Ptolemy to test their fidelity), they
   differed from each other in no word which had the same meaning and
   force, or, in the order of the words; but, as if the translators had
   been one, so what all had translated was one, because in very deed the
   one Spirit had been in them all.  And they received so wonderful a gift
   of God, in order that the authority of these Scriptures might be
   commended not as human but divine, as indeed it was, for the benefit of
   the nations who should at some time believe, as we now see them doing.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 43.--Of the Authority of the Septuagint Translation, Which,
   Saving the Honor of the Hebrew Original, is to Be Preferred to All
   Translations.

   For while there were other interpreters who translated these sacred
   oracles out of the Hebrew tongue into Greek, as Aquila, Symmachus, and
   Theodotion, and also that translation which, as the name of the author
   is unknown, is quoted as the fifth edition, yet the Church has received
   this Septuagint translation just as if it were the only one; and it has
   been used by the Greek Christian people, most of whom are not aware
   that there is any other.  From this translation there has also been
   made a translation in the Latin tongue, which the Latin churches use.
   Our times, however, have enjoyed the advantage of the presbyter Jerome,
   a man most learned, and skilled in all three languages, who translated
   these same Scriptures into the Latin speech, not from the Greek, but
   from the Hebrew. [1217]   But although the Jews acknowledge this very
   learned labor of his to be faithful, while they contend that the
   Septuagint translators have erred in many places, still the churches of
   Christ judge that no one should be preferred to the authority of so
   many men, chosen for this very great work by Eleazar, who was then high
   priest; for even if there had not appeared in them one spirit, without
   doubt divine, and the seventy learned men had, after the manner of men,
   compared together the words of their translation, that what pleased
   them all might stand, no single translator ought to be preferred to
   them; but since so great a sign of divinity has appeared in them,
   certainly, if any other translator of their Scriptures from the Hebrew
   into any other tongue is faithful, in that case he agrees with these
   seventy translators, and if he is not found to agree with them, then we
   ought to believe that the prophetic gift is with them.  For the same
   Spirit who was in the prophets when they spoke these things was also in
   the seventy men when they translated them, so that assuredly they could
   also say something else, just as if the prophet himself had said both,
   because it would be the same Spirit who said both; and could say the
   same thing differently, so that, although the words were not the same,
   yet the same meaning should shine forth to those of good understanding;
   and could omit or add something, so that even by this it might be shown
   that there was in that work not human bondage, which the translator
   owed to the words, but rather divine power, which filled and ruled the
   mind of the translator.  Some, however, have thought that the Greek
   copies of the Septuagint version should be emended from the Hebrew
   copies; yet they did not dare to take away what the Hebrew lacked and
   the Septuagint had, but only added what was found in the Hebrew copies
   and was lacking in the Septuagint, and noted them by placing at the
   beginning of the verses certain marks in the form of stars which they
   call asterisks.  And those things which the Hebrew copies have not, but
   the Septuagint have, they have in like manner marked at the beginning
   of the verses by horizontal spit-shaped marks like those by which we
   denote ounces; and many copies having these marks are circulated even
   in Latin. [1218]   But we cannot, without inspecting both kinds of
   copies, find out those things which are neither omitted nor added, but
   expressed differently, whether they yield another meaning not in itself
   unsuitable, or can be shown to explain the same meaning in another
   way.  If, then, as it behoves us, we behold nothing else in these
   Scriptures than what the Spirit of God has spoken through men, if
   anything is in the Hebrew copies and is not in the version of the
   Seventy, the Spirit of God did not choose to say it through them, but
   only through the prophets.  But whatever is in the Septuagint and not
   in the Hebrew copies, the same Spirit chose rather to say through the
   latter, thus showing that both were prophets.  For in that manner He
   spoke as He chose, some things through Isaiah, some through Jeremiah,
   some through several prophets, or else the same thing through this
   prophet and through that.  Further, whatever is found in both editions,
   that one and the same Spirit willed to say through both, but so as that
   the former preceded in prophesying, and the latter followed in
   prophetically interpreting them; because, as the one Spirit of peace
   was in the former when they spoke true and concordant words, so the
   selfsame one Spirit hath appeared in the latter, when, without mutual
   conference they yet interpreted all things as if with one mouth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1217] [Jerome was an older contemporary of Augustin, and next to him
   the most influential of the Latin fathers.  He is the author of the
   Latin translation of the Scriptures, which under the name of the
   Vulgate is still the authorized Bible of the Roman church.  He died at
   Bethlehem, 419, eleven years before Augustin.--P.S.]

   [1218] Var. reading, "both in Greek and Latin."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 44.--How the Threat of the Destruction of the Ninevites is to
   Be Understood Which in the Hebrew Extends to Forty Days, While in the
   Septuagint It is Contracted to Three.

   But some one may say, "How shall I know whether the prophet Jonah said
   to the Ninevites, Yet three days and Nineveh shall be overthrown,' or
   forty days?" [1219]   For who does not see that the prophet could not
   say both, when he was sent to terrify the city by the threat of
   imminent ruin?  For if its destruction was to take place on the third
   day, it certainly could not be on the fortieth; but if on the fortieth,
   then certainly not on the third.  If, then, I am asked which of these
   Jonah may have said, I rather think what is read in the Hebrew, "Yet
   forty days and Nineveh shall be overthrown."  Yet the Seventy,
   interpreting long afterward, could say what was different and yet
   pertinent to the matter, and agree in the self-same meaning, although
   under a different signification.  And this may admonish the reader not
   to despise the authority of either, but to raise himself above the
   history, and search for those things which the history itself was
   written to set forth.  These things, indeed, took place in the city of
   Nineveh, but they also signified something else too great to apply to
   that city; just as, when it happened that the prophet himself was three
   days in the whale's belly, it signified besides, that He who is Lord of
   all the prophets should be three days in the depths of hell.
   Wherefore, if that city is rightly held as prophetically representing
   the Church of the Gentiles, to wit, as brought down by penitence, so as
   no longer to be what it had been, since this was done by Christ in the
   Church of the Gentiles, which Nineveh represented, Christ Himself was
   signified both by the forty and by the three days:  by the forty,
   because He spent that number of days with His disciples after the
   resurrection, and then ascended into heaven, but by the three days,
   because He rose on the third day.  So that, if the reader desires
   nothing else than to adhere to the history of events, he may be aroused
   from his sleep by the Septuagint interpreters, as well as the prophets,
   to search into the depth of the prophecy, as if they had said, In the
   forty days seek Him in whom thou mayest also find the three days,--the
   one thou wilt find in His ascension, the other in His resurrection.
   Because that which could be most suitably signified by both numbers, of
   which one is used by Jonah the prophet, the other by the prophecy of
   the Septuagint version, the one and self-same Spirit hath spoken.  I
   dread prolixity, so that I must not demonstrate this by many instances
   in which the seventy interpreters may be thought to differ from the
   Hebrew, and yet, when well understood, are found to agree.  For which
   reason I also, according to my capacity, following the footsteps of the
   apostles, who themselves have quoted prophetic testimonies from both,
   that is, from the Hebrew and the Septuagint, have thought that both
   should be used as authoritative, since both are one, and divine.  But
   let us now follow out as we can what remains.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1219] Jon. iii. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 45.--That the Jews Ceased to Have Prophets After the Rebuilding
   of the Temple, and from that Time Until the Birth of Christ Were
   Afflicted with Continual Adversity, to Prove that the Building of
   Another Temple Had Been Promised by Prophetic Voices.

   The Jewish nation no doubt became worse after it ceased to have
   prophets, just at the very time when, on the rebuilding of the temple
   after the captivity in Babylon, it hoped to become better.  For so,
   indeed, did that car nal people understand what was foretold by Haggai
   the prophet, saying, "The glory of this latter house shall be greater
   than that of the former." [1220]   Now, that this is said of the new
   testament, he showed a little above, where he says, evidently promising
   Christ, "And I will move all nations, and the desired One shall come to
   all nations." [1221]   In this passage the Septuagint translators
   giving another sense more suitable to the body than the Head, that is,
   to the Church than to Christ, have said by prophetic authority, "The
   things shall come that are chosen of the Lord from all nations," that
   is, men, of whom Jesus saith in the Gospel, "Many are called, but few
   are chosen." [1222]   For by such chosen ones of the nations there is
   built, through the new testament, with living stones, a house of God
   far more glorious than that temple was which was constructed by king
   Solomon, and rebuilt after the captivity.  For this reason, then, that
   nation had no prophets from that time, but was afflicted with many
   plagues by kings of alien race, and by the Romans themselves, lest they
   should fancy that this prophecy of Haggai was fulfilled by that
   rebuilding of the temple.

   For not long after, on the arrival of Alexander, it was subdued, when,
   although there was no pillaging, because they dared not resist him, and
   thus, being very easily subdued, received him peaceably, yet the glory
   of that house was not so great as it was when under the free power of
   their own kings.  Alexander, indeed, offered up sacrifices in the
   temple of God, not as a convert to His worship in true piety, but
   thinking, with impious folly, that He was to be worshipped along with
   false gods.  Then Ptolemy son of Lagus, whom I have already mentioned,
   after Alexander's death carried them captive into Egypt.  His
   successor, Ptolemy Philadelphus, most benevolently dismissed them; and
   by him it was brought about, as I have narrated a little before, that
   we should have the Septuagint version of the Scriptures.  Then they
   were crushed by the wars which are explained in the books of the
   Maccabees.  Afterward they were taken captive by Ptolemy king of
   Alexandria, who was called Epiphanes.  Then Antiochus king of Syria
   compelled them by many and most grievous evils to worship idols, and
   filled the temple itself with the sacrilegious superstitions of the
   Gentiles.  Yet their most vigorous leader Judas, who is also called
   Maccabæus, after beating the generals of Antiochus, cleansed it from
   all that defilement of idolatry.

   But not long after, one Alcimus, although an alien from the sacerdotal
   tribe, was, through ambition, made pontiff, which was an impious
   thing.  After almost fifty years, during which they never had peace,
   although they prospered in some affairs, Aristobulus first assumed the
   diadem among them, and was made both king and pontiff.  Before that,
   indeed, from the time of their return from the Babylonish captivity and
   the rebuilding of the temple, they had not kings, but generals or
   principes.  Although a king himself may be called a prince, from his
   principality in governing, and a leader, because he leads the army, but
   it does not follow that all who are princes and leaders may also be
   called kings, as that Aristobulus was.  He was succeeded by Alexander,
   also both king and pontiff, who is reported to have reigned over them
   cruelly.  After him his wife Alexandra was queen of the Jews, and from
   her time downwards more grievous evils pursued them; for this
   Alexandra's sons, Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, when contending with each
   other for the kingdom, called in the Roman forces against the nation of
   Israel.  For Hyrcanus asked assistance from them against his brother.
   At that time Rome had already subdued Africa and Greece, and ruled
   extensively in other parts of the world also, and yet, as if unable to
   bear her own weight, had, in a manner, broken herself by her own size.
   For indeed she had come to grave domestic seditions, and from that to
   social wars, and by and by to civil wars, and had enfeebled and worn
   herself out so much, that the changed state of the republic, in which
   she should be governed by kings, was now imminent.  Pompey then, a most
   illustrious prince of the Roman people, having entered Judea with an
   army, took the city, threw open the temple, not with the devotion of a
   suppliant, but with the authority of a conqueror, and went, not
   reverently, but profanely, into the holy of holies, where it was lawful
   for none but the pontiff to enter.  Having established Hyrcanus in the
   pontificate, and set Antipater over the subjugated nation as guardian
   or procurator, as they were then called, he led Aristobulus with him
   bound.  From that time the Jews also began to be Roman tributaries.
   Afterward Cassius plundered the very temple.  Then after a few years it
   was their desert to have Herod, a king of foreign birth, in whose reign
   Christ was born.  For the time had now come signified by the prophetic
   Spirit through the mouth of the patriarch Jacob, when he says, "There
   shall not be lacking a prince out of Judah, nor a teacher from his
   loins, until He shall come for whom it is reserved; and He is the
   expectation of the nations." [1223]   There lacked not therefore a
   Jewish prince of the Jews until that Herod, who was the first king of a
   foreign race received by them.  Therefore it was now the time when He
   should come for whom that was reserved which is promised in the New
   Testament, that He should be the expectation of the nations.  But it
   was not possible that the nations should expect He would come, as we
   see they did, to do judgment in the splendor of power, unless they
   should first believe in Him when He came to suffer judgment in the
   humility of patience.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1220] Hag. ii. 9.

   [1221] Hag. ii. 7.

   [1222] Matt. xxii. 14.

   [1223] Gen. xlix. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 46.--Of the Birth of Our Saviour, Whereby the Word Was Made
   Flesh; And of the Dispersion of the Jews Among All Nations, as Had Been
   Prophesied.

   While Herod, therefore, reigned in Judea, and Cæsar Augustus was
   emperor at Rome, the state of the republic being already changed, and
   the world being set at peace by him, Christ was born in Bethlehem of
   Judah, man manifest out of a human virgin, God hidden out of God the
   Father.  For so had the prophet foretold:  "Behold, a virgin shall
   conceive in the womb, and bring forth a Son, and they shall call His
   name Immanuel, which, being interpreted, is, God with us." [1224]   He
   did many miracles that He might commend God in Himself, some of which,
   even as many as seemed sufficient to proclaim Him, are contained in the
   evangelic Scripture.  The first of these is, that He was so wonderfully
   born, and the last, that with His body raised up again from the dead He
   ascended into heaven.  But the Jews who slew Him, and would not believe
   in Him, because it behoved Him to die and rise again, were yet more
   miserably wasted by the Romans, and utterly rooted out from their
   kingdom, where aliens had already ruled over them, and were dispersed
   through the lands (so that indeed there is no place where they are
   not), and are thus by their own Scriptures a testimony to us that we
   have not forged the prophecies about Christ.  And very many of them,
   considering this, even before His passion, but chiefly after His
   resurrection, believed on Him, of whom it was predicted, "Though the
   number of the children of Israel be as the sand of the sea, the remnant
   shall be saved." [1225]   But the rest are blinded, of whom it was
   predicted, "Let their table be made before them a trap, and a
   retribution, and a stumbling-block.  Let their eyes be darkened lest
   they see, and bow down their back alway." [1226]   Therefore, when they
   do not believe our Scriptures, their own, which they blindly read, are
   fulfilled in them, lest perchance any one should say that the
   Christians have forged these prophecies about Christ which are quoted
   under the name of the sibyl, or of others, if such there be, who do not
   belong to the Jewish people.  For us, indeed, those suffice which are
   quoted from the books of our enemies, to whom we make our
   acknowledgment, on account of this testimony which, in spite of
   themselves, they contribute by their possession of these books, while
   they themselves are dispersed among all nations, wherever the Church of
   Christ is spread abroad.  For a prophecy about this thing was sent
   before in the Psalms, which they also read, where it is written, "My
   God, His mercy shall prevent me.  My God hath shown me concerning mine
   enemies, that Thou shalt not slay them, lest they should at last forget
   Thy law:  disperse them in Thy might." [1227]   Therefore God has shown
   the Church in her enemies the Jews the grace of His compassion, since,
   as saith the apostle, "their offence is the salvation of the Gentiles."
   [1228]   And therefore He has not slain them, that is, He has not let
   the knowledge that they are Jews be lost in them, although they have
   been conquered by the Romans, lest they should forget the law of God,
   and their testimony should be of no avail in this matter of which we
   treat.  But it was not enough that he should say, "Slay them not, lest
   they should at last forget Thy law," unless he had also added,
   "Disperse them;" because if they had only been in their own land with
   that testimony of the Scriptures, and not every where, certainly the
   Church which is everywhere could not have had them as witnesses among
   all nations to the prophecies which were sent before concerning Christ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1224] Isa. vii. 14, as in Matt. i. 23.

   [1225] Isa. x. 22, as in Rom. ix. 27, 28.

   [1226] Ps. lxix. 22, 23; Rom. xi. 9, 10.

   [1227] Ps. lxix. 10, 11.

   [1228] Rom xi. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 47.--Whether Before Christian Times There Were Any Outside of
   the Israelite Race Who Belonged to the Fellowship of the Heavenly City.

   Wherefore if we read of any foreigner--that is, one neither born of
   Israel nor received by that people into the canon of the sacred
   books--having prophesied something about Christ, if it has come or
   shall come to our knowledge, we can refer to it over and above; not
   that this is necessary, even if wanting, but because it is not
   incongruous to believe that even in other nations there may have been
   men to whom this mystery was revealed, and who were also impelled to
   proclaim it, whether they were partakers of the same grace or had no
   experience of it, but were taught by bad angels, who, as we know, even
   confessed the present Christ, whom the Jews did not acknowledge.  Nor
   do I think the Jews themselves dare contend that no one has belonged to
   God except the Israelites, since the increase of Israel began on the
   rejection of his elder brother.  For in very deed there was no other
   people who were specially called the people of God; but they cannot
   deny that there have been certain men even of other nations who
   belonged, not by earthly but heavenly fellowship, to the true
   Israelites, the citizens of the country that is above.  Because, if
   they deny this, they can be most easily confuted by the case of the
   holy and wonderful man Job, who was neither a native nor a proselyte,
   that is, a stranger joining the people of Israel, but, being bred of
   the Idumean race, arose there and died there too, and who is so praised
   by the divine oracle, that no man of his times is put on a level with
   him as regards justice and piety.  And although we do not find his date
   in the chronicles, yet from his book, which for its merit the
   Israelites have received as of canonical authority, we gather that he
   was in the third generation after Israel.  And I doubt not it was
   divinely provided, that from this one case we might know that among
   other nations also there might be men pertaining to the spiritual
   Jerusalem who have lived according to God and have pleased Him.  And it
   is not to be supposed that this was granted to any one, unless the one
   Mediator between God and men, the Man Christ Jesus, [1229] was divinely
   revealed to him; who was pre-announced to the saints of old as yet to
   come in the flesh, even as He is announced to us as having come, that
   the self-same faith through Him may lead all to God who are
   predestinated to be the city of God, the house of God, and the temple
   of God.  But whatever prophecies concerning the grace of God through
   Christ Jesus are quoted, they may be thought to have been forged by the
   Christians.  So that there is nothing of more weight for confuting all
   sorts of aliens, if they contend about this matter, and for supporting
   our friends, if they are truly wise, than to quote those divine
   predictions about Christ which are written in the books of the Jews,
   who have been torn from their native abode and dispersed over the whole
   world in order to bear this testimony, so that the Church of Christ has
   everywhere increased.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1229] 1 Tim. ii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 48.--That Haggai's Prophecy, in Which He Said that the Glory of
   the House of God Would Be Greater Than that of the First Had Been,
   [1230] Was Really Fulfilled, Not in the Rebuilding of the Temple, But
   in the Church of Christ.

   This house of God is more glorious than that first one which was
   constructed of wood and stone, metals and other precious things.
   Therefore the prophecy of Haggai was not fulfilled in the rebuilding of
   that temple.  For it can never be shown to have had so much glory after
   it was rebuilt as it had in the time of Solomon; yea, rather, the glory
   of that house is shown to have been diminished, first by the ceasing of
   prophecy, and then by the nation itself suffering so great calamities,
   even to the final destruction made by the Romans, as the things
   above-mentioned prove.  But this house which pertains to the new
   testament is just as much more glorious as the living stones, even
   believing, renewed men, of which it is constructed are better.  But it
   was typified by the rebuilding of that temple for this reason, because
   the very renovation of that edifice typifies in the prophetic oracle
   another testament which is called the new.  When, therefore, God said
   by the prophet just named, "And I will give peace in this place,"
   [1231] He is to be understood who is typified by that typical place;
   for since by that rebuilt place is typified the Church which was to be
   built by Christ, nothing else can be accepted as the meaning of the
   saying, "I will give peace in this place," except I will give peace in
   the place which that place signifies.  For all typical things seem in
   some way to personate those whom they typify, as it is said by the
   apostle, "That Rock was Christ." [1232]   Therefore the glory of this
   new testament house is greater than the glory of the old testament
   house; and it will show itself as greater when it shall be dedicated.
   For then "shall come the desired of all nations," [1233] as we read in
   the Hebrew.  For before His advent He had not yet been desired by all
   nations.  For they knew not Him whom they ought to desire, in whom they
   had not believed.  Then, also, according to the Septuagint
   interpretation (for it also is a prophetic meaning), "shall come those
   who are elected of the Lord out of all nations."  For then indeed there
   shall come only those who are elected, whereof the apostle saith,
   "According as He hath chosen us in Him before the foundation of the
   world." [1234]   For the Master Builder who said, "Many are called, but
   few are chosen," [1235] did not say this of those who, on being called,
   came in such a way as to be cast out from the feast, but would point
   out the house built up of the elect, which henceforth shall dread no
   ruin.  Yet because the churches are also full of those who shall be
   separated by the winnowing as in the threshing-floor, the glory of this
   house is not so apparent now as it shall be when every one who is there
   shall be there always.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1230] Hag. ii. 9.

   [1231] Hag. ii. 9.

   [1232] 1 Cor. x. 4; Ex. xvii. 6.

   [1233] Hag. ii. 7.

   [1234] Eph. i. 4.

   [1235] Matt. xxii. 11-14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 49.--Of the Indiscriminate Increase of the Church, Wherein Many
   Reprobate are in This World Mixed with the Elect.

   In this wicked world, in these evil days, when the Church measures her
   future loftiness by her present humility, and is exercised by goading
   fears, tormenting sorrows, disquieting labors, and dangerous
   temptations, when she soberly rejoices, rejoicing only in hope, there
   are many reprobate mingled with the good, and both are gathered
   together by the gospel as in a drag net; [1236] and in this world, as
   in a sea, both swim enclosed without distinction in the net, until it
   is brought ashore, when the wicked must be separated from the good,
   that in the good, as in His temple, God may be all in all.  We
   acknowledge, indeed, that His word is now fulfilled who spake in the
   psalm, and said, "I have announced and spoken; they are multiplied
   above number." [1237]   This takes place now, since He has spoken,
   first by the mouth of his forerunner John, and afterward by His own
   mouth, saying, "Repent:  for the kingdom of heaven is at hand." [1238]
     He chose disciples, whom He also called apostles, [1239] of lowly
   birth, unhonored, and illiterate, so that whatever great thing they
   might be or do, He might be and do it in them.  He had one among them
   whose wickedness He could use well in order to accomplish His appointed
   passion, and furnish His Church an example of bearing with the wicked.
   Having sown the holy gospel as much as that behoved to be done by His
   bodily presence, He suffered, died, and rose again, showing by His
   passion what we ought to suffer for the truth, and by His resurrection
   what we ought to hope for in adversity; saving always the mystery of
   the sacrament, by which His blood was shed for the remission of sins.
   He held converse on the earth forty days with His disciples, and in
   their sight ascended into heaven, and after ten days sent the promised
   Holy Spirit.  It was given as the chief and most necessary sign of His
   coming on those who had believed, that every one of them spoke in the
   tongues of all nations; thus signifying that the unity of the catholic
   Church would embrace all nations, and would in like manner speak in all
   tongues.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1236] Matt. xiii. 47-50.

   [1237] Ps. xl. 5.

   [1238] Matt. iii. 2; iv. 17.

   [1239] Luke vi. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 50.--Of the Preaching of the Gospel, Which is Made More Famous
   and Powerful by the Sufferings of Its Preachers.

   Then was fulfilled that prophecy, "Out of Sion shall go forth the law,
   and the word of the Lord out of Jerusalem;" [1240] and the prediction
   of the Lord Christ Himself, when, after the resurrection, "He opened
   the understanding" of His amazed disciples "that they might understand
   the Scriptures, and said unto them, that thus it is written, and thus
   it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day,
   and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in His
   name among all nations, beginning at Jerusalem." [1241]   And again,
   when, in reply to their questioning about the day of His last coming,
   He said, "It is not for you to know the times or the seasons which the
   Father hath put in His own power; but ye shall receive the power of the
   Holy Ghost coming upon you, and ye shall be witnesses unto me both in
   Jerusalem, and in all Judea, and Samaria, and even unto the ends of the
   earth." [1242]   First of all, the Church spread herself abroad from
   Jerusalem; and when very many in Judea and Samaria had believed, she
   also went into other nations by those who announced the gospel, whom,
   as lights, He Himself had both prepared by His word and kindled by His
   Holy Spirit.  For He had said to them, "Fear ye not them which kill the
   body, but are not able to kill the soul." [1243]   And that they might
   not be frozen with fear, they burned with the fire of charity.
   Finally, the gospel of Christ was preached in the whole world, not only
   by those who had seen and heard Him both before His passion and after
   His resurrection, but also after their death by their successors, amid
   the horrible persecutions, diverse torments and deaths of the martyrs,
   God also bearing them witness, both with signs and wonders, and divers
   miracles and gifts of the Holy Ghost, [1244] that the people of the
   nations, believing in Him who was crucified for their redemption, might
   venerate with Christian love the blood of the martyrs which they had
   poured forth with devilish fury, and the very kings by whose laws the
   Church had been laid waste might become profitably subject to that name
   they had cruelly striven to take away from the earth, and might begin
   to persecute the false gods for whose sake the worshippers of the true
   God had formerly been persecuted.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1240] Isa. ii. 3.

   [1241] Luke xxiv. 45-47.

   [1242] Acts i. 7, 8.

   [1243] Matt. x. 28.

   [1244] Heb. ii. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 51.--That the Catholic Faith May Be Confirmed Even by the
   Dissensions of the Heretics.

   But the devil, seeing the temples of the demons deserted, and the human
   race running to the name of the liberating Mediator, has moved the
   heretics under the Christian name to resist the Christian doctrine, as
   if they could be kept in the city of God indifferently without any
   correction, just as the city of confusion indifferently held the
   philosophers who were of diverse and adverse opinions.  Those,
   therefore, in the Church of Christ who savor anything morbid and
   depraved, and, on being corrected that they may savor what is wholesome
   and right, contumaciously resist, and will not amend their pestiferous
   and deadly dogmas, but persist in defending them, become heretics, and,
   going without, are to be reckoned as enemies who serve for her
   discipline.  For even thus they profit by their wickedness those true
   catholic members of Christ, since God makes a good use even of the
   wicked, and all things work together for good to them that love Him.
   [1245]   For all the enemies of the Church, whatever error blinds or
   malice depraves them, exercise her patience if they receive the power
   to afflict her corporally; and if they only oppose her by wicked
   thought, they exercise her wisdom:  but at the same time, if these
   enemies are loved, they exercise her benevolence, or even her
   beneficence, whether she deals with them by persuasive doctrine or by
   terrible discipline.  And thus the devil, the prince of the impious
   city, when he stirs up his own vessels against the city of God that
   sojourns in this world, is permitted to do her no harm.  For without
   doubt the divine providence procures for her both consolation through
   prosperity, that she may not be broken by adversity, and trial through
   adversity, that she may not be corrupted by prosperity; and thus each
   is tempered by the other, as we recognize in the Psalms that voice
   which arises from no other cause, "According to the multitude of my
   griefs in my heart, Thy consolations have delighted my soul." [1246]
   Hence also is that saying of the apostle, "Rejoicing in hope, patient
   in tribulation." [1247]

   For it is not to be thought that what the same teacher says can at any
   time fail, "Whoever will live piously in Christ shall suffer
   persecution." [1248]   Because even when those who are without do not
   rage, and thus there seems to be, and really is, tranquillity, which
   brings very much consolation, especially to the weak, yet there are not
   wanting, yea, there are many within who by their abandoned manners
   torment the hearts of those who live piously, since by them the
   Christian and catholic name is blasphemed; and the dearer that name is
   to those who will live piously in Christ, the more do they grieve that
   through the wicked, who have a place within, it comes to be less loved
   than pious minds desire.  The heretics themselves also, since they are
   thought to have the Christian name and sacraments, Scriptures, and
   profession, cause great grief in the hearts of the pious, both because
   many who wish to be Christians are compelled by their dissensions to
   hesitate, and many evil-speakers also find in them matter for
   blaspheming the Christian name, because they too are at any rate called
   Christians.  By these and similar depraved manners and errors of men,
   those who will live piously in Christ suffer persecution, even when no
   one molests or vexes their body; for they suffer this persecution, not
   in their bodies, but in their hearts.  Whence is that word, "According
   to the multitude of my griefs in my heart;" for he does not say, in my
   body.  Yet, on the other hand, none of them can perish, because the
   immutable divine promises are thought of.  And because the apostle
   says, "The Lord knoweth them that are His; [1249] for whom He did
   foreknow, He also predestinated [to be] conformed to the image of His
   Son," [1250] none of them can perish; therefore it follows in that
   psalm, "Thy consolations have delighted my soul." [1251]   But that
   grief which arises in the hearts of the pious, who are persecuted by
   the manners of bad or false Christians, is profitable to the sufferers,
   because it proceeds from the charity in which they do not wish them
   either to perish or to hinder the salvation of others.  Finally, great
   consolations grow out of their chastisement, which imbue the souls of
   the pious with a fecundity as great as the pains with which they were
   troubled concerning their own perdition.  Thus in this world, in these
   evil days, not only from the time of the bodily presence of Christ and
   His apostles, but even from that of Abel, whom first his wicked brother
   slew because he was righteous, [1252] and thenceforth even to the end
   of this world, the Church has gone forward on pilgrimage amid the
   persecutions of the world and the consolations of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1245] Rom. viii. 28.

   [1246] Ps. xciv. 19.

   [1247] Rom. xii. 12.

   [1248] 2 Tim. iii. 12.

   [1249] 2 Tim. ii. 19.

   [1250] Rom. viii. 29.

   [1251] Ps. xciv. 19.

   [1252] 1 John iii. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 52.--Whether We Should Believe What Some Think, That, as the
   Ten Persecutions Which are Past Have Been Fulfilled, There Remains No
   Other Beyond the Eleventh, Which Must Happen in the Very Time of
   Antichrist.

   I do not think, indeed, that what some have thought or may think is
   rashly said or believed, that until the time of Antichrist the Church
   of Christ is not to suffer any persecutions besides those she has
   already suffered,--that is, ten,--and that the eleventh and last shall
   be inflicted by Antichrist.  They reckon as the first that made by
   Nero, the second by Domitian, the third by Trajan, the fourth by
   Antoninus, the fifth by Severus, the sixth by Maximin, the seventh by
   Decius, the eighth by Valerian, the ninth by Aurelian, the tenth by
   Diocletian and Maximian.  For as there were ten plagues in Egypt before
   the people of God could begin to go out, they think this is to be
   referred to as showing that the last persecution by Antichrist must be
   like the eleventh plague, in which the Egyptians, while following the
   Hebrews with hostility, perished in the Red Sea when the people of God
   passed through on dry land.  Yet I do not think persecutions were
   prophetically signified by what was done in Egypt, however nicely and
   ingeniously those who think so may seem to have compared the two in
   detail, not by the prophetic Spirit, but by the conjecture of the human
   mind, which sometimes hits the truth, and sometimes is deceived.  But
   what can those who think this say of the persecution in which the Lord
   Himself was crucified?  In which number will they put it?  And if they
   think the reckoning is to be made exclusive of this one, as if those
   must be counted which pertain to the body, and not that in which the
   Head Himself was set upon and slain, what can they make of that one
   which, after Christ ascended into heaven, took place in Jerusalem, when
   the blessed Stephen was stoned; when James the brother of John was
   slaughtered with the sword; when the Apostle Peter was imprisoned to be
   killed, and was set free by the angel; when the brethren were driven
   away and scattered from Jerusalem; when Saul, who afterward became the
   Apostle Paul, wasted the Church; and when he himself, publishing the
   glad tidings of the faith he had persecuted, suffered such things as he
   had inflicted, either from the Jews or from other nations, where he
   most fervently preached Christ everywhere?  Why, then, do they think
   fit to start with Nero, when the Church in her growth had reached the
   times of Nero amid the most cruel persecutions; about which it would be
   too long to say anything?  But if they think that only the persecutions
   made by kings ought to be reckoned, it was king Herod who also made a
   most grievous one after the ascension of the Lord.  And what account do
   they give of Julian, whom they do not number in the ten?  Did not he
   persecute the Church, who forbade the Christians to teach or learn
   liberal letters?  Under him the elder Valentinian, who was the third
   emperor after him, stood forth as a confessor of the Christian faith,
   and was dismissed from his command in the army.  I shall say nothing of
   what he did at Antioch, except to mention his being struck with wonder
   at the freedom and cheerfulness of one most faithful and steadfast
   young man, who, when many were seized to be tortured, was tortured
   during a whole day, and sang under the instrument of torture, until the
   emperor feared lest he should succumb under the continued cruelties and
   put him to shame at last, which made him dread and fear that he would
   be yet more dishonorably put to the blush by the rest.  Lastly, within
   our own recollection, did not Valens the Arian, brother of the foresaid
   Valentinian, waste the catholic Church by great persecution throughout
   the East?  But how unreasonable it is not to consider that the Church,
   which bears fruit and grows through the whole world, may suffer
   persecution from kings in some nations even when she does not suffer it
   in others!  Perhaps, however, it was not to be reckoned a persecution
   when the king of the Goths, in Gothia itself, persecuted the Christians
   with wonderful cruelty, when there were none but catholics there, of
   whom very many were crowned with martyrdom, as we have heard from
   certain brethren who had been there at that time as boys, and
   unhesitatingly called to mind that they had seen these things?  And
   what took place in Persia of late?  Was not persecution so hot against
   the Christians (if even yet it is allayed) that some of the fugitives
   from it came even to Roman towns?  When I think of these and the like
   things, it does not seem to me that the number of persecutions with
   which the Church is to be tried can be definitely stated.  But, on the
   other hand, it is no less rash to affirm that there will be some
   persecutions by kings besides that last one, about which no Christian
   is in doubt.  Therefore we leave this undecided, supporting or refuting
   neither side of this question, but only restraining men from the
   audacious presumption of affirming either of them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 53.--Of the Hidden Time of the Final Persecution.

   Truly Jesus Himself shall extinguish by His presence that last
   persecution which is to be made by Antichrist.  For so it is written,
   that "He shall slay him with the breath of His mouth, and empty him
   with the brightness of His presence." [1253]   It is customary to ask,
   When shall that be?  But this is quite unreasonable.  For had it been
   profitable for us to know this, by whom could it better have been told
   than by God Himself, the Master, when the disciples questioned Him?
   For they were not silent when with Him, but inquired of Him, saying,
   "Lord, wilt Thou at this time present the kingdom to Israel, or when?"
   [1254]   But He said, "It is not for you to know the times, which the
   Father hath put in His own power."  When they got that answer, they had
   not at all questioned Him about the hour, or day, or year, but about
   the time.  In vain, then, do we attempt to compute definitely the years
   that may remain to this world, when we may hear from the mouth of the
   Truth that it is not for us to know this.  Yet some have said that four
   hundred, some five hundred, others a thousand years, may be completed
   from the ascension of the Lord up to His final coming.  But to point
   out how each of them supports his own opinion would take too long, and
   is not necessary; for indeed they use human conjectures, and bring
   forward nothing certain from the authority of the canonical
   Scriptures.  But on this subject He puts aside the figures of the
   calculators, and orders silence, who says, "It is not for you to know
   the times, which the Father hath put in His own power."

   But because this sentence is in the Gospel, it is no wonder that the
   worshippers of the many and false gods have been none the less
   restrained from feigning that by the responses of the demons, whom they
   worship as gods, it has been fixed how long the Christian religion is
   to last.  For when they saw that it could not be consumed by so many
   and great persecutions, but rather drew from them wonderful
   enlargements, they invented I know not what Greek verses, as if poured
   forth by a divine oracle to some one consulting it, in which, indeed,
   they make Christ innocent of this, as it were, sacrilegious crime, but
   add that Peter by enchantments brought it about that the name of Christ
   should be worshipped for three hundred and sixty-five years, and, after
   the completion of that number of years, should at once take end.  Oh
   the hearts of learned men!  Oh, learned wits, meet to believe such
   things about Christ as you are not willing to believe in Christ, that
   His disciple Peter did not learn magic arts from Him, yet that,
   although He was innocent, His disciple was an enchanter, and chose that
   His name rather than his own should be worshipped through his magic
   arts, his great labors and perils, and at last even the shedding of his
   blood!  If Peter the enchanter made the world so love Christ, what did
   Christ the innocent do to make Peter so love Him?  Let them answer
   themselves then, and, if they can, let them understand that the world,
   for the sake of eternal life, was made to love Christ by that same
   supernal grace which made Peter also love Christ for the sake of the
   eternal life to be received from Him, and that even to the extent of
   suffering temporal death for Him.  And then, what kind of gods are
   these who are able to predict such things, yet are not able to avert
   them, succumbing in such a way to a single enchanter and wicked
   magician (who, as they say, having slain a yearling boy and torn him to
   pieces, buried him with nefarious rites), that they permitted the sect
   hostile to themselves to gain strength for so great a time, and to
   surmount the horrid cruelties of so many great persecutions, not by
   resisting but by suffering, and to procure the overthrow of their own
   images, temples, rituals, and oracles?  Finally, what god was it--not
   ours, certainly, but one of their own--who was either enticed or
   compelled by so great wickedness to perform these things?  For those
   verses say that Peter bound, not any demon, but a god to do these
   things.  Such a god have they who have not Christ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1253] Isa. xi. 4; 2 Thess. i. 9.

   [1254] Acts i. 6, 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 54.--Of the Very Foolish Lie of the Pagans, in Feigning that
   the Christian Religion Was Not to Last Beyond Three Hundred and
   Sixty-Five Years.

   I might collect these and many similar arguments, if that year had not
   already passed by which lying divination has promised, and deceived
   vanity has believed.  But as a few years ago three hundred and
   sixty-five years were completed since the time when the worship of the
   name of Christ was established by His presence in the flesh, and by the
   apostles, what other proof need we seek to refute that falsehood?  For,
   not to place the beginning of this period at the nativity of Christ,
   because as an infant and boy He had no disciples, yet, when He began to
   have them, beyond doubt the Christian doctrine and religion then became
   known through His bodily presence, that is, after He was baptized in
   the river Jordan by the ministry of John.  For on this account that
   prophecy went before concerning Him:  "He shall reign from sea even to
   sea, and from the river even to the ends of the earth." [1255]   But
   since, before He suffered and rose from the dead, the faith had not yet
   been defined to all, but was defined in the resurrection of Christ (for
   so the Apostle Paul speaks to the Athenians, saying, "But now He
   announces to men that all everywhere should repent, because He hath
   appointed a day in which to judge the world in equity, by the Man in
   whom He hath defined the faith to all men, raising Him from the dead"
   [1256] ), it is better that, in settling this question, we should start
   from that point, especially because the Holy Spirit was then given,
   just as He behoved to be given after the resurrection of Christ in that
   city from which the second law, that is, the new testament, ought to
   begin.  For the first, which is called the old testament was given from
   Mount Sinai through Moses.  But concerning this which was to be given
   by Christ it was predicted, "Out of Sion shall go forth the law and the
   word of the Lord out of Jerusalem;" [1257] whence He Himself said that
   repentance in His name behoved to be preached among all nations, but
   yet beginning at Jerusalem. [1258]   There, therefore, the worship of
   this name took its rise, that Jesus should be believed in, who died and
   rose again.  There this faith blazed up with such noble beginnings,
   that several thousand men, being converted to the name of Christ with
   wonderful alacrity, sold their goods for distribution among the needy,
   thus, by a holy resolution and most ardent charity, coming to voluntary
   poverty, and prepared themselves, amid the Jews who raged and thirsted
   for their blood, to contend for the truth even to death, not with armed
   power, but with more powerful patience.  If this was accomplished by no
   magic arts, why do they hesitate to believe that the other could be
   done throughout the whole world by the same divine power by which this
   was done?  But supposing Peter wrought that enchantment so that so
   great a multitude of men at Jerusalem was thus kindled to worship the
   name of Christ, who had either seized and fastened Him to the cross, or
   reviled Him when fastened there, we must still inquire when the three
   hundred and sixty-five years must be completed, counting from that
   year.  Now Christ died when the Gemini were consuls, on the eighth day
   before the kalends of April.  He rose the third day, as the apostles
   have proved by the evidence of their own senses.  Then forty days
   after, He ascended into heaven.  Ten days after, that is, on the
   fiftieth after his resurrection, He sent the Holy Spirit; then three
   thousand men believed when the apostles preached Him.  Then, therefore,
   arose the worship of that name, as we believe, and according to the
   real truth, by the efficacy of the Holy Spirit, but, as impious vanity
   has feigned or thought, by the magic arts of Peter.  A little
   afterward, too, on a wonderful sign being wrought, when at Peter's own
   word a certain beggar, so lame from his mother's womb that he was
   carried by others and laid down at the gate of the temple, where he
   begged alms, was made whole in the name of Jesus Christ, and leaped up,
   five thousand men believed, and thenceforth the Church grew by sundry
   accessions of believers.  Thus we gather the very day with which that
   year began, namely, that on which the Holy Spirit was sent, that is,
   during the ides of May.  And, on counting the consuls, the three
   hundred and sixty-five years are found completed on the same ides in
   the consulate of Honorius and Eutychianus.  Now, in the following year,
   in the consulate of Mallius Theodorus, when, according to that oracle
   of the demons or figment of men, there ought already to have been no
   Christian religion, it was not necessary to inquire, what perchance was
   done in other parts of the earth.  But, as we know, in the most noted
   and eminent city, Carthage, in Africa, Gaudentius and Jovius, officers
   of the Emperor Honorius, on the fourteenth day before the kalends of
   April, overthrew the temples and broke the images of the false gods.
   And from that time to the present, during almost thirty years, who does
   not see how much the worship of the name of Christ has increased,
   especially after many of those became Christians who had been kept back
   from the faith by thinking that divination true, but saw when that same
   number of years was completed that it was empty and ridiculous?  We,
   therefore, who are called and are Christians, do not believe in Peter,
   but in Him whom Peter believed,--being edified by Peter's sermons about
   Christ, not poisoned by his incantations; and not deceived by his
   enchantments, but aided by his good deeds.  Christ Himself, who was
   Peter's Master in the doctrine which leads to eternal life, is our
   Master too.

   But let us now at last finish this book, after thus far treating of,
   and showing as far as seemed sufficient, what is the mortal course of
   the two cities, the heavenly and the earthly, which are mingled
   together from the beginning down to the end.  Of these, the earthly one
   has made to herself of whom she would, either from any other quarter,
   or even from among men, false gods whom she might serve by sacrifice;
   but she which is heavenly and is a pilgrim on the earth does not make
   false gods, but is herself made by the true God of whom she herself
   must be the true sacrifice.  Yet both alike either enjoy temporal good
   things, or are afflicted with temporal evils, but with diverse faith,
   diverse hope, and diverse love, until they must be separated by the
   last judgment, and each must receive her own end, of which there is no
   end.  About these ends of both we must next treat.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1255] Ps. lxxii. 8.

   [1256] Acts xvii. 30, 31.

   [1257] Isa. ii. 3.

   [1258] Luke xxiv. 47.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XIX.

   ------------------------

   Argument--In this book the end of the two cities, the earthly and the
   heavenly, is discussed.  Augustin reviews the opinions of the
   philosophers regarding the supreme good, and their vain efforts to make
   for themselves a happiness in this life; and, while he refutes these,
   he takes occasion to show what the peace and happiness belonging to the
   heavenly city, or the people of Christ, are both now and hereafter.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--That Varro Has Made Out that Two Hundred and Eighty-Eight
   Different Sects of Philosophy Might Be Formed by the Various Opinions
   Regarding the Supreme Good.

   As I see that I have still to discuss the fit destinies of the two
   cities, the earthly and the heavenly, I must first explain, so far as
   the limits of this work allow me, the reasonings by which men have
   attempted to make for themselves a happiness in this unhappy life, in
   order that it may be evident, not only from divine authority, but also
   from such reasons as can be adduced to unbelievers, how the empty
   dreams of the philosophers differ from the hope which God gives to us,
   and from the substantial fulfillment of it which He will give us as our
   blessedness.  Philosophers have expressed a great variety of diverse
   opinions regarding the ends of goods and of evils, and this question
   they have eagerly canvassed, that they might, if possible, discover
   what makes a man happy.  For the end of our good is that for the sake
   of which other things are to be desired, while it is to be desired for
   its own sake; and the end of evil is that on account of which other
   things are to be shunned, while it is avoided on its own account.
   Thus, by the end of good, we at present mean, not that by which good is
   destroyed, so that it no longer exists, but that by which it is
   finished, so that it becomes complete; and by the end of evil we mean,
   not that which abolishes it, but that which completes its development.
   These two ends, therefore, are the supreme good and the supreme evil;
   and, as I have said, those who have in this vain life professed the
   study of wisdom have been at great pains to discover these ends, and to
   obtain the supreme good and avoid the supreme evil in this life.  And
   although they erred in a variety of ways, yet natural insight has
   prevented them from wandering from the truth so far that they have not
   placed the supreme good and evil, some in the soul, some in the body,
   and some in both.  From this tripartite distribution of the sects of
   philosophy, Marcus Varro, in his book De Philosophia, [1259] has drawn
   so large a variety of opinions, that, by a subtle and minute analysis
   of distinctions, he numbers without difficulty as many as 288
   sects,--not that these have actually existed, but sects which are
   possible.

   To illustrate briefly what he means, I must begin with his own
   introductory statement in the above-mentioned book, that there are four
   things which men desire, as it were by nature without a master, without
   the help of any instruction, without industry or the art of living
   which is called virtue, and which is certainly learned: [1260]   either
   pleasure, which is an agreeable stirring of the bodily sense; or
   repose, which excludes every bodily inconvenience; or both these, which
   Epicurus calls by the one name, pleasure; or the primary objects of
   nature, [1261] which comprehend the things already named and other
   things, either bodily, such as health, and safety, and integrity of the
   members, or spiritual, such as the greater and less mental gifts that
   are found in men.  Now these four things--pleasure, repose, the two
   combined, and the primary objects of nature--exist in us in such sort
   that we must either desire virtue on their account, or them for the
   sake of virtue, or both for their own sake; and consequently there
   arise from this distinction twelve sects, for each is by this
   consideration tripled.  I will illustrate this in one instance, and,
   having done so, it will not be difficult to understand the others.
   According, then, as bodily pleasure is subjected, preferred, or united
   to virtue, there are three sects.  It is subjected to virtue when it is
   chosen as subservient to virtue.  Thus it is a duty of virtue to live
   for one's country, and for its sake to beget children, neither of which
   can be done without bodily pleasure.  For there is pleasure in eating
   and drinking, pleasure also in sexual intercourse.  But when it is
   preferred to virtue, it is desired for its own sake, and virtue is
   chosen only for its sake, and to effect nothing else than the
   attainment or preservation of bodily pleasure.  And this, indeed, is to
   make life hideous; for where virtue is the slave of pleasure it no
   longer deserves the name of virtue.  Yet even this disgraceful
   distortion has found some philosophers to patronize and defend it.
   Then virtue is united to pleasure when neither is desired for the
   other's sake, but both for their own.  And therefore, as pleasure,
   according as it is subjected, preferred, or united to virtue, makes
   three sects, so also do repose, pleasure and repose combined, and the
   prime natural blessings, make their three sects each.  For as men's
   opinions vary, and these four things are sometimes subjected, sometimes
   preferred, and sometimes united to virtue, there are produced twelve
   sects.  But this number again is doubled by the addition of one
   difference, viz., the social life; for whoever attaches himself to any
   of these sects does so either for his own sake alone, or for the sake
   of a companion, for whom he ought to wish what he desires for himself.
   And thus there will be twelve of those who think some one of these
   opinions should be held for their own sakes, and other twelve who
   decide that they ought to follow this or that philosophy not for their
   own sakes only, but also for the sake of others whose good they desire
   as their own.  These twenty-four sects again are doubled, and become
   forty-eight by adding a difference taken from the New Academy.  For
   each of these four and twenty sects can hold and defend their opinion
   as certain, as the Stoics defended the position that the supreme good
   of man consisted solely in virtue; or they can be held as probable, but
   not certain, as the New Academics did.  There are, therefore,
   twenty-four who hold their philosophy as certainly true, other
   twenty-four who hold their opinions as probable, but not certain.
   Again, as each person who attaches himself to any of these sects may
   adopt the mode of life either of the Cynics or of the other
   philosophers, this distinction will double the number, and so make
   ninety-six sects.  Then, lastly, as each of these sects may be adhered
   to either by men who love a life of ease, as those who have through
   choice or necessity addicted themselves to study, or by men who love a
   busy life, as those who, while philosophizing, have been much occupied
   with state affairs and public business, or by men who choose a mixed
   life, in imitation of those who have apportioned their time partly to
   erudite leisure, partly to necessary business:  by these differences
   the number of the sects is tripled, and becomes 288.

   I have thus, as briefly and lucidly as I could, given in my own words
   the opinions which Varro expresses in his book.  But how he refutes all
   the rest of these sects, and chooses one, the Old Academy, instituted
   by Plato, and continuing to Polemo, the fourth teacher of that school
   of philosophy which held that their system was certain; and how on this
   ground he distinguishes it from the New Academy, [1262] which began
   with Polemo's successor Arcesilaus, and held that all things are
   uncertain; and how he seeks to establish that the Old Academy was as
   free from error as from doubt,--all this, I say, were too long to enter
   upon in detail, and yet I must not altogether pass it by in silence.
   Varro then rejects, as a first step, all those differences which have
   multiplied the number of sects; and the ground on which he does so is
   that they are not differences about the supreme good.  He maintains
   that in philosophy a sect is created only by its having an opinion of
   its own different from other schools on the point of the
   ends-in-chief.  For man has no other reason for philosophizing than
   that he may be happy; but that which makes him happy is itself the
   supreme good.  In other words, the supreme good is the reason of
   philosophizing; and therefore that cannot be called a sect of
   philosophy which pursues no way of its own towards the supreme good.
   Thus, when it is asked whether a wise man will adopt the social life,
   and desire and be interested in the supreme good of his friend as in
   his own, or will, on the contrary, do all that he does merely for his
   own sake, there is no question here about the supreme good, but only
   about the propriety of associating or not associating a friend in its
   participation:  whether the wise man will do this not for his own sake,
   but for the sake of his friend in whose good he delights as in his
   own.  So, too, when it is asked whether all things about which
   philosophy is concerned are to be considered uncertain, as by the New
   Academy, or certain, as the other philosophers maintain, the question
   here is not what end should be pursued, but whether or not we are to
   believe in the substantial existence of that end; or, to put it more
   plainly, whether he who pursues the supreme good must maintain that it
   is a true good, or only that it appears to him to be true, though
   possibly it may be delusive,--both pursuing one and the same good.  The
   distinction, too, which is founded on the dress and manners of the
   Cynics, does not touch the question of the chief good, but only the
   question whether he who pursues that good which seems to himself true
   should live as do the Cynics.  There were, in fact, men who, though
   they pursued different things as the supreme good, some choosing
   pleasure, others virtue, yet adopted that mode of life which gave the
   Cynics their name.  Thus, whatever it is which distinguishes the Cynics
   from other philosophers, this has no bearing on the choice and pursuit
   of that good which constitutes happiness.  For if it had any such
   bearing, then the same habits of life would necessitate the pursuit of
   the same chief good, and diverse habits would necessitate the pursuit
   of different ends.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1259] Not extant.

   [1260] Alluding to the vexed question whether virtue could be taught.

   [1261] The prima naturæ, or prota kata phusin of the Stoics.

   [1262] Frequently called the Middle Academy; the New beginning with
   Carneades.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--How Varro, by Removing All the Differences Which Do Not
   Form Sects, But are Merely Secondary Questions, Reaches Three
   Definitions of the Chief Good, of Which We Must Choose One.

   The same may be said of those three kinds of life, the life of studious
   leisure and search after truth, the life of easy engagement in affairs,
   and the life in which both these are mingled.  When it is asked, which
   of these should be adopted, this involves no controversy about the end
   of good, but inquires which of these three puts a man in the best
   position for finding and retaining the supreme good.  For this good, as
   soon as a man finds it, makes him happy; but lettered leisure, or
   public business, or the alternation of these, do not necessarily
   constitute happiness.  Many, in fact, find it possible to adopt one or
   other of these modes of life, and yet to miss what makes a man happy.
   The question, therefore, regarding the supreme good and the supreme
   evil, and which distinguishes sects of philosophy, is one; and these
   questions concerning the social life, the doubt of the Academy, the
   dress and food of the Cynics, the three modes of life--the active, the
   contemplative, and the mixed--these are different questions, into none
   of which the question of the chief good enters.  And therefore, as
   Marcus Varro multiplied the sects to the number of 288 (or whatever
   larger number he chose) by introducing these four differences derived
   from the social life, the New Academy, the Cynics, and the threefold
   form of life, so, by removing these differences as having no bearing on
   the supreme good, and as therefore not constituting what can properly
   be called sects, he returns to those twelve schools which concern
   themselves with inquiring what that good is which makes man happy, and
   he shows that one of these is true, the rest false.  In other words, he
   dismisses the distinction founded on the threefold mode of life, and so
   decreases the whole number by two-thirds, reducing the sects to
   ninety-six.  Then, putting aside the Cynic peculiarities, the number
   decreases by a half, to forty-eight.  Taking away next the distinction
   occasioned by the hesitancy of the New Academy, the number is again
   halved, and reduced to twenty-four.  Treating in a similar way the
   diversity introduced by the consideration of the social life, there are
   left but twelve, which this difference had doubled to twenty-four.
   Regarding these twelve, no reason can be assigned why they should not
   be called sects.  For in them the sole inquiry is regarding the supreme
   good and the ultimate evil,--that is to say, regarding the supreme
   good, for this being found, the opposite evil is thereby found.  Now,
   to make these twelve sects, he multiplies by three these four
   things--pleasure, repose, pleasure and repose combined, and the primary
   objects of nature which Varro calls primigenia.  For as these four
   things are sometimes subordinated to virtue, so that they seem to be
   desired not for their own sake, but for virtue's sake; sometimes
   preferred to it, so that virtue seems to be necessary not on its own
   account, but in order to attain these things; sometimes joined with it,
   so that both they and virtue are desired for their own sakes,--we must
   multiply the four by three, and thus we get twelve sects.  But from
   those four things Varro eliminates three--pleasure, repose, pleasure
   and repose combined--not because he thinks these are not worthy of the
   place assigned them, but because they are included in the primary
   objects of nature.  And what need is there, at any rate, to make a
   threefold division out of these two ends, pleasure and repose, taking
   them first severally and then conjunctly, since both they, and many
   other things besides, are comprehended in the primary objects of
   nature?  Which of the three remaining sects must be chosen?  This is
   the question that Varro dwells upon.  For whether one of these three or
   some other be chosen, reason forbids that more than one be true.  This
   we shall afterwards see; but meanwhile let us explain as briefly and
   distinctly as we can how Varro makes his selection from these three,
   that is, from the sects which severally hold that the primary objects
   of nature are to be desired for virtue's sake, that virtue is to be
   desired for their sake, and that virtue and these objects are to be
   desired each for their own sake.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Which of the Three Leading Opinions Regarding the Chief
   Good Should Be Preferred, According to Varro, Who Follows Antiochus and
   the Old Academy.

   Which of these three is true and to be adopted he attempts to show in
   the following manner.  As it is the supreme good, not of a tree, or of
   a beast, or of a god, but of man that philosophy is in quest of, he
   thinks that, first of all, we must define man.  He is of opinion that
   there are two parts in human nature, body and soul, and makes no doubt
   that of these two the soul is the better and by far the more worthy
   part.  But whether the soul alone is the man, so that the body holds
   the same relation to it as a horse to the horseman, this he thinks has
   to be ascertained.  The horseman is not a horse and a man, but only a
   man, yet he is called a horseman, because he is in some relation to the
   horse.  Again, is the body alone the man, having a relation to the soul
   such as the cup has to the drink?  For it is not the cup and the drink
   it contains which are called the cup, but the cup alone; yet it is so
   called because it is made to hold the drink.  Or, lastly, is it neither
   the soul alone nor the body alone, but both together, which are man,
   the body and the soul being each a part, but the whole man being both
   together, as we call two horses yoked together a pair, of which pair
   the near and the off horse is each a part, but we do not call either of
   them, no matter how connected with the other, a pair, but only both
   together?  Of these three alternatives, then, Varro chooses the third,
   that man is neither the body alone, nor the soul alone, but both
   together.  And therefore the highest good, in which lies the happiness
   of man, is composed of goods of both kinds, both bodily and spiritual.
   And consequently he thinks that the primary objects of nature are to be
   sought for their own sake, and that virtue, which is the art of living,
   and can be communicated by instruction, is the most excellent of
   spiritual goods.  This virtue, then, or art of regulating life, when it
   has received these primary objects of nature which existed
   independently of it, and prior to any instruction, seeks them all, and
   itself also, for its own sake; and it uses them, as it also uses
   itself, that from them all it may derive profit and enjoyment, greater
   or less, according as they are themselves greater or less; and while it
   takes pleasure in all of them, it despises the less that it may obtain
   or retain the greater when occasion demands.  Now, of all goods,
   spiritual or bodily, there is none at all to compare with virtue.  For
   virtue makes a good use both of itself and of all other goods in which
   lies man's happiness; and where it is absent, no matter how many good
   things a man has, they are not for his good, and consequently should
   not be called good things while they belong to one who makes them
   useless by using them badly.  The life of man, then, is called happy
   when it enjoys virtue and these other spiritual and bodily good things
   without which virtue is impossible.  It is called happier if it enjoys
   some or many other good things which are not essential to virtue; and
   happiest of all, if it lacks not one of the good things which pertain
   to the body and the soul.  For life is not the same thing as virtue,
   since not every life, but a wisely regulated life, is virtue; and yet,
   while there can be life of some kind without virtue, there cannot be
   virtue without life.  This I might apply to memory and reason, and such
   mental faculties; for these exist prior to instruction, and without
   them there cannot be any instruction, and consequently no virtue, since
   virtue is learned.  But bodily advantages, such as swiftness of foot,
   beauty, or strength, are not essential to virtue, neither is virtue
   essential to them, and yet they are good things; and, according to our
   philosophers, even these advantages are desired by virtue for its own
   sake, and are used and enjoyed by it in a becoming manner.

   They say that this happy life is also social, and loves the advantages
   of its friends as its own, and for their sake wishes for them what it
   desires for itself, whether these friends live in the same family, as a
   wife, children, domestics; or in the locality where one's home is, as
   the citizens of the same town; or in the world at large, as the nations
   bound in common human brotherhood; or in the universe itself,
   comprehended in the heavens and the earth, as those whom they call
   gods, and provide as friends for the wise man, and whom we more
   familiarly call angels.  Moreover, they say that, regarding the supreme
   good and evil, there is no room for doubt, and that they therefore
   differ from the New Academy in this respect, and they are not concerned
   whether a philosopher pursues those ends which they think true in the
   Cynic dress and manner of life or in some other.  And, lastly, in
   regard to the three modes of life, the contemplative, the active, and
   the composite, they declare in favor of the third.  That these were the
   opinions and doctrines of the Old Academy, Varro asserts on the
   authority of Antiochus, Cicero's master and his own, though Cicero
   makes him out to have been more frequently in accordance with the
   Stoics than with the Old Academy.  But of what importance is this to
   us, who ought to judge the matter on its own merits, rather than to
   understand accurately what different men have thought about it?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--What the Christians Believe Regarding the Supreme Good and
   Evil, in Opposition to the Philosophers, Who Have Maintained that the
   Supreme Good is in Themselves.

   If, then, we be asked what the city of God has to say upon these
   points, and, in the first place, what its opinion regarding the supreme
   good and evil is, it will reply that life eternal is the supreme good,
   death eternal the supreme evil, and that to obtain the one and escape
   the other we must live rightly.  And thus it is written, "The just
   lives by faith," [1263] for we do not as yet see our good, and must
   therefore live by faith; neither have we in ourselves power to live
   rightly, but can do so only if He who has given us faith to believe in
   His help do help us when we believe and pray.  As for those who have
   supposed that the sovereign good and evil are to be found in this life,
   and have placed it either in the soul or the body, or in both, or, to
   speak more explicitly, either in pleasure or in virtue, or in both; in
   repose or in virtue, or in both; in pleasure and repose, or in virtue,
   or in all combined; in the primary objects of nature, or in virtue, or
   in both,--all these have, with a marvelous shallowness, sought to find
   their blessedness in this life and in themselves.  Contempt has been
   poured upon such ideas by the Truth, saying by the prophet, "The Lord
   knoweth the thoughts of men" (or, as the Apostle Paul cites the
   passage, "The Lord knoweth the thoughts of the wise") "that they are
   vain." [1264]

   For what flood of eloquence can suffice to detail the miseries of this
   life?  Cicero, in the Consolation on the death of his daughter, has
   spent all his ability in lamentation; but how inadequate was even his
   ability here?  For when, where, how, in this life can these primary
   objects of nature be possessed so that they may not be assailed by
   unforeseen accidents?  Is the body of the wise man exempt from any pain
   which may dispel pleasure, from any disquietude which may banish
   repose?  The amputation or decay of the members of the body puts an end
   to its integrity, deformity blights its beauty, weakness its health,
   lassitude its vigor, sleepiness or sluggishness its activity,--and
   which of these is it that may not assail the flesh of the wise man?
   Comely and fitting attitudes and movements of the body are numbered
   among the prime natural blessings; but what if some sickness makes the
   members tremble? what if a man suffers from curvature of the spine to
   such an extent that his hands reach the ground, and he goes upon
   all-fours like a quadruped?  Does not this destroy all beauty and grace
   in the body, whether at rest or in motion?  What shall I say of the
   fundamental blessings of the soul, sense and intellect, of which the
   one is given for the perception, and the other for the comprehension of
   truth?  But what kind of sense is it that remains when a man becomes
   deaf and blind? where are reason and intellect when disease makes a man
   delirious?  We can scarcely, or not at all, refrain from tears, when we
   think of or see the actions and words of such frantic persons, and
   consider how different from and even opposed to their own sober
   judgment and ordinary conduct their present demeanor is.  And what
   shall I say of those who suffer from demoniacal possession?  Where is
   their own intelligence hidden and buried while the malignant spirit is
   using their body and soul according to his own will?  And who is quite
   sure that no such thing can happen to the wise man in this life?  Then,
   as to the perception of truth, what can we hope for even in this way
   while in the body, as we read in the true book of Wisdom, "The
   corruptible body weigheth down the soul, and the earthly tabernacle
   presseth down the mind that museth upon many things?" [1265]   And
   eagerness, or desire of action, if this is the right meaning to put
   upon the Greek horme, is also reckoned among the primary advantages of
   nature; and yet is it not this which produces those pitiable movements
   of the insane, and those actions which we shudder to see, when sense is
   deceived and reason deranged?

   In fine, virtue itself, which is not among the primary objects of
   nature, but succeeds to them as the result of learning, though it holds
   the highest place among human good things, what is its occupation save
   to wage perpetual war with vices,--not those that are outside of us,
   but within; not other men's, but our own,--a war which is waged
   especially by that virtue which the Greeks call sophrosune, and we
   temperance, [1266] and which bridles carnal lusts, and prevents them
   from winning the consent of the spirit to wicked deeds?  For we must
   not fancy that there is no vice in us, when, as the apostle says, "The
   flesh lusteth against the spirit;" [1267] for to this vice there is a
   contrary virtue, when, as the same writer says, "The spirit lusteth
   against the flesh."  "For these two," he says, "are contrary one to the
   other, so that you cannot do the things which you would."  But what is
   it we wish to do when we seek to attain the supreme good, unless that
   the flesh should cease to lust against the spirit, and that there be no
   vice in us against which the spirit may lust?  And as we cannot attain
   to this in the present life, however ardently we desire it, let us by
   God's help accomplish at least this, to preserve the soul from
   succumbing and yielding to the flesh that lusts against it, and to
   refuse our consent to the perpetration of sin.  Far be it from us,
   then, to fancy that while we are still engaged in this intestine war,
   we have already found the happiness which we seek to reach by victory.
   And who is there so wise that he has no conflict at all to maintain
   against his vices?

   What shall I say of that virtue which is called prudence?  Is not all
   its vigilance spent in the discernment of good from evil things, so
   that no mistake may be admitted about what we should desire and what
   avoid?  And thus it is itself a proof that we are in the midst of
   evils, or that evils are in us; for it teaches us that it is an evil to
   consent to sin, and a good to refuse this consent.  And yet this evil,
   to which prudence teaches and temperance enables us not to consent, is
   removed from this life neither by prudence nor by temperance.  And
   justice, whose office it is to render to every man his due, whereby
   there is in man himself a certain just order of nature, so that the
   soul is subjected to God, and the flesh to the soul, and consequently
   both soul and flesh to God,--does not this virtue demonstrate that it
   is as yet rather laboring towards its end than resting in its finished
   work?  For the soul is so much the less subjected to God as it is less
   occupied with the thought of God; and the flesh is so much the less
   subjected to the spirit as it lusts more vehemently against the
   spirit.  So long, therefore, as we are beset by this weakness, this
   plague, this disease, how shall we dare to say that we are safe? and if
   not safe, then how can we be already enjoying our final beatitude?
   Then that virtue which goes by the name of fortitude is the plainest
   proof of the ills of life, for it is these ills which it is compelled
   to bear patiently.  And this holds good, no matter though the ripest
   wisdom co-exists with it.  And I am at a loss to understand how the
   Stoic philosophers can presume to say that these are no ills, though at
   the same time they allow the wise man to commit suicide and pass out of
   this life if they become so grievous that he cannot or ought not to
   endure them.  But such is the stupid pride of these men who fancy that
   the supreme good can be found in this life, and that they can become
   happy by their own resources, that their wise man, or at least the man
   whom they fancifully depict as such, is always happy, even though he
   become blind, deaf, dumb, mutilated, racked with pains, or suffer any
   conceivable calamity such as may compel him to make away with himself;
   and they are not ashamed to call the life that is beset with these
   evils happy.  O happy life, which seeks the aid of death to end it?  If
   it is happy, let the wise man remain in it; but if these ills drive him
   out of it, in what sense is it happy?  Or how can they say that these
   are not evils which conquer the virtue of fortitude, and force it not
   only to yield, but so to rave that it in one breath calls life happy
   and recommends it to be given up?  For who is so blind as not to see
   that if it were happy it would not be fled from?  And if they say we
   should flee from it on account of the infirmities that beset it, why
   then do they not lower their pride and acknowledge that it is
   miserable?  Was it, I would ask, fortitude or weakness which prompted
   Cato to kill himself? for he would not have done so had he not been too
   weak to endure Cæsar's victory.  Where, then, is his fortitude?  It has
   yielded, it has succumbed, it has been so thoroughly overcome as to
   abandon, forsake, flee this happy life.  Or was it no longer happy?
   Then it was miserable.  How, then, were these not evils which made life
   miserable, and a thing to be escaped from?

   And therefore those who admit that these are evils, as the Peripatetics
   do, and the Old Academy, the sect which Varro advocates, express a more
   intelligible doctrine; but theirs also is a surprising mistake, for
   they contend that this is a happy life which is beset by these evils,
   even though they be so great that he who endures them should commit
   suicide to escape them.  "Pains and anguish of body," says Varro, "are
   evils, and so much the worse in proportion to their severity; and to
   escape them you must quit this life."  What life, I pray?  This life,
   he says, which is oppressed by such evils.  Then it is happy in the
   midst of these very evils on account of which you say we must quit it?
   Or do you call it happy because you are at liberty to escape these
   evils by death?  What, then, if by some secret judgment of God you were
   held fast and not permitted to die, nor suffered to live without these
   evils?  In that case, at least, you would say that such a life was
   miserable.  It is soon relinquished, no doubt but this does not make it
   not miserable; for were it eternal, you yourself would pronounce it
   miserable.  Its brevity, therefore, does not clear it of misery;
   neither ought it to be called happiness because it is a brief misery.
   Certainly there is a mighty force in these evils which compel a
   man--according to them even a wise man--to cease to be a man that he
   may escape them, though they say, and say truly, that it is as it were
   the first and strongest demand of nature that a man cherish himself,
   and naturally therefore avoid death, and should so stand his own friend
   as to wish and vehemently aim at continuing to exist as a living
   creature, and subsisting in this union of soul and body.  There is a
   mighty force in these evils to overcome this natural instinct by which
   death is by every means and with all a man's efforts avoided, and to
   overcome it so completely that what was avoided is desired, sought
   after, and if it cannot in any other way be obtained, is inflicted by
   the man on himself.  There is a mighty force in these evils which make
   fortitude a homicide,--if, indeed, that is to be called fortitude which
   is so thoroughly overcome by these evils, that it not only cannot
   preserve by patience the man whom it undertook to govern and defend,
   but is itself obliged to kill him.  The wise man, I admit, ought to
   bear death with patience, but when it is inflicted by another.  If,
   then, as these men maintain, he is obliged to inflict it on himself,
   certainly it must be owned that the ills which compel him to this are
   not only evils, but intolerable evils.  The life, then, which is either
   subject to accidents, or environed with evils so considerable and
   grievous, could never have been called happy, if the men who give it
   this name had condescended to yield to the truth, and to be conquered
   by valid arguments, when they inquired after the happy life, as they
   yield to unhappiness, and are overcome by overwhelming evils, when they
   put themselves to death, and if they had not fancied that the supreme
   good was to be found in this mortal life; for the very virtues of this
   life, which are certainly its best and most useful possessions, are all
   the more telling proofs of its miseries in proportion as they are
   helpful against the violence of its dangers, toils, and woes.  For if
   these are true virtues,--and such cannot exist save in those who have
   true piety,--they do not profess to be able to deliver the men who
   possess them from all miseries; for true virtues tell no such lies, but
   they profess that by the hope of the future world this life, which is
   miserably involved in the many and great evils of this world, is happy
   as it is also safe.  For if not yet safe, how could it be happy?  And
   therefore the Apostle Paul, speaking not of men without prudence,
   temperance, fortitude, and justice, but of those whose lives were
   regulated by true piety, and whose virtues were therefore true, says,
   "For we are saved by hope:  now hope which is seen is not hope; for
   what a man seeth, why doth he yet hope for?  But if we hope for that we
   see not, then do we with patience wait for it." [1268] As, therefore,
   we are saved, so we are made happy by hope.  And as we do not as yet
   possess a present, but look for a future salvation, so is it with our
   happiness, and this "with patience;" for we are encompassed with evils,
   which we ought patiently to endure, until we come to the ineffable
   enjoyment of unmixed good; for there shall be no longer anything to
   endure.  Salvation, such as it shall be in the world to come, shall
   itself be our final happiness.  And this happiness these philosophers
   refuse to believe in, because they do not see it, and attempt to
   fabricate for themselves a happiness in this life, based upon a virtue
   which is as deceitful as it is proud.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1263] Hab. ii. 4.

   [1264] Ps. xciv. 11, and 1 Cor. iii. 20.

   [1265] Wisdom ix. 15.

   [1266] Cicero, Tusc. Quæst. iii. 8.

   [1267] Gal. v. 17.

   [1268] Rom. viii. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of the Social Life, Which, Though Most Desirable, is
   Frequently Disturbed by Many Distresses.

   We give a much more unlimited approval to their idea that the life of
   the wise man must be social.  For how could the city of God (concerning
   which we are already writing no less than the nineteenth book of this
   work) either take a beginning or be developed, or attain its proper
   destiny, if the life of the saints were not a social life?  But who can
   enumerate all the great grievances with which human society abounds in
   the misery of this mortal state?  Who can weigh them?  Hear how one of
   their comic writers makes one of his characters express the common
   feelings of all men in this matter:  "I am married; this is one
   misery.  Children are born to me; they are additional cares." [1269]
   What shall I say of the miseries of love which Terence also
   recounts--"slights, suspicions, quarrels, war to-day, peace to-morrow?"
   [1270]   Is not human life full of such things?  Do they not often
   occur even in honorable friendships?  On all hands we experience these
   slights, suspicions, quarrels, war, all of which are undoubted evils;
   while, on the other hand, peace is a doubtful good, because we do not
   know the heart of our friend, and though we did know it to-day, we
   should be as ignorant of what it might be to-morrow.  Who ought to be,
   or who are more friendly than those who live in the same family?  And
   yet who can rely even upon this friendship, seeing that secret
   treachery has often broken it up, and produced enmity as bitter as the
   amity was sweet, or seemed sweet by the most perfect dissimulation?  It
   is on this account that the words of Cicero so move the heart of every
   one, and provoke a sigh:  "There are no snares more dangerous than
   those which lurk under the guise of duty or the name of relationship.
   For the man who is your declared foe you can easily baffle by
   precaution; but this hidden, intestine, and domestic danger not merely
   exists, but overwhelms you before you can foresee and examine it."
   [1271]   It is also to this that allusion is made by the divine saying,
   "A man's foes are those of his own household," [1272] --words which one
   cannot hear without pain; for though a man have sufficient fortitude to
   endure it with equanimity, and sufficient sagacity to baffle the malice
   of a pretended friend, yet if he himself is a good man, he cannot but
   be greatly pained at the discovery of the perfidy of wicked men,
   whether they have always been wicked and merely feigned goodness, or
   have fallen from a better to a malicious disposition.  If, then, home,
   the natural refuge from the ills of life, is itself not safe, what
   shall we say of the city, which, as it is larger, is so much the more
   filled with lawsuits civil and criminal, and is never free from the
   fear, if sometimes from the actual outbreak, of disturbing and bloody
   insurrections and civil wars?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1269] Terent. Adelph. v. 4.

   [1270] Eunuch, i. 1.

   [1271] In Verrem, ii. 1. 15.

   [1272] Matt. x. 36.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Of the Error of Human Judgments When the Truth is Hidden.

   What shall I say of these judgments which men pronounce on men, and
   which are necessary in communities, whatever outward peace they enjoy?
   Melancholy and lamentable judgments they are, since the judges are men
   who cannot discern the consciences of those at their bar, and are
   therefore frequently compelled to put innocent witnesses to the torture
   to ascertain the truth regarding the crimes of other men.  What shall I
   say of torture applied to the accused himself?  He is tortured to
   discover whether he is guilty, so that, though innocent, he suffers
   most undoubted punishment for crime that is still doubtful, not because
   it is proved that he committed it, but because it is not ascertained
   that he did not commit it.  Thus the ignorance of the judge frequently
   involves an innocent person in suffering.  And what is still more
   unendurable--a thing, indeed, to be bewailed, and, if that were
   possible, watered with fountains of tears--is this, that when the judge
   puts the accused to the question, that he may not unwittingly put an
   innocent man to death, the result of this lamentable ignorance is that
   this very person, whom he tortured that he might not condemn him if
   innocent, is condemned to death both tortured and innocent.  For if he
   has chosen, in obedience to the philosophical instructions to the wise
   man, to quit this life rather than endure any longer such tortures, he
   declares that he has committed the crime which in fact he has not
   committed.  And when he has been condemned and put to death, the judge
   is still in ignorance whether he has put to death an innocent or a
   guilty person, though he put the accused to the torture for the very
   purpose of saving himself from condemning the innocent; and
   consequently he has both tortured an innocent man to discover his
   innocence, and has put him to death without discovering it.  If such
   darkness shrouds social life, will a wise judge take his seat on the
   bench or no?  Beyond question he will.  For human society, which he
   thinks it a wickedness to abandon, constrains him and compels him to
   this duty.  And he thinks it no wickedness that innocent witnesses are
   tortured regarding the crimes of which other men are accused; or that
   the accused are put to the torture, so that they are often overcome
   with anguish, and, though innocent, make false confessions regarding
   themselves, and are punished; or that, though they be not condemned to
   die, they often die during, or in consequence of, the torture; or that
   sometimes the accusers, who perhaps have been prompted by a desire to
   benefit society by bringing criminals to justice, are themselves
   condemned through the ignorance of the judge, because they are unable
   to prove the truth of their accusations though they are true, and
   because the witnesses lie, and the accused endures the torture without
   being moved to confession.  These numerous and important evils he does
   not consider sins; for the wise judge does these things, not with any
   intention of doing harm, but because his ignorance compels him, and
   because human society claims him as a judge.  But though we therefore
   acquit the judge of malice, we must none the less condemn human life as
   miserable.  And if he is compelled to torture and punish the innocent
   because his office and his ignorance constrain him, is he a happy as
   well as a guiltless man?  Surely it were proof of more profound
   considerateness and finer feeling were he to recognize the misery of
   these necessities, and shrink from his own implication in that misery;
   and had he any piety about him, he would cry to God "From my
   necessities deliver Thou me." [1273]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1273] Ps. xxv. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Of the Diversity of Languages, by Which the Intercourse of
   Men is Prevented; And of the Misery of Wars, Even of Those Called Just.

   After the state or city comes the world, the third circle of human
   society,--the first being the house, and the second the city.  And the
   world, as it is larger, so it is fuller of dangers, as the greater sea
   is the more dangerous.  And here, in the first place, man is separated
   from man by the difference of languages.  For if two men, each ignorant
   of the other's language, meet, and are not compelled to pass, but, on
   the contrary, to remain in company, dumb animals, though of different
   species, would more easily hold intercourse than they, human beings
   though they be.  For their common nature is no help to friendliness
   when they are prevented by diversity of language from conveying their
   sentiments to one another; so that a man would more readily hold
   intercourse with his dog than with a foreigner.  But the imperial city
   has endeavored to impose on subject nations not only her yoke, but her
   language, as a bond of peace, so that interpreters, far from being
   scarce, are numberless.  This is true; but how many great wars, how
   much slaughter and bloodshed, have provided this unity!  And though
   these are past, the end of these miseries has not yet come.  For though
   there have never been wanting, nor are yet wanting, hostile nations
   beyond the empire, against whom wars have been and are waged, yet,
   supposing there were no such nations, the very extent of the empire
   itself has produced wars of a more obnoxious description--social and
   civil wars--and with these the whole race has been agitated, either by
   the actual conflict or the fear of a renewed outbreak.  If I attempted
   to give an adequate description of these manifold disasters, these
   stern and lasting necessities, though I am quite unequal to the task,
   what limit could I set?  But, say they, the wise man will wage just
   wars.  As if he would not all the rather lament the necessity of just
   wars, if he remembers that he is a man; for if they were not just he
   would not wage them, and would therefore be delivered from all wars.
   For it is the wrongdoing of the opposing party which compels the wise
   man to wage just wars; and this wrong-doing, even though it gave rise
   to no war, would still be matter of grief to man because it is man's
   wrong-doing.  Let every one, then, who thinks with pain on all these
   great evils, so horrible, so ruthless, acknowledge that this is
   misery.  And if any one either endures or thinks of them without mental
   pain, this is a more miserable plight still, for he thinks himself
   happy because he has lost human feeling.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--That the Friendship of Good Men Cannot Be Securely Rested
   In, So Long as the Dangers of This Life Force Us to Be Anxious.

   In our present wretched condition we frequently mistake a friend for an
   enemy, and an enemy for a friend.  And if we escape this pitiable
   blindness, is not the unfeigned confidence and mutual love of true and
   good friends our one solace in human society, filled as it is with
   misunderstandings and calamities?  And yet the more friends we have,
   and the more widely they are scattered, the more numerous are our fears
   that some portion of the vast masses of the disasters of life may light
   upon them.  For we are not only anxious lest they suffer from famine,
   war, disease, captivity, or the inconceivable horrors of slavery, but
   we are also affected with the much more painful dread that their
   friendship may be changed into perfidy, malice, and injustice.  And
   when these contingencies actually occur,--as they do the more
   frequently the more friends we have, and the more widely they are
   scattered,--and when they come to our knowledge, who but the man who
   has experienced it can tell with what pangs the heart is torn?  We
   would, in fact, prefer to hear that they were dead, although we could
   not without anguish hear of even this.  For if their life has solaced
   us with the charms of friendship, can it be that their death should
   affect us with no sadness?  He who will have none of this sadness must,
   if possible, have no friendly intercourse.  Let him interdict or
   extinguish friendly affection; let him burst with ruthless
   insensibility the bonds of every human relationship; or let him
   contrive so to use them that no sweetness shall distil into his
   spirit.  But if this is utterly impossible, how shall we contrive to
   feel no bitterness in the death of those whose life has been sweet to
   us?  Hence arises that grief which affects the tender heart like a
   wound or a bruise, and which is healed by the application of kindly
   consolation.  For though the cure is affected all the more easily and
   rapidly the better condition the soul is in, we must not on this
   account suppose that there is nothing at all to heal.  Although, then,
   our present life is afflicted, sometimes in a milder, sometimes in a
   more painful degree, by the death of those very dear to us, and
   especially of useful public men, yet we would prefer to hear that such
   men were dead rather than to hear or perceive that they had fallen from
   the faith, or from virtue,--in other words, that they were spiritually
   dead.  Of this vast material for misery the earth is full, and
   therefore it is written, "Is not human life upon earth a trial?" [1274]
     And with the same reference the Lord says, "Woe to the world because
   of offenses!" [1275] and again, "Because iniquity abounded, the love of
   many shall wax cold." [1276]   And hence we enjoy some gratification
   when our good friends die; for though their death leaves us in sorrow,
   we have the consolatory assurance that they are beyond the ills by
   which in this life even the best of men are broken down or corrupted,
   or are in danger of both results.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1274] Job vii. 1.

   [1275] Matt. xvii. 7.

   [1276] Matt. xxiv. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Of the Friendship of the Holy Angels, Which Men Cannot Be
   Sure of in This Life, Owing to the Deceit of the Demons Who Hold in
   Bondage the Worshippers of a Plurality of Gods.

   The philosophers who wished us to have the gods for our friends rank
   the friendship of the holy angels in the fourth circle of society,
   advancing now from the three circles of society on earth to the
   universe, and embracing heaven itself.  And in this friendship we have
   indeed no fear that the angels will grieve us by their death or
   deterioration.  But as we cannot mingle with them as familiarly as with
   men (which itself is one of the grievances of this life), and as Satan,
   as we read, [1277] sometimes transforms himself into an angel of light,
   to tempt those whom it is necessary to discipline, or just to deceive,
   there is great need of God's mercy to preserve us from making friends
   of demons in disguise, while we fancy we have good angels for our
   friends; for the astuteness and deceitfulness of these wicked spirits
   is equalled by their hurtfulness.  And is this not a great misery of
   human life, that we are involved in such ignorance as, but for God's
   mercy, makes us a prey to these demons?  And it is very certain that
   the philosophers of the godless city, who have maintained that the gods
   were their friends, had fallen a prey to the malignant demons who rule
   that city, and whose eternal punishment is to be shared by it.  For the
   nature of these beings is sufficiently evinced by the sacred or rather
   sacrilegious observances which form their worship, and by the filthy
   games in which their crimes are celebrated, and which they themselves
   originated and exacted from their worshippers as a fit propitiation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1277] 2 Cor. xi. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--The Reward Prepared for the Saints After They Have Endured
   the Trial of This Life.

   But not even the saints and faithful worshippers of the one true and
   most high God are safe from the manifold temptations and deceits of the
   demons.  For in this abode of weakness, and in these wicked days, this
   state of anxiety has also its use, stimulating us to seek with keener
   longing for that security where peace is complete and unassailable.
   There we shall enjoy the gifts of nature, that is to say, all that God
   the Creator of all natures has bestowed upon ours,--gifts not only
   good, but eternal,--not only of the spirit, healed now by wisdom, but
   also of the body renewed by the resurrection.  There the virtues shall
   no longer be struggling against any vice or evil, but shall enjoy the
   reward of victory, the eternal peace which no adversary shall disturb.
   This is the final blessedness, this the ultimate consummation, the
   unending end.  Here, indeed, we are said to be blessed when we have
   such peace as can be enjoyed in a good life; but such blessedness is
   mere misery compared to that final felicity.  When we mortals possess
   such peace as this mortal life can afford, virtue, if we are living
   rightly, makes a right use of the advantages of this peaceful
   condition; and when we have it not, virtue makes a good use even of the
   evils a man suffers.  But this is true virtue, when it refers all the
   advantages it makes a good use of, and all that it does in making good
   use of good and evil things, and itself also, to that end in which we
   shall enjoy the best and greatest peace possible.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of the Happiness of the Eternal Peace, Which Constitutes
   the End or True Perfection of the Saints.

   And thus we may say of peace, as we have said of eternal life, that it
   is the end of our good; and the rather because the Psalmist says of the
   city of God, the subject of this laborious work, "Praise the Lord, O
   Jerusalem; praise thy God, O Zion:  for He hath strengthened the bars
   of thy gates; He hath blessed thy children within thee; who hath made
   thy borders peace." [1278]   For when the bars of her gates shall be
   strengthened, none shall go in or come out from her; consequently we
   ought to understand the peace of her borders as that final peace we are
   wishing to declare.  For even the mystical name of the city itself,
   that is, Jerusalem, means, as I have already said, "Vision of Peace."
   But as the word peace is employed in connection with things in this
   world in which certainly life eternal has no place, we have preferred
   to call the end or supreme good of this city life eternal rather than
   peace.  Of this end the apostle says, "But now, being freed from sin,
   and become servants to God, ye have your fruit unto holiness, and the
   end life eternal." [1279]   But, on the other hand, as those who are
   not familiar with Scripture may suppose that the life of the wicked is
   eternal life, either because of the immortality of the soul, which some
   of the philosophers even have recognized, or because of the endless
   punishment of the wicked, which forms a part of our faith, and which
   seems impossible unless the wicked live for ever, it may therefore be
   advisable, in order that every one may readily understand what we mean,
   to say that the end or supreme good of this city is either peace in
   eternal life, or eternal life in peace.  For peace is a good so great,
   that even in this earthly and mortal life there is no word we hear with
   such pleasure, nothing we desire with such zest, or find to be more
   thoroughly gratifying.  So that if we dwell for a little longer on this
   subject, we shall not, in my opinion, be wearisome to our readers, who
   will attend both for the sake of understanding what is the end of this
   city of which we speak, and for the sake of the sweetness of peace
   which is dear to all.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1278] Ps. cxlvii. 12-14.

   [1279] Rom. vi. 22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--That Even the Fierceness of War and All the Disquietude of
   Men Make Towards This One End of Peace, Which Every Nature Desires.

   Whoever gives even moderate attention to human affairs and to our
   common nature, will recognize that if there is no man who does not wish
   to be joyful, neither is there any one who does not wish to have
   peace.  For even they who make war desire nothing but victory,--desire,
   that is to say, to attain to peace with glory.  For what else is
   victory than the conquest of those who resist us? and when this is done
   there is peace.  It is therefore with the desire for peace that wars
   are waged, even by those who take pleasure in exercising their warlike
   nature in command and battle.  And hence it is obvious that peace is
   the end sought for by war.  For every man seeks peace by waging war,
   but no man seeks war by making peace.  For even they who intentionally
   interrupt the peace in which they are living have no hatred of peace,
   but only wish it changed into a peace that suits them better.  They do
   not, therefore, wish to have no peace, but only one more to their
   mind.  And in the case of sedition, when men have separated themselves
   from the community, they yet do not effect what they wish, unless they
   maintain some kind of peace with their fellow-conspirators.  And
   therefore even robbers take care to maintain peace with their comrades,
   that they may with greater effect and greater safety invade the peace
   of other men.  And if an individual happen to be of such unrivalled
   strength, and to be so jealous of partnership, that he trusts himself
   with no comrades, but makes his own plots, and commits depredations and
   murders on his own account, yet he maintains some shadow of peace with
   such persons as he is unable to kill, and from whom he wishes to
   conceal his deeds.  In his own home, too, he makes it his aim to be at
   peace with his wife and children, and any other members of his
   household; for unquestionably their prompt obedience to his every look
   is a source of pleasure to him.  And if this be not rendered, he is
   angry, he chides and punishes; and even by this storm he secures the
   calm peace of his own home, as occasion demands.  For he sees that
   peace cannot be maintained unless all the members of the same domestic
   circle be subject to one head, such as he himself is in his own house.
   And therefore if a city or nation offered to submit itself to him, to
   serve him in the same style as he had made his household serve him, he
   would no longer lurk in a brigand's hiding-places, but lift his head in
   open day as a king, though the same coveteousness and wicked ness
   should remain in him.  And thus all men desire to have peace with their
   own circle whom they wish to govern as suits themselves.  For even
   those whom they make war against they wish to make their own, and
   impose on them the laws of their own peace.

   But let us suppose a man such as poetry and mythology speak of,--a man
   so insociable and savage as to be called rather a semi-man than a man.
   [1280]   Although, then, his kingdom was the solitude of a dreary cave,
   and he himself was so singularly bad-hearted that he was named Kakos,
   which is the Greek word for bad; though he had no wife to soothe him
   with endearing talk, no children to play with, no sons to do his
   bidding, no friend to enliven him with intercourse, not even his father
   Vulcan (though in one respect he was happier than his father, not
   having begotten a monster like himself); although he gave to no man,
   but took as he wished whatever he could, from whomsoever he could, when
   he could yet in that solitary den, the floor of which, as Virgil [1281]
   says, was always reeking with recent slaughter, there was nothing else
   than peace sought, a peace in which no one should molest him, or
   disquiet him with any assault or alarm.  With his own body he desired
   to be at peace, and he was satisfied only in proportion as he had this
   peace.  For he ruled his members, and they obeyed him; and for the sake
   of pacifying his mortal nature, which rebelled when it needed anything,
   and of allaying the sedition of hunger which threatened to banish the
   soul from the body, he made forays, slew, and devoured, but used the
   ferocity and savageness he displayed in these actions only for the
   preservation of his own life's peace.  So that, had he been willing to
   make with other men the same peace which he made with himself in his
   own cave, he would neither have been called bad, nor a monster, nor a
   semi-man.  Or if the appearance of his body and his vomiting smoky
   fires frightened men from having any dealings with him, perhaps his
   fierce ways arose not from a desire to do mischief, but from the
   necessity of finding a living.  But he may have had no existence, or,
   at least, he was not such as the poets fancifully describe him, for
   they had to exalt Hercules, and did so at the expense of Cacus.  It is
   better, then, to believe that such a man or semi-man never existed, and
   that this, in common with many other fancies of the poets, is mere
   fiction.  For the most savage animals (and he is said to have been
   almost a wild beast) encompass their own species with a ring of
   protecting peace.  They cohabit, beget, produce, suckle, and bring up
   their young, though very many of them are not gregarious, but
   solitary,--not like sheep, deer, pigeons, starlings, bees, but such as
   lions, foxes, eagles, bats.  For what tigress does not gently purr over
   her cubs, and lay aside her ferocity to fondle them?  What kite,
   solitary as he is when circling over his prey, does not seek a mate,
   build a nest, hatch the eggs, bring up the young birds, and maintain
   with the mother of his family as peaceful a domestic alliance as he
   can?  How much more powerfully do the laws of man's nature move him to
   hold fellowship and maintain peace with all men so far as in him lies,
   since even wicked men wage war to maintain the peace of their own
   circle, and wish that, if possible, all men belonged to them, that all
   men and things might serve but one head, and might, either through love
   or fear, yield themselves to peace with him!  It is thus that pride in
   its perversity apes God.  It abhors equality with other men under Him;
   but, instead of His rule, it seeks to impose a rule of its own upon its
   equals.  It abhors, that is to say, the just peace of God, and loves
   its own unjust peace; but it cannot help loving peace of one kind or
   other.  For there is no vice so clean contrary to nature that it
   obliterates even the faintest traces of nature.

   He, then, who prefers what is right to what is wrong, and what is
   well-ordered to what is perverted, sees that the peace of unjust men is
   not worthy to be called peace in comparison with the peace of the
   just.  And yet even what is perverted must of necessity be in harmony
   with, and in dependence on, and in some part of the order of things,
   for otherwise it would have no existence at all.  Suppose a man hangs
   with his head downwards, this is certainly a perverted attitude of body
   and arrangement of its members; for that which nature requires to be
   above is beneath, and vice versâ.  This perversity disturbs the peace
   of the body, and is therefore painful.  Nevertheless the spirit is at
   peace with its body, and labors for its preservation, and hence the
   suffering; but if it is banished from the body by its pains, then, so
   long as the bodily framework holds together, there is in the remains a
   kind of peace among the members, and hence the body remains suspended.
   And inasmuch as the earthly body tends towards the earth, and rests on
   the bond by which it is suspended, it tends thus to its natural peace,
   and the voice of its own weight demands a place for it to rest; and
   though now lifeless and without feeling, it does not fall from the
   peace that is natural to its place in creation, whether it already has
   it, or is tending towards it.  For if you apply embalming preparations
   to prevent the bodily frame from mouldering and dissolving, a kind of
   peace still unites part to part, and keeps the whole body in a suitable
   place on the earth,--in other words, in a place that is at peace with
   the body.  If, on the other hand, the body receive no such care, but be
   left to the natural course, it is disturbed by exhalations that do not
   harmonize with one another, and that offend our senses; for it is this
   which is perceived in putrefaction until it is assimilated to the
   elements of the world, and particle by particle enters into peace with
   them.  Yet throughout this process the laws of the most high Creator
   and Governor are strictly observed, for it is by Him the peace of the
   universe is administered.  For although minute animals are produced
   from the carcass of a larger animal, all these little atoms, by the law
   of the same Creator, serve the animals they belong to in peace.  And
   although the flesh of dead animals be eaten by others, no matter where
   it be carried, nor what it be brought into contact with, nor what it be
   converted and changed into, it still is ruled by the same laws which
   pervade all things for the conservation of every mortal race, and which
   bring things that fit one another into harmony.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1280] He refers to the giant Cacus.

   [1281] Æneid, viii. 195.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Of the Universal Peace Which the Law of Nature Preserves
   Through All Disturbances, and by Which Every One Reaches His Desert in
   a Way Regulated by the Just Judge.

   The peace of the body then consists in the duly proportioned
   arrangement of its parts.  The peace of the irrational soul is the
   harmonious repose of the appetites, and that of the rational soul the
   harmony of knowledge and action.  The peace of body and soul is the
   well-ordered and harmonious life and health of the living creature.
   Peace between man and God is the well-ordered obedience of faith to
   eternal law.  Peace between man and man is well-ordered concord.
   Domestic peace is the well-ordered concord between those of the family
   who rule and those who obey.  Civil peace is a similar concord among
   the citizens.  The peace of the celestial city is the perfectly ordered
   and harmonious enjoyment of God, and of one another in God.  The peace
   of all things is the tranquillity of order.  Order is the distribution
   which allots things equal and unequal, each to its own place.  And
   hence, though the miserable, in so far as they are such, do certainly
   not enjoy peace, but are severed from that tranquillity of order in
   which there is no disturbance, nevertheless, inasmuch as they are
   deservedly and justly miserable, they are by their very misery
   connected with order.  They are not, indeed, conjoined with the
   blessed, but they are disjoined from them by the law of order.  And
   though they are disquieted, their circumstances are notwithstanding
   adjusted to them, and consequently they have some tranquillity of
   order, and therefore some peace.  But they are wretched because,
   although not wholly miserable, they are not in that place where any
   mixture of misery is impossible.  They would, however, be more wretched
   if they had not that peace which arises from being in harmony with the
   natural order of things.  When they suffer, their peace is in so far
   disturbed; but their peace continues in so far as they do not suffer,
   and in so far as their nature continues to exist.  As, then, there may
   be life without pain, while there cannot be pain without some kind of
   life, so there may be peace without war, but there cannot be war
   without some kind of peace, because war supposes the existence of some
   natures to wage it, and these natures cannot exist without peace of one
   kind or other.

   And therefore there is a nature in which evil does not or even cannot
   exist; but there cannot be a nature in which there is no good.  Hence
   not even the nature of the devil himself is evil, in so far as it is
   nature, but it was made evil by being perverted.  Thus he did not abide
   in the truth, [1282] but could not escape the judgment of the Truth; he
   did not abide in the tranquillity of order, but did not therefore
   escape the power of the Ordainer.  The good imparted by God to his
   nature did not screen him from the justice of God by which order was
   preserved in his punishment; neither did God punish the good which He
   had created, but the evil which the devil had committed.  God did not
   take back all He had imparted to his nature, but something He took and
   something He left, that there might remain enough to be sensible of the
   loss of what was taken.  And this very sensibility to pain is evidence
   of the good which has been taken away and the good which has been
   left.  For, were nothing good left, there could be no pain on account
   of the good which had been lost.  For he who sins is still worse if he
   rejoices in his loss of righteousness.  But he who is in pain, if he
   derives no benefit from it, mourns at least the loss of health.  And as
   righteousness and health are both good things, and as the loss of any
   good thing is matter of grief, not of joy,--if, at least, there is no
   compensation, as spiritual righteousness may compensate for the loss of
   bodily health,--certainly it is more suitable for a wicked man to
   grieve in punishment than to rejoice in his fault.  As, then, the joy
   of a sinner who has abandoned what is good is evidence of a bad will,
   so his grief for the good he has lost when he is punished is evidence
   of a good nature.  For he who laments the peace his nature has lost is
   stirred to do so by some relics of peace which make his nature friendly
   to itself.  And it is very just that in the final punishment the wicked
   and godless should in anguish bewail the loss of the natural advantages
   they enjoyed, and should perceive that they were most justly taken from
   them by that God whose benign liberality they had despised.  God, then,
   the most wise Creator and most just Ordainer of all natures, who placed
   the human race upon earth as its greatest ornament, imparted to men
   some good things adapted to this life, to wit, temporal peace, such as
   we can enjoy in this life from health and safety and human fellowship,
   and all things needful for the preservation and recovery of this peace,
   such as the objects which are accommodated to our outward senses,
   light, night, the air, and waters suitable for us, and everything the
   body requires to sustain, shelter, heal, or beautify it:  and all under
   this most equitable condition, that every man who made a good use of
   these advantages suited to the peace of this mortal condition, should
   receive ampler and better blessings, namely, the peace of immortality,
   accompanied by glory and honor in an endless life made fit for the
   enjoyment of God and of one another in God; but that he who used the
   present blessings badly should both lose them and should not receive
   the others.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1282] John viii. 44.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Order and Law Which Obtain in Heaven and Earth,
   Whereby It Comes to Pass that Human Society Is Served by Those Who Rule
   It.

   The whole use, then, of things temporal has a reference to this result
   of earthly peace in the earthly community, while in the city of God it
   is connected with eternal peace.  And therefore, if we were irrational
   animals, we should desire nothing beyond the proper arrangement of the
   parts of the body and the satisfaction of the appetites,--nothing,
   therefore, but bodily comfort and abundance of pleasures, that the
   peace of the body might contribute to the peace of the soul.  For if
   bodily peace be awanting, a bar is put to the peace even of the
   irrational soul, since it cannot obtain the gratification of its
   appetites.  And these two together help out the mutual peace of soul
   and body, the peace of harmonious life and health.  For as animals, by
   shunning pain, show that they love bodily peace, and, by pursuing
   pleasure to gratify their appetites, show that they love peace of soul,
   so their shrinking from death is a sufficient indication of their
   intense love of that peace which binds soul and body in close
   alliance.  But, as man has a rational soul, he subordinates all this
   which he has in common with the beasts to the peace of his rational
   soul, that his intellect may have free play and may regulate his
   actions, and that he may thus enjoy the well-ordered harmony of
   knowledge and action which constitutes, as we have said, the peace of
   the rational soul.  And for this purpose he must desire to be neither
   molested by pain, nor disturbed by desire, nor extinguished by death,
   that he may arrive at some useful knowledge by which he may regulate
   his life and manners.  But, owing to the liability of the human mind to
   fall into mistakes, this very pursuit of knowledge may be a snare to
   him unless he has a divine Master, whom he may obey without misgiving,
   and who may at the same time give him such help as to preserve his own
   freedom.  And because, so long as he is in this mortal body, he is a
   stranger to God, he walks by faith, not by sight; and he therefore
   refers all peace, bodily or spiritual or both, to that peace which
   mortal man has with the immortal God, so that he exhibits the
   well-ordered obedience of faith to eternal law.  But as this divine
   Master inculcates two precepts,--the love of God and the love of our
   neighbor,--and as in these precepts a man finds three things he has to
   love,--God, himself, and his neighbor,--and that he who loves God loves
   himself thereby, it follows that he must endeavor to get his neighbor
   to love God, since he is ordered to love his neighbor as himself.  He
   ought to make this endeavor in behalf of his wife, his children, his
   household, all within his reach, even as he would wish his neighbor to
   do the same for him if he needed it; and consequently he will be at
   peace, or in well-ordered concord, with all men, as far as in him
   lies.  And this is the order of this concord, that a man, in the first
   place, injure no one, and, in the second, do good to every one he can
   reach.  Primarily, therefore, his own household are his care, for the
   law of nature and of society gives him readier access to them and
   greater opportunity of serving them.  And hence the apostle says, "Now,
   if any provide not for his own, and specially for those of his own
   house, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel." [1283]
     This is the origin of domestic peace, or the well-ordered concord of
   those in the family who rule and those who obey.  For they who care for
   the rest rule,--the husband the wife, the parents the children, the
   masters the servants; and they who are cared for obey,--the women their
   husbands, the children their parents, the servants their masters.  But
   in the family of the just man who lives by faith and is as yet a
   pilgrim journeying on to the celestial city, even those who rule serve
   those whom they seem to command; for they rule not from a love of
   power, but from a sense of the duty they owe to others--not because
   they are proud of authority, but because they love mercy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1283] 1 Tim. v. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Of the Liberty Proper to Man's Nature, and the Servitude
   Introduced by Sin,--A Servitude in Which the Man Whose Will is Wicked
   is the Slave of His Own Lust, Though He is Free So Far as Regards Other
   Men.

   This is prescribed by the order of nature:  it is thus that God has
   created man.  For "let them," He says, "have dominion over the fish of
   the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every creeping thing
   which creepeth on the earth." [1284]   He did not intend that His
   rational creature, who was made in His image, should have dominion over
   anything but the irrational creation,--not man over man, but man over
   the beasts.  And hence the righteous men in primitive times were made
   shepherds of cattle rather than kings of men, God intending thus to
   teach us what the relative position of the creatures is, and what the
   desert of sin; for it is with justice, we believe, that the condition
   of slavery is the result of sin.  And this is why we do not find the
   word "slave" in any part of Scripture until righteous Noah branded the
   sin of his son with this name.  It is a name, therefore, introduced by
   sin and not by nature.  The origin of the Latin word for slave is
   supposed to be found in the circumstance that those who by the law of
   war were liable to be killed were sometimes preserved by their victors,
   and were hence called servants. [1285]   And these circumstances could
   never have arisen save through sin.  For even when we wage a just war,
   our adversaries must be sinning; and every victory, even though gained
   by wicked men, is a result of the first judgment of God, who humbles
   the vanquished either for the sake of removing or of punishing their
   sins.  Witness that man of God, Daniel, who, when he was in captivity,
   confessed to God his own sins and the sins of his people, and declares
   with pious grief that these were the cause of the captivity. [1286]
   The prime cause, then, of slavery is sin, which brings man under the
   dominion of his fellow,--that which does not happen save by the
   judgment of God, with whom is no unrighteousness, and who knows how to
   award fit punishments to every variety of offence.  But our Master in
   heaven says, "Every one who doeth sin is the servant of sin." [1287]
   And thus there are many wicked masters who have religious men as their
   slaves, and who are yet themselves in bondage; "for of whom a man is
   overcome, of the same is he brought in bondage." [1288]   And beyond
   question it is a happier thing to be the slave of a man than of a lust;
   for even this very lust of ruling, to mention no others, lays waste
   men's hearts with the most ruthless dominion.  Moreover, when men are
   subjected to one another in a peaceful order, the lowly position does
   as much good to the servant as the proud position does harm to the
   master.  But by nature, as God first created us, no one is the slave
   either of man or of sin.  This servitude is, however, penal, and is
   appointed by that law which enjoins the preservation of the natural
   order and forbids its disturbance; for if nothing had been done in
   violation of that law, there would have been nothing to restrain by
   penal servitude.  And therefore the apostle admonishes slaves to be
   subject to their masters, and to serve them heartily and with
   good-will, so that, if they cannot be freed by their masters, they may
   themselves make their slavery in some sort free, by serving not in
   crafty fear, but in faithful love, until all unrighteousness pass away,
   and all principality and every human power be brought to nothing, and
   God be all in all.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1284] Gen. i. 26.

   [1285] Servus, "a slave," from servare, "to preserve."

   [1286] Dan. ix.

   [1287] John viii. 34.

   [1288] 2 Pet. ii. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of Equitable Rule.

   And therefore, although our righteous fathers [1289] had slaves, and
   administered their domestic affairs so as to distinguish between the
   condition of slaves and the heirship of sons in regard to the blessings
   of this life, yet in regard to the worship of God, in whom we hope for
   eternal blessings, they took an equally loving oversight of all the
   members of their household.  And this is so much in accordance with the
   natural order, that the head of the household was called paterfamilias;
   and this name has been so generally accepted, that even those whose
   rule is unrighteous are glad to apply it to themselves. But those who
   are true fathers of their households desire and endeavor that all the
   members of their household, equally with their own children, should
   worship and win God, and should come to that heavenly home in which the
   duty of ruling men is no longer necessary, because the duty of caring
   for their everlasting happiness has also ceased; but, until they reach
   that home, masters ought to feel their position of authority a greater
   burden than servants their service.  And if any member of the family
   interrupts the domestic peace by disobedience, he is corrected either
   by word or blow, or some kind of just and legitimate punishment, such
   as society permits, that he may himself be the better for it, and be
   readjusted to the family harmony from which he had dislocated himself.
   For as it is not benevolent to give a man help at the expense of some
   greater benefit he might receive, so it is not innocent to spare a man
   at the risk of his falling into graver sin.  To be innocent, we must
   not only do harm to no man, but also restrain him from sin or punish
   his sin, so that either the man himself who is punished may profit by
   his experience, or others be warned by his example.  Since, then, the
   house ought to be the beginning or element of the city, and every
   beginning bears reference to some end of its own kind, and every
   element to the integrity of the whole of which it is an element, it
   follows plainly enough that domestic peace has a relation to civic
   peace,--in other words, that the well-ordered concord of domestic
   obedience and domestic rule has a relation to the well-ordered concord
   of civic obedience and civic rule.  And therefore it follows, further,
   that the father of the family ought to frame his domestic rule in
   accordance with the law of the city, so that the household may be in
   harmony with the civic order.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1289] The patriarchs.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--What Produces Peace, and What Discord, Between the
   Heavenly and Earthly Cities.

   But the families which do not live by faith seek their peace in the
   earthly advantages of this life; while the families which live by faith
   look for those eternal blessings which are promised, and use as
   pilgrims such advantages of time and of earth as do not fascinate and
   divert them from God, but rather aid them to endure with greater ease,
   and to keep down the number of those burdens of the corruptible body
   which weigh upon the soul.  Thus the things necessary for this mortal
   life are used by both kinds of men and families alike, but each has its
   own peculiar and widely different aim in using them.  The earthly city,
   which does not live by faith, seeks an earthly peace, and the end it
   proposes, in the well-ordered concord of civic obedience and rule, is
   the combination of men's wills to attain the things which are helpful
   to this life.  The heavenly city, or rather the part of it which
   sojourns on earth and lives by faith, makes use of this peace only
   because it must, until this mortal condition which necessitates it
   shall pass away.  Consequently, so long as it lives like a captive and
   a stranger in the earthly city, though it has already received the
   promise of redemption, and the gift of the Spirit as the earnest of it,
   it makes no scruple to obey the laws of the earthly city, whereby the
   things necessary for the maintenance of this mortal life are
   administered; and thus, as this life is common to both cities, so there
   is a harmony between them in regard to what belongs to it.  But, as the
   earthly city has had some philosophers whose doctrine is condemned by
   the divine teaching, and who, being deceived either by their own
   conjectures or by demons, supposed that many gods must be invited to
   take an interest in human affairs, and assigned to each a separate
   function and a separate department,--to one the body, to another the
   soul; and in the body itself, to one the head, to another the neck, and
   each of the other members to one of the gods; and in like manner, in
   the soul, to one god the natural capacity was assigned, to another
   education, to another anger, to another lust; and so the various
   affairs of life were assigned,--cattle to one, corn to another, wine to
   another, oil to another, the woods to another, money to another,
   navigation to another, wars and victories to another, marriages to
   another, births and fecundity to another, and other things to other
   gods:  and as the celestial city, on the other hand, knew that one God
   only was to be worshipped, and that to Him alone was due that service
   which the Greeks call latreia, and which can be given only to a god, it
   has come to pass that the two cities could not have common laws of
   religion, and that the heavenly city has been compelled in this matter
   to dissent, and to become obnoxious to those who think differently, and
   to stand the brunt of their anger and hatred and persecutions, except
   in so far as the minds of their enemies have been alarmed by the
   multitude of the Christians and quelled by the manifest protection of
   God accorded to them.  This heavenly city, then, while it sojourns on
   earth, calls citizens out of all nations, and gathers together a
   society of pilgrims of all languages, not scrupling about diversities
   in the manners, laws, and institutions whereby earthly peace is secured
   and maintained, but recognizing that, however various these are, they
   all tend to one and the same end of earthly peace.  It therefore is so
   far from rescinding and abolishing these diversities, that it even
   preserves and adopts them, so long only as no hindrance to the worship
   of the one supreme and true God is thus introduced.  Even the heavenly
   city, therefore, while in its state of pilgrimage, avails itself of the
   peace of earth, and, so far as it can without injuring faith and
   godliness, desires and maintains a common agreement among men regarding
   the acquisition of the necessaries of life, and makes this earthly
   peace bear upon the peace of heaven; for this alone can be truly called
   and esteemed the peace of the reasonable creatures, consisting as it
   does in the perfectly ordered and harmonious enjoyment of God and of
   one another in God.  When we shall have reached that peace, this mortal
   life shall give place to one that is eternal, and our body shall be no
   more this animal body which by its corruption weighs down the soul, but
   a spiritual body feeling no want, and in all its members subjected to
   the will.  In its pilgrim state the heavenly city possesses this peace
   by faith; and by this faith it lives righteously when it refers to the
   attainment of that peace every good action towards God and man; for the
   life of the city is a social life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--How Different the Uncertainty of the New Academy is from
   the Certainty of the Christian Faith.

   As regards the uncertainty about everything which Varro alleges to be
   the differentiating characteristic of the New Academy, the city of God
   thoroughly detests such doubt as madness.  Regarding matters which it
   apprehends by the mind and reason it has most absolute certainty,
   although its knowledge is limited because of the corruptible body
   pressing down the mind, for, as the apostle says, "We know in part."
   [1290]   It believes also the evidence of the senses which the mind
   uses by aid of the body; for [if one who trusts his senses is sometimes
   deceived], he is more wretchedly deceived who fancies he should never
   trust them.  It believes also the Holy Scriptures, old and new, which
   we call canonical, and which are the source of the faith by which the
   just lives [1291] and by which we walk without doubting whilst we are
   absent from the Lord. [1292]   So long as this faith remains inviolate
   and firm, we may without blame entertain doubts regarding some things
   which we have neither perceived by sense nor by reason, and which have
   not been revealed to us by the canonical Scriptures, nor come to our
   knowledge through witnesses whom it is absurd to disbelieve.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1290] 1 Cor. xiii. 9.

   [1291] Hab. ii. 4.

   [1292] 2 Cor. v. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of the Dress and Habits of the Christian People.

   It is a matter of no moment in the city of God whether he who adopts
   the faith that brings men to God adopts it in one dress and manner of
   life or another, so long only as he lives in conformity with the
   commandments of God.  And hence, when philosophers themselves become
   Christians, they are compelled, indeed, to abandon their erroneous
   doctrines, but not their dress and mode of living, which are no
   obstacle to religion.  So that we make no account of that distinction
   of sects which Varro adduced in connection with the Cynic school,
   provided always nothing indecent or self-indulgent is retained.  As to
   these three modes of life, the contemplative, the active, and the
   composite, although, so long as a man's faith is preserved, he may
   choose any of them without detriment to his eternal interests, yet he
   must never overlook the claims of truth and duty.  No man has a right
   to lead such a life of contemplation as to forget in his own ease the
   service due to his neighbor; nor has any man a right to be so immersed
   in active life as to neglect the contemplation of God.  The charm of
   leisure must not be indolent vacancy of mind, but the investigation or
   discovery of truth, that thus every man may make solid attainments
   without grudging that others do the same.  And, in active life, it is
   not the honors or power of this life we should covet, since all things
   under the sun are vanity, but we should aim at using our position and
   influence, if these have been honorably attained, for the welfare of
   those who are under us, in the way we have already explained. [1293]
   It is to this the apostle refers when he says, "He that desireth the
   episcopate desireth a good work." [1294]   He wished to show that the
   episcopate is the title of a work, not of an honor.  It is a Greek
   word, and signifies that he who governs superintends or takes care of
   those whom he governs:  for epi means over, and skopein, to see;
   therefore episkopein means "to oversee." [1295]   So that he who loves
   to govern rather than to do good is no bishop.  Accordingly no one is
   prohibited from the search after truth, for in this leisure may most
   laudably be spent; but it is unseemly to covet the high position
   requisite for governing the people, even though that position be held
   and that government be administered in a seemly manner.  And therefore
   holy leisure is longed for by the love of truth; but it is the
   necessity of love to undertake requisite business.  If no one imposes
   this burden upon us, we are free to sift and contemplate truth; but if
   it be laid upon us, we are necessitated for love's sake to undertake
   it.  And yet not even in this case are we obliged wholly to relinquish
   the sweets of contemplation; for were these to be withdrawn, the burden
   might prove more than we could bear.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1293] Ch. 6.

   [1294] 1 Tim. iii. 1.

   [1295] Augustin's words are:  eti, quippe, super; skopos, vero,
   intentio est:  ergo episkopein, si velimus, latine superintendere
   possumus dicere.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--That the Saints are in This Life Blessed in Hope.

   Since, then, the supreme good of the city of God is perfect and eternal
   peace, not such as mortals pass into and out of by birth and death, but
   the peace of freedom from all evil, in which the immortals ever abide;
   who can deny that that future life is most blessed, or that, in
   comparison with it, this life which now we live is most wretched, be it
   filled with all blessings of body and soul and external things?  And
   yet, if any man uses this life with a reference to that other which he
   ardently loves and confidently hopes for, he may well be called even
   now blessed, though not in reality so much as in hope.  But the actual
   possession of the happiness of this life, without the hope of what is
   beyond, is but a false happiness and profound misery.  For the true
   blessings of the soul are not now enjoyed; for that is no true wisdom
   which does not direct all its prudent observations, manly actions,
   virtuous self-restraint, and just arrangements, to that end in which
   God shall be all and all in a secure eternity and perfect peace.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Whether There Ever Was a Roman Republic Answering to the
   Definitions of Scipio in Cicero's Dialogue.

   This, then, is the place where I should fulfill the promise gave in the
   second book of this work, [1296] and explain, as briefly and clearly as
   possible, that if we are to accept the definitions laid down by Scipio
   in Cicero's De Republica, there never was a Roman republic; for he
   briefly defines a republic as the weal of the people.  And if this
   definition be true, there never was a Roman republic, for the people's
   weal was never attained among the Romans.  For the people, according to
   his definition, is an assemblage associated by a common acknowledgment
   of right and by a community of interests.  And what he means by a
   common acknowledgment of right he explains at large, showing that a
   republic cannot be administered without justice.  Where, therefore,
   there is no true justice there can be no right.  For that which is done
   by right is justly done, and what is unjustly done cannot be done by
   right.  For the unjust inventions of men are neither to be considered
   nor spoken of as rights; for even they themselves say that right is
   that which flows from the fountain of justice, and deny the definition
   which is commonly given by those who misconceive the matter, that right
   is that which is useful to the stronger party.  Thus, where there is
   not true justice there can be no assemblage of men associated by a
   common acknowledgment of right, and therefore there can be no people,
   as defined by Scipio or Cicero; and if no people, then no weal of the
   people, but only of some promiscuous multitude unworthy of the name of
   people.  Consequently, if the republic is the weal of the people, and
   there is no people if it be not associated by a common acknowledgment
   of right, and if there is no right where there is no justice, then most
   certainly it follows that there is no republic where there is no
   justice.  Further, justice is that virtue which gives every one his
   due.  Where, then, is the justice of man, when he deserts the true God
   and yields himself to impure demons?  Is this to give every one his
   due?  Or is he who keeps back a piece of ground from the purchaser, and
   gives it to a man who has no right to it, unjust, while he who keeps
   back himself from the God who made him, and serves wicked spirits, is
   just?

   This same book, De Republica, advocates the cause of justice against
   injustice with great force and keenness.  The pleading for injustice
   against justice was first heard, and it was asserted that without
   injustice a republic could neither increase nor even subsist, for it
   was laid down as an absolutely unassailable position that it is unjust
   for some men to rule and some to serve; and yet the imperial city to
   which the republic belongs cannot rule her provinces without having
   recourse to this injustice.  It was replied in behalf of justice, that
   this ruling of the provinces is just, because servitude may be
   advantageous to the provincials, and is so when rightly
   administered,--that is to say, when lawless men are prevented from
   doing harm.  And further, as they became worse and worse so long as
   they were free, they will improve by subjection.  To confirm this
   reasoning, there is added an eminent example drawn from nature:  for
   "why," it is asked, "does God rule man, the soul the body, the reason
   the passions and other vicious parts of the soul?"  This example leaves
   no doubt that, to some, servitude is useful; and, indeed, to serve God
   is useful to all.  And it is when the soul serves God that it exercises
   a right control over the body; and in the soul itself the reason must
   be subject to God if it is to govern as it ought the passions and other
   vices.  Hence, when a man does not serve God, what justice can we
   ascribe to him, since in this case his soul cannot exercise a just
   control over the body, nor his reason over his vices?  And if there is
   no justice in such an individual, certainly there can be none in a
   community composed of such persons.  Here, therefore, there is not that
   common acknowledgment of right which makes an assemblage of men a
   people whose affairs we call a republic.  And why need I speak of the
   advantageousness, the common participation in which, according to the
   definition, makes a people?  For although, if you choose to regard the
   matter attentively, you will see that there is nothing advantageous to
   those who live godlessly, as every one lives who does not serve God but
   demons, whose wickedness you may measure by their desire to receive the
   worship of men though they are most impure spirits, yet what I have
   said of the common acknowledgment of right is enough to demonstrate
   that, according to the above definition, there can be no people, and
   therefore no republic, where there is no justice.  For if they assert
   that in their republic the Romans did not serve unclean spirits, but
   good and holy gods, must we therefore again reply to this evasion,
   though already we have said enough, and more than enough, to expose
   it?  He must be an uncommonly stupid, or a shamelessly contentious
   person, who has read through the foregoing books to this point, and can
   yet question whether the Romans served wicked and impure demons.  But,
   not to speak of their character, it is written in the law of the true
   God, "He that sacrificeth unto any god save unto the Lord only, he
   shall be utterly destroyed." [1297]   He, therefore, who uttered so
   menacing a commandment decreed that no worship should be given either
   to good or bad gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1296] Ch. 21.

   [1297] Ex. xxii. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Whether the God Whom the Christians Serve is the True God
   to Whom Alone Sacrifice Ought to Be Paid.

   But it may be replied, Who is this God, or what proof is there that He
   alone is worthy to receive sacrifice from the Romans?  One must be very
   blind to be still asking who this God is.  He is the God whose prophets
   predicted the things we see accomplished.  He is the God from whom
   Abraham received the assurance, "In thy seed shall all nations be
   blessed." [1298]   That this was fulfilled in Christ, who according to
   the flesh sprang from that seed, is recognized, whether they will or
   no, even by those who have continued to be the enemies of this name.
   He is the God whose divine Spirit spake by the men whose predictions I
   cited in the preceding books, and which are fulfilled in the Church
   which has extended over all the world.  This is the God whom Varro, the
   most learned of the Romans, supposed to be Jupiter, though he knows not
   what he says; yet I think it right to note the circumstance that a man
   of such learning was unable to suppose that this God had no existence
   or was contemptible, but believed Him to be the same as the supreme
   God.  In fine, He is the God whom Porphyry, the most learned of the
   philosophers, though the bitterest enemy of the Christians, confesses
   to be a great God, even according to the oracles of those whom he
   esteems gods.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1298] Gen. xxii. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Porphyry's Account of the Responses Given by the Oracles
   of the gods Concerning Christ.

   For in his book called ek logion philosophias, in which he collects and
   comments upon the responses which he pretends were uttered by the gods
   concerning divine things, he says--I give his own words as they have
   been translated from the Greek:  "To one who inquired what god he
   should propitiate in order to recall his wife from Christianity, Apollo
   replied in the following verses."  Then the following words are given
   as those of Apollo:  "You will probably find it easier to write lasting
   characters on the water, or lightly fly like a bird through the air,
   than to restore right feeling in your impious wife once she has
   polluted herself.  Let her remain as she pleases in her foolish
   deception, and sing false laments to her dead God, who was condemned by
   right-minded judges, and perished ignominiously by a violent death."
   Then after these verses of Apollo (which we have given in a Latin
   version that does not preserve the metrical form), he goes on to say:
   "In these verses Apollo exposed the incurable corruption of the
   Christians, saying that the Jews, rather than the Christians,
   recognized God."  See how he misrepresents Christ, giving the Jews the
   preference to the Christians in the recognition of God.  This was his
   explanation of Apollo's verses, in which he says that Christ was put to
   death by right-minded or just judges,--in other words, that He deserved
   to die.  I leave the responsibility of this oracle regarding Christ on
   the lying interpreter of Apollo, or on this philosopher who believed it
   or possibly himself invented it; as to its agreement with Porphyry's
   opinions or with other oracles, we shall in a little have something to
   say.  In this passage, however, he says that the Jews, as the
   interpreters of God, judged justly in pronouncing Christ to be worthy
   of the most shameful death.  He should have listened, then, to this God
   of the Jews to whom he bears this testimony, when that God says, "He
   that sacrificeth to any other god save to the Lord alone shall be
   utterly destroyed."  But let us come to still plainer expressions, and
   hear how great a God Porphyry thinks the God of the Jews is.  Apollo,
   he says, when asked whether word, i.e., reason, or law is the better
   thing, replied in the following verses.  Then he gives the verses of
   Apollo, from which I select the following as sufficient:  "God, the
   Generator, and the King prior to all things, before whom heaven and
   earth, and the sea, and the hidden places of hell tremble, and the
   deities themselves are afraid, for their law is the Father whom the
   holy Hebrews honor."  In this oracle of his god Apollo, Porphyry avowed
   that the God of the Hebrews is so great that the deities themselves are
   afraid before Him.  I am surprised, therefore, that when God said, He
   that sacrificeth to other gods shall be utterly destroyed, Porphyry
   himself was not afraid lest he should be destroyed for sacrificing to
   other gods.

   This philosopher, however, has also some good to say of Christ,
   oblivious, as it were, of that contumely of his of which we have just
   been speaking; or as if his gods spoke evil of Christ only while
   asleep, and recognized Him to be good, and gave Him His deserved
   praise, when they awoke.  For, as if he were about to proclaim some
   marvellous thing passing belief, he says, "What we are going to say
   will certainly take some by surprise.  For the gods have declared that
   Christ was very pious, and has become immortal, and that they cherish
   his memory:  that the Christians, however, are polluted, contaminated,
   and involved in error.  And many other such things," he says, "do the
   gods say against the Christians."  Then he gives specimens of the
   accusations made, as he says, by the gods against them, and then goes
   on:  "But to some who asked Hecate whether Christ were a God, she
   replied, You know the condition of the disembodied immortal soul, and
   that if it has been severed from wisdom it always errs.  The soul you
   refer to is that of a man foremost in piety:  they worship it because
   they mistake the truth."  To this so-called oracular response he adds
   the following words of his own:  "Of this very pious man, then, Hecate
   said that the soul, like the souls of other good men, was after death
   dowered with immortality, and that the Christians through ignorance
   worship it.  And to those who ask why he was condemned to die, the
   oracle of the goddess replied, The body, indeed, is always exposed to
   torments, but the souls of the pious abide in heaven.  And the soul you
   inquire about has been the fatal cause of error to other souls which
   were not fated to receive the gifts of the gods, and to have the
   knowledge of immortal Jove.  Such souls are therefore hated by the
   gods; for they who were fated not to receive the gifts of the gods, and
   not to know God, were fated to be involved in error by means of him you
   speak of.  He himself, however, was good, and heaven has been opened to
   him as to other good men.  You are not, then, to speak evil of him, but
   to pity the folly of men:  and through him men's danger is imminent."

   Who is so foolish as not to see that these oracles were either composed
   by a clever man with a strong animus against the Christians, or were
   uttered as responses by impure demons with a similar design,--that is
   to say, in order that their praise of Christ may win credence for their
   vituperation of Christians; and that thus they may, if possible, close
   the way of eternal salvation, which is identical with Christianity?
   For they believe that they are by no means counter working their own
   hurtful craft by promoting belief in Christ, so long as their
   calumniation of Christians is also accepted; for they thus secure that
   even the man who thinks well of Christ declines to become a Christian,
   and is therefore not delivered from their own rule by the Christ he
   praises.  Besides, their praise of Christ is so contrived that
   whosoever believes in Him as thus represented will not be a true
   Christian but a Photinian heretic, recognizing only the humanity, and
   not also the divinity of Christ, and will thus be precluded from
   salvation and from deliverance out of the meshes of these devilish
   lies.  For our part, we are no better pleased with Hecate's praises of
   Christ than with Apollo's calumniation of Him.  Apollo says that Christ
   was put to death by right-minded judges, implying that He was
   unrighteous.  Hecate says that He was a most pious man, but no more.
   The intention of both is the same, to prevent men from becoming
   Christians, because if this be secured, men shall never be rescued from
   their power.  But it is incumbent on our philosopher, or rather on
   those who believe in these pretended oracles against the Christians,
   first of all, if they can, to bring Apollo and Hecate to the same mind
   regarding Christ, so that either both may condemn or both praise Him.
   And even if they succeeded in this, we for our part would
   notwithstanding repudiate the testimony of demons, whether favorable or
   adverse to Christ.  But when our adversaries find a god and goddess of
   their own at variance about Christ the one praising, the other
   vituperating Him, they can certainly give no credence, if they have any
   judgment, to mere men who blaspheme the Christians.

   When Porphyry or Hecate praises Christ, and adds that He gave Himself
   to the Christians as a fatal gift, that they might be involved in
   error, he exposes, as he thinks, the causes of this error.  But before
   I cite his words to that purpose, I would ask, If Christ did thus give
   Himself to the Christians to involve them in error, did He do so
   willingly, or against His will?  If willingly, how is He righteous?  If
   against His will, how is He blessed?  However, let us hear the causes
   of this error.  "There are," he says," in a certain place very small
   earthly spirits, subject to the power of evil demons.  The wise men of
   the Hebrews, among whom was this Jesus, as you have heard from the
   oracles of Apollo cited above, turned religious persons from these very
   wicked demons and minor spirits, and taught them rather to worship the
   celestial gods, and especially to adore God the Father.  This," he
   said, "the gods enjoin; and we have already shown how they admonish the
   soul to turn to God, and command it to worship Him.  But the ignorant
   and the ungodly, who are not destined to receive favors from the gods,
   nor to know the immortal Jupiter, not listening to the gods and their
   messages, have turned away from all gods, and have not only refused to
   hate, but have venerated the prohibited demons.  Professing to worship
   God, they refuse to do those things by which alone God is worshipped.
   For God, indeed, being the Father of all, is in need of nothing; but
   for us it is good to adore Him by means of justice, chastity, and other
   virtues, and thus to make life itself a prayer to Him, by inquiring
   into and imitating His nature.  For inquiry," says he, "purifies and
   imitation deifies us, by moving us nearer to Him."  He is right in so
   far as he proclaims God the Father, and the conduct by which we should
   worship Him.  Of such precepts the prophetic books of the Hebrews are
   full, when they praise or blame the life of the saints.  But in
   speaking of the Christians he is in error, and caluminates them as much
   as is desired by the demons whom he takes for gods, as if it were
   difficult for any man to recollect the disgraceful and shameful actions
   which used to be done in the theatres and temples to please the gods,
   and to compare with these things what is heard in our churches, and
   what is offered to the true God, and from this comparison to conclude
   where character is edified, and where it is ruined.  But who but a
   diabolical spirit has told or suggested to this man so manifest and
   vain a lie, as that the Christians reverenced rather than hated the
   demons, whose worship the Hebrews prohibited?  But that God, whom the
   Hebrew sages worshipped, forbids sacrifice to be offered even to the
   holy angels of heaven and divine powers, whom we, in this our
   pilgrimage, venerate and love as our most blessed fellow-citizens.  For
   in the law which God gave to His Hebrew people He utters this menace,
   as in a voice of thunder:  "He that sacrificeth unto any god, save unto
   the Lord only, he shall be utterly destroyed." [1299]   And that no one
   might suppose that this prohibition extends only to the very wicked
   demons and earthly spirits, whom this philosopher calls very small and
   inferior,--for even these are in the Scripture called gods, not of the
   Hebrews, but of the nations, as the Septuagint translators have shown
   in the psalm where it is said, "For all the gods of the nations are
   demons," [1300] --that no one might suppose, I say, that sacrifice to
   these demons was prohibited, but that sacrifice might be offered to all
   or some of the celestials, it was immediately added, "save unto the
   Lord alone." [1301]   The God of the Hebrews, then, to whom this
   renowned philosopher bears this signal testimony, gave to His Hebrew
   people a law, composed in the Hebrew language, and not obscure and
   unknown, but published now in every nation, and in this law it is
   written, "He that sacrificeth unto any god, save unto the Lord alone,
   he shall be utterly destroyed."  What need is there to seek further
   proofs in the law or the prophets of this same thing?  Seek, we need
   not say, for the passages are neither few nor difficult to find; but
   what need to collect and apply to my argument the proofs which are
   thickly sown and obvious, and by which it appears clear as day that
   sacrifice may be paid to none but the supreme and true God?  Here is
   one brief but decided, even menacing, and certainly true utterance of
   that God whom the wisest of our adversaries so highly extol.  Let this
   be listened to, feared, fulfilled, that there may be no disobedient
   soul cut off.  "He that sacrifices," He says, not because He needs
   anything, but because it behoves us to be His possession.  Hence the
   Psalmist in the Hebrew Scriptures sings, "I have said to the Lord, Thou
   art my God, for Thou needest not my good." [1302]   For we ourselves,
   who are His own city, are His most noble and worthy sacrifice, and it
   is this mystery we celebrate in our sacrifices, which are well known to
   the faithful, as we have explained in the preceding books.  For through
   the prophets the oracles of God declared that the sacrifices which the
   Jews offered as a shadow of that which was to be would cease, and that
   the nations, from the rising to the setting of the sun, would offer one
   sacrifice.  From these oracles, which we now see accomplished, we have
   made such selections as seemed suitable to our purpose in this work.
   And therefore, where there is not this righteousness whereby the one
   supreme God rules the obedient city according to His grace, so that it
   sacrifices to none but Him, and whereby, in all the citizens of this
   obedient city, the soul consequently rules the body and reason the
   vices in the rightful order, so that, as the individual just man, so
   also the community and people of the just, live by faith, which works
   by love, that love whereby man loves God as He ought to be loved, and
   his neighbor as himself,--there, I say, there is not an assemblage
   associated by a common acknowledgment of right, and by a community of
   interests.  But if there is not this, there is not a people, if our
   definition be true, and therefore there is no republic; for where there
   is no people there can be no republic.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1299] Ex. xxii. 20.

   [1300] Ps. xcvi. 5.

   [1301] Augustin here warns his readers against a possible
   misunderstanding of the Latin word for alone (soli), which might be
   rendered "the sun."

   [1302] Ps. xvi. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--The Definition Which Must Be Given of a People and a
   Republic, in Order to Vindicate the Assumption of These Titles by the
   Romans and by Other Kingdoms.

   But if we discard this definition of a people, and, assuming another,
   say that a people is an assemblage of reasonable beings bound together
   by a common agreement as to the objects of their love, then, in order
   to discover the character of any people, we have only to observe what
   they love.  Yet whatever it loves, if only it is an assemblage of
   reasonable beings and not of beasts, and is bound together by an
   agreement as to the objects of love, it is reasonably called a people;
   and it will be a superior people in proportion as it is bound together
   by higher interests, inferior in proportion as it is bound together by
   lower.  According to this definition of ours, the Roman people is a
   people, and its weal is without doubt a commonwealth or republic.  But
   what its tastes were in its early and subsequent days, and how it
   declined into sanguinary seditions and then to social and civil wars,
   and so burst asunder or rotted off the bond of concord in which the
   health of a people consists, history shows, and in the preceding books
   I have related at large.  And yet I would not on this account say
   either that it was not a people, or that its administration was not a
   republic, so long as there remains an assemblage of reasonable beings
   bound together by a common agreement as to the objects of love.  But
   what I say of this people and of this republic I must be understood to
   think and say of the Athenians or any Greek state, of the Egyptians, of
   the early Assyrian Babylon, and of every other nation, great or small,
   which had a public government.  For, in general, the city of the
   ungodly, which did not obey the command of God that it should offer no
   sacrifice save to Him alone, and which, therefore, could not give to
   the soul its proper command over the body, nor to the reason its just
   authority over the vices, is void of true justice.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--That Where There is No True Religion There are No True
   Virtues.

   For though the soul may seem to rule the body admirably, and the reason
   the vices, if the soul and reason do not themselves obey God, as God
   has commanded them to serve Him, they have no proper authority over the
   body and the vices.  For what kind of mistress of the body and the
   vices can that mind be which is ignorant of the true God, and which,
   instead of being subject to His authority, is prostituted to the
   corrupting influences of the most vicious demons?  It is for this
   reason that the virtues which it seems to itself to possess, and by
   which it restrains the body and the vices that it may obtain and keep
   what it desires, are rather vices than virtues so long as there is no
   reference to God in the matter.  For although some suppose that virtues
   which have a reference only to themselves, and are desired only on
   their own account, are yet true and genuine virtues, the fact is that
   even then they are inflated with pride, and are therefore to be
   reckoned vices rather than virtues.  For as that which gives life to
   the flesh is not derived from flesh, but is above it, so that which
   gives blessed life to man is not derived from man, but is something
   above him; and what I say of man is true of every celestial power and
   virtue whatsoever.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Of the Peace Which is Enjoyed by the People that are
   Alienated from God, and the Use Made of It by the People of God in the
   Time of Its Pilgrimage.

   Wherefore, as the life of the flesh is the soul, so the blessed life of
   man is God, of whom the sacred writings of the Hebrews say, "Blessed is
   the people whose God is the Lord." [1303]   Miserable, therefore, is
   the people which is alienated from God.  Yet even this people has a
   peace of its own which is not to be lightly esteemed, though, indeed,
   it shall not in the end enjoy it, because it makes no good use of it
   before the end.  But it is our interest that it enjoy this peace
   meanwhile in this life; for as long as the two cities are commingled,
   we also enjoy the peace of Babylon.  For from Babylon the people of God
   is so freed that it meanwhile sojourns in its company.  And therefore
   the apostle also admonished the Church to pray for kings and those in
   authority, assigning as the reason, "that we may live a quiet and
   tranquil life in all godliness and love." [1304]   And the prophet
   Jeremiah, when predicting the captivity that was to befall the ancient
   people of God, and giving them the divine command to go obediently to
   Babylonia, and thus serve their God, counselled them also to pray for
   Babylonia, saying, "In the peace thereof shall ye have peace," [1305]
   --the temporal peace which the good and the wicked together enjoy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1303] Ps. cxliv. 15.

   [1304] 1 Tim. ii. 2; var. reading, "purity."

   [1305] Jer. xxix. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--That the Peace of Those Who Serve God Cannot in This
   Mortal Life Be Apprehended in Its Perfection.

   But the peace which is peculiar to ourselves we enjoy now with God by
   faith, and shall hereafter enjoy eternally with Him by sight.  But the
   peace which we enjoy in this life, whether common to all or peculiar to
   ourselves, is rather the solace of our misery than the positive
   enjoyment of felicity.  Our very righteousness, too, though true in so
   far as it has respect to the true good, is yet in this life of such a
   kind that it consists rather in the remission of sins than in the
   perfecting of virtues.  Witness the prayer of the whole city of God in
   its pilgrim state, for it cries to God by the mouth of all its members,
   "Forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors." [1306]   And this
   prayer is efficacious not for those whose faith is "without works and
   dead," [1307] but for those whose faith "worketh by love." [1308]   For
   as reason, though subjected to God, is yet "pressed down by the
   corruptible body," [1309] so long as it is in this mortal condition, it
   has not perfect authority over vice, and therefore this prayer is
   needed by the righteous.  For though it exercises authority, the vices
   do not submit without a struggle.  For however well one maintains the
   conflict, and however thoroughly he has subdued these enemies, there
   steals in some evil thing, which, if it does not find ready expression
   in act, slips out by the lips, or insinuates itself into the thought;
   and therefore his peace is not full so long as he is at war with his
   vices.  For it is a doubtful conflict he wages with those that resist,
   and his victory over those that are defeated is not secure, but full of
   anxiety and effort.  Amidst these temptations, therefore, of all which
   it has been summarily said in the divine oracles, "Is not human life
   upon earth a temptation?" [1310] who but a proud man can presume that
   he so lives that he has no need to say to God, "Forgive us our debts?"
   And such a man is not great, but swollen and puffed up with vanity, and
   is justly resisted by Him who abundantly gives grace to the humble.
   Whence it is said, "God resisteth the proud, but giveth grace to the
   humble." [1311]   In this, then, consists the righteousness of a man,
   that he submit himself to God, his body to his soul, and his vices,
   even when they rebel, to his reason, which either defeats or at least
   resists them; and also that he beg from God grace to do his duty,
   [1312] and the pardon of his sins, and that he render to God thanks for
   all the blessings he receives.  But, in that final peace to which all
   our righteousness has reference, and for the sake of which it is
   maintained, as our nature shall enjoy a sound immortality and
   incorruption, and shall have no more vices, and as we shall experience
   no resistance either from ourselves or from others, it will not be
   necessary that reason should rule vices which no longer exist, but God
   shall rule the man, and the soul shall rule the body, with a sweetness
   and facility suitable to the felicity of a life which is done with
   bondage.  And this condition shall there be eternal, and we shall be
   assured of its eternity; and thus the peace of this blessedness and the
   blessedness of this peace shall be the supreme good.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1306] Matt. vi. 12.

   [1307] Jas. ii. 17.

   [1308] Gal. v. 6.

   [1309] Wisdom ix. 15.

   [1310] Job vii. 1.

   [1311] Jas. iv. 6; 1 Pet. v. 5.

   [1312] Gratia meritorum.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--The End of the Wicked.

   But, on the other hand, they who do not belong to this city of God
   shall inherit eternal misery, which is also called the second death,
   because the soul shall then be separated from God its life, and
   therefore cannot be said to live, and the body shall be subjected to
   eternal pains.  And consequently this second death shall be the more
   severe, because no death shall terminate it.  But war being contrary to
   peace, as misery to happiness, and life to death, it is not without
   reason asked what kind of war can be found in the end of the wicked
   answering to the peace which is declared to be the end of the
   righteous?  The person who puts this question has only to observe what
   it is in war that is hurtful and destructive, and he shall see that it
   is nothing else than the mutual opposition and conflict of things.  And
   can he conceive a more grievous and bitter war than that in which the
   will is so opposed to passion, and passion to the will, that their
   hostility can never be terminated by the victory of either, and in
   which the violence of pain so conflicts with the nature of the body,
   that neither yields to the other?  For in this life, when this conflict
   has arisen, either pain conquers and death expels the feeling of it, or
   nature conquers and health expels the pain.  But in the world to come
   the pain continues that it may torment, and the nature endures that it
   may be sensible of it; and neither ceases to exist, lest punishment
   also should cease.  Now, as it is through the last judgment that men
   pass to these ends, the good to the supreme good, the evil to the
   supreme evil, I will treat of this judgment in the following book.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XX.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Concerning the last judgment, and the declarations regarding
   it in the old and new testaments.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--That Although God is Always Judging, It is Nevertheless
   Reasonable to Confine Our Attention in This Book to His Last Judgment.

   Intending to speak, in dependence on God's grace, of the day of His
   final judgment, and to affirm it against the ungodly and incredulous,
   we must first of all lay, as it were, in the foundation of the edifice
   the divine declarations.  Those persons who do not believe such
   declarations do their best to oppose to them false and illusive
   sophisms of their own, either contending that what is adduced from
   Scripture has another meaning, or altogether denying that it is an
   utterance of God's.  For I suppose no man who understands what is
   written, and believes it to be communicated by the supreme and true God
   through holy men, refuses to yield and consent to these declarations,
   whether he orally confesses his consent, or is from some evil influence
   ashamed or afraid to do so; or even, with an opinionativeness closely
   resembling madness, makes strenuous efforts to defend what he knows and
   believes to be false against what he knows and believes to be true.

   That, therefore, which the whole Church of the true God holds and
   professes as its creed, that Christ shall come from heaven to judge
   quick and dead, this we call the last day, or last time, of the divine
   judgment.  For we do not know how many days this judgment may occupy;
   but no one who reads the Scriptures, however negligently, need be told
   that in them "day" is customarily used for "time."  And when we speak
   of the day of God's judgment, we add the word last or final for this
   reason, because even now God judges, and has judged from the beginning
   of human history, banishing from paradise, and excluding from the tree
   of life, those first men who perpetrated so great a sin.  Yea, He was
   certainly exercising judgment also when He did not spare the angels who
   sinned, whose prince, overcome by envy, seduced men after being himself
   seduced.  Neither is it without God's profound and just judgment that
   the life of demons and men, the one in the air, the other on earth, is
   filled with misery, calamities, and mistakes.  And even though no one
   had sinned, it could only have been by the good and right judgment of
   God that the whole rational creation could have been maintained in
   eternal blessedness by a persevering adherence to its Lord.  He judges,
   too, not only in the mass, condemning the race of devils and the race
   of men to be miserable on account of the original sin of these races,
   but He also judges the voluntary and personal acts of individuals.  For
   even the devils pray that they may not be tormented, [1313] which
   proves that without injustice they might either be spared or tormented
   according to their deserts.  And men are punished by God for their sins
   often visibly, always secretly, either in this life or after death,
   although no man acts rightly save by the assistance of divine aid; and
   no man or devil acts unrighteously save by the permission of the divine
   and most just judgment.  For, as the apostle says, "There is no
   unrighteousness with God;" [1314] and as he elsewhere says, "His
   judgments are inscrutable, and His ways past finding out." [1315]   In
   this book, then, I shall speak, as God permits, not of those first
   judgments, nor of these intervening judgments of God, but of the last
   judgment, when Christ is to come from heaven to judge the quick and the
   dead.  For that day is properly called the day of judgment, because in
   it there shall be no room left for the ignorant questioning why this
   wicked person is happy and that righteous man unhappy.  In that day
   true and full happiness shall be the lot of none but the good, while
   deserved and supreme misery shall be the portion of the wicked, and of
   them only.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1313] Matt. viii. 29.

   [1314] Rom. ix. 14.

   [1315] Rom. xi. 33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--That in the Mingled Web of Human Affairs God's Judgment is
   Present, Though It Cannot Be Discerned.

   In this present time we learn to bear with equanimity the ills to which
   even good men are subject, and to hold cheap the blessings which even
   the wicked enjoy.  And consequently, even in those conditions of life
   in which the justice of God is not apparent, His teaching is salutary.
   For we do not know by what judgment of God this good man is poor and
   that bad man rich; why he who, in our opinion, ought to suffer acutely
   for his abandoned life enjoys himself, while sorrow pursues him whose
   praiseworthy life leads us to suppose he should be happy; why the
   innocent man is dismissed from the bar not only unavenged, but even
   condemned, being either wronged by the iniquity of the judge, or
   overwhelmed by false evidence, while his guilty adversary, on the other
   hand, is not only discharged with impunity, but even has his claims
   admitted; why the ungodly enjoys good health, while the godly pines in
   sickness; why ruffians are of the soundest constitution, while they who
   could not hurt any one even with a word are from infancy afflicted with
   complicated disorders; why he who is useful to society is cut off by
   premature death, while those who, as it might seem, ought never to have
   been so much as born have lives of unusual length; why he who is full
   of crimes is crowned with honors, while the blameless man is buried in
   the darkness of neglect.  But who can collect or enumerate all the
   contrasts of this kind?  But if this anomalous state of things were
   uniform in this life, in which, as the sacred Psalmist says, "Man is
   like to vanity, his days as a shadow that passeth away," [1316] --so
   uniform that none but wicked men won the transitory prosperity of
   earth, while only the good suffered its ills,--this could be referred
   to the just and even benign judgment of God.  We might suppose that
   they who were not destined to obtain those everlasting benefits which
   constitute human blessedness were either deluded by transitory
   blessings as the just reward of their wickedness, or were, in God's
   mercy, consoled by them, and that they who were not destined to suffer
   eternal torments were afflicted with temporal chastisement for their
   sins, or were stimulated to greater attainment in virtue.  But now, as
   it is, since we not only see good men involved in the ills of life, and
   bad men enjoying the good of it, which seems unjust, but also that evil
   often overtakes evil men, and good surprises the good, the rather on
   this account are God's judgments unsearchable, and His ways past
   finding out.  Although, therefore, we do not know by what judgment
   these things are done or permitted to be done by God, with whom is the
   highest virtue, the highest wisdom, the highest justice, no infirmity,
   no rashness, no unrighteousness, yet it is salutary for us to learn to
   hold cheap such things, be they good or evil, as attach indifferently
   to good men and bad, and to covet those good things which belong only
   to good men, and flee those evils which belong only to evil men.  But
   when we shall have come to that judgment, the date of which is called
   peculiarly the day of judgment, and sometimes the day of the Lord, we
   shall then recognize the justice of all God's judgments, not only of
   such as shall then be pronounced, but, of all which take effect from
   the beginning, or may take effect before that time.  And in that day we
   shall also recognize with what justice so many, or almost all, the just
   judgments of God in the present life defy the scrutiny of human sense
   or insight, though in this matter it is not concealed from pious minds
   that what is concealed is just.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1316] Ps. cxliv. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--What Solomon, in the Book of Ecclesiastes, Says Regarding
   the Things Which Happen Alike to Good and Wicked Men.

   Solomon, the wisest king of Israel, who reigned in Jerusalem, thus
   commences the book called Ecclesiastes, which the Jews number among
   their canonical Scriptures:  "Vanity of vanities, said Ecclesiastes,
   vanity of vanities; all is vanity.  What profit hath a man of all his
   labor which he hath taken under the sun?" [1317]   And after going on
   to enumerate, with this as his text, the calamities and delusions of
   this life, and the shifting nature of the present time, in which there
   is nothing substantial, nothing lasting, he bewails, among the other
   vanities that are under the sun, this also, that though wisdom
   excelleth folly as light excelleth darkness, and though the eyes of the
   wise man are in his head, while the fool walketh in darkness, [1318]
   yet one event happeneth to them all, that is to say, in this life under
   the sun, unquestionably alluding to those evils which we see befall
   good and bad men alike.  He says, further, that the good suffer the
   ills of life as if they were evil doers, and the bad enjoy the good of
   life as if they were good.  "There is a vanity which is done upon the
   earth; that there be just men unto whom it happeneth according to the
   work of the wicked:  again, there be wicked men, to whom it happeneth
   according to the work of the righteous.  I said, that this also is
   vanity." [1319]   This wisest man devoted this whole book to a full
   exposure of this vanity, evidently with no other object than that we
   might long for that life in which there is no vanity under the sun, but
   verity under Him who made the sun.  In this vanity, then, was it not by
   the just and righteous judgment of God that man, made like to vanity,
   was destined to pass away?  But in these days of vanity it makes an
   important difference whether he resists or yields to the truth, and
   whether he is destitute of true piety or a partaker of it,--important
   not so far as regards the acquirement of the blessings or the evasion
   of the calamities of this transitory and vain life, but in connection
   with the future judgment which shall make over to good men good things,
   and to bad men bad things, in permanent, inalienable possession.  In
   fine, this wise man concludes this book of his by saying, "Fear God,
   and keep His commandments:  for this is every man.  For God shall bring
   every work into judgment, with every despised person, whether it be
   good, or whether it be evil." [1320]   What truer, terser, more
   salutary enouncement could be made?  "Fear God, he says, and keep His
   commandments:  for this is every man."  For whosoever has real
   existence, is this, is a keeper of God's commandments; and he who is
   not this, is nothing.  For so long as he remains in the likeness of
   vanity, he is not renewed in the image of the truth.  "For God shall
   bring into judgment every work,"--that is, whatever man does in this
   life,--"whether it be good or whether it be evil, with every despised
   person,"--that is, with every man who here seems despicable, and is
   therefore not considered; for God sees even him and does not despise
   him nor pass him over in His judgment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1317] Eccles. i. 2. 3.

   [1318] Eccles. ii. 13, 14.

   [1319] Eccles. viii. 14.

   [1320] Eccles. xii. 13, 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--That Proofs of the Last Judgment Will Be Adduced, First
   from the New Testament, and Then from the Old.

   The proofs, then, of this last judgment of God which I propose to
   adduce shall be drawn first from the New Testament, and then from the
   Old.  For although the Old Testament is prior in point of time, the New
   has the precedence in intrinsic value; for the Old acts the part of
   herald to the New.  We shall therefore first cite passages from the New
   Testament, and confirm them by quotations from the Old Testament.  The
   Old contains the law and the prophets, the New the gospel and the
   apostolic epistles.  Now the apostle says "By the law is the knowledge
   of sin.  But now the righteousness of God without the law is
   manifested, being witnessed by the law and the prophets; now the
   righteousness of God is by faith of Jesus Christ upon all them that
   believe." [1321]   This righteousness of God belongs to the New
   Testament, and evidence for it exists in the old books, that is to say,
   in the law and the prophets.  I shall first, then state the case, and
   then call the witnesses.  This order Jesus Christ Himself directs us to
   observe, saying, "The scribe instructed in the kingdom of God is like a
   good householder, bringing out of his treasure things new and old."
   [1322]   He did not say "old and new," which He certainly would have
   said had He not wished to follow the order of merit rather than that of
   time.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1321] Rom. iii. 20-22.

   [1322] Matt. xiii. 52.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--The Passages in Which the Saviour Declares that There Shall
   Be a Divine Judgment in the End of the World.

   The Saviour Himself, while reproving the cities in which He had done
   great works, but which had not believed, and while setting them in
   unfavorable comparison with foreign cities, says, "But I say unto you,
   It shall be more tolerable for Tyre and Sidon at the day of judgment
   than for you." [1323]   And a little after He says, "Verily, I say unto
   you, It shall be more tolerable for the land of Sodom in the day of
   judgment than for thee." [1324]   Here He most plainly predicts that a
   day of judgment is to come.  And in another place He says, "The men of
   Nineveh shall rise in judgment with this generation, and shall condemn
   it:  because they repented at the preaching of Jonas; and, behold, a
   greater than Jonas is here.  The queen of the south shall rise up in
   the judgment with this generation, and shall condemn it:  for she came
   from the utter most parts of the earth to hear the words of Solomon;
   and behold, a greater than Solomon is here." [1325]   Two things we
   learn from this passage, that a judgment is to take place, and that it
   is to take place at the resurrection of the dead.  For when He spoke of
   the Ninevites and the queen of the south, He certainly spoke of dead
   persons, and yet He said that they should rise up in the day of
   judgment.  He did not say, "They shall condemn," as if they themselves
   were to be the judges, but because, in comparison with them, the others
   shall be justly condemned.

   Again, in another passage, in which He was speaking of the present
   intermingling and future separation of the good and bad,--the
   separation which shall be made in the day of judgment,--He adduced a
   comparison drawn from the sown wheat and the tares sown among them, and
   gave this explanation of it to His disciples:  "He that soweth the good
   seed is the Son of man," [1326] etc.  Here, indeed, He did not name the
   judgment or the day of judgment, but indicated it much more clearly by
   describing the circumstances, and foretold that it should take place in
   the end of the world.

   In like manner He says to His disciples, "Verily I say unto you, That
   ye which have followed me, in the regeneration, when the Son of man
   shall sit on the throne of His glory, ye also shall sit upon twelve
   thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel." [1327]   Here we learn
   that Jesus shall judge with His disciples.  And therefore He said
   elsewhere to the Jews, "If I by Beelzebub cast out devils, by whom do
   your sons cast them out?  Therefore they shall be your judges." [1328]
     Neither ought we to suppose that only twelve men shall judge along
   with Him, though He says that they shall sit upon twelve thrones; for
   by the number twelve is signified the completeness of the multitude of
   those who shall judge.  For the two parts of the number seven (which
   commonly symbolizes totality), that is to say four and three,
   multiplied into one another, give twelve.  For four times three, or
   three times four, are twelve.  There are other meanings, too, in this
   number twelve.  Were not this the right interpretation of the twelve
   thrones, then since we read that Matthias was ordained an apostle in
   the room of Judas the traitor, the Apostle Paul, though he labored more
   than them all, [1329] should have no throne of judgment; but he
   unmistakeably considers himself to be included in the number of the
   judges when he says, "Know ye not that we shall judge angels?" [1330]
   The same rule is to be observed in applying the number twelve to those
   who are to be judged.  For though it was said, "judging the twelve
   tribes of Israel," the tribe of Levi, which is the thirteenth, shall
   not on this account be exempt from judgment, neither shall judgment be
   passed only on Israel and not on the other nations.  And by the words
   "in the regeneration," He certainly meant the resurrection of the dead
   to be understood; for our flesh shall be regenerated by incorruption,
   as our soul is regenerated by faith.

   Many passages I omit, because, though they seem to refer to the last
   judgment, yet on a closer examination they are found to be ambiguous,
   or to allude rather to some other event,--whether to that coming of the
   Saviour which continually occurs in His Church, that is, in His
   members, in which comes little by little, and piece by piece, since the
   whole Church is His body, or to the destruction of the earthly
   Jerusalem.  For when He speaks even of this, He often uses language
   which is applicable to the end of the world and that last and great day
   of judgment, so that these two events cannot be distinguished unless
   all the corresponding passages bearing on the subject in the three
   evangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke, are compared with one
   another,--for some things are put more obscurely by one evangelist and
   more plainly by another,--so that it becomes apparent what things are
   meant to be referred to one event.  It is this which I have been at
   pains to do in a letter which I wrote to Hesychius of blessed memory,
   bishop of Salon, and entitled, "Of the End of the World." [1331]

   I shall now cite from the Gospel according to Matthew the passage which
   speaks of the separation of the good from the wicked by the most
   efficacious and final judgment of Christ:  "When the Son of man," he
   says, "shall come in His glory, . . . then shall He say also unto them
   on His left hand, Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire,
   prepared for the devil and his angels." [1332]   Then He in like manner
   recounts to the wicked the things they had not done, but which He had
   said those on the right hand had done.  And when they ask when they had
   seen Him in need of these things, He replies that, inasmuch as they had
   not done it to the least of His brethren, they had not done it unto
   Him, and concludes His address in the words, "And these shall go away
   into everlasting punishment, but the righteous into life eternal."
   Moreover, the evangelist John most distinctly states that He had
   predicted that the judgment should be at the resurrection of the dead.
   For after saying, "The Father judgeth no man, but hath committed all
   judgment unto the Son:  that all men should honor the Son, even as they
   honor the Father:  he that honoreth not the Son, honoreth not the
   Father which hath sent Him;" He immediately adds, "Verily, verily, I
   say unto you, He that heareth my word and believeth on Him that sent
   me, hath everlasting life, and shall not come into judgment; but is
   passed from death to life." [1333]   Here He said that believers on Him
   should not come into judgment.  How, then, shall they be separated from
   the wicked by judgment, and be set at His right hand, unless judgment
   be in this passage used for condemnation?  For into judgment, in this
   sense, they shall not come who hear His word, and believe on Him that
   sent Him.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1323] Matt. xi. 22.

   [1324] Matt. xi. 24.

   [1325] Matt. xii. 41, 42.

   [1326] Augustin quotes the whole passage, Matt. xiii. 37-43.

   [1327] Matt. xix. 28.

   [1328] Matt. xii. 27.

   [1329] 1 Cor. xv. 10.

   [1330] 1 Cor. vi. 3.

   [1331] Ep.199.

   [1332] Matt. xxv. 34-41, given in full.

   [1333] John v. 22-24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--What is the First Resurrection, and What the Second.

   After that He adds the words, "Verily, verily, I say unto you, The hour
   is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of
   God; and they that hear shall live.  For as the Father hath life in
   Himself; so hath He given to the Son to have life in Himself." [1334]
   As yet He does not speak of the second resurrection, that is, the
   resurrection of the body, which shall be in the end, but of the first,
   which now is.  It is for the sake of making this distinction that He
   says, "The hour is coming, and now is."  Now this resurrection regards
   not the body, but the soul.  For souls, too, have a death of their own
   in wickedness and sins, whereby they are the dead of whom the same lips
   say, "Suffer the dead to bury their dead," [1335] --that is, let those
   who are dead in soul bury them that are dead in body.  It is of these
   dead, then--the dead in ungodliness and wickedness--that He says, "The
   hour is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the
   Son of God; and they that hear shall live."  "They that hear," that is,
   they who obey, believe, and persevere to the end.  Here no difference
   is made between the good and the bad.  For it is good for all men to
   hear His voice and live, by passing to the life of godliness from the
   death of ungodliness.  Of this death the Apostle Paul says, "Therefore
   all are dead, and He died for all, that they which live should not
   henceforth live unto themselves, but unto Him which died for them and
   rose again." [1336]   Thus all, without one exception, were dead in
   sins, whether original or voluntary sins, sins of ignorance, or sins
   committed against knowledge; and for all the dead there died the one
   only person who lived, that is, who had no sin whatever, in order that
   they who live by the remission of their sins should live, not to
   themselves, but to Him who died for all, for our sins, and rose again
   for our justification, that we, believing in Him who justifies the
   ungodly, and being justified from ungodliness or quickened from death,
   may be able to attain to the first resurrection which now is.  For in
   this first resurrection none have a part save those who shall be
   eternally blessed; but in the second, of which He goes on to speak,
   all, as we shall learn, have a part, both the blessed and the
   wretched.  The one is the resurrection of mercy, the other of
   judgment.  And therefore it is written in the psalm, "I will sing of
   mercy and of judgment:  unto Thee, O Lord, will I sing." [1337]

   And of this judgment He went on to say, "And hath given Him authority
   to execute judgment also, because He is the Son of man."  Here He shows
   that He will come to judge in that flesh in which He had come to be
   judged.  For it is to show this He says, "because He is the Son of
   man."  And then follow the words for our purpose:  "Marvel not at
   this:  for the hour is coming, in the which all that are in the graves
   shall hear His voice, and shall come forth; they that have done good,
   unto the resurrection of life; and they that have done evil, unto the
   resurrection of judgment." [1338]   This judgment He uses here in the
   same sense as a little before, when He says, "He that heareth my word,
   and believeth on Him that sent me, hath everlasting life, and shall not
   come into judgment, but is passed from death to life;" i.e., by having
   a part in the first resurrection, by which a transition from death to
   life is made in this present time, he shall not come into damnation,
   which He mentions by the name of judgment, as also in the place where
   He says, "but they that have done evil unto the resurrection of
   judgment," i.e., of damnation.  He, therefore, who would not be damned
   in the second resurrection, let him rise in the first.  For "the hour
   is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of
   God; and they that hear shall live," i.e., shall not come into
   damnation, which is called the second death; into which death, after
   the second or bodily resurrection, they shall be hurled who do not rise
   in the first or spiritual resurrection.  For "the hour is coming" (but
   here He does not say, "and now is," because it shall come in the end of
   the world in the last and greatest judgment of God) "when all that are
   in the graves shall hear His voice and shall come forth."  He does not
   say, as in the first resurrection, "And they that Hear shall live."
   For all shall not live, at least with such life as ought alone to be
   called life because it alone is blessed.  For some kind of life they
   must have in order to hear, and come forth from the graves in their
   rising bodies.  And why all shall not live He teaches in the words that
   follow:  "They that have done good, to the resurrection of
   life,"--these are they who shall live; "but they that have done evil,
   to the resurrection of judgment,"--these are they who shall not live,
   for they shall die in the second death.  They have done evil because
   their life has been evil; and their life has been evil because it has
   not been renewed in the first or spiritual resurrection which now is,
   or because they have not persevered to the end in their renewed life.
   As, then, there are two regenerations, of which I have already made
   mention,--the one according to faith, and which takes place in the
   present life by means of baptism; the other according to the flesh, and
   which shall be accomplished in its incorruption and immortality by
   means of the great and final judgment,--so are there also two
   resurrections,--the one the first and spiritual resurrection, which has
   place in this life, and preserves us from coming into the second death;
   the other the second, which does not occur now, but in the end of the
   world, and which is of the body, not of the soul, and which by the last
   judgment shall dismiss some into the second death, others into that
   life which has no death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1334] John v. 25, 26.

   [1335] Matt. viii. 22.

   [1336] 2 Cor. v. 14, 15.

   [1337] Ps. ci. 1.

   [1338] John v. 28, 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--What is Written in the Revelation of John Regarding the Two
   Resurrections, and the Thousand Years, and What May Reasonably Be Held
   on These Points.

   The evangelist John has spoken of these two resurrections in the book
   which is called the Apocalypse, but in such a way that some Christians
   do not understand the first of the two, and so construe the passage
   into ridiculous fancies.  For the Apostle John says in the foresaid
   book, "And I saw an angel come down from heaven. . . . Blessed and holy
   is he that hath part in the first resurrection:  on such the second
   death hath no power; but they shall be priests of God and of Christ,
   and shall reign with Him a thousand years." [1339]   Those who, on the
   strength of this passage, have suspected that the first resurrection is
   future and bodily, have been moved, among other things, specially by
   the number of a thousand years, as if it were a fit thing that the
   saints should thus enjoy a kind of Sabbath-rest during that period, a
   holy leisure after the labors of the six thousand years since man was
   created, and was on account of his great sin dismissed from the
   blessedness of paradise into the woes of this mortal life, so that
   thus, as it is written, "One day is with the Lord as a thousand years,
   and a thousand years as one day," [1340] there should follow on the
   completion of six thousand years, as of six days, a kind of seventh-day
   Sabbath in the succeeding thousand years; and that it is for this
   purpose the saints rise, viz., to celebrate this Sabbath.  And this
   opinion would not be objectionable, if it were believed that the joys
   of the saints in that Sabbath shall be spiritual, and consequent on the
   presence of God; for I myself, too, once held this opinion. [1341]
   But, as they assert that those who then rise again shall enjoy the
   leisure of immoderate carnal banquets, furnished with an amount of meat
   and drink such as not only to shock the feeling of the temperate, but
   even to surpass the measure of credulity itself, such assertions can be
   believed only by the carnal.  They who do believe them are called by
   the spiritual Chiliasts, which we may literally reproduce by the name
   Millenarians. [1342]   It were a tedious process to refute these
   opinions point by point:  we prefer proceeding to show how that passage
   of Scripture should be understood. [1343]

   The Lord Jesus Christ Himself says, "No man can enter into a strong
   man's house, and spoil his goods, except he first bind the strong man"
   [1344] --meaning by the strong man the devil, because he had power to
   take captive the human race; and meaning by his goods which he was to
   take, those who had been held by the devil in divers sins and
   iniquities, but were to become believers in Himself.  It was then for
   the binding of this strong one that the apostle saw in the Apocalypse
   "an angel coming down from heaven, having the key of the abyss, and a
   chain in his hand.  And he laid hold," he says, "on the dragon, that
   old serpent, which is called the devil and Satan, and bound him a
   thousand years,"--that is, bridled and restrained his power so that he
   could not seduce and gain possession of those who were to be freed.
   Now the thousand years may be understood in two ways, so far as occurs
   to me:  either because these things happen in the sixth thousand of
   years or sixth millennium (the latter part of which is now passing), as
   if during the sixth day, which is to be followed by a Sabbath which has
   no evening, the endless rest of the saints, so that, speaking of a part
   under the name of the whole, he calls the last part of the
   millennium--the part, that is, which had yet to expire before the end
   of the world--a thousand years; or he used the thousand years as an
   equivalent for the whole duration of this world, employing the number
   of perfection to mark the fullness of time.  For a thousand is the cube
   of ten.  For ten times ten makes a hundred, that is; the square on a
   plane superficies.  But to give this superficies height, and make it a
   cube, the hundred is again multiplied by ten, which gives a thousand.
   Besides, if a hundred is sometimes used for totality, as when the Lord
   said by way of promise to him that left all and followed Him "He shall
   receive in this world an hundredfold;" [1345] of which the apostle
   gives, as it were, an explanation when he says, "As having nothing, yet
   possessing all things," [1346] --for even of old it had been said, The
   whole world is the wealth of a believer,--with how much greater reason
   is a thousand put for totality since it is the cube, while the other is
   only the square?  And for the same reason we cannot better interpret
   the words of the psalm, "He hath been mindful of His covenant for ever,
   the word which He commanded to a thousand generations," [1347] than by
   understanding it to mean "to all generations."

   "And he cast him into the abyss,"--i.e., cast the devil into the
   abyss.  By the abyss is meant the countless multitude of the wicked
   whose hearts are unfathomably deep in malignity against the Church of
   God; not that the devil was not there before, but he is said to be cast
   in thither, because, when prevented from harming believers, he takes
   more complete possession of the ungodly.  For that man is more
   abundantly possessed by the devil who is not only alienated from God,
   but also gratuitously hates those who serve God.  "And shut him up, and
   set a seal upon him, that he should deceive the nations no more till
   the thousand years should be fulfilled."  "Shut him up,"--i.e.,
   prohibited him from going out, from doing what was forbidden.  And the
   addition of "set a seal upon him" seems to me to mean that it was
   designed to keep it a secret who belonged to the devil's party and who
   did not.  For in this world this is a secret, for we cannot tell
   whether even the man who seems to stand shall fall, or whether he who
   seems to lie shall rise again.  But by the chain and prison-house of
   this interdict the devil is prohibited and restrained from seducing
   those nations which belong to Christ, but which he formerly seduced or
   held in subjection.  For before the foundation of the world God chose
   to rescue these from the power of darkness, and to translate them into
   the kingdom of the Son of His love, as the apostle says. [1348]   For
   what Christian is not aware that he seduces nations even now, and draws
   them with himself to eternal punishment, but not those predestined to
   eternal life?  And let no one be dismayed by the circumstance that the
   devil often seduces even those who have been regenerated in Christ, and
   begun to walk in God's way.  For "the Lord knoweth them that are His,"
   [1349] and of these the devil seduces none to eternal damnation.  For
   it is as God, from whom nothing is hid even of things future, that the
   Lord knows them; not as a man, who sees a man at the present time (if
   he can be said to see one whose heart he does not see), but does not
   see even himself so far as to be able to know what kind of person he is
   to be.  The devil, then, is bound and shut up in the abyss that he may
   not seduce the nations from which the Church is gathered, and which he
   formerly seduced before the Church existed.  For it is not said "that
   he should not seduce any man," but "that he should not seduce the
   nations"--meaning, no doubt, those among which the Church exists--"till
   the thousand years should be fulfilled,"--i.e., either what remains of
   the sixth day which consists of a thousand years, or all the years
   which are to elapse till the end of the world.

   The words, "that he should not seduce the nations till the thousand
   years should be fulfilled," are not to be understood as indicating that
   afterwards he is to seduce only those nations from which the
   predestined Church is composed, and from seducing whom he is restrained
   by that chain and imprisonment; but they are used in conformity with
   that usage frequently employed in Scripture and exemplified in the
   psalm, "So our eyes wait upon the Lord our God, until He have mercy
   upon us," [1350] --not as if the eyes of His servants would no longer
   wait upon the Lord their God when He had mercy upon them.  Or the order
   of the words is unquestionably this, "And he shut him up and set a seal
   upon him, till the thousand years should be fulfilled;" and the
   interposed clause, "that he should seduce the nations no more," is not
   to be understood in the connection in which it stands, but separately,
   and as if added afterwards, so that the whole sentence might be read,
   "And He shut him up and set a seal upon him till the thousand years
   should be fulfilled, that he should seduce the nations no more,"--i.e.,
   he is shut up till the thousand years be fulfilled, on this account,
   that he may no more deceive the nations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1339] Rev. xx. 1-6.  The whole passage is quoted.

   [1340] 2 Pet. iii. 8.

   [1341] Serm.259.

   [1342] Milliarii.

   [1343] [Augustin, who had formerly himself entertained chiliastic
   hopes, revolutionized the prevailing ante-Nicene view of the
   Apocalyptic millennium by understanding it of the present reign of
   Christ in the Church.  See Schaff, Church History, vol. ii. 619.--P.S.]

   [1344] Mark iii. 27; "Vasa" for "goods."

   [1345] Matt. xix. 29.

   [1346] 2 Cor. vi. 10.

   [1347] Ps. cv. 8.

   [1348] Col. i. 13.

   [1349] ^  2 Tim. ii. 19.

   [1350] Ps. cxxiii. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Of the Binding and Loosing of the Devil.

   "After that," says John, "he must be loosed a little season."  If the
   binding and shutting up of the devil means his being made unable to
   seduce the Church, must his loosing be the recovery of this ability?
   By no means.  For the Church predestined and elected before the
   foundation of the world, the Church of which it is said, "The Lord
   knoweth them that are His," shall never be seduced by him.  And yet
   there shall be a Church in this world even when the devil shall be
   loosed, as there has been since the beginning, and shall be always, the
   places of the dying being filled by new believers.  For a little after
   John says that the devil, being loosed, shall draw the nations whom he
   has seduced in the whole world to make war against the Church, and that
   the number of these enemies shall be as the sand of the sea.  "And they
   went up on the breadth of the earth, and compassed the camp of the
   saints about, and the beloved city:  and fire came down from God out of
   heaven and devoured them.  And the devil who seduced them was cast into
   the lake of fire and brimstone, where the beast and the false prophet
   are, and shall be tormented day and night for ever and ever." [1351]
   This relates to the last judgment, but I have thought fit to mention it
   now, lest any one might suppose that in that short time during which
   the devil shall be loose there shall be no Church upon earth, whether
   because the devil finds no Church, or destroys it by manifold
   persecutions.  The devil, then, is not bound during the whole time
   which this book embraces,--that is, from the first coming of Christ to
   the end of the world, when He shall come the second time,--not bound in
   this sense, that during this interval, which goes by the name of a
   thousand years, he shall not seduce the Church, for not even when
   loosed shall he seduce it.  For certainly if his being bound means that
   he is not able or not permitted to seduce the Church, what can the
   loosing of him mean but his being able or permitted to do so?  But God
   forbid that such should be the case!  But the binding of the devil is
   his being prevented from the exercise of his whole power to seduce men,
   either by violently forcing or fraudulently deceiving them into taking
   part with him.  If he were during so long a period permitted to assail
   the weakness of men, very many persons, such as God would not wish to
   expose to such temptation, would have their faith overthrown, or would
   be prevented from believing; and that this might not happen, he is
   bound.

   But when the short time comes he shall be loosed.  For he shall rage
   with the whole force of himself and his angels for three years and six
   months; and those with whom he makes war shall have power to withstand
   all his violence and stratagems.  And if he were never loosed, his
   malicious power would be less patent, and less proof would be given of
   the steadfast fortitude of the holy city:  it would, in short, be less
   manifest what good use the Almighty makes of his great evil.  For the
   Almighty does not absolutely seclude the saints from his temptation,
   but shelters only their inner man, where faith resides, that by outward
   temptation they may grow in grace.  And He binds him that he may not,
   in the free and eager exercise of his malice, hinder or destroy the
   faith of those countless weak persons, already believing or yet to
   believe, from whom the Church must be increased and completed; and he
   will in the end loose him, that the city of God may see how mighty an
   adversary it has conquered, to the great glory of its Redeemer, Helper,
   Deliverer.  And what are we in comparison with those believers and
   saints who shall then exist, seeing that they shall be tested by the
   loosing of an enemy with whom we make war at the greatest peril even
   when he is bound?  Although it is also certain that even in this
   intervening period there have been and are some soldiers of Christ so
   wise and strong, that if they were to be alive in this mortal condition
   at the time of his loosing, they would both most wisely guard against,
   and most patiently endure, all his snares and assaults.

   Now the devil was thus bound not only when the Church began to be more
   and more widely extended among the nations beyond Judea, but is now and
   shall be bound till the end of the world, when he is to be loosed.
   Because even now men are, and doubtless to the end of the world shall
   be, converted to the faith from the unbelief in which he held them.
   And this strong one is bound in each instance in which he is spoiled of
   one of his goods; and the abyss in which he is shut up is not at an end
   when those die who were alive when first he was shut up in it, but
   these have been succeeded, and shall to the end of the world be
   succeeded, by others born after them with a like hate of the
   Christians, and in the depth of whose blind hearts he is continually
   shut up as in an abyss.  But it is a question whether, during these
   three years and six months when he shall be loose, and raging with all
   his force, any one who has not previously believed shall attach himself
   to the faith.  For how in that case would the words hold good, "Who
   entereth into the house of a strong one to spoil his goods, unless
   first he shall have bound the strong one?"  Consequently this verse
   seems to compel us to believe that during that time, short as it is, no
   one will be added to the Christian community, but that the devil will
   make war with those who have previously become Christians, and that,
   though some of these may be conquered and desert to the devil, these do
   not belong to the predestinated number of the sons of God.  For it is
   not without reason that John, the same apostle as wrote this
   Apocalypse, says in his epistle regarding certain persons, "They went
   out from us, but they were not of us; for if they had been of us, they
   would no doubt have remained with us." [1352]   But what shall become
   of the little ones?  For it is beyond all belief that in these days
   there shall not be found some Christian children born, but not yet
   baptized, and that there shall not also be some born during that very
   period; and if there be such, we cannot believe that their parents
   shall not find some way of bringing them to the laver of regeneration.
   But if this shall be the case, how shall these goods be snatched from
   the devil when he is loose, since into his house no man enters to spoil
   his goods unless he has first bound him?  On the contrary, we are
   rather to believe that in these days there shall be no lack either of
   those who fall away from, or of those who attach themselves to the
   Church; but there shall be such resoluteness, both in parents to seek
   baptism for their little ones, and in those who shall then first
   believe, that they shall conquer that strong one, even though
   unbound,--that is, shall both vigilantly comprehend, and patiently bear
   up against him, though employing such wiles and putting forth such
   force as he never before used; and thus they shall be snatched from him
   even though unbound.  And yet the verse of the Gospel will not be
   untrue, "Who entereth into the house of the strong one to spoil his
   goods, unless he shall first have bound the strong one?"  For in
   accordance with this true saying that order is observed--the strong one
   first bound, and then his goods spoiled; for the Church is so increased
   by the weak and strong from all nations far and near, that by its most
   robust faith in things divinely predicted and accomplished, it shall be
   able to spoil the goods of even the unbound devil.  For as we must own
   that, "when iniquity abounds, the love of many waxes cold," [1353] and
   that those who have not been written in the book of life shall in large
   numbers yield to the severe and unprecedented persecutions and
   stratagems of the devil now loosed, so we cannot but think that not
   only those whom that time shall find sound in the faith, but also some
   who till then shall be without, shall become firm in the faith they
   have hitherto rejected and mighty to conquer the devil even though
   unbound, God's grace aiding them to understand the Scriptures, in
   which, among other things, there is foretold that very end which they
   themselves see to be arriving.  And if this shall be so, his binding is
   to be spoken of as preceding, that there might follow a spoiling of him
   both bound and loosed; for it is of this it is said, "Who shall enter
   into the house of the strong one to spoil his goods, unless he shall
   first have bound the strong one?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1351] Rev. xx. 9, 10.

   [1352] 1 John ii. 19.

   [1353] Matt. xxiv. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--What the Reign of the Saints with Christ for a Thousand
   Years Is, and How It Differs from the Eternal Kingdom.

   But while the devil is bound, the saints reign with Christ during the
   same thousand years, understood in the same way, that is, of the time
   of His first coming. [1354]   For, leaving out of account that kingdom
   concerning which He shall say in the end, "Come, ye blessed of my
   Father, take possession of the kingdom prepared for you," [1355] the
   Church could not now be called His kingdom or the kingdom of heaven
   unless His saints were even now reigning with Him, though in another
   and far different way; for to His saints He says, "Lo, I am with you
   always, even to the end of the world." [1356]   Certainly it is in this
   present time that the scribe well instructed in the kingdom of God, and
   of whom we have already spoken, brings forth from his treasure things
   new and old.  And from the Church those reapers shall gather out the
   tares which He suffered to grow with the wheat till the harvest, as He
   explains in the words "The harvest is the end of the world; and the
   reapers are the angels.  As therefore the tares are gathered together
   and burned with fire, so shall it be in the end of the world.  The Son
   of man shall send His angels, and they shall gather out of His kingdom
   all offenses." [1357]   Can He mean out of that kingdom in which are no
   offenses?  Then it must be out of His present kingdom, the Church, that
   they are gathered.  So He says, "He that breaketh one of the least of
   these commandments, and teacheth men so, shall be called least in the
   kingdom of heaven:  but he that doeth and teacheth thus shall be called
   great in the kingdom of heaven." [1358]   He speaks of both as being in
   the kingdom of heaven, both the man who does not perform the
   commandments which He teaches,--for "to break" means not to keep, not
   to perform,--and the man who does and teaches as He did; but the one He
   calls least, the other great.  And He immediately adds, "For I say unto
   you, that except your righteousness exceed that of the scribes and
   Pharisees,"--that is, the righteousness of those who break what they
   teach; for of the scribes and Pharisees He elsewhere says, "For they
   say and do not;" [1359] --unless therefore, your righteousness exceed
   theirs that is, so that you do not break but rather do what you teach,
   "ye shall not enter the kingdom of heaven." [1360]   We must understand
   in one sense the kingdom of heaven in which exist together both he who
   breaks what he teaches and he who does it, the one being least, the
   other great, and in another sense the kingdom of heaven into which only
   he who does what he teaches shall enter.  Consequently, where both
   classes exist, it is the Church as it now is, but where only the one
   shall exist, it is the Church as it is destined to be when no wicked
   person shall be in her.  Therefore the Church even now is the kingdom
   of Christ, and the kingdom of heaven.  Accordingly, even now His saints
   reign with Him, though otherwise than as they shall reign hereafter;
   and yet, though the tares grow in the Church along with the wheat, they
   do not reign with Him.  For they reign with Him who do what the apostle
   says, "If ye be risen with Christ, mind the things which are above,
   where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God.  Seek those things which
   are above, not the things which are on the earth." [1361]   Of such
   persons he also says that their conversation is in heaven. [1362]   In
   fine, they reign with Him who are so in His kingdom that they
   themselves are His kingdom.  But in what sense are those the kingdom of
   Christ who, to say no more, though they are in it until all offenses
   are gathered out of it at the end of the world, yet seek their own
   things in it, and not the things that are Christ's? [1363]

   It is then of this kingdom militant, in which conflict with the enemy
   is still maintained, and war carried on with warring lusts, or
   government laid upon them as they yield, until we come to that most
   peaceful kingdom in which we shall reign without an enemy, and it is of
   this first resurrection in the present life, that the Apocalypse speaks
   in the words just quoted.  For, after saying that the devil is bound a
   thousand years and is afterwards loosed for a short season, it goes on
   to give a sketch of what the Church does or of what is done in the
   Church in those days, in the words, "And I saw seats and them that sat
   upon them, and judgment was given."  It is not to be supposed that this
   refers to the last judgment, but to the seats of the rulers and to the
   rulers themselves by whom the Church is now governed.  And no better
   interpretation of judgment being given can be produced than that which
   we have in the words, "What ye bind on earth shall be bound in heaven;
   and what ye loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven." [1364]   Whence
   the apostle says, "What have I to do with judging them that are
   without? do not ye judge them that are within?" [1365]   "And the
   souls," says John, "of those who were slain for the testimony of Jesus
   and for the word of God,"--understanding what he afterwards says,
   "reigned with Christ a thousand years," [1366] --that is, the souls of
   the martyrs not yet restored to their bodies.  For the souls of the
   pious dead are not separated from the Church, which even now is the
   kingdom of Christ; otherwise there would be no remembrance made of them
   at the altar of God in the partaking of the body of Christ, nor would
   it do any good in danger to run to His baptism, that we might not pass
   from this life without it; nor to reconciliation, if by penitence or a
   bad conscience any one may be severed from His body.  For why are these
   things practised, if not because the faithful, even though dead, are
   His members?  Therefore, while these thousand years run on, their souls
   reign with Him, though not as yet in conjunction with their bodies.
   And therefore in another part of this same book we read, "Blessed are
   the dead who die in the Lord from henceforth and now, saith the Spirit,
   that they may rest from their labors; for their works do follow them."
   [1367]   The Church, then, begins its reign with Christ now in the
   living and in the dead.  For, as the apostle says, "Christ died that He
   might be Lord both of the living and of the dead." [1368]   But he
   mentioned the souls of the martyrs only, because they who have
   contended even to death for the truth, themselves principally reign
   after death; but, taking the part for the whole, we understand the
   words of all others who belong to the Church, which is the kingdom of
   Christ.

   As to the words following, "And if any have not worshipped the beast
   nor his image, nor have received his inscription on their forehead, or
   on their hand," we must take them of both the living and the dead.  And
   what this beast is, though it requires a more careful investigation,
   yet it is not inconsistent with the true faith to understand it of the
   ungodly city itself, and the community of unbelievers set in opposition
   to the faithful people and the city of God.  "His image" seems to me to
   mean his simulation, to wit, in those men who profess to believe, but
   live as unbelievers.  For they pretend to be what they are not, and are
   called Christians, not from a true likeness but from a deceitful
   image.  For to this beast belong not only the avowed enemies of the
   name of Christ and His most glorious city, but also the tares which are
   to be gathered out of His kingdom, the Church, in the end of the
   world.  And who are they who do not worship the beast and his image, if
   not those who do what the apostle says, "Be not yoked with
   unbelievers?" [1369]   For such do not worship, i.e., do not consent,
   are not subjected; neither do they receive the inscription, the brand
   of crime, on their forehead by their profession, on their hand by their
   practice.  They, then, who are free from these pollutions, whether they
   still live in this mortal flesh, or are dead, reign with Christ even
   now, through this whole interval which is indicated by the thousand
   years, in a fashion suited to this time.

   "The rest of them," he says, "did not live."  For now is the hour when
   the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear
   shall live; and the rest of them shall not live.  The words added,
   "until the thousand years are finished," mean that they did not live in
   the time in which they ought to have lived by passing from death to
   life.  And therefore, when the day of the bodily resurrection arrives,
   they shall come out of their graves, not to life, but to judgment,
   namely, to damnation, which is called the second death.  For whosoever
   has not lived until the thousand years be finished, i.e., during this
   whole time in which the first resurrection is going on,--whosoever has
   not heard the voice of the Son of God, and passed from death to
   life,--that man shall certainly in the second resurrection, the
   resurrection of the flesh, pass with his flesh into the second death.
   For he goes to say "This is the first resurrection.  Blessed and holy
   is he that hath part in the first resurrection," or who experiences
   it.  Now he experiences it who not only revives from the death of sin,
   but continues in this renewed life.  "In these the second death hath no
   power."  Therefore it has power in the rest, of whom he said above,
   "The rest of them did not live until the thousand years were finished;"
   for in this whole intervening time called a thousand years, however
   lustily they lived in the body, they were not quickened to life out of
   that death in which their wickedness held them, so that by this revived
   life they should become partakers of the first resurrection, and so the
   second death should have no power over them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1354] Between His first and second coming.

   [1355] Matt. xxv. 34.

   [1356] Matt. xxviii. 20.

   [1357] Matt. xiii. 39-41.

   [1358] Matt. v. 19.

   [1359] Matt. xxiii. 3.

   [1360] Matt. v. 20.

   [1361] Col. iii. 1, 2.

   [1362] Phil. iii. 20.

   [1363] Phil. ii. 21.

   [1364] Matt. xviii. 18.

   [1365] 1 Cor. v. 12.

   [1366] Rev. xx. 4.

   [1367] Rev. xiv. 13.

   [1368] Rom. xiv. 9.

   [1369] ^  2 Cor. vi. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--What is to Be Replied to Those Who Think that Resurrection
   Pertains Only to Bodies and Not to Souls.

   There are some who suppose that resurrection can be predicated only of
   the body, and therefore they contend that this first resurrection (of
   the Apocalypse) is a bodily resurrection.  For, say they, "to rise
   again" can only be said of things that fall.  Now, bodies fall in
   death. [1370]   There cannot, therefore, be a resurrection of souls,
   but of bodies.  But what do they say to the apostle who speaks of a
   resurrection of souls?  For certainly it was in the inner and not the
   outer man that those had risen again to whom he says, "If ye have risen
   with Christ, mind the things that are above." [1371]   The same sense
   he elsewhere conveyed in other words, saying, "That as Christ has risen
   from the dead by the glory of the Father, so we also may walk in
   newness of life." [1372]   So, too, "Awake thou that sleepest, and
   arise from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light. [1373] "  As to
   what they say about nothing being able to rise again but what falls,
   whence they conclude that resurrection pertains to bodies only, and not
   to souls, because bodies fall, why do they make nothing of the words,
   "Ye that fear the Lord, wait for His mercy; and go not aside lest ye
   fall;" [1374] and "To his own Master he stands or falls;" [1375] and
   "He that thinketh he standeth, let him take heed lest he fall?" [1376]
     For I fancy this fall that we are to take heed against is a fall of
   the soul, not of the body.  If, then, rising again belongs to things
   that fall, and souls fall, it must be owned that souls also rise
   again.  To the words, "In them the second death hath no power," are
   added the words, "but they shall be priests of God and Christ, and
   shall reign with Him a thousand years;" and this refers not to the
   bishops alone, and presbyters, who are now specially called priests in
   the Church; but as we call all believers Christians on account of the
   mystical chrism, so we call all priests because they are members of the
   one Priest.  Of them the Apostle Peter says, "A holy people, a royal
   priesthood." [1377]   Certainly he implied, though in a passing and
   incidental way, that Christ is God, saying priests of God and Christ,
   that is, of the Father and the Son, though it was in His servant-form
   and as Son of man that Christ was made a Priest for ever after the
   order of Melchisedec.  But this we have already explained more than
   once.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1370] And, as Augustin remarks, are therefore called cadavera, from
   cadere, "to fall."

   [1371] Col. iii. 1.

   [1372] Rom. vi. 4.

   [1373] Eph. v. 14.

   [1374] Ecclus. ii. 7.

   [1375] Rom. xiv. 4.

   [1376] 1 Cor. x. 12.

   [1377] 1 Peter ii. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Of Gog and Magog, Who are to Be Roused by the Devil to
   Persecute the Church, When He is Loosed in the End of the World.

   "And when the thousand years are finished, Satan shall be loosed from
   his prison, and shall go out to seduce the nations which are in the
   four corners of the earth, Gog and Magog, and shall draw them to
   battle, whose number is as the sand of the sea."  This then, is his
   purpose in seducing them, to draw them to this battle.  For even before
   this he was wont to use as many and various seductions as he could
   continue.  And the words "he shall go out" mean, he shall burst forth
   from lurking hatred into open persecution.  For this persecution,
   occurring while the final judgment is imminent, shall be the last which
   shall be endured by the holy Church throughout the world, the whole
   city of Christ being assailed by the whole city of the devil, as each
   exists on earth.  For these nations which he names Gog and Magog are
   not to be understood of some barbarous nations in some part of the
   world, whether the Getæ and Massagetæ, as some conclude from the
   initial letters, or some other foreign nations not under the Roman
   government.  For John marks that they are spread over the whole earth,
   when he says, "The nations which are in the four corners of the earth,"
   and he added that these are Gog and Magog.  The meaning of these names
   we find to be, Gog, "a roof," Magog, "from a roof,"--a house, as it
   were, and he who comes out of the house.  They are therefore the
   nations in which we found that the devil was shut up as in an abyss,
   and the devil himself coming out from them and going forth, so that
   they are the roof, he from the roof.  Or if we refer both words to the
   nations, not one to them and one to the devil, then they are both the
   roof, because in them the old enemy is at present shut up, and as it
   were roofed in; and they shall be from the roof when they break forth
   from concealed to open hatred.  The words, "And they went up on the
   breadth of the earth, and encompassed the camp of the saints and the
   beloved city," do not mean that they have come, or shall come, to one
   place, as if the camp of the saints and the beloved city should be in
   some one place; for this camp is nothing else than the Church of Christ
   extending over the whole world.  And consequently wherever the Church
   shall be,--and it shall be in all nations, as is signified by "the
   breadth of the earth,"--there also shall be the camp of the saints and
   the beloved city, and there it shall be encompassed by the savage
   persecution of all its enemies; for they too shall exist along with it
   in all nations,--that is, it shall be straitened, and hard pressed, and
   shut up in the straits of tribulation, but shall not desert its
   military duty, which is signified by the word "camp."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Whether the Fire that Came Down Out of Heaven and Devoured
   Them Refers to the Last Punishment of the Wicked.

   The words, "And fire came down out of heaven and devoured them," are
   not to be understood of the final punishment which shall be inflicted
   when it is said, "Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire;"
   [1378] for then they shall be cast into the fire, not fire come down
   out of heaven upon them.  In this place "fire out of heaven" is well
   understood of the firmness of the saints, wherewith they refuse to
   yield obedience to those who rage against them.  For the firmament is
   "heaven," by whose firmness these assailants shall be pained with
   blazing zeal, for they shall be impotent to draw away the saints to the
   party of Antichrist.  This is the fire which shall devour them, and
   this is "from God;" for it is by God's grace the saints become
   unconquerable, and so torment their enemies.  For as in a good sense it
   is said, "The zeal of Thine house hath consumed me," [1379] so in a bad
   sense it is said, "Zeal hath possessed the uninstructed people, and now
   fire shall consume the enemies." [1380]   "And now," that is to say,
   not the fire of the last judgment.  Or if by this fire coming down out
   of heaven and consuming them, John meant that blow wherewith Christ in
   His coming is to strike those persecutors of the Church whom He shall
   then find alive upon earth, when He shall kill Antichrist with the
   breath of His mouth, [1381] then even this is not the last judgment of
   the wicked; but the last judgment is that which they shall suffer when
   the bodily resurrection has taken place.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1378] Matt. xxv. 41.

   [1379] Ps. lxix. 9.

   [1380] Isa. xxvi. 11.

   [1381] 2 Thess. ii. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Whether the Time of the Persecution or Antichrist Should
   Be Reckoned in the Thousand Years.

   This last persecution by Antichrist shall last for three years and six
   months, as we have already said, and as is affirmed both in the book of
   Revelation and by Daniel the prophet.  Though this time is brief, yet
   not without reason is it questioned whether it is comprehended in the
   thousand years in which the devil is bound and the saints reign with
   Christ, or whether this little season should be added over and above to
   these years.  For if we say that they are included in the thousand
   years, then the saints reign with Christ during a more protracted
   period than the devil is bound.  For they shall reign with their King
   and Conqueror mightily even in that crowning persecution when the devil
   shall now be unbound and shall rage against them with all his might.
   How then does Scripture define both the binding of the devil and the
   reign of the saints by the same thousand years, if the binding of the
   devil ceases three years and six months before this reign of the saints
   with Christ?  On the other hand, if we say that the brief space of this
   persecution is not to be reckoned as a part of the thousand years, but
   rather as an additional period, we shall indeed be able to interpret
   the words, "The priests of God and of Christ shall reign with Him a
   thousand years; and when the thousand years shall be finished, Satan
   shall be loosed out of his prison;" for thus they signify that the
   reign of the saints and the bondage of the devil shall cease
   simultaneously, so that the time of the persecution we speak of should
   be contemporaneous neither with the reign of the saints nor with the
   imprisonment of Satan, but should be reckoned over and above as a
   superadded portion of time.  But then in this case we are forced to
   admit that the saints shall not reign with Christ during that
   persecution.  But who can dare to say that His members shall not reign
   with Him at that very juncture when they shall most of all, and with
   the greatest fortitude, cleave to Him, and when the glory of resistance
   and the crown of martyrdom shall be more conspicuous in proportion to
   the hotness of the battle?  Or if it is suggested that they may be said
   not to reign, because of the tribulations which they shall suffer, it
   will follow that all the saints who have formerly, during the thousand
   years, suffered tribulation, shall not be said to have reigned with
   Christ during the period of their tribulation, and consequently even
   those whose souls the author of this book says that he saw, and who
   were slain for the testimony of Jesus and the word of God, did not
   reign with Christ when they were suffering persecution, and they were
   not themselves the kingdom of Christ, though Christ was then
   pre-eminently possessing them.  This is indeed perfectly absurd, and to
   be scouted.  But assuredly the victorious souls of the glorious martyrs
   having overcome and finished all griefs and toils, and having laid down
   their mortal members, have reigned and do reign with Christ till the
   thousand years are finished, that they may afterwards reign with Him
   when they have received their immortal bodies.  And therefore during
   these three years and a half the souls of those who were slain for His
   testimony, both those which formerly passed from the body and those
   which shall pass in that last persecution, shall reign with Him till
   the mortal world come to an end, and pass into that kingdom in which
   there shall be no death.  And thus the reign of the saints with Christ
   shall last longer than the bonds and imprisonment of the devil, because
   they shall reign with their King the Son of God for these three years
   and a half during which the devil is no longer bound.  It remains,
   therefore, that when we read that "the priests of God and of Christ
   shall reign with Him a thousand years; and when the thousand years are
   finished, the devil shall be loosed from his imprisonment," that we
   understand either that the thousand years of the reign of the saints
   does not terminate, though the imprisonment of the devil does,--so that
   both parties have their thousand years, that is, their complete time,
   yet each with a different actual duration approriate to itself, the
   kingdom of the saints being longer, the imprisonment of the devil
   shorter, --or at least that, as three years and six months is a very
   short time, it is not reckoned as either deducted from the whole time
   of Satan's imprisonment, or as added to the whole duration of the reign
   of the saints, as we have shown above in the sixteenth book [1382]
   regarding the round number of four hundred years, which were specified
   as four hundred, though actually somewhat more; and similar expressions
   are often found in the sacred writings, if one will mark them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1382] Ch. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Damnation of the Devil and His Adherents; And a
   Sketch of the Bodily Resurrection of All the Dead, and of the Final
   Retributive Judgment.

   After this mention of the closing persecution, he summarily indicates
   all that the devil, and the city of which he is the prince, shall
   suffer in the last judgment.  For he says, "And the devil who seduced
   them is cast into the lake of fire and brimstone, in which are the
   beast and the false prophet, and they shall be tormented day and night
   for ever and ever."  We have already said that by the beast is well
   understood the wicked city.  His false prophet is either Antichrist or
   that image or figment of which we have spoken in the same place.  After
   this he gives a brief narrative of the last judgment itself, which
   shall take place at the second or bodily resurrection of the dead, as
   it had been revealed to him:  "I saw a throne great and white, and One
   sitting on it from whose face the heaven and the earth fled away, and
   their place was not found."  He does not say, "I saw a throne great and
   white, and One sitting on it, and from His face the heaven and the
   earth fled away," for it had not happened then, i.e., before the living
   and the dead were judged; but he says that he saw Him sitting on the
   throne from whose face heaven and earth fled away, but afterwards.  For
   when the judgment is finished, this heaven and earth shall cease to be,
   and there will be a new heaven and a new earth.  For this world shall
   pass away by transmutation, not by absolute destruction.  And therefore
   the apostle says, "For the figure of this world passeth away.  I would
   have you be without anxiety." [1383]   The figure, therefore, passes
   away, not the nature.  After John had said that he had seen One sitting
   on the throne from whose face heaven and earth fled, though not till
   afterwards, he said, "And I saw the dead, great and small:  and the
   books were opened; and another book was opened, which is the book of
   the life of each man:  and the dead were judged out of those things
   which were written in the books, according to their deeds."  He said
   that the books were opened, and a book; but he left us at a loss as to
   the nature of this book, "which is," he says, "the book of the life of
   each man."  By those books, then, which he first mentioned, we are to
   understand the sacred books old and new, that out of them it might be
   shown what commandments God had enjoined; and that book of the life of
   each man is to show what commandments each man has done or omitted to
   do.  If this book be materially considered, who can reckon its size or
   length, or the time it would take to read a book in which the whole
   life of every man is recorded?  Shall there be present as many angels
   as men, and shall each man hear his life recited by the angel assigned
   to him?  In that case there will be not one book containing all the
   lives, but a separate book for every life.  But our passage requires us
   to think of one only.  "And another book was opened," it says.  We must
   therefore understand it of a certain divine power, by which it shall be
   brought about that every one shall recall to memory all his own works,
   whether good or evil, and shall mentally survey them with a marvellous
   rapidity, so that this knowledge will either accuse or excuse
   conscience, and thus all and each shall be simultaneously judged.  And
   this divine power is called a book, because in it we shall as it were
   read all that it causes us to remember.  That he may show who the dead,
   small and great, are who are to be judged, he recurs to this which he
   had omitted or rather deferred, and says, "And the sea presented the
   dead which were in it; and death and hell gave up the dead which were
   in them."  This of course took place before the dead were judged, yet
   it is mentioned after.  And so, I say, he returns again to what he had
   omitted.  But now he preserves the order of events, and for the sake of
   exhibiting it repeats in its own proper place what he had already said
   regarding the dead who were judged.  For after he had said, "And the
   sea presented the dead which were in it, and death and hell gave up the
   dead which were in them," he immediately subjoined what he had already
   said, "and they were judged every man according to their works."  For
   this is just what he had said before, "And the dead were judged
   according to their works."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1383] 1 Cor. vii. 31, 32.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Who the Dead are Who are Given Up to Judgment by the Sea,
   and by Death and Hell.

    But who are the dead which were in the sea, and which the sea
   presented?  For we cannot suppose that those who die in the sea are not
   in hell, nor that their bodies are preserved in the sea; nor yet, which
   is still more absurd, that the sea retained the good, while hell
   received the bad.  Who could believe this?  But some very sensibly
   suppose that in this place the sea is put for this world.  When John
   then wished to signify that those whom Christ should find still alive
   in the body were to be judged along with those who should rise again,
   he called them dead, both the good to whom it is said, "For ye are
   dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God," [1384] and the wicked
   of whom it is said, "Let the dead bury their dead." [1385]   They may
   also be called dead, because they wear mortal bodies, as the apostle
   says, "The body indeed is dead because of sin; but the spirit is life
   because of righteousness;" [1386] proving that in a living man in the
   body there is both a body which is dead, and a spirit which is life.
   Yet he did not say that the body was mortal, but dead, although
   immediately after he speaks in the more usual way of mortal bodies.
   These, then, are the dead which were in the sea, and which the sea
   presented, to wit, the men who were in this world, because they had not
   yet died, and whom the world presented for judgment.  "And death and
   hell," he says, "gave up the dead which were in them."  The sea
   presented them because they had merely to be found in the place where
   they were; but death and hell gave them up or restored them, because
   they called them back to life, which they had already quitted.  And
   perhaps it was not without reason that neither death nor hell were
   judged sufficient alone, and both were mentioned,--death to indicate
   the good, who have suffered only death and not hell; hell to indicate
   the wicked, who suffer also the punishment of hell.  For if it does not
   seem absurd to believe that the ancient saints who believed in Christ
   and His then future coming, were kept in places far removed indeed from
   the torments of the wicked, but yet in hell, [1387] until Christ's
   blood and His descent into these places delivered them, certainly good
   Christians, redeemed by that precious price already paid, are quite
   unacquainted with hell while they wait for their restoration to the
   body, and the reception of their reward.  After saying, "They were
   judged every man according to their works," he briefly added what the
   judgment was:  "Death and hell were cast into the lake of fire;" by
   these names designating the devil and the whole company of his angels,
   for he is the author of death and the pains of hell.  For this is what
   he had already, by anticipation, said in clearer language:  "The devil
   who seduced them was cast into a lake of fire and brimstone."  The
   obscure addition he had made in the words, "in which were also the
   beast and the false prophet," he here explains, "They who were not
   found written in the book of life were cast into the lake of fire."
   This book is not for reminding God, as if things might escape Him by
   forgetfulness, but it symbolizes His predestination of those to whom
   eternal life shall be given.  For it is not that God is ignorant, and
   reads in the book to inform Himself, but rather His infallible
   prescience is the book of life in which they are written, that is to
   say, known beforehand.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1384] Col. iii. 3.

   [1385] Matt. viii. 22.

   [1386] Rom. viii. 10.

   [1387] "Apud inferos," i.e. in hell, in the sense in which the word is
   used in the Psalms and in the Creed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Of the New Heaven and the New Earth.

   Having finished the prophecy of judgment, so far as the wicked are
   concerned, it remains that he speak also of the good.  Having briefly
   explained the Lord's words, "These will go away into everlasting
   punishment," it remains that he explain the connected words, "but the
   righteous into life eternal." [1388]   "And I saw," he says, "a new
   heaven and a new earth:  for the first heaven and the first earth have
   passed away; and there is no more sea." [1389]   This will take place
   in the order which he has by anticipation declared in the words, "I saw
   One sitting on the throne, from whose face heaven and earth fled."  For
   as soon as those who are not written in the book of life have been
   judged and cast into eternal fire,--the nature of which fire, or its
   position in the world or universe, I suppose is known to no man, unless
   perhaps the divine Spirit reveal it to some one,--then shall the figure
   of this world pass away in a conflagration of universal fire, as once
   before the world was flooded with a deluge of universal water.  And by
   this universal conflagration the qualities of the corruptible elements
   which suited our corruptible bodies shall utterly perish, and our
   substance shall receive such qualities as shall, by a wonderful
   transmutation, harmonize with our immortal bodies, so that, as the
   world itself is renewed to some better thing, it is fitly accommodated
   to men, themselves renewed in their flesh to some better thing.  As for
   the statement, "And there shall be no more sea," I would not lightly
   say whether it is dried up with that excessive heat, or is itself also
   turned into some better thing.  For we read that there shall be a new
   heaven and a new earth, but I do not remember to have anywhere read
   anything of a new sea, unless what I find in this same book, "As it
   were a sea of glass like crystal." [1390]   But he was not then
   speaking of this end of the world, neither does he seem to speak of a
   literal sea, but "as it were a sea."  It is possible that, as prophetic
   diction delights in mingling figurative and real language, and thus in
   some sort veiling the sense, so the words "And there is no more sea"
   may be taken in the same sense as the previous phrase, "And the sea
   presented the dead which were in it."  For then there shall be no more
   of this world, no more of the surgings and restlessness of human life,
   and it is this which is symbolized by the sea.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1388] Matt. xxv. 46.

   [1389] Rev. xxi. 1.

   [1390] Rev. xv. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of the Endless Glory of the Church.

   "And I saw," he says, "a great city, new Jerusalem, coming down from
   God out of heaven, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband.  And I
   heard a great voice from the throne, saying, Behold, the tabernacle of
   God is with men, and He will dwell with them, and they shall be His
   people, and God Himself shall be with them.  And God shall wipe away
   all tears from their eyes; and there shall be no more death, neither
   sorrow, nor crying, but neither shall there be any more pain:  because
   the former things have passed away.  And He that sat upon the throne
   said, Behold, I make all things new." [1391]   This city is said to
   come down out of heaven, because the grace with which God formed it is
   of heaven.  Wherefore He says to it by Isaiah, "I am the Lord that
   formed thee." [1392]   It is indeed descended from heaven from its
   commencement, since its citizens during the course of this world grow
   by the grace of God, which cometh down from above through the laver of
   regeneration in the Holy Ghost sent down from heaven.  But by God's
   final judgment, which shall be administered by His Son Jesus Christ,
   there shall by God's grace be manifested a glory so pervading and so
   new, that no vestige of what is old shall remain; for even our bodies
   shall pass from their old corruption and mortality to new incorruption
   and immortality.  For to refer this promise to the present time, in
   which the saints are reigning with their King a thousand years, seems
   to me excessively barefaced, when it is most distinctly said, "God
   shall wipe away all tears from their eyes; and there shall be no more
   death, neither sorrow, nor crying, but there shall be no more pain."
   And who is so absurd, and blinded by contentious opinionativeness, as
   to be audacious enough to affirm that in the midst of the calamities of
   this mortal state, God's people, or even one single saint, does live,
   or has ever lived, or shall ever live, without tears or pain,--the fact
   being that the holier a man is, and the fuller of holy desire, so much
   the more abundant is the tearfulness of his supplication?  Are not
   these the utterances of a citizen of the heavenly Jerusalem:  "My tears
   have been my meat day and night;" [1393] and "Every night shall I make
   my bed to swim; with my tears shall I water my couch;" [1394] and "My
   groaning is not hid from Thee;" [1395] and "My sorrow was renewed?"
   [1396]   Or are not those God's children who groan, being burdened, not
   that they wish to be unclothed, but clothed upon, that mortality may be
   swallowed up of life? [1397]   Do not they even who have the
   first-fruits of the Spirit groan within themselves, waiting for the
   adoption, the redemption of their body? [1398]   Was not the Apostle
   Paul himself a citizen of the heavenly Jerusalem, and was he not so all
   the more when he had heaviness and continual sorrow of heart for his
   Israelitish brethren? [1399]   But when shall there be no more death in
   that city, except when it shall be said, "O death, where is thy
   contention? [1400]   O death, where is thy sting?  The sting of death
   is sin." [1401]   Obviously there shall be no sin when it can be said,
   "Where is"--But as for the present it is not some poor weak citizen of
   this city, but this same Apostle John himself who says, "If we say that
   we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us."
   [1402]   No doubt, though this book is called the Apocalypse, there are
   in it many obscure passages to exercise the mind of the reader, and
   there are few passages so plain as to assist us in the interpretation
   of the others, even though we take pains; and this difficulty is
   increased by the repetition of the same things, in forms so different,
   that the things referred to seem to be different, although in fact they
   are only differently stated.  But in the words, "God shall wipe away
   all tears from their eyes; and there shall be no more death, neither
   sorrow, nor crying, but there shall be no more pain," there is so
   manifest a reference to the future world and the immortality and
   eternity of the saints,--for only then and only there shall such a
   condition be realized,--that if we think this obscure, we need not
   expect to find anything plain in any part of Scripture.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1391] Rev. xxi. 2-5.

   [1392] Isa. xlv. 8.

   [1393] Ps. xlii. 3.

   [1394] Ps. vi. 6.

   [1395] Ps. xxxviii. 9.

   [1396] Ps. xxxix. 2.

   [1397] 2 Cor. v. 4.

   [1398] Rom. viii. 23.

   [1399] Rom. ix. 2.

   [1400] Augustin therefore read neikos, and not with the Vulgate nike.
   [The correct reading is to nikos, later form for nike, victory.--P.S.]

   [1401] l Cor. xv. 55.

   [1402] 1 John i. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--What the Apostle Peter Predicted Regarding the Last
   Judgment.

   Let us now see what the Apostle Peter predicted concerning this
   judgment.  "There shall come," he says, "in the last days scoffers. . .
   . Nevertheless we, according to His promise, look for new heavens and a
   new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness." [1403]   There is nothing
   said here about the resurrection of the dead, but enough certainly
   regarding the destruction of this world.  And by his reference to the
   deluge he seems as it were to suggest to us how far we should believe
   the ruin of the world will extend in the end of the world.  For he says
   that the world which then was perished, and not only the earth itself,
   but also the heavens, by which we understand the air, the place and
   room of which was occupied by the water.  Therefore the whole, or
   almost the whole, of the gusty atmosphere (which he calls heaven, or
   rather the heavens, meaning the earth's atmosphere, and not the upper
   air in which sun, moon, and stars are set) was turned into moisture,
   and in this way perished together with the earth, whose former
   appearance had been destroyed by the deluge.  "But the heavens and the
   earth which are now, by the same word are kept in store, reserved unto
   fire against the day of judgment and perdition of ungodly men."
   Therefore the heavens and the earth, or the world which was preserved
   from the water to stand in place of that world which perished in the
   flood, is itself reserved to fire at last in the day of the judgment
   and perdition of ungodly men.  He does not hesitate to affirm that in
   this great change men also shall perish:  their nature, however, shall
   notwithstanding continue, though in eternal punishments.  Some one will
   perhaps put the question, If after judgment is pronounced the world
   itself is to burn, where shall the saints be during the conflagration,
   and before it is replaced by a new heavens and a new earth, since
   somewhere they must be, because they have material bodies?  We may
   reply that they shall be in the upper regions into which the flame of
   that conflagration shall not ascend, as neither did the water of the
   flood; for they shall have such bodies that they shall be wherever they
   wish.  Moreover, when they have become immortal and incorruptible, they
   shall not greatly dread the blaze of that conflagration, as the
   corruptible and mortal bodies of the three men were able to live unhurt
   in the blazing furnace.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1403] 2 Pet. iii. 3-13.  The whole passage is quoted by Augustin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--What the Apostle Paul Wrote to the Thessalonians About the
   Manifestation of Antichrist Which Shall Precede the Day of the Lord.

   I see that I must omit many of the statements of the gospels and
   epistles about this last judgment, that this volume may not become
   unduly long; but I can on no account omit what the Apostle Paul says,
   in writing to the Thessalonians, "We beseech you, brethren, by the
   coming of our Lord Jesus Christ," [1404] etc.

   No one can doubt that he wrote this of Antichrist and of the day of
   judgment, which he here calls the day of the Lord, nor that he declared
   that this day should not come unless he first came who is called the
   apostate --apostate, to wit, from the Lord God.  And if this may justly
   be said of all the ungodly, how much more of him?  But it is uncertain
   in what temple he shall sit, whether in that ruin of the temple which
   was built by Solomon, or in the Church; for the apostle would not call
   the temple of any idol or demon the temple of God.  And on this account
   some think that in this passage Antichrist means not the prince himself
   alone, but his whole body, that is, the mass of men who adhere to him,
   along with him their prince; and they also think that we should render
   the Greek more exactly were we to read, not "in the temple of God," but
   "for" or "as the temple of God," as if he himself were the temple of
   God, the Church. [1405]   Then as for the words, "And now ye know what
   withholdeth," i.e., ye know what hindrance or cause of delay there is,
   "that he might be revealed in his own time;" they show that he was
   unwilling to make an explicit statement, because he said that they
   knew.  And thus we who have not their knowledge wish and are not able
   even with pains to understand what the apostle referred to, especially
   as his meaning is made still more obscure by what he adds.  For what
   does he mean by "For the mystery of iniquity doth already work:  only
   he who now holdeth, let him hold until he be taken out of the way:  and
   then shall the wicked be revealed?"  I frankly confess I do not know
   what he means.  I will nevertheless mention such conjectures as I have
   heard or read.

   Some think that the Apostle Paul referred to the Roman empire, and that
   he was unwilling to use language more explicit, lest he should incur
   the calumnious charge of wishing ill to the empire which it was hoped
   would be eternal; so that in saying, "For the mystery of iniquity doth
   already work," he alluded to Nero, whose deeds already seemed to be as
   the deeds of Antichrist.  And hence some suppose that he shall rise
   again and be Antichrist.  Others, again, suppose that he is not even
   dead, but that he was concealed that he might be supposed to have been
   killed, and that he now lives in concealment in the vigor of that same
   age which he had reached when he was believed to have perished, and
   will live until he is revealed in his own time and restored to his
   kingdom. [1406]   But I wonder that men can be so audacious in their
   conjectures.  However, it is not absurd to believe that these words of
   the apostle, "Only he who now holdeth, let him hold until he be taken
   out of the way," refer to the Roman empire, as if it were said, "Only
   he who now reigneth, let him reign until he be taken out of the way."
   "And then shall the wicked be revealed:" no one doubts that this means
   Antichrist.  But others think that the words, "Ye know what
   withholdeth," and "The mystery of iniquity worketh," refer only to the
   wicked and the hypocrites who are in the Church, until they reach a
   number so great as to furnish Antichrist with a great people, and that
   this is the mystery of iniquity, because it seems hidden; also that the
   apostle is exhorting the faithful tenaciously to hold the faith they
   hold when he says, "Only he who now holdeth, let him hold until he be
   taken out of the way," that is, until the mystery of iniquity which now
   is hidden departs from the Church.  For they suppose that it is to this
   same mystery John alludes when in his epistle he says, "Little
   children, it is the last time:  and as ye have heard that Antichrist
   shall come, even now are there many antichrists; whereby we know that
   it is the last time.  They went out from us, but they were not of us;
   for if they had been of us, they would no doubt have continued with
   us." [1407]   As therefore there went out from the Church many
   heretics, whom John calls "many antichrists," at that time prior to the
   end, and which John calls "the last time," so in the end they shall go
   out who do not belong to Christ, but to that last Antichrist, and then
   he shall be revealed.

   Thus various, then, are the conjectural explanations of the obscure
   words of the apostle.  That which there is no doubt he said is this,
   that Christ will not come to judge quick and dead unless Antichrist,
   His adversary, first come to seduce those who are dead in soul;
   although their seduction is a result of God's secret judgment already
   passed.  For, as it is said "his presence shall be after the working of
   Satan, with all power, and signs, and lying wonders, and with all
   seduction of unrighteousness in them that perish."  For then shall
   Satan be loosed, and by means of that Antichrist shall work with all
   power in a lying though a wonderful manner.  It is commonly questioned
   whether these works are called "signs and lying wonders" because he is
   to deceive men's senses by false appearances, or because the things he
   does, though they be true prodigies, shall be a lie to those who shall
   believe that such things could be done only by God, being ignorant of
   the devil's power, and especially of such unexampled power as he shall
   then for the first time put forth.  For when he fell from heaven as
   fire, and at a stroke swept away from the holy Job his numerous
   household and his vast flocks, and then as a whirlwind rushed upon and
   smote the house and killed his children, these were not deceitful
   appearances, and yet they were the works of Satan to whom God had given
   this power.  Why they are called signs and lying wonders, we shall then
   be more likely to know when the time itself arrives.  But whatever be
   the reason of the name, they shall be such signs and wonders as shall
   seduce those who shall deserve to be seduced, "because they received
   not the love of the truth that they might be saved."  Neither did the
   apostle scruple to go on to say, "For this cause God shall send upon
   them the working of error that they should believe a lie."  For God
   shall send, because God shall permit the devil to do these things, the
   permission being by His own just judgment, though the doing of them is
   in pursuance of the devil's unrighteous and malignant purpose, "that
   they all might be judged who believed not the truth, but had pleasure
   in unrighteousness."  Therefore, being judged, they shall be seduced,
   and, being seduced, they shall be judged.  But, being judged, they
   shall be seduced by those secretly just and justly secret judgments of
   God, with which He has never ceased to judge since the first sin of the
   rational creatures; and, being seduced, they shall be judged in that
   last and manifest judgment administered by Jesus Christ, who was
   Himself most unjustly judged and shall most justly judge.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1404] 2 Thess. ii. 1-11.  Whole passage given in the Latin.  In ver. 3
   refuga is used instead of the Vulgate's discessio.

   [1405] Augustin adds the words, "Sicut dicimus, Sedet in amicum, id
   ett, velut amicus; vel si quid aliud isto locutionis genere dici
   solet."

   [1406] Suetonius' Nero, c. 57.

   [1407] 1 John ii. 18, 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--What the Same Apostle Taught in the First Epistle to the
   Thessalonians Regarding the Resurrection of the Dead.

   But the apostle has said nothing here regarding the resurrection of the
   dead; but in his first Epistle to the Thessalonians he says, "We would
   not have you to be ignorant brethren, concerning them which are
   asleep," [1408] etc.  These words of the apostle most distinctly
   proclaim the future resurrection of the dead, when the Lord Christ
   shall come to judge the quick and the dead.

   But it is commonly asked whether those whom our Lord shall find alive
   upon earth, personated in this passage by the apostle and those who
   were alive with him, shall never die at all, or shall pass with
   incomprehensible swiftness through death to immortality in the very
   moment during which they shall be caught up along with those who rise
   again to meet the Lord in the air?  For we cannot say that it is
   impossible that they should both die and revive again while they are
   carried aloft through the air.  For the words, "And so shall we ever be
   with the Lord," are not to be understood as if he meant that we shall
   always remain in the air with the Lord; for He Himself shall not remain
   there, but shall only pass through it as He comes.  For we shall go to
   meet Him as He comes, not where He remains; but "so shall we be with
   the Lord," that is, we shall be with Him possessed of immortal bodies
   wherever we shall be with Him.  We seem compelled to take the words in
   this sense, and to suppose that those whom the Lord shall find alive
   upon earth shall in that brief space both suffer death and receive
   immortality:  for this same apostle says, "In Christ shall all be made
   alive;" [1409] while, speaking of the same resurrection of the body, he
   elsewhere says, "That which thou sowest is not quickened, except it
   die." [1410]   How, then, shall those whom Christ shall find alive upon
   earth be made alive to immortality in Him if they die not, since on
   this very account it is said, "That which thou sowest is not quickened,
   except it die?"  Or if we cannot properly speak of human bodies as
   sown, unless in so far as by dying they do in some sort return to the
   earth, as also the sentence pronounced by God against the sinning
   father of the human race runs, "Earth thou art, and unto earth shalt
   thou return," [1411] we must acknowledge that those whom Christ at His
   coming shall find still in the body are not included in these words of
   the apostle nor in those of Genesis; for, being caught up into the
   clouds, they are certainly not sown, neither going nor returning to the
   earth, whether they experience no death at all or die for a moment in
   the air.

   But, on the other hand, there meets us the saying of the same apostle
   when he was speaking to the Corinthians about the resurrection of the
   body, "We shall all rise," or, as other mss. read, "We shall all
   sleep." [1412]   Since, then, there can be no resurrection unless death
   has preceded, and since we can in this passage understand by sleep
   nothing else than death, how shall all either sleep or rise again if so
   many persons whom Christ shall find in the body shall neither sleep nor
   rise again?  If, then, we believe that the saints who shall be found
   alive at Christ's coming, and shall be caught up to meet Him, shall in
   that same ascent pass from mortal to immortal bodies, we shall find no
   difficulty in the words of the apostle, either when he says, "That
   which thou sowest is not quickened, except it die," or when he says,
   "We shall all rise," or "all sleep," for not even the saints shall be
   quickened to immortality unless they first die, however briefly; and
   consequently they shall not be exempt from resurrection which is
   preceded by sleep, however brief.  And why should it seem to us
   incredible that that multitude of bodies should be, as it were, sown in
   the air, and should in the air forthwith revive immortal and
   incorruptible, when we believe, on the testimony of the same apostle,
   that the resurrection shall take place in the twinkling of an eye, and
   that the dust of bodies long dead shall return with incomprehensible
   facility and swiftness to those members that are now to live
   endlessly?  Neither do we suppose that in the case of these saints the
   sentence, "Earth thou art, and unto earth shalt thou return," is null,
   though their bodies do not, on dying, fall to earth, but both die and
   rise again at once while caught up into the air.  For "Thou shalt
   return to earth" means, Thou shalt at death return to that which thou
   wert before life began.  Thou shalt, when examinate, be that which thou
   wert before thou wast animate.  For it was into a face of earth that
   God breathed the breath of life when man was made a living soul; as if
   it were said, Thou art earth with a soul, which thou wast not; thou
   shalt be earth without a soul, as thou wast.  And this is what all
   bodies of the dead are before they rot; and what the bodies of those
   saints shall be if they die, no matter where they die, as soon as they
   shall give up that life which they are immediately to receive back
   again.  In this way, then, they return or go to earth, inasmuch as from
   being living men they shall be earth, as that which becomes cinder is
   said to go to cinder; that which decays, to go to decay; and so of six
   hundred other things.  But the manner in which this shall take place we
   can now only feebly conjecture, and shall understand it only when it
   comes to pass.  For that there shall be a bodily resurrection of the
   dead when Christ comes to judge quick and dead, we must believe if we
   would be Christians.  But if we are unable perfectly to comprehend the
   manner in which it shall take place, our faith is not on this account
   vain.  Now, however, we ought, as we formerly promised, to show, as far
   as seems necessary, what the ancient prophetic books predicted
   concerning this final judgment of God; and I fancy no great time need
   be spent in discussing and explaining these predictions, if the reader
   has been careful to avail himself of the help we have already
   furnished.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1408] 1 Thess. iv. 13-16.

   [1409] 1 Cor. xv. 22.

   [1410] 1 Cor. xv. 36.

   [1411] Gen. iii. 19.

   [1412] 1 Cor. xv. 51.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Utterances of the Prophet Isaiah Regarding the
   Resurrection of the Dead and the Retributive Judgment.

   The prophet Isaiah says, "The dead shall rise again, and all who were
   in the graves shall rise again; and all who are in the earth shall
   rejoice:  for the dew which is from Thee is their health, and the earth
   of the wicked shall fall." [1413]   All the former part of this passage
   relates to the resurrection of the blessed; but the words, "the earth
   of the wicked shall fall," is rightly understood as meaning that the
   bodies of the wicked shall fall into the ruin of damnation.  And if we
   would more exactly and carefully scrutinize the words which refer to
   the resurrection of the good, we may refer to the first resurrection
   the words, "the dead shall rise again," and to the second the following
   words, "and all who were in the graves shall rise again."  And if we
   ask what relates to those saints whom the Lord at His coming shall find
   alive upon earth, the following clause may suitably be referred to
   them; "All who are in the earth shall rejoice:  for the dew which is
   from Thee is their health."  By "health" in this place it is best to
   understand immortality.  For that is the most perfect health which is
   not repaired by nourishment as by a daily remedy.  In like manner the
   same prophet, affording hope to the good and terrifying the wicked
   regarding the day of judgment, says, "Thus saith the Lord, Behold, I
   will flow down upon them as a river of peace, and upon the glory of the
   Gentiles as a rushing torrent; their sons shall be carried on the
   shoulders, and shall be comforted on the knees.  As one whom his mother
   comforteth, so shall I comfort you; and ye shall be comforted in
   Jerusalem.  And ye shall see, and your heart shall rejoice, and your
   bones shall rise up like a herb; and the hand of the Lord shall be
   known by His worshippers, and He shall threaten the contumacious.  For,
   behold, the Lord shall come as a fire, and as a whirlwind His chariots,
   to execute vengeance with indignation, and wasting with a flame of
   fire.  For with fire of the Lord shall all the earth be judged, and all
   flesh with His sword:  many shall be wounded by the Lord." [1414]   In
   His promise to the good he says that He will flow down as a river of
   peace, that is to say, in the greatest possible abundance of peace.
   With this peace we shall in the end be refreshed; but of this we have
   spoken abundantly in the preceding book.  It is this river in which he
   says He shall flow down upon those to whom He promises so great
   happiness, that we may understand that in the region of that felicity,
   which is in heaven, all things are satisfied from this river.  But
   because there shall thence flow, even upon earthly bodies, the peace of
   incorruption and immortality, therefore he says that He shall flow down
   as this river, that He may as it were pour Himself from things above to
   things beneath, and make men the equals of the angels.  By "Jerusalem,"
   too, we should understand not that which serves with her children, but
   that which, according to the apostle, is our free mother, eternal in
   the heavens. [1415]   In her we shall be comforted as we pass toilworn
   from earth's cares and calamities, and be taken up as her children on
   her knees and shoulders.  Inexperienced and new to such blandishments,
   we shall be received into unwonted bliss.  There we shall see, and our
   heart shall rejoice.  He does not say what we shall see; but what but
   God, that the promise in the Gospel may be fulfilled in us, "Blessed
   are the pure in heart, for they shall see God?" [1416]   What shall we
   see but all those things which now we see not, but believe in, and of
   which the idea we form, according to our feeble capacity, is
   incomparably less than the reality?  "And ye shall see," he says, "and
   your heart shall rejoice."  Here ye believe, there ye shall see.

   But because he said, "Your heart shall rejoice," lest we should suppose
   that the blessings of that Jerusalem are only spiritual, he adds, "And
   your bones shall rise up like a herb," alluding to the resurrection of
   the body, and as it were supplying an omission he had made.  For it
   will not take place when we have seen; but we shall see when it has
   taken place.  For he had already spoken of the new heavens and the new
   earth, speaking repeatedly, and under many figures, of the things
   promised to the saints, and saying,"There shall be new heavens, and a
   new earth:  and the former shall not be remembered nor come into mind;
   but they shall find in it gladness and exultation.  Behold, I will make
   Jerusalem an exultation, and my people a joy.  And I will exult in
   Jerusalem, and joy in my people; and the voice of weeping shall be no
   more heard in her;" [1417] and other promises, which some endeavor to
   refer to carnal enjoyment during the thousand years.  For, in the
   manner of prophecy, figurative and literal expressions are mingled, so
   that a serious mind may, by useful and salutary effort, reach the
   spiritual sense; but carnal sluggishness, or the slowness of an
   uneducated and undisciplined mind, rests in the superficial letter, and
   thinks there is nothing beneath to be looked for.  But let this be
   enough regarding the style of those prophetic expressions just quoted.
   And now, to return to their interpretation.  When he had said, "And
   your bones shall rise up like a herb," in order to show that it was the
   resurrection of the good, though a bodily resurrection, to which he
   alluded, he added, "And the hand of the Lord shall be known by His
   worshippers."  What is this but the hand of Him who distinguishes those
   who worship from those who despise Him?  Regarding these the context
   immediately adds, "And He shall threaten the contumacious," or, as
   another translator has it, "the unbelieving."  He shall not actually
   threaten then, but the threats which are now uttered shall then be
   fulfilled in effect.  "For behold," he says, "the Lord shall come as a
   fire, and as a whirlwind His chariots, to execute vengeance with
   indignation, and wasting with a flame of fire.  For with fire of the
   Lord shall all the earth be judged, and all flesh with His sword:  many
   shall be wounded by the Lord."  By fire, whirlwind, sword, he means the
   judicial punishment of God.  For he says that the Lord Himself shall
   come as a fire, to those, that is to say, to whom His coming shall be
   penal.  By His chariots (for the word is plural) we suitably understand
   the ministration of angels.  And when he says that all flesh and all
   the earth shall be judged with His fire and sword, we do not understand
   the spiritual and holy to be included, but the earthly and carnal, of
   whom it is said that they "mind earthly things," [1418] and "to be
   carnally minded is death," [1419] and whom the Lord calls simply flesh
   when He says, "My Spirit shall not always remain in these men, for they
   are flesh." [1420]   As to the words, "Many shall be wounded by the
   Lord," this wounding shall produce the second death.  It is possible,
   indeed, to understand fire, sword, and wound in a good sense.  For the
   Lord said that He wished to send fire on the earth. [1421]   And the
   cloven tongues appeared to them as fire when the Holy Spirit came.
   [1422]   And our Lord says, "I am not come to send peace on earth, but
   a sword." [1423]   And Scripture says that the word of God is a doubly
   sharp sword, [1424] on account of the two edges, the two Testaments.
   And in the Song of Songs the holy Church says that she is wounded with
   love, [1425] --pierced, as it were, with the arrow of love.  But here,
   where we read or hear that the Lord shall come to execute vengeance, it
   is obvious in what sense we are to understand these expressions.

   After briefly mentioning those who shall be consumed in this judgment,
   speaking of the wicked and sinners under the figure of the meats
   forbidden by the old law, from which they had not abstained, he
   summarily recounts the grace of the new testament, from the first
   coming of the Saviour to the last judgment, of which we now speak; and
   herewith he concludes his prophecy.  For he relates that the Lord
   declares that He is coming to gather all nations, that they may come
   and witness His glory. [1426]   For, as the apostle says, "All have
   sinned and are in want of the glory of God." [1427]   And he says that
   He will do wonders among them, at which they shall marvel and believe
   in Him; and that from them He will send forth those that are saved into
   various nations, and distant islands which have not heard His name nor
   seen His glory, and that they shall declare His glory among the
   nations, and shall bring the brethren of those to whom the prophet was
   speaking, i.e., shall bring to the faith under God the Father the
   brethren of the elect Israelites; and that they shall bring from all
   nations an offering to the Lord on beasts of burden and waggons (which
   are understood to mean the aids furnished by God in the shape of
   angelic or human ministry), to the holy city Jerusalem, which at
   present is scattered over the earth, in the faithful saints.  For where
   divine aid is given, men believe, and where they believe, they come.
   And the Lord compared them, in a figure, to the children of Israel
   offering sacrifice to Him in His house with psalms, which is already
   everywhere done by the Church; and He promised that from among them He
   would choose for Himself priests and Levites, which also we see already
   accomplished.  For we see that priests and Levites are now chosen, not
   from a certain family and blood, as was originally the rule in the
   priesthood according to the order of Aaron, but as befits the new
   testament, under which Christ is the High Priest after the order of
   Melchisedec, in consideration of the merit which is bestowed upon each
   man by divine grace.  And these priests are not to be judged by their
   mere title, which is often borne by unworthy men, but by that holiness
   which is not common to good men and bad.

   After having thus spoken of this mercy of God which is now experienced
   by the Church, and is very evident and familiar to us, he foretells
   also the ends to which men shall come when the last judgment has
   separated the good and the bad, saying by the prophet, or the prophet
   himself speaking for God, "For as the new heavens and the new earth
   shall remain before me, said the Lord, so shall your seed and your name
   remain, and there shall be to them month after month, and Sabbath after
   Sabbath.  All flesh shall come to worship before me in Jerusalem, said
   the Lord.  And they shall go out, and shall see the members of the men
   who have sinned against me:  their worm shall not die, neither shall
   their fire be quenched; and they shall be for a spectacle to all
   flesh." [1428]   At this point the prophet closed his book, as at this
   point the world shall come to an end.  Some, indeed, have translated
   "carcases" [1429] instead of "members of the men," meaning by carcases
   the manifest punishment of the body, although carcase is commonly used
   only of dead flesh, while the bodies here spoken of shall be animated,
   else they could not be sensible of any pain; but perhaps they may,
   without absurdity, be called carcases, as being the bodies of those who
   are to fall into the second death.  And for the same reason it is said,
   as I have already quoted, by this same prophet, "The earth of the
   wicked shall fall." [1430]   It is obvious that those translators who
   use a different word for men do not mean to include only males, for no
   one will say that the women who sinned shall not appear in that
   judgment; but the male sex, being the more worthy, and that from which
   the woman was derived, is intended to include both sexes.  But that
   which is especially pertinent to our subject is this, that since the
   words "All flesh shall come," apply to the good, for the people of God
   shall be composed of every race of men,--for all men shall not be
   present, since the greater part shall be in punishment,--but, as I was
   saying, since flesh is used of the good, and members or carcases of the
   bad, certainly it is thus put beyond a doubt that that judgment in
   which the good and the bad shall be allotted to their destinies shall
   take place after the resurrection of the body, our faith in which is
   thoroughly established by the use of these words.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1413] Isa. xxvi. 19.

   [1414] Isa. lxvi. 12, 16.

   [1415] Gal. iv. 26.

   [1416] Matt. v. 8.

   [1417] Isa. lxv. 17-19.

   [1418] Phil. iii. 19.

   [1419] Rom. viii. 6.

   [1420] Gen. vi. 3.

   [1421] Luke xii. 49.

   [1422] Acts ii. 3.

   [1423] Matt. x. 34.

   [1424] Heb. iv. 12.

   [1425] Song of Sol. ii. 5.

   [1426] Isa. lxvi. 18.

   [1427] Rom. iii. 23.

   [1428] Isa. lxvi. 22-24.

   [1429] As the Vulgate:  cadavera virorum.

   [1430] Here Augustin inserts the remark, "Who does not see that
   cadavera (carcases) are so called from cadendo (falling)?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--What is Meant by the Good Going Out to See the Punishment
   of the Wicked.

   But in what way shall the good go out to see the punishment of the
   wicked?  Are they to leave their happy abodes by a bodily movement, and
   proceed to the places of punishment, so as to witness the torments of
   the wicked in their bodily presence?  Certainly not; but they shall go
   out by knowledge.  For this expression, go out, signifies that those
   who shall be punished shall be without.  And thus the Lord also calls
   these places "the outer darkness," [1431] to which is opposed that
   entrance concerning which it is said to the good servant, "Enter into
   the joy of thy Lord," that it may not be supposed that the wicked can
   enter thither and be known, but rather that the good by their knowledge
   go out to them, because the good are to know that which is without.
   For those who shall be in torment shall not know what is going on
   within in the joy of the Lord; but they who shall enter into that joy
   shall know what is going on outside in the outer darkness.  Therefore
   it is said, "They shall go out," because they shall know what is done
   by those who are without.  For if the prophets were able to know things
   that had not yet happened, by means of that indwelling of God in their
   minds, limited though it was, shall not the immortal saints know things
   that have already happened, when God shall be all in all? [1432]   The
   seed, then, and the name of the saints shall remain in that
   blessedness,--the seed, to wit, of which John says, "And his seed
   remaineth in him;" [1433] and the name, of which it was said through
   Isaiah himself, "I will give them an everlasting name." [1434]   "And
   there shall be to them month after month, and Sabbath after Sabbath,"
   as if it were said, Moon after moon, and rest upon rest, both of which
   they shall themselves be when they shall pass from the old shadows of
   time into the new lights of eternity.  The worm that dieth not, and the
   fire that is not quenched, which constitute the punishment of the
   wicked, are differently interpreted by different people.  For some
   refer both to the body, others refer both to the soul; while others
   again refer the fire literally to the body, and the worm figuratively
   to the soul, which seems the more credible idea.  But the present is
   not the time to discuss this difference, for we have undertaken to
   occupy this book with the last judgment, in which the good and the bad
   are separated:  their rewards and punishments we shall more carefully
   discuss elsewhere.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1431] Matt. xxv. 30.

   [1432] 1 Cor. xv. 28.

   [1433] 1 John iii. 9.

   [1434] Isa. lvi. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--What Daniel Predicted Regarding the Persecution of
   Antichrist, the Judgment of God, and the Kingdom of the Saints.

   Daniel prophesies of the last judgment in such a way as to indicate
   that Antichrist shall first come, and to carry on his description to
   the eternal reign of the saints.  For when in prophetic vision he had
   seen four beasts, signifying four kingdoms, and the fourth conquered by
   a certain king, who is recognized as Antichrist, and after this the
   eternal kingdom of the Son of man, that is to say, of Christ, he says,
   "My spirit was terrified, I Daniel in the midst of my body, and the
   visions of my head troubled me," [1435] etc.  Some have interpreted
   these four kingdoms as signifying those of the Assyrians, Persians,
   Macedonians, and Romans.  They who desire to understand the fitness of
   this interpretation may read Jerome's book on Daniel, which is written
   with a sufficiency of care and erudition.  But he who reads this
   passage, even half asleep, cannot fail to see that the kingdom of
   Antichrist shall fiercely, though for a short time, assail the Church
   before the last judgment of God shall introduce the eternal reign of
   the saints.  For it is patent from the context that the time, times,
   and half a time, means a year, and two years, and half a year, that is
   to say, three years and a half.  Sometimes in Scripture the same thing
   is indicated by months.  For though the word times seems to be used
   here in the Latin indefinitely, that is only because the Latins have no
   dual, as the Greeks have, and as the Hebrews also are said to have.
   Times, therefore, is used for two times.  As for the ten kings, whom,
   as it seems, Antichrist is to find in the person of ten individuals
   when he comes, I own I am afraid we may be deceived in this, and that
   he may come unexpectedly while there are not ten kings living in the
   Roman world.  For what if this number ten signifies the whole number of
   kings who are to precede his coming, as totality is frequently
   symbolized by a thousand, or a hundred, or seven, or other numbers,
   which it is not necessary to recount?

   In another place the same Daniel says, "And there shall be a time of
   trouble, such as was not since there was born a nation upon earth until
   that time:  and in that time all Thy people which shall be found
   written in the book shall be delivered.  And many of them that sleep in
   the mound of earth shall arise, some to everlasting life, and some to
   shame and everlasting confusion.  And they that be wise shall shine as
   the brightness of the firmament; and many of the just as the stars for
   ever." [1436]   This passage is very similar to the one we have quoted
   from the Gospel, [1437] at least so far as regards the resurrection of
   dead bodies.  For those who are there said to be "in the graves" are
   here spoken of as "sleeping in the mound of earth," or, as others
   translate, "in the dust of earth."  There it is said, "They shall come
   forth;" so here, "They shall arise."  There, "They that have done good,
   to the resurrection of life; and they that have done evil, to the
   resurrection of judgment;" here, "Some to everlasting life, and some to
   shame and everlasting confusion."  Neither is it to be supposed a
   difference, though in place of the expression in the Gospel, "All who
   are in their graves," the prophet does not say "all," but "many of them
   that sleep in the mound of earth."  For many is sometimes used in
   Scripture for all.  Thus it was said to Abraham, "I have set thee as
   the father of many nations," though in another place it was said to
   him, "In thy seed shall all nations be blessed." [1438]   Of such a
   resurrection it is said a little afterwards to the prophet himself,
   "And come thou and rest:  for there is yet a day till the completion of
   the consummation; and thou shall rest, and rise in thy lot in the end
   of the days." [1439]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1435] Dan. vii. 15-28.  Passage cited at length.

   [1436] Dan. xii. 1-3.

   [1437] John v. 28.

   [1438] Gen. xvii. 5, and xxii. 18.

   [1439] Dan. xii. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Passages from the Psalms of David Which Predict the End of
   the World and the Last Judgment.

   There are many allusions to the last judgment in the Psalms, but for
   the most part only casual and slight.  I cannot, however, omit to
   mention what is said there in express terms of the end of this world:
   "In the beginning hast Thou laid the foundations of the earth, O Lord;
   and the heavens are the work of Thy hands.  They shall perish, but Thou
   shall endure; yea, all of them shall wax old like a garment; and as a
   vesture Thou shall change them, and they shall be changed:  but Thou
   art the same, and Thy years shall not fail." [1440]   Why is it that
   Porphyry, while he lauds the piety of the Hebrews in worshipping a God
   great and true, and terrible to the gods themselves, follows the
   oracles of these gods in accusing the Christians of extreme folly
   because they say that this world shall perish?  For here we find it
   said in the sacred books of the Hebrews, to that God whom this great
   philosopher acknowledges to be terrible even to the gods themselves,
   "The heavens are the work of Thy hands; they shall perish."  When the
   heavens, the higher and more secure part of the world, perish, shall
   the world itself be preserved?  If this idea is not relished by
   Jupiter, whose oracle is quoted by this philosopher as an
   unquestionable authority in rebuke of the credulity of the Christians,
   why does he not similarly rebuke the wisdom of the Hebrews as folly,
   seeing that the prediction is found in their most holy books?  But if
   this Hebrew wisdom, with which Porphyry is so captivated that he extols
   it through the utterances of his own gods, proclaims that the heavens
   are to perish, how is he so infatuated as to detest the faith of the
   Christians partly, if not chiefly, on this account, that they believe
   the world is to perish?--though how the heavens are to perish if the
   world does not is not easy to see.  And, indeed, in the sacred writings
   which are peculiar to ourselves, and not common to the Hebrews and
   us,--I mean the evangelic and apostolic books,--the following
   expressions are used:  "The figure of this world passeth away;" [1441]
     "The world passeth away;" [1442] "Heaven and earth shall pass away,"
   [1443] --expressions which are, I fancy, somewhat milder than "They
   shall perish."  In the Epistle of the Apostle Peter, too, where the
   world which then was is said to have perished, being overflowed with
   water, it is sufficiently obvious what part of the world is signified
   by the whole, and in what sense the word perished is to be taken, and
   what heavens were kept in store, reserved unto fire against the day of
   judgment and perdition of ungodly men. [1444]   And when he says a
   little afterwards, "The day of the Lord will come as a thief; in the
   which the heavens shall pass away with a great rush, and the elements
   shall melt with burning heat, and the earth and the works which are in
   it shall be burned up and then adds, "Seeing, then, that all these
   things shall be dissolved, what manner of persons ought ye to be?"
   [1445] --these heavens which are to perish may be understood to be the
   same which he said were kept in store reserved for fire; and the
   elements which are to be burned are those which are full of storm and
   disturbance in this lowest part of the world in which he said that
   these heavens were kept in store; for the higher heavens in whose
   firmament are set the stars are safe, and remain in their integrity.
   For even the expression of Scripture, that "the stars shall fall from
   heaven," [1446] not to mention that a different interpretation is much
   preferable, rather shows that the heavens themselves shall remain, if
   the stars are to fall from them.  This expression, then, is either
   figurative, as is more credible, or this phenomenon will take place in
   this lowest heaven, like that mentioned by Virgil,--

   "A meteor with a train of light

   Athwart the sky gleamed dazzling bright,

   Then in Idæan woods was lost." [1447]

   But the passage I have quoted from the psalm seems to except none of
   the heavens from the destiny of destruction; for he says, "The heavens
   are the works of Thy hands:  they shall perish;" so that, as none of
   them are excepted from the category of God's works, none of them are
   excepted from destruction.  For our opponents will not condescend to
   defend the Hebrew piety, which has won the approbation of their gods,
   by the words of the Apostle Peter, whom they vehemently detest; nor
   will they argue that, as the apostle in his epistle understands a part
   when he speaks of the whole world perishing in the flood, though only
   the lowest part of it, and the corresponding heavens were destroyed, so
   in the psalm the whole is used for a part, and it is said "They shall
   perish," though only the lowest heavens are to perish.  But since, as I
   said, they will not condescend to reason thus, lest they should seem to
   approve of Peter's meaning, or ascribe as much importance to the final
   conflagration as we ascribe to the deluge, whereas they contend that no
   waters or flames could destroy the whole human race, it only remains to
   them to maintain that their gods lauded the wisdom of the Hebrews
   because they had not read this psalm.

    It is the last judgment of God which is re ferred to also in the 50th
   Psalm in the words, "God shall come manifestly, our God, and shall not
   keep silence:  fire shall devour before Him, and it shall be very
   tempestuous round about Him.  He shall call the heaven above, and the
   earth, to judge His people.  Gather His saints together to Him; they
   who make a covenant with Him over sacrifices." [1448]   This we
   understand of our Lord Jesus Christ, whom we look for from heaven to
   judge the quick and the dead.  For He shall come manifestly to judge
   justly the just and the unjust, who before came hiddenly to be unjustly
   judged by the unjust.  He, I say, shall come manifestly, and shall not
   keep silence, that is, shall make Himself known by His voice of
   judgment, who before, when he came hiddenly, was silent before His
   judge when He was led as a sheep to the slaughter, and, as a lamb
   before the shearer, opened not His mouth as we read that it was
   prophesied of Him by Isaiah, [1449] and as we see it fulfilled in the
   Gospel. [1450]   As for the fire and tempest, we have already said how
   these are to be interpreted when we were explaining a similar passage
   in Isaiah. [1451]   As to the expression, "He shall call the heaven
   above," as the saints and the righteous are rightly called heaven, no
   doubt this means what the apostle says, "We shall be caught up together
   with them in the clouds, to meet the Lord in the air." [1452]   For if
   we take the bare literal sense, how is it possible to call the heaven
   above, as if the heaven could be anywhere else than above?  And the
   following expression, "And the earth to judge His people," if we supply
   only the words, "He shall call," that is to say, "He shall call the
   earth also," and do not supply "above," seems to give us a meaning in
   accordance with sound doctrine, the heaven symbolizing those who will
   judge along with Christ, and the earth those who shall be judged; and
   thus the words, "He shall call the heaven above," would not mean, "He
   shall catch up into the air," but "He shall lift up to seats of
   judgment."  Possibly, too, "He shall call the heaven," may mean, He
   shall call the angels in the high and lofty places, that He may descend
   with them to do judgment; and "He shall call the earth also" would then
   mean, He shall call the men on the earth to judgment.  But if with the
   words "and the earth" we understand not only "He shall call," but also
   "above," so as to make the full sense be, He shall call the heaven
   above, and He shall call the earth above, then I think it is best
   understood of the men who shall be caught up to meet Christ in the air,
   and that they are called the heaven with reference to their souls, and
   the earth with reference to their bodies.  Then what is "to judge His
   people," but to separate by judgment the good from the bad, as the
   sheep from the goats?  Then he turns to address the angels:  "Gather
   His saints together unto Him."  For certainly a matter so important
   must be accomplished by the ministry of angels.  And if we ask who the
   saints are who are gathered unto Him by the angels, we are told, "They
   who make a covenant with Him over sacrifices."  This is the whole life
   of the saints, to make a covenant with God over sacrifices.  For "over
   sacrifices" either refers to works of mercy, which are preferable to
   sacrifices in the judgment of God, who says, "I desire mercy more than
   sacrifices," [1453] or if "over sacrifices" means in sacrifices, then
   these very works of mercy are the sacrifices with which God is pleased,
   as I remember to have stated in the tenth book of this work; [1454] and
   in these works the saints make a covenant with God, because they do
   them for the sake of the promises which are contained in His new
   testament or covenant.  And hence, when His saints have been gathered
   to Him and set at His right hand in the last judgment, Christ shall
   say, "Come, ye blessed of my Father, take possession of the kingdom
   prepared for you from the foundation of the world.  For I was hungry,
   and ye gave me to eat," [1455] and so on, mentioning the good works of
   the good, and their eternal rewards assigned by the last sentence of
   the Judge.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1440] Ps. cii. 25-27.

   [1441] 1 Cor. vii. 31.

   [1442] 1 John ii. 17.

   [1443] Matt. xxiv. 35.

   [1444] 2 Pet. iii. 6.

   [1445] 2 Pet. iii. 10, 11.

   [1446] Matt. xxiv. 29.

   [1447] Æneid, ii. 694.

   [1448] Ps. l. 3-5.

   [1449] Isa. liii. 7.

   [1450] Matt. xxvi. 63.

   [1451] Ch. 21.

   [1452] 1 Thess. iv. 17.

   [1453] Hos. vi. 6.

   [1454] Ch. 6.

   [1455] Matt. xxv. 34.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Of Malachi's Prophecy, in Which He Speaks of the Last
   Judgment, and of a Cleansing Which Some are to Undergo by Purifying
   Punishments.

   The prophet Malachi or Malachias, who is also called Angel, and is by
   some (for Jerome [1456] tells us that this is the opinion of the
   Hebrews) identified with Ezra the priest, [1457] others of whose
   writings have been received into the canon, predicts the last judgment,
   saying, "Behold, He cometh, saith the Lord Almighty; and who shall
   abide the day of His entrance? . . . for I am the Lord your God, and I
   change not." [1458]   From these words it more evidently appears that
   some shall in the last judgment suffer some kind of purgatorial
   punishments; for what else can be understood by the word, "Who shall
   abide the day of His entrance, or who shall be able to look upon Him?
   for He enters as a moulder's fire, and as the herb of fullers:  and He
   shall sit fusing and purifying as if over gold and silver:  and He
   shall purify the sons of Levi, and pour them out like gold and
   silver?"  Similarly Isaiah says, "The Lord shall wash the filthiness of
   the sons and daughters of Zion, and shall cleanse away the blood from
   their midst, by the spirit of judgment and by the spirit of burning."
   [1459]   Unless perhaps we should say that they are cleansed from
   filthiness and in a manner clarified, when the wicked are separated
   from them by penal judgment, so that the elimination and damnation of
   the one party is the purgation of the others, because they shall
   henceforth live free from the contamination of such men.  But when he
   says, "And he shall purify the sons of Levi, and pour them out like
   gold and silver, and they shall offer to the Lord sacrifices in
   righteousness; and the sacrifices of Judah and Jerusalem shall be
   pleasing to the Lord," he declares that those who shall be purified
   shall then please the Lord with sacrifices of righteousness, and
   consequently they themselves shall be purified from their own
   unrighteousness which made them displeasing to God.  Now they
   themselves, when they have been purified, shall be sacrifices of
   complete and perfect righteousness; for what more acceptable offering
   can such persons make to God than themselves?  But this question of
   purgatorial punishments we must defer to another time, to give it a
   more adequate treatment.  By the sons of Levi and Judah and Jerusalem
   we ought to understand the Church herself, gathered not from the
   Hebrews only, but from other nations as well; nor such a Church as she
   now is, when "if we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and
   the truth is not in us," [1460] but as she shall then be, purged by the
   last judgment as a threshing-floor by a winnowing wind, and those of
   her members who need it being cleansed by fire, so that there remains
   absolutely not one who offers sacrifice for his sins.  For all who make
   such offerings are assuredly in their sins, for the remission of which
   they make offerings, that having made to God an acceptable offering,
   they may then be absolved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1456] In his Proem. ad Mal.

   [1457] See Smith's Bible Dict.

   [1458] Mal. iii. 1-6.  Whole passage quoted.

   [1459] Isa. iv. 4.

   [1460] 1 John i. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Of the Sacrifices Offered to God by the Saints, Which are
   to Be Pleasing to Him, as in the Primitive Days and Former Years.

   And it was with the design of showing that His city shall not then
   follow this custom, that God said that the sons of Levi should offer
   sacrifices in righteousness,--not therefore in sin, and consequently
   not for sin.  And hence we see how vainly the Jews promise themselves a
   return of the old times of sacrificing according to the law of the old
   testament, grounding on the words which follow, "And the sacrifice of
   Judah and Jerusalem shall be pleasing to the Lord, as in the primitive
   days, and as in former years."  For in the times of the law they
   offered sacrifices not in righteousness but in sins, offering
   especially and primarily for sins, so much so that even the priest
   himself, whom we must suppose to have been their most righteous man,
   was accustomed to offer, according to God's commandments, first for his
   own sins, and then for the sins of the people.  And therefore we must
   explain how we are to understand the words, "as in the primitive days,
   and as in former years;" for perhaps he alludes to the time in which
   our first parents were in paradise.  Then, indeed, intact and pure from
   all stain and blemish of sin, they offered themselves to God as the
   purest sacrifices.  But since they were banished thence on account of
   their transgression, and human nature was condemned in them, with the
   exception of the one Mediator and those who have been baptized, and are
   as yet infants, "there is none clean from stain, not even the babe
   whose life has been but for a day upon the earth." [1461]   But if it
   be replied that those who offer in faith may be said to offer in
   righteousness, because the righteous lives by faith, [1462] --he
   deceives himself, however, if he says that he has no sin, and therefore
   he does not say so, because he lives by faith,--will any man say this
   time of faith can be placed on an equal footing with that consummation
   when they who offer sacrifices in righteousness shall be purified by
   the fire of the last judgment?  And consequently, since it must be
   believed that after such a cleansing the righteous shall retain no sin,
   assuredly that time, so far as regards its freedom from sin, can be
   compared to no other period, unless to that during which our first
   parents lived in paradise in the most innocent happiness before their
   transgression.  It is this period, then, which is properly understood
   when it is said, "as in the primitive days, and as in former years."
   For in Isaiah, too, after the new heavens and the new earth have been
   promised, among other elements in the blessedness of the saints which
   are there depicted by allegories and figures, from giving an adequate
   explanation of which I am prevented by a desire to avoid prolixity, it
   is said, "According to the days of the tree of life shall be the days
   of my people." [1463]   And who that has looked at Scripture does not
   know where God planted the tree of life, from whose fruit He excluded
   our first parents when their own iniquity ejected them from paradise,
   and round which a terrible and fiery fence was set?

   But if any one contends that those days of the tree of life mentioned
   by the prophet Isaiah are the present times of the Church of Christ,
   and that Christ Himself is prophetically called the Tree of Life,
   because He is Wisdom, and of wisdom Solomon says, "It is a tree of life
   to all who embrace it;" [1464] and if they maintain that our first
   parents did not pass years in paradise, but were driven from it so soon
   that none of their children were begotten there, and that therefore
   that time cannot be alluded to in words which run, "as in the primitive
   days, and as in former years," I forbear entering on this question,
   lest by discussing everything I become prolix, and leave the whole
   subject in uncertainty.  For I see another meaning, which should keep
   us from believing that a restoration of the primitive days and former
   years of the legal sacrifices could have been promised to us by the
   prophet as a great boon.  For the animals selected as victims under the
   old law were required to be immaculate, and free from all blemish
   whatever, and symbolized holy men free from all sin, the only instance
   of which character was found in Christ.  As, therefore, after the
   judgment those who are worthy of such purification shall be purified
   even by fire, and shall be rendered thoroughly sinless, and shall offer
   themselves to God in righteousness, and be indeed victims immaculate
   and free from all blemish whatever, they shall then certainly be, "as
   in the primitive days, and as in former years," when the purest victims
   were offered, the shadow of this future reality.  For there shall then
   be in the body and soul of the saints the purity which was symbolized
   in the bodies of these victims.

   Then, with reference to those who are worthy not of cleansing but of
   damnation, He says, "And I will draw near to you to judgment, and I
   will be a swift witness against evildoers and against adulterers;" and
   after enumerating other damnable crimes, He adds, "For I am the Lord
   your God, and I am not changed."  It is as if He said, Though your
   fault has changed you for the worse, and my grace has changed you for
   the better, I am not changed.  And he says that He Himself will be a
   witness, because in His judgment He needs no witnesses; and that He
   will be "swift," either because He is to come suddenly, and the
   judgment which seemed to lag shall be very swift by His unexpected
   arrival, or because He will convince the consciences of men directly
   and without any prolix harangue.  "For," as it is written, "in the
   thoughts of the wicked His examination shall be conducted." [1465]
   And the apostle says, "The thoughts accusing or else excusing, in the
   day in which God shall judge the hidden things of men, according to my
   gospel in Jesus Christ." [1466]   Thus, then, shall the Lord be a swift
   witness, when He shall suddenly bring back into the memory that which
   shall convince and punish the conscience.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1461] Job. xiv. 4.

   [1462] Rom. i. 17.

   [1463] Isa. lxv. 22.

   [1464] Prov. iii. 18.

   [1465] Wisd. i. 9.

   [1466] Rom. ii. 15, 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of the Separation of the Good and the Bad, Which Proclaim
   the Discriminating Influence of the Last Judgment.

   The passage also which I formerly quoted for another purpose from this
   prophet refers to the last judgment, in which he says, "They shall be
   mine, saith the Lord Almighty, in the day in which I make up my gains,"
   [1467] etc.  When this diversity between the rewards and punishments
   which distinguish the righteous from the wicked shall appear under that
   Sun of righteousness in the brightness of life eternal,--a diversity
   which is not discerned under this sun which shines on the vanity of
   this life,--there shall then be such a judgment as has never before
   been.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1467] Mal. iii. 17; iv. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--That the Law of Moses Must Be Spiritually Understood to
   Preclude the Damnable Murmurs of a Carnal Interpretation.

   In the succeeding words, "Remember the law of Moses my servant, which I
   commanded to him in Horeb for all Israel," [1468] the prophet
   opportunely mentions precepts and statutes, after declaring the
   important distinction hereafter to be made between those who observe
   and those who despise the law.  He intends also that they learn to
   interpret the law spiritually, and find Christ in it, by whose judgment
   that separation between the good and the bad is to be made.  For it is
   not without reason that the Lord Himself says to the Jews, "Had ye
   believed Moses, ye would have believed me; for he wrote of me." [1469]
     For by receiving the law carnally without perceiving that its earthly
   promises were figures of things spiritual, they fell into such murmur
   ings as audaciously to say, "It is vain to serve God; and what profit
   is it that we have kept His ordinance, and that we have walked
   suppliantly before the face of the Lord Almighty?  And now we call
   aliens happy; yea, they that work wickedness are set up." [1470]   It
   was these words of theirs which in a manner compelled the prophet to
   announce the last judgment, in which the wicked shall not even in
   appearance be happy, but shall manifestly be most miserable; and in
   which the good shall be oppressed with not even a transitory
   wretchedness, but shall enjoy unsullied and eternal felicity.  For he
   had previously cited some similar expressions of those who said, "Every
   one that doeth evil is good in the sight of the Lord, and such are
   pleasing to Him." [1471]   It was, I say, by understanding the law of
   Moses carnally that they had come to murmur thus against God.  And
   hence, too, the writer of the 73d Psalm says that his feet were almost
   gone, his steps had well-nigh slipped, because he was envious of
   sinners while he considered their prosperity, so that he said among
   other things, How doth God know, and is there knowledge in the Most
   High? and again, Have I sanctified my heart in vain, and washed my
   hands in innocency? [1472]   He goes on to say that his efforts to
   solve this most difficult problem, which arises when the good seem to
   be wretched and the wicked happy, were in vain until he went into the
   sanctuary of God, and understood the last things. [1473]   For in the
   last judgment things shall not be so; but in the manifest felicity of
   the righteous and manifest misery of the wicked quite another state of
   things shall appear.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1468] Mal. iv. 4.

   [1469] John v. 46.

   [1470] Mal. iii. 14, 15.

   [1471] Mal. ii. 17.

   [1472] In innocentibus.

   [1473] Ps. lxxiii.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--Of the Coming of Elias Before the Judgment, that the Jews
   May Be Converted to Christ by His Preaching and Explanation of
   Scripture.

   After admonishing them to give heed to the law of Moses, as he foresaw
   that for a long time to come they would not understand it spiritually
   and rightly, he went on to say, "And, behold, I will send to you Elias
   the Tishbite before the great and signal day of the Lord come:  and he
   shall turn the heart of the father to the son, and the heart of a man
   to his next of kin, lest I come and utterly smite the earth." [1474]
   It is a familiar theme in the conversation and heart of the faithful,
   that in the last days before the judgment the Jews shall believe in the
   true Christ, that is, our Christ, by means of this great and admirable
   prophet Elias who shall expound the law to them.  For not without
   reason do we hope that before the coming of our Judge and Saviour Elias
   shall come, because we have good reason to believe that he is now
   alive; for, as Scripture most distinctly informs us, [1475] he was
   taken up from this life in a chariot of fire.  When, therefore, he is
   come, he shall give a spiritual explanation of the law which the Jews
   at present understand carnally, and shall thus "turn the heart of the
   father to the son," that is, the heart of fathers to their children;
   for the Septuagint translators have frequently put the singular for the
   plural number.  And the meaning is, that the sons, that is, the Jews,
   shall understand the law as the fathers, that is, the prophets, and
   among them Moses himself, understood it.  For the heart of the fathers
   shall be turned to their children when the children understand the law
   as their fathers did; and the heart of the children shall be turned to
   their fathers when they have the same sentiments as the fathers.  The
   Septuagint used the expression, "and the heart of a man to his next of
   kin," because fathers and children are eminently neighbors to one
   another.  Another and a preferable sense can be found in the words of
   the Septuagint translators, who have translated Scripture with an eye
   to prophecy, the sense, viz., that Elias shall turn the heart of God
   the Father to the Son, not certainly as if he should bring about this
   love of the Father for the Son, but meaning that he should make it
   known, and that the Jews also, who had previously hated, should then
   love the Son who is our Christ.  For so far as regards the Jews, God
   has His heart turned away from our Christ, this being their conception
   about God and Christ.  But in their case the heart of God shall be
   turned to the Son when they themselves shall turn in heart, and learn
   the love of the Father towards the Son.  The words following, "and the
   heart of a man to his next of kin,"--that is, Elias shall also turn the
   heart of a man to his next of kin,--how can we understand this better
   than as the heart of a man to the man Christ?  For though in the form
   of God He is our God, yet, taking the form of a servant, He
   condescended to become also our next of kin.  It is this, then, which
   Elias will do, "lest," he says, "I come and smite the earth utterly."
   For they who mind earthly things are the earth.  Such are the carnal
   Jews until this day; and hence these murmurs of theirs against God,
   "The wicked are pleasing to Him," and "It is a vain thing to serve
   God." [1476]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1474] Mal. iv. 5, 6.

   [1475] 2 Kings ii. 11.

   [1476] Mal. ii. 17; iii. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--That in the Books of the Old Testament, Where It is Said
   that God Shall Judge the World, the Person of Christ is Not Explicitly
   Indicated, But It Plainly Appears from Some Passages in Which the Lord
   God Speaks that Christ is Meant.

   There are many other passages of Scripture bearing on the last judgment
   of God,--so many, indeed, that to cite them all would swell this book
   to an unpardonable size.  Suffice it to have proved that both Old and
   New Testament enounce the judgment.  But in the Old it is not so
   definitely declared as in the New that the judgment shall be
   administered by Christ, that is, that Christ shall descend from heaven
   as the Judge; for when it is therein stated by the Lord God or His
   prophet that the Lord God shall come, we do not necessarily understand
   this of Christ.  For both the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost
   are the Lord God.  We must not, however, leave this without proof.  And
   therefore we must first show how Jesus Christ speaks in the prophetical
   books under the title of the Lord God, while yet there can be no doubt
   that it is Jesus Christ who speaks; so that in other passages where
   this is not at once apparent, and where nevertheless it is said that
   the Lord God will come to that last judgment, we may understand that
   Jesus Christ is meant.  There is a passage in the prophet Isaiah which
   illustrates what I mean.  For God says by the prophet, "Hear me, Jacob
   and Israel, whom I call.  I am the first, and I am for ever:  and my
   hand has founded the earth, and my right hand has established the
   heaven.  I will call them, and they shall stand together, and be
   gathered, and hear.  Who has declared to them these things?  In love of
   thee I have done thy pleasure upon Babylon, that I might take away the
   seed of the Chaldeans.  I have spoken, and I have called:  I have
   brought him, and have made his way prosperous.  Come ye near unto me,
   and hear this.  I have not spoken in secret from the beginning; when
   they were made, there was I.  And now the Lord God and His Spirit hath
   sent me." [1477]   It was Himself who was speaking as the Lord God; and
   yet we should not have understood that it was Jesus Christ had He not
   added, "And now the Lord God and His Spirit hath sent me."  For He said
   this with reference to the form of a servant, speaking of a future
   event as if it were past, as in the same prophet we read, "He was led
   as a sheep to the slaughter," [1478] not "He shall be led;" but the
   past tense is used to express the future.  And prophecy constantly
   speaks in this way.

   There is also another passage in Zechariah which plainly declares that
   the Almighty sent the Almighty; and of what persons can this be
   understood but of God the Father and God the Son?  For it is written,
   "Thus saith the Lord Almighty, After the glory hath He sent me unto the
   nations which spoiled you; for he that toucheth you toucheth the apple
   of His eye.  Behold, I will bring mine hand upon them, and they shall
   be a spoil to their servants:  and ye shall know that the Lord Almighty
   hath sent me." [1479]   Observe, the Lord Almighty saith that the Lord
   Almighty sent Him.  Who can presume to understand these words of any
   other than Christ, who is speaking to the lost sheep of the house of
   Israel?  For He says in the Gospel, "I am not sent save to the lost
   sheep of the house of Israel," [1480] which He here compared to the
   pupil of God's eye, to signify the profoundest love.  And to this class
   of sheep the apostles themselves belonged.  But after the glory, to
   wit, of His resurrection,--for before it happened the evangelist said
   that "Jesus was not yet glorified," [1481] --He was sent unto the
   nations in the persons of His apostles; and thus the saying of the
   psalm was fulfilled, "Thou wilt deliver me from the contradictions of
   the people; Thou wilt set me as the head of the nations," [1482] so
   that those who had spoiled the Israelites, and whom the Israelites had
   served when they were subdued by them, were not themselves to be
   spoiled in the same fashion, but were in their own persons to become
   the spoil of the Israelites.  For this had been promised to the
   apostles when the Lord said, "I will make you fishers of men." [1483]
   And to one of them He says, "From henceforth thou shalt catch men."
   [1484]   They were then to become a spoil, but in a good sense, as
   those who are snatched from that strong one when he is bound by a
   stronger. [1485]

   In like manner the Lord, speaking by the same prophet, says, "And it
   shall come to pass in that day, that I will seek to destroy all the
   nations that come against Jerusalem.  And I will pour upon the house of
   David, and upon the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the spirit of grace and
   mercy; and they shall look upon me because they have insulted me, and
   they shall mourn for Him as for one very dear, and shall be in
   bitterness as for an only-begotten." [1486]   To whom but to God does
   it belong to destroy all the nations that are hostile to the holy city
   Jerusalem, which "come against it," that is, are opposed to it, or, as
   some translate, "come upon it," as if putting it down under them; or to
   pour out upon the house of David and the inhabitants of Jerusalem the
   spirit of grace and mercy?  This belongs doubtless to God, and it is to
   God the prophet ascribes the words; and yet Christ shows that He is the
   God who does these so great and divine things, when He goes on to say,
   "And they shall look upon me because they have insulted me, and they
   shall mourn for Him as if for one very dear (or beloved), and shall be
   in bitterness for Him as for an only-begotten."  For in that day the
   Jews--those of them, at least, who shall receive the spirit of grace
   and mercy--when they see Him coming in His majesty, and recognize that
   it is He whom they, in the person of their parents, insulted when He
   came before in His humiliation, shall repent of insulting Him in His
   passion:  and their parents themselves, who were the perpetrators of
   this huge impiety, shall see Him when they rise; but this will be only
   for their punishment, and not for their correction.  It is not of them
   we are to understand the words, "And I will pour upon the house of
   David, and upon the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the spirit of grace and
   mercy, and they shall look upon me because they have insulted me;" but
   we are to understand the words of their descendants, who shall at that
   time believe through Elias.  But as we say to the Jews, You killed
   Christ, although it was their parents who did so, so these persons
   shall grieve that they in some sort did what their progenitors did.
   Although, therefore, those that receive the spirit of mercy and grace,
   and believe, shall not be condemned with their impious parents, yet
   they shall mourn as if they themselves had done what their parents
   did.  Their grief shall arise not so much from guilt as from pious
   affection.  Certainly the words which the Septuagint have translated,
   "They shall look upon me because they insulted me," stand in the
   Hebrew,"They shall look upon me whom they pierced." [1487]   And by
   this word the crucifixion of Christ is certainly more plainly
   indicated.  But the Septuagint translators preferred to allude to the
   insult which was involved in His whole passion.  For in point of fact
   they insulted Him both when He was arrested and when He was bound, when
   He was judged, when He was mocked by the robe they put on Him and the
   homage they did on bended knee, when He was crowned with thorns and
   struck with a rod on the head, when He bore His cross, and when at last
   He hung upon the tree.  And therefore we recognize more fully the
   Lord's passion when we do not confine ourselves to one interpretation,
   but combine both, and read both "insulted" and "pierced."

   When, therefore, we read in the prophetical books that God is to come
   to do judgment at the last, from the mere mention of the judgment, and
   although there is nothing else to determine the meaning, we must gather
   that Christ is meant; for though the Father will judge, He will judge
   by the coming of the Son.  For He Himself, by His own manifested
   presence, "judges no man, but has committed all judgment to the Son;"
   [1488] for as the Son was judged as a man, He shall also judge in human
   form.  For it is none but He of whom God speaks by Isaiah under the
   name of Jacob and Israel, of whose seed Christ took a body, as it is
   written, "Jacob is my servant, I will uphold Him; Israel is mine elect,
   my Spirit has assumed Him:  I have put my Spirit upon Him; He shall
   bring forth judgment to the Gentiles.  He shall not cry, nor cease,
   neither shall His voice be heard without.  A bruised reed shall He not
   break, and the smoking flax shall He not quench:  but in truth shall He
   bring forth judgment.  He shall shine and shall not be broken, until He
   sets judgment in the earth:  and the nations shall hope in His name."
   [1489]   The Hebrew has not "Jacob" and "Israel;" but the Septuagint
   translators, wishing to show the significance of the expression "my
   servant," and that it refers to the form of a servant in which the Most
   High humbled Himself, inserted the name of that man from whose stock He
   took the form of a servant.  The Holy Spirit was given to Him, and was
   manifested, as the evangelist testifies, in the form of a dove. [1490]
     He brought forth judgment to the Gentiles, because He predicted what
   was hidden from them.  In His meekness He did not cry, nor did He cease
   to proclaim the truth.  But His voice was not heard, nor is it heard,
   without, because He is not obeyed by those who are outside of His
   body.  And the Jews themselves, who persecuted Him, He did not break,
   though as a bruised reed they had lost their integrity, and as smoking
   flax their light was quenched; for He spared them, having come to be
   judged and not yet to judge.  He brought forth judgment in truth,
   declaring that they should be punished did they persist in their
   wickedness.  His face shone on the Mount, [1491] His fame in the
   world.  He is not broken nor overcome, because neither in Himself nor
   in His Church has persecution prevailed to annihilate Him.  And
   therefore that has not, and shall not, be brought about which His
   enemies said or say, "When shall He die, and His name perish?" [1492]
   "until He set judgment in the earth."  Behold, the hidden thing which
   we were seeking is discovered.  For this is the last judgment, which He
   will set in the earth when He comes from heaven.  And it is in Him,
   too, we already see the concluding expression of the prophecy
   fulfilled:  "In His name shall the nations hope."  And by this
   fulfillment, which no one can deny, men are encouraged to believe in
   that which is most impudently denied.  For who could have hoped for
   that which even those who do not yet believe in Christ now see
   fulfilled among us, and which is so undeniable that they can but gnash
   their teeth and pine away?  Who, I say, could have hoped that the
   nations would hope in the name of Christ, when He was arrested, bound,
   scourged, mocked, crucified, when even the disciples themselves had
   lost the hope which they had begun to have in Him?  The hope which was
   then entertained scarcely by the one thief on the cross, is now
   cherished by nations everywhere on the earth, who are marked with the
   sign of the cross on which He died that they may not die eternally.

   That the last judgment, then, shall be administered by Jesus Christ in
   the manner predicted in the sacred writings is denied or doubted by no
   one, unless by those who, through some incredible animosity or
   blindness, decline to believe these writings, though already their
   truth is demonstrated to all the world.  And at or in connection with
   that judgment the following events shall come to pass, as we have
   learned:  Elias the Tishbite shall come; the Jews shall believe;
   Antichrist shall persecute; Christ shall judge; the dead shall rise;
   the good and the wicked shall be separated; the world shall be burned
   and renewed.  All these things, we believe, shall come to pass; but
   how, or in what order, human understanding cannot perfectly teach us,
   but only the experience of the events themselves.  My opinion, however,
   is, that they will happen in the order in which I have related them.

   Two books yet remain to be written by me, in order to complete, by
   God's help, what I promised.  One of these will explain the punishment
   of the wicked, the other the happiness of the righteous; and in them I
   shall be at special pains to refute, by God's grace, the arguments by
   which some unhappy creatures seem to themselves to undermine the divine
   promises and threatenings, and to ridicule as empty words statements
   which are the most salutary nutriment of faith.  But they who are
   instructed in divine things hold the truth and omnipotence of God to be
   the strongest arguments in favor of those things which, however
   incredible they seem to men, are yet contained in the Scriptures, whose
   truth has already in many ways been proved; for they are sure that God
   can in no wise lie, and that He can do what is impossible to the
   unbelieving.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1477] Isa. xlviii. 12-16.

   [1478] Isa. liii. 7.

   [1479] Zech. ii. 8, 9.

   [1480] Matt. xv. 24.

   [1481] John vii. 39.

   [1482] Ps. xviii. 43.

   [1483] Matt. iv. 19.

   [1484] Luke v. 10.

   [1485] Matt. xii. 29.

   [1486] Zech. xii. 9, 10.

   [1487] So the Vulgate.

   [1488] John v. 22.

   [1489] Isa. xlii. 1-4.

   [1490] John i. 32.

   [1491] Matt. xvii. 1, 2.

   [1492] Ps. xli. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XXI.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Of the end reserved for the city of the devil, namely, the
   eternal punishment of the damned; and of the arguments which unbelief
   brings against it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Order of the Discussion, Which Requires that We
   First Speak of the Eternal Punishment of the Lost in Company with the
   Devil, and Then of the Eternal Happiness of the Saints.

   I Propose, with such ability as God may grant me, to discuss in this
   book more thoroughly the nature of the punishment which shall be
   assigned to the devil and all his retainers, when the two cities, the
   one of God, the other of the devil, shall have reached their proper
   ends through Jesus Christ our Lord, the Judge of quick and dead.  And I
   have adopted this order, and preferred to speak, first of the
   punishment of the devils, and afterwards of the blessedness of the
   saints, because the body partakes of either destiny; and it seems to be
   more incredible that bodies endure in everlasting torments than that
   they continue to exist without any pain in everlasting felicity.
   Consequently, when I shall have demonstrated that that punishment ought
   not to be incredible, this will materially aid me in proving that which
   is much more credible, viz., the immortality of the bodies of the
   saints which are delivered from all pain.  Neither is this order out of
   harmony with the divine writings, in which sometimes, indeed, the
   blessedness of the good is placed first, as in the words, "They that
   have done good, unto the resurrection of life; and they that have done
   evil, unto the resurrection of judgment;" [1493] but sometimes also
   last, as, "The Son of man shall send forth His angels, and they shall
   gather out of His kingdom all things which offend, and shall cast them
   into a furnace of fire:  there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth,
   Then shall the righteous shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of His
   Father;" [1494] and that, "These shall go away into eternal punishment,
   but the righteous into life eternal." [1495]   And though we have not
   room to cite instances, any one who examines the prophets will find
   that they adopt now the one arrangement and now the other.  My own
   reason for following the latter order I have given.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1493] John v. 29.

   [1494] Matt. xiii. 41-43.

   [1495] Matt. xxv. 46.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Whether It is Possible for Bodies to Last for Ever in
   Burning Fire.

   What, then, can I adduce to convince those who refuse to believe that
   human bodies, animated and living, can not only survive death, but also
   last in the torments of everlasting fires?  They will not allow us to
   refer this simply to the power of the Almighty, but demand that we
   persuade them by some example.  If, then, we reply to them, that there
   are animals which certainly are corruptible, because they are mortal,
   and which yet live in the midst of flames; and likewise, that in
   springs of water so hot that no one can put his hand in it with
   impunity a species of worm is found, which not only lives there, but
   cannot live elsewhere; they either refuse to believe these facts unless
   we can show them, or, if we are in circumstances to prove them by
   ocular demonstration or by adequate testimony, they contend, with the
   same scepticism, that these facts are not examples of what we seek to
   prove, inasmuch as these animals do not live for ever, and besides,
   they live in that blaze of heat without pain, the element of fire being
   congenial to their nature, and causing it to thrive and not to
   suffer,--just as if it were not more incredible that it should thrive
   than that it should suffer in such circumstances.  It is strange that
   anything should suffer in fire and yet live, but stranger that it
   should live in fire and not suffer.  If, then, the latter be believed,
   why not also the former?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Whether Bodily Suffering Necessarily Terminates in the
   Destruction of the Flesh.

   But, say they, there is no body which can suffer and cannot also die.
   How do we know this?  For who can say with certainty that the devils do
   not suffer in their bodies, when they own that they are grievously
   tormented?  And if it is replied that there is no earthly body--that is
   to say, no solid and perceptible body, or, in one word, no flesh--which
   can suffer and cannot die, is not this to tell us only what men have
   gathered from experience and their bodily senses?  For they indeed have
   no acquaintance with any flesh but that which is mortal; and this is
   their whole argument, that what they have had no experience of they
   judge quite impossible.  For we cannot call it reasoning to make pain a
   presumption of death, while, in fact, it is rather a sign of life.  For
   though it be a question whether that which suffers can continue to live
   for ever, yet it is certain that everything which suffers pain does
   live, and that pain can exist only in a living subject.  It is
   necessary, therefore, that he who is pained be living, not necessary
   that pain kill him; for every pain does not kill even those mortal
   bodies of ours which are destined to die.  And that any pain kills them
   is caused by the circumstance that the soul is so connected with the
   body that it succumbs to great pain and withdraws; for the structure of
   our members and vital parts is so infirm that it cannot bear up against
   that violence which causes great or extreme agony.  But in the life to
   come this connection of soul and body is of such a kind, that as it is
   dissolved by no lapse of time, so neither is it burst asunder by any
   pain.  And so, although it be true that in this world there is no flesh
   which can suffer pain and yet cannot die, yet in the world to come
   there shall be flesh such as now there is not, as there will also be
   death such as now there is not.  For death will not be abolished, but
   will be eternal, since the soul will neither be able to enjoy God and
   live, nor to die and escape the pains of the body.  The first death
   drives the soul from the body against her will:  the second death holds
   the soul in the body against her will.  The two have this in common,
   that the soul suffers against her will what her own body inflicts.

   Our opponents, too, make much of this, that in this world there is no
   flesh which can suffer pain and cannot die; while they make nothing of
   the fact that there is something which is greater than the body.  For
   the spirit, whose presence animates and rules the body, can both suffer
   pain and cannot die.  Here then is something which, though it can feel
   pain, is immortal.  And this capacity, which we now see in the spirit
   of all, shall be hereafter in the bodies of the damned.  Moreover, if
   we attend to the matter a little more closely, we see that what is
   called bodily pain is rather to be referred to the soul.  For it is the
   soul not the body, which is pained, even when the pain originates with
   the body,--the soul feeling pain at the point where the body is hurt.
   As then we speak of bodies feeling and living, though the feeling and
   life of the body are from the soul, so also we speak of bodies being
   pained, though no pain can be suffered by the body apart from the
   soul.  The soul, then, is pained with the body in that part where
   something occurs to hurt it; and it is pained alone, though it be in
   the body, when some invisible cause distresses it, while the body is
   safe and sound.  Even when not associated with the body it is pained;
   for certainly that rich man was suffering in hell when he cried, "I am
   tormented in this flame." [1496]   But as for the body, it suffers no
   pain when it is soulless; and even when animate it can suffer only by
   the soul's suffering.  If, therefore, we might draw a just presumption
   from the existence of pain to that of death, and conclude that where
   pain can be felt death can occur, death would rather be the property of
   the soul, for to it pain more peculiarly belongs.  But, seeing that
   that which suffers most cannot die, what ground is there for supposing
   that those bodies, because destined to suffer, are therefore, destined
   to die?  The Platonists indeed maintained that these earthly bodies and
   dying members gave rise to the fears, desires, griefs, and joys of the
   soul.  "Hence," says Virgil (i.e., from these earthly bodies and dying
   members),

   "Hence wild desires and grovelling fears,

   And human laughter, human tears." [1497]

   But in the fourteenth book of this work [1498] we have proved that,
   according to the Platonists' own theory, souls, even when purged from
   all pollution of the body, are yet pos sessed by a monstrous desire to
   return again into their bodies.  But where desire can exist, certainly
   pain also can exist; for desire frustrated, either by missing what it
   aims at or losing what it had attained, is turned into pain.  And
   therefore, if the soul, which is either the only or the chief sufferer,
   has yet a kind of immortality of its own, it is inconsequent to say
   that because the bodies of the damned shall suffer pain, therefore they
   shall die.  In fine, if the body causes the soul to suffer, why can the
   body not cause death as well as suffering, unless because it does not
   follow that what causes pain causes death as well?  And why then is it
   incredible that these fires can cause pain but not death to those
   bodies we speak of, just as the bodies themselves cause pain, but not
   therefore death, to the souls?  Pain is therefore no necessary
   presumption of death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1496] Luke xvi. 24.

   [1497] Æneid, vi. 733.

   [1498] Ch. 3, 5, 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Examples from Nature Proving that Bodies May Remain
   Unconsumed and Alive in Fire.

   If, therefore, the salamander lives in fire, as naturalists [1499] have
   recorded, and if certain famous mountains of Sicily have been
   continually on fire from the remotest antiquity until now, and yet
   remain entire, these are sufficiently convincing examples that
   everything which burns is not consumed.  As the soul too, is a proof
   that not everything which can suffer pain can also die, why then do
   they yet demand that we produce real examples to prove that it is not
   incredible that the bodies of men condemned to everlasting punishment
   may retain their soul in the fire, may burn without being consumed, and
   may suffer without perishing?  For suitable properties will be
   communicated to the substance of the flesh by Him who has endowed the
   things we see with so marvellous and diverse properties, that their
   very multitude prevents our wonder.  For who but God the Creator of all
   things has given to the flesh of the peacock its antiseptic property?
   This property, when I first heard of it, seemed to me incredible; but
   it happened at Carthage that a bird of this kind was cooked and served
   up to me, and, taking a suitable slice of flesh from its breast, I
   ordered it to be kept, and when it had been kept as many days as make
   any other flesh stinking, it was produced and set before me, and
   emitted no offensive smell.  And after it had been laid by for thirty
   days and more, it was still in the same state; and a year after, the
   same still, except that it was a little more shrivelled, and drier.
   Who gave to chaff such power to freeze that it preserves snow buried
   under it, and such power to warm that it ripens green fruit?

   But who can explain the strange properties of fire itself, which
   blackens everything it burns, though itself bright; and which, though
   of the most beautiful colors, discolors almost all it touches and feeds
   upon, and turns blazing fuel into grimy cinders?  Still this is not
   laid down as an absolutely uniform law; for, on the contrary, stones
   baked in glowing fire themselves also glow, and though the fire be
   rather of a red hue, and they white, yet white is congruous with light,
   and black with darkness.  Thus, though the fire burns the wood in
   calcining the stones, these contrary effects do not result from the
   contrariety of the materials.  For though wood and stone differ, they
   are not contraries, like black and white, the one of which colors is
   produced in the stones, while the other is produced in the wood by the
   same action of fire, which imparts its own brightness to the former,
   while it begrimes the latter, and which could have no effect on the one
   were it not fed by the other.  Then what wonderful properties do we
   find in charcoal, which is so brittle that a light tap breaks it and a
   slight pressure pulverizes it, and yet is so strong that no moisture
   rots it, nor any time causes it to decay.  So enduring is it, that it
   is customary in laying down landmarks to put charcoal underneath them,
   so that if, after the longest interval, any one raises an action, and
   pleads that there is no boundary stone, he may be convicted by the
   charcoal below.  What then has enabled it to last so long without
   rotting, though buried in the damp earth in which [its original] wood
   rots, except this same fire which consumes all things?

   Again, let us consider the wonders of lime; for besides growing white
   in fire, which makes other things black, and of which I have already
   said enough, it has also a mysterious property of conceiving fire
   within it.  Itself cold to the touch, it yet has a hidden store of
   fire, which is not at once apparent to our senses, but which experience
   teaches us, lies as it were slumbering within it even while unseen.
   And it is for this reason called "quick lime," as if the fire were the
   invisible soul quickening the visible substance or body.  But the
   marvellous thing is, that this fire is kindled when it is
   extinguished.  For to disengage the hidden fire the lime is moistened
   or drenched with water, and then, though it be cold before, it becomes
   hot by that very application which cools what is hot.  As if the fire
   were departing from the lime and breathing its last, it no longer lies
   hid, but appears; and then the lime lying in the coldness of death
   cannot be requickened, and what we before called "quick," we now call
   "slaked."  What can be stranger than this?  Yet there is a greater
   marvel still.  For if you treat the lime, not with water, but with oil,
   which is as fuel to fire, no amount of oil will heat it.  Now if this
   marvel had been told us of some Indian mineral which we had no
   opportunity of experimenting upon, we should either have forthwith
   pronounced it a falsehood, or certainly should have been greatly
   astonished.  But things that daily present themselves to our own
   observation we despise, not because they are really less marvellous,
   but because they are common; so that even some products of India
   itself, remote as it is from ourselves, cease to excite our admiration
   as soon as we can admire them at our leisure. [1500]

   The diamond is a stone possessed by many among ourselves, especially by
   jewellers and lapidaries, and the stone is so hard that it can be
   wrought neither by iron nor fire, nor, they say, by anything at all
   except goat's blood.  But do you suppose it is as much admired by those
   who own it and are familiar with its properties as by those to whom it
   is shown for the first time?  Persons who have not seen it perhaps do
   not believe what is said of it, or if they do, they wonder as at a
   thing beyond their experience; and if they happen to see it, still they
   marvel because they are unused to it, but gradually familiar experience
   [of it] dulls their admiration.  We know that the loadstone has a
   wonderful power of attracting iron.  When I first saw it I was
   thunderstruck, for I saw an iron ring attracted and suspended by the
   stone; and then, as if it had communicated its own property to the iron
   it attracted, and had made it a substance like itself, this ring was
   put near another, and lifted it up; and as the first ring clung to the
   magnet, so did the second ring to the first.  A third and a fourth were
   similarly added, so that there hung from the stone a kind of chain of
   rings, with their hoops connected, not interlinking, but attached
   together by their outer surface.  Who would not be amazed at this
   virtue of the stone, subsisting as it does not only in itself, but
   transmitted through so many suspended rings, and binding them together
   by invisible links?  Yet far more astonishing is what I heard about
   this stone from my brother in the episcopate, Severus bishop of
   Milevis.  He told me that Bathanarius, once count of Africa, when the
   bishop was dining with him, produced a magnet, and held it under a
   silver plate on which he placed a bit of iron; then as he moved his
   hand with the magnet underneath the plate, the iron upon the plate
   moved about accordingly.  The intervening silver was not affected at
   all, but precisely as the magnet was moved backwards and forwards below
   it, no matter how quickly, so was the iron attracted above.  I have
   related what I myself have witnessed; I have related what I was told by
   one whom I trust as I trust my own eyes.  Let me further say what I
   have read about this magnet.  When a diamond is laid near it, it does
   not lift iron; or if it has already lifted it, as soon as the diamond
   approaches, it drops it.  These stones come from India.  But if we
   cease to admire them because they are now familiar, how much less must
   they admire them who procure them very easily and send them to us?
   Perhaps they are held as cheap as we hold lime, which, because it is
   common, we think nothing of, though it has the strange property of
   burning when water, which is wont to quench fire, is poured on it, and
   of remaining cool when mixed with oil, which ordinarily feeds fire.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1499] Aristotle does not affirm it as a fact observed by himself, but
   as a popular tradition (Hist. anim. v. 19).  Pliny is equally cautious
   (Hist. nat. xxix. 23).  Dioscorides declared the thing impossible (ii.
   68).--Saisset.

   [1500] So Lucretius, ii. 1025: "Sed neque tam facilis res ulla 'st,
   quin ea primum Difficilismagis ad credendum constet:  itemque Nil
   adeomagnum, nec tam mirabile quicquam Principis, quod non minuant
   mirarier omnes Paulatim."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--That There are Many Things Which Reason Cannot Account For,
   and Which are Nevertheless True.

   Nevertheless, when we declare the miracles which God has wrought, or
   will yet work, and which we cannot bring under the very eyes of men,
   sceptics keep demanding that we shall explain these marvels to reason.
   And because we cannot do so, inasmuch as they are above human
   comprehension, they suppose we are speaking falsely.  These persons
   themselves, therefore, ought to account for all these marvels which we
   either can or do see.  And if they perceive that this is impossible for
   man to do, they should acknowledge that it cannot be concluded that a
   thing has not been or shall not be because it cannot be reconciled to
   reason, since there are things now in existence of which the same is
   true.  I will not, then, detail the multitude of marvels which are
   related in books, and which refer not to things that happened once and
   passed away, but that are permanent in certain places, where, if any
   one has the desire and opportunity, he may ascertain their truth; but a
   few only I recount.  The following are some of the marvels men tell
   us:--The salt of Agrigentum in Sicily, when thrown into the fire,
   becomes fluid as if it were in water, but in the water it crackles as
   if it were in the fire.  The Garamantæ have a fountain so cold by day
   that no one can drink it, so hot by night no one can touch it. [1501]
   In Epirus, too, there is a fountain which, like all others, quenches
   lighted torches, but, unlike all others, lights quenched torches.
   There is a stone found in Arcadia, and called asbestos, because once
   lit it cannot be put out.  The wood of a certain kind of Egyptian
   fig-tree sinks in water, and does not float like other wood; and,
   stranger still, when it has been sunk to the bottom for some time, it
   rises again to the surface, though nature requires that when soaked in
   water it should be heavier than ever.  Then there are the apples of
   Sodom which grow indeed to an appearance of ripeness, but, when you
   touch them with hand or tooth, the peal cracks, and they crumble into
   dust and ashes.  The Persian stone pyrites burns the hand when it is
   tightly held in it and so gets its name from fire.  In Persia too,
   there is found another stone called selenite, because its interior
   brilliancy waxes and wanes with the moon.  Then in Cappadocia the mares
   are impregnated by the wind, and their foals live only three years.
   Tilon, an Indian island, has this advantage over all other lands, that
   no tree which grows in it ever loses its foliage.

   These and numberless other marvels recorded in the history, not of past
   events, but of permanent localities, I have no time to enlarge upon and
   diverge from my main object; but let those sceptics who refuse to
   credit the divine writings give me, if they can, a rational account of
   them.  For their only ground of unbelief in the Scriptures is, that
   they contain incredible things, just such as I have been recounting.
   For, say they, reason cannot admit that flesh burn and remain
   unconsumed, suffer without dying.  Mighty reasoners, indeed, who are
   competent to give the reason of all the marvels that exist!  Let them
   then give us the reason of the few things we have cited, and which, if
   they did not know they existed, and were only assured by us they would
   at some future time occur, they would believe still less than that
   which they now refuse to credit on our word.  For which of them would
   believe us if, instead of saying that the living bodies of men
   hereafter will be such as to endure everlasting pain and fire without
   ever dying, we were to say that in the world to come there will be salt
   which becomes liquid in fire as if it were in water, and crackles in
   water as if it were in fire; or that there will be a fountain whose
   water in the chill air of night is so hot that it cannot be touched,
   while in the heat of day it is so cold that it cannot be drunk; or that
   there will be a stone which by its own heat burns the hand when tightly
   held, or a stone which cannot be extinguished if it has been lit in any
   part; or any of those wonders I have cited, while omitting numberless
   others?  If we were to say that these things would be found in the
   world to come, and our sceptics were to reply, "If you wish us to
   believe these things, satisfy our reason about each of them," we should
   confess that we could not, because the frail comprehension of man
   cannot master these and such-like wonders of God's working; and that
   yet our reason was thoroughly convinced that the Almighty does nothing
   without reason, though the frail mind of man cannot explain the reason;
   and that while we are in many instances uncertain what He intends, yet
   that it is always most certain that nothing which He intends is
   impossible to Him; and that when He declares His mind, we believe Him
   whom we cannot believe to be either powerless or false.  Nevertheless
   these cavillers at faith and exactors of reason, how do they dispose of
   those things of which a reason cannot be given, and which yet exist,
   though in apparent contrariety to the nature of things?  If we had
   announced that these things were to be, these sceptics would have
   demanded from us the reason of them, as they do in the case of those
   things which we are announcing as destined to be.  And consequently, as
   these present marvels are not non-existent, though human reason and
   discourse are lost in such works of God, so those things we speak of
   are not impossible because inexplicable; for in this particular they
   are in the same predicament as the marvels of earth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1501] Alluded to by Moore in his Melodies:           "The fount that
   played In times of old through Ammon's shade, Though icy cold by day it
   ran, Yet still, like souls of mirth, began To burn when night was
   near."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--That All Marvels are Not of Nature's Production, But that
   Some are Due to Human Ingenuity and Others to Diabolic Contrivance.

   At this point they will perhaps reply, "These things have no existence;
   we don't believe one of them; they are travellers' tales and fictitious
   romances;" and they may add what has the appearance of argument, and
   say, "If you believe such things as these, believe what is recorded in
   the same books, that there was or is a temple of Venus in which a
   candelabrum set in the open air holds a lamp, which burns so strongly
   that no storm or rain extinguishes it, and which is therefore called,
   like the stone mentioned above, the asbestos or inextinguishable
   lamp."  They may say this with the intention of putting us into a
   dilemma:  for if we say this is incredible, then we shall impugn the
   truth of the other recorded marvels; if, on the other hand, we admit
   that this is credible, we shall avouch the pagan deities.  But, as I
   have already said in the eighteenth book of this work, we do not hold
   it necessary to believe all that profane history contains, since, as
   Varro says, even historians themselves disagree on so many points, that
   one would think they intended and were at pains to do so; but we
   believe, if we are disposed, those things which are not contradicted by
   these books, which we do not hesitate to say we are bound to believe.
   But as to those permanent miracles of nature, whereby we wish to
   persuade the sceptical of the miracles of the world to come, those are
   quite sufficient for our purpose which we ourselves can observe or of
   which it is not difficult to find trustworthy witnesses.  Moreover,
   that temple of Venus, with its inextinguishable lamp, so far from
   hemming us into a corner, opens an advantageous field to our argument.
   For to this inextinguishable lamp we add a host of marvels wrought by
   men, or by magic,--that is, by men under the influence of devils, or by
   the devils directly,--for such marvels we cannot deny without impugning
   the truth of the sacred Scriptures we believe.  That lamp, therefore,
   was either by some mechanical and human device fitted with asbestos, or
   it was arranged by magical art in order that the worshippers might be
   astonished, or some devil under the name of Venus so signally
   manifested himself that this prodigy both began and became permanent.
   Now devils are attracted to dwell in certain temples by means of the
   creatures (God's creatures, not theirs), who present to them what suits
   their various tastes.  They are attracted not by food like animals,
   but, like spirits, by such symbols as suit their taste, various kinds
   of stones, woods, plants, animals, songs, rites.  And that men may
   provide these attractions, the devils first of all cunningly seduce
   them, either by imbuing their hearts with a secret poison, or by
   revealing themselves under a friendly guise, and thus make a few of
   them their disciples, who become the instructors of the multitude.  For
   unless they first instructed men, it were impossible to know what each
   of them desires, what they shrink from, by what name they should be
   invoked or constrained to be present.  Hence the origin of magic and
   magicians.  But, above all, they possess the hearts of men, and are
   chiefly proud of this possession when they transform themselves into
   angels of light.  Very many things that occur, therefore, are their
   doing; and these deeds of theirs we ought all the more carefully to
   shun as we acknowledge them to be very surprising.  And yet these very
   deeds forward my present arguments.  For if such marvels are wrought by
   unclean devils, how much mightier are the holy angels! and what can not
   that God do who made the angels themselves capable of working miracles!

   If, then, very many effects can be contrived by human art, of so
   surprising a kind that the uninitiated think them divine, as when,
   e.g., in a certain temple two magnets have been adjusted, one in the
   roof, another in the floor, so that an iron image is suspended in
   mid-air between them, one would suppose by the power of the divinity,
   were he ignorant of the magnets above and beneath; or, as in the case
   of that lamp of Venus which we already mentioned as being a skillful
   adaptation of asbestos; if, again, by the help of magicians, whom
   Scripture calls sorcerers and enchanters, the devils could gain such
   power that the noble poet Virgil should consider himself justified in
   describing a very powerful magician in these lines:

   "Her charms can cure what souls she please,

   Rob other hearts of healthful ease,

   Turn rivers backward to their source,

   And make the stars forget their course,

   And call up ghosts from night:

   The ground shall bellow 'neath your feet:

   The mountain-ash shall quit its seat,

   And travel down the height;" [1502] --

   if this be so, how much more able is God to do those things which to
   sceptics are incredible, but to His power easy, since it is He who has
   given to stones and all other things their virtue, and to men their
   skill to use them in wonderful ways; He who has given to the angels a
   nature more mighty than that of all that lives on earth; He whose power
   surpasses all marvels, and whose wisdom in working, ordaining, and
   permitting is no less marvellous in its governance of all things than
   in its creation of all!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1502] Æneid, iv. 487-491.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--That the Ultimate Reason for Believing Miracles is the
   Omnipotence of the Creator.

   Why, then, cannot God effect both that the bodies of the dead shall
   rise, and that the bodies of the damned shall be tormented in
   everlasting fire,--God, who made the world full of countless miracles
   in sky, earth, air, and waters, while itself is a miracle
   unquestionably greater and more admirable than all the marvels it is
   filled with?  But those with whom or against whom we are arguing, who
   believe both that there is a God who made the world, and that there are
   gods created by Him who administer the world's laws as His
   viceregents,--our adversaries, I say, who, so far from denying
   emphatically, assert that there are powers in the world which effect
   marvellous results (whether of their own accord, or because they are
   invoked by some rite or prayer, or in some magical way), when we lay
   before them the wonderful properties of other things which are neither
   rational animals nor rational spirits, but such material objects as
   those we have just cited, are in the habit of replying, This is their
   natural property, their nature; these are the powers naturally
   belonging to them.  Thus the whole reason why Agrigentine salt
   dissolves in fire and crackles in water is that this is its nature.
   Yet this seems rather contrary to nature, which has given not to fire
   but to water the power of melting salt, and the power of scorching it
   not to water but to fire.  But this they say, is the natural property
   of this salt, to show effects contrary to these.  The same reason,
   therefore, is assigned to account for that Garamantian fountain, of
   which one and the same runlet is chill by day and boiling by night, so
   that in either extreme it cannot be touched.  So also of that other
   fountain which, though it is cold to the touch, and though it, like
   other fountains, extinguishes a lighted torch, yet, unlike other
   fountains, and in a surprising manner, kindles an extinguished torch.
   So of the asbestos stone, which, though it has no heat of its own, yet
   when kindled by fire applied to it, cannot be extinguished.  And so of
   the rest, which I am weary of reciting, and in which, though there
   seems to be an extraordinary property contrary to nature, yet no other
   reason is given for them than this, that this is their nature,--a brief
   reason truly, and, I own, a satisfactory reply.  But since God is the
   author of all natures, how is it that our adversaries, when they refuse
   to believe what we affirm, on the ground that it is impossible, are
   unwilling to accept from us a better explanation than their own, viz.,
   that this is the will of Almighty God,--for certainly He is called
   Almighty only because He is mighty to do all He will,--He who was able
   to create so many marvels, not only unknown, but very well ascertained,
   as I have been showing, and which, were they not under our own
   observation, or reported by recent and credible witnesses, would
   certainly be pronounced impossible?  For as for those marvels which
   have no other testimony than the writers in whose books we read them,
   and who wrote without being divinely instructed, and are therefore
   liable to human error, we cannot justly blame any one who declines to
   believe them.

   For my own part, I do not wish all the marvels I have cited to be
   rashly accepted, for I do not myself believe them implicitly, save
   those which have either come under my own observation, or which any one
   can readily verify, such as the lime which is heated by water and
   cooled by oil; the magnet which by its mysterious and insensible
   suction attracts the iron, but has no affect on a straw; the peacock's
   flesh which triumphs over the corruption from which not the flesh of
   Plato is exempt; the chaff so chilling that it prevents snow from
   melting, so heating that it forces apples to ripen; the glowing fire,
   which, in accordance with its glowing appearance, whitens the stones it
   bakes, while, contrary to its glowing appearance, it begrimes most
   things it burns (just as dirty stains are made by oil, however pure it
   be, and as the lines drawn by white silver are black); the charcoal,
   too, which by the action of fire is so completely changed from its
   original, that a finely marked piece of wood becomes hideous, the tough
   becomes brittle, the decaying incorruptible.  Some of these things I
   know in common with many other persons, some of them in common with all
   men; and there are many others which I have not room to insert in this
   book.  But of those which I have cited, though I have not myself seen,
   but only read about them, I have been unable to find trustworthy
   witnesses from whom I could ascertain whether they are facts, except in
   the case of that fountain in which burning torches are extinguished and
   extinguished torches lit, and of the apples of Sodom, which are ripe to
   appearance, but are filled with dust.  And indeed I have not met with
   any who said they had seen that fountain in Epirus, but with some who
   knew there was a similar fountain in Gaul not far from Grenoble.  The
   fruit of the trees of Sodom, however, is not only spoken of in books
   worthy of credit, but so many persons say that they have seen it that I
   cannot doubt the fact.  But the rest of the prodigies I receive without
   definitely affirming or denying them; and I have cited them because I
   read them in the authors of our adversaries, and that I might prove how
   many things many among themselves believe, because they are written in
   the works of their own literary men, though no rational explanation of
   them is given, and yet they scorn to believe us when we assert that
   Almighty God will do what is beyond their experience and observation;
   and this they do even though we assign a reason for His work.  For what
   better and stronger reason for such things can be given than to say
   that the Almighty is able to bring them to pass, and will bring them to
   pass, having predicted them in those books in which many other marvels
   which have already come to pass were predicted?  Those things which are
   regarded as impossible will be accomplished according to the word, and
   by the power of that God who predicted and effected that the
   incredulous nations should believe incredible wonders.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--That It is Not Contrary to Nature That, in an Object Whose
   Nature is Known, There Should Be Discovered an Alteration of the
   Properties Which Have Been Known as Its Natural Properties.

   But if they reply that their reason for not believing us when we say
   that human bodies will always burn and yet never die, is that the
   nature of human bodies is known to be quite otherwise constituted; if
   they say that for this miracle we cannot give the reason which was
   valid in the case of those natural miracles, viz., that this is the
   natural property, the nature of the thing,--for we know that this is
   not the nature of human flesh,--we find our answer in the sacred
   writings, that even this human flesh was constituted in one fashion
   before there was sin,--was constituted, in fact, so that it could not
   die,--and in another fashion after sin, being made such as we see it in
   this miserable state of mortality, unable to retain enduring life.  And
   so in the resurrection of the dead shall it be constituted differently
   from its present well-known condition.  But as they do not believe
   these writings of ours, in which we read what nature man had in
   paradise, and how remote he was from the necessity of death,--and
   indeed, if they did believe them, we should of course have little
   trouble in debating with them the future punishment of the damned,--we
   must produce from the writings of their own most learned authorities
   some instances to show that it is possible for a thing to become
   different from what it was formerly known characteristically to be.

   From the book of Marcus Varro, entitled, Of the Race of the Roman
   People, I cite word for word the following instance:  "There occurred a
   remarkable celestial portent; for Castor records that, in the brilliant
   star Venus, called Vesperugo by Plautus, and the lovely Hesperus by
   Homer, there occurred so strange a prodigy, that it changed its color,
   size, form, course, which never happened before nor since.  Adrastus of
   Cyzicus, and Dion of Naples, famous mathematicians, said that this
   occurred in the reign of Ogyges."  So great an author as Varro would
   certainly not have called this a portent had it not seemed to be
   contrary to nature.  For we say that all portents are contrary to
   nature; but they are not so.  For how is that contrary to nature which
   happens by the will of God, since the will of so mighty a Creator is
   certainly the nature of each created thing?  A portent, therefore,
   happens not contrary to nature, but contrary to what we know as
   nature.  But who can number the multitude of portents recorded in
   profane histories?  Let us then at present fix our attention on this
   one only which concerns the matter in hand.  What is there so arranged
   by the Author of the nature of heaven and earth as the exactly ordered
   course of the stars?  What is there established by laws so sure and
   inflexible?  And yet, when it pleased Him who with sovereignty and
   supreme power regulates all He has created, a star conspicuous among
   the rest by its size and splendor changed its color, size, form, and,
   most wonderful of all, the order and law of its course!  Certainly that
   phenomenon disturbed the canons of the astronomers, if there were any
   then, by which they tabulate, as by unerring computation, the past and
   future movements of the stars, so as to take upon them to affirm that
   this which happened to the morning star (Venus) never happened before
   nor since.  But we read in the divine books that even the sun itself
   stood still when a holy man, Joshua the son of Nun, had begged this
   from God until victory should finish the battle he had begun; and that
   it even went back, that the promise of fifteen years added to the life
   of king Hezekiah might be sealed by this additional prodigy.  But these
   miracles, which were vouchsafed to the merits of holy men, even when
   our adversaries believe them, they attribute to magical arts; so
   Virgil, in the lines I quoted above, ascribes to magic the power to

   "Turn rivers backward to their source,

   And make the stars forget their course."

   For in our sacred books we read that this also happened, that a river
   "turned backward," was stayed above while the lower part flowed on,
   when the people passed over under the above-mentioned leader, Joshua
   the son of Nun; and also when Elias the prophet crossed; and
   afterwards, when his disciple Elisha passed through it:  and we have
   just mentioned how, in the case of king Hezekiah the greatest of the
   "stars forgot its course."  But what happened to Venus, according to
   Varro, was not said by him to have happened in answer to any man's
   prayer.

   Let not the sceptics then benight themselves in this knowledge of the
   nature of things, as if divine power cannot bring to pass in an object
   anything else than what their own experience has shown them to be in
   its nature.  Even the very things which are most commonly known as
   natural would not be less wonderful nor less effectual to excite
   surprise in all who beheld them, if men were not accustomed to admire
   nothing but what is rare.  For who that thoughtfully observes the
   countless multitude of men, and their similarity of nature, can fail to
   remark with surprise and admiration the individuality of each man's
   appearance, suggesting to us, as it does, that unless men were like one
   another, they would not be distinguished from the rest of the animals;
   while unless, on the other hand, they were unlike, they could not be
   distinguished from one another, so that those whom we declare to be
   like, we also find to be unlike?  And the unlikeness is the more
   wonderful consideration of the two; for a common nature seems rather to
   require similarity.  And yet, because the very rarity of things is that
   which makes them wonderful, we are filled with much greater wonder when
   we are introduced to two men so like, that we either always or
   frequently mistake in endeavoring to distinguish between them.

   But possibly, though Varro is a heathen historian, and a very learned
   one, they may disbelieve that what I have cited from him truly
   occurred; or they may say the example is invalid, because the star did
   not for any length of time continue to follow its new course, but
   returned to its ordinary orbit.  There is, then, another phenomenon at
   present open to their observation, and which, in my opinion, ought to
   be sufficient to convince them that, though they have observed and
   ascertained some natural law, they ought not on that account to
   prescribe to God, as if He could not change and turn it into something
   very different from what they have observed.  The land of Sodom was not
   always as it now is; but once it had the appearance of other lands, and
   enjoyed equal if not richer fertility; for, in the divine narrative, it
   was compared to the paradise of God.  But after it was touched [by
   fire] from heaven, as even pagan history testifies, and as is now
   witnessed by those who visit the spot, it became unnaturally and
   horribly sooty in appearance; and its apples, under a deceitful
   appearance of ripeness, contain ashes within.  Here is a thing which
   was of one kind, and is of another.  You see how its nature was
   converted by the wonderful transmutation wrought by the Creator of all
   natures into so very disgusting a diversity,--an alteration which after
   so long a time took place, and after so long a time still continues.
   As therefore it was not impossible to God to create such natures as He
   pleased, so it is not impossible to Him to change these natures of His
   own creation into whatever He pleases, and thus spread abroad a
   multitude of those marvels which are called monsters, portents,
   prodigies, phenomena, [1503] and which if I were minded to cite and
   record, what end would there be to this work?  They say that they are
   called "monsters," because they demonstrate or signify something;
   "portents," because they portend something; and so forth. [1504]   But
   let their diviners see how they are either deceived, or even when they
   do predict true things, it is because they are inspired by spirits, who
   are intent upon entangling the minds of men (worthy, indeed, of such a
   fate) in the meshes of a hurtful curiosity, or how they light now and
   then upon some truth, because they make so many predictions.  Yet, for
   our part, these things which happen contrary to nature, and are said to
   be contrary to nature (as the apostle, speaking after the manner of
   men, says, that to graft the wild olive into the good olive, and to
   partake of its fatness, is contrary to nature), and are called
   monsters, phenomena, portents, prodigies, ought to demonstrate,
   portend, predict that God will bring to pass what He has foretold
   regarding the bodies of men, no difficulty preventing Him, no law of
   nature prescribing to Him His limit.  How He has foretold what He is to
   do, I think I have sufficiently shown in the preceding book, culling
   from the sacred Scriptures, both of the New and Old Testaments, not,
   indeed, all the passages that relate to this, but as many as I judged
   to suffice for this work.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1503] See the same collocation of words in Cic. Nat. deor. ii. 3.

   [1504] The etymologies given here by Augustin are, "monstra," a
   monstrando; "ostenta," ab ostendendo; "portenta," a portendendo, i.e.
   præostendendo; "prodigia," quod porro dicant, i.e. futura prædicant.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Of Hell, and the Nature of Eternal Punishments.

   So then what God by His prophet has said of the everlasting punishment
   of the damned shall come to pass--shall without fail come to
   pass,--"their worm shall not die, neither shall their fire be
   quenched." [1505]   In order to impress this upon us most forcibly, the
   Lord Jesus Himself, when ordering us to cut off our members, meaning
   thereby those persons whom a man loves as the most useful members of
   his body, says, "It is better for thee to enter into life maimed, than
   having two hands to go into hell, into the fire that never shall be
   quenched; where their worm dieth not, and their fire is not quenched."
   Similarly of the foot:  "It is better for thee to enter halt into life,
   than having two feet to be cast into hell, into the fire that never
   shall be quenched; where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not
   quenched."  So, too, of the eye:  "It is better for thee to enter into
   the kingdom of God with one eye, than having two eyes to be cast into
   hell fire:  where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not quenched."
   [1506]   He did not shrink from using the same words three times over
   in one passage.  And who is not terrified by this repetition, and by
   the threat of that punishment uttered so vehemently by the lips of the
   Lord Himself?

   Now they who would refer both the fire and the worm to the spirit, and
   not to the body, affirm that the wicked, who are separated from the
   kindgdom of God, shall be burned, as it were, by the anguish of a
   spirit repenting too late and fruitlessly; and they contend that fire
   is therefore not inappropriately used to express this burning torment,
   as when the apostle exclaims "Who is offended, and I burn not?" [1507]
     The worm, too, they think, is to be similarly understood.  For it is
   written they say, "As the moth consumes the garment, and the worm the
   wood, so does grief consume the heart of a man." [1508]   But they who
   make no doubt that in that future punishment both body and soul shall
   suffer, affirm that the body shall be burned with fire, while the soul
   shall be, as it were, gnawed by a worm of anguish.  Though this view is
   more reasonable,--for it is absurd to suppose that either body or soul
   will escape pain in the future punishment,--yet, for my own part, I
   find it easier to understand both as referring to the body than to
   suppose that neither does; and I think that Scripture is silent
   regarding the spiritual pain of the damned, because, though not
   expressed, it is necessarily understood that in a body thus tormented
   the soul also is tortured with a fruitless repentance.  For we read in
   the ancient Scriptures, "The vengeance of the flesh of the ungodly is
   fire and worms." [1509]   It might have been more briefly said, "The
   vengeance of the ungodly."  Why, then, was it said, "The flesh of the
   ungodly," unless because both the fire and the worm are to be the
   punishment of the flesh?  Or if the object of the writer in saying,
   "The vengeance of the flesh," was to indicate that this shall be the
   punishment of those who live after the flesh (for this leads to the
   second death, as the apostle intimated when he said, "For if ye live
   after the flesh, ye shall die" [1510] , let each one make his own
   choice, either assigning the fire to the body and the worm to the
   soul,--the one figuratively, the other really,--or assigning both
   really to the body.  For I have already sufficiently made out that
   animals can live in the fire, in burning without being consumed, in
   pain without dying, by a miracle of the most omnipotent Creator, to
   whom no one can deny that this is possible, if he be not ignorant by
   whom has been made all that is wonderful in all nature.  For it is God
   Himself who has wrought all these miracles, great and small, in this
   world which I have mentioned, and incomparably more which I have
   omitted, and who has enclosed these marvels in this world, itself the
   greatest miracle of all.  Let each man, then, choose which he will,
   whether he thinks that the worm is real and pertains to the body, or
   that spiritual things are meant by bodily representations, and that it
   belongs to the soul.  But which of these is true will be more readily
   discovered by the facts themselves, when there shall be in the saints
   such knowledge as shall not require that their own experience teach
   them the nature of these punishments, but as shall, by its own fullness
   and perfection, suffice to instruct them in this matter.  For "now we
   know in part, until that which is perfect is come;" [1511] only, this
   we believe about those future bodies, that they shall be such as shall
   certainly be pained by the fire.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1505] Isa. lxvi. 24.

   [1506] Mark ix. 43-48.

   [1507] 2 Cor. xi. 29.

   [1508] Isa. li. 8.

   [1509] Ecclus. vii. 17.

   [1510] Rom. viii. 13.

   [1511] 1 Cor. xiii. 9, 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Whether the Fire of Hell, If It Be Material Fire, Can Burn
   the Wicked Spirits, that is to Say, Devils, Who are Immaterial.

   Here arises the question:  If the fire is not to be immaterial,
   analogous to the pain of the soul, but material, burning by contact, so
   that bodies may be tormented in it, how can evil spirits be punished in
   it?  For it is undoubtedly the same fire which is to serve for the
   punishment of men and of devils, according to the words of Christ:
   "Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, prepared for the
   devil and his angels;" [1512] unless, perhaps, as learned men have
   thought, the devils have a kind of body made of that dense and humid
   air which we feel strikes us when the wind is blowing.  And if this
   kind of substance could not be affected by fire, it could not burn when
   heated in the baths.  For in order to burn, it is first burned, and
   affects other things as itself is affected.  But if any one maintains
   that the devils have no bodies, this is not a matter either to be
   laboriously investigated, or to be debated with keenness.  For why may
   we not assert that even immaterial spirits may, in some extraordinary
   way, yet really be pained by the punishment of material fire, if the
   spirits of men, which also are certainly immaterial, are both now
   contained in material members of the body, and in the world to come
   shall be indissolubly united to their own bodies?  Therefore, though
   the devils have no bodies, yet their spirits, that is, the devils
   themselves, shall be brought into thorough contact with the material
   fires, to be tormented by them; not that the fires themselves with
   which they are brought into contact shall be animated by their
   connection with these spirits, and become animals composed of body and
   spirit, but, as I said, this junction will be effected in a wonderful
   and ineffable way, so that they shall receive pain from the fires, but
   give no life to them.  And, in truth, this other mode of union, by
   which bodies and spirits are bound together and become animals, is
   thoroughly marvellous, and beyond the comprehension of man, though this
   it is which is man.

   I would indeed say that these spirits will burn without any body of
   their own, as that rich man was burning in hell when he exclaimed, "I
   am tormented in this flame," [1513] were I not aware that it is aptly
   said in reply, that that flame was of the same nature as the eyes he
   raised and fixed on Lazarus, as the tongue on which he entreated that a
   little cooling water might be dropped, or as the finger of Lazarus,
   with which he asked that this might be done,--all of which took place
   where souls exist without bodies.  Thus, therefore, both that flame in
   which he burned and that drop he begged were immaterial, and resembled
   the visions of sleepers or persons in an ecstasy, to whom immaterial
   objects appear in a bodily form.  For the man himself who is in such a
   state, though it be in spirit only, not in body, yet sees himself so
   like to his own body that he cannot discern any difference whatever.
   But that hell, which also is called a lake of fire and brimstone,
   [1514] will be material fire, and will torment the bodies of the
   damned, whether men or devils,--the solid bodies of the one, aerial
   bodies of the others; or if only men have bodies as well as souls, yet
   the evil spirits, though without bodies, shall be so connected with the
   bodily fires as to receive pain without imparting life.  One fire
   certainly shall be the lot of both, for thus the truth has declared.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1512] Matt. xxv. 41.

   [1513] Luke xvi. 24.

   [1514] Rev. xx. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Whether It is Just that the Punishments of Sins Last
   Longer Than the Sins Themselves Lasted.

   Some, however, of those against whom we are defending the city of God,
   think it unjust that any man be doomed to an eternal punishment for
   sins which, no matter how great they were, were perpetrated in a brief
   space of time; as if any law ever regulated the duration of the
   punishment by the duration of the offence punished!  Cicero tells us
   that the laws recognize eight kinds of penalty,--damages, imprisonment,
   scourging, reparation, [1515] disgrace, exile, death, slavery.  Is
   there any one of these which may be compressed into a brevity
   proportioned to the rapid commission of the offence, so that no longer
   time may be spent in its punishment than in its perpetration, unless,
   perhaps, reparation?  For this requires that the offender suffer what
   he did, as that clause of the law says, "Eye for eye, tooth for tooth."
   [1516]   For certainly it is possible for an offender to lose his eye
   by the severity of legal retaliation in as brief a time as he deprived
   another of his eye by the cruelty of his own lawlessness.  But if
   scourging be a reasonable penalty for kissing another man's wife, is
   not the fault of an instant visited with long hours of atonement, and
   the momentary delight punished with lasting pain?  What shall we say of
   imprisonment?  Must the criminal be confined only for so long a time as
   he spent on the offence for which he is committed? or is not a penalty
   of many years' confinement imposed on the slave who has provoked his
   master with a word, or has struck him a blow that is quickly over?  And
   as to damages, disgrace, exile, slavery, which are commonly inflicted
   so as to admit of no relaxation or pardon, do not these resemble
   eternal punishments in so far as this short life allows a resemblance?
   For they are not eternal only because the life in which they are
   endured is not eternal; and yet the crimes which are punished with
   these most protracted sufferings are perpetrated in a very brief space
   of time.  Nor is there any one who would suppose that the pains of
   punishment should occupy as short a time as the offense; or that
   murder, adultery, sacrilege, or any other crime, should be measured,
   not by the enor mity of the injury or wickedness, but by the length of
   time spent in its perpetration.  Then as to the award of death for any
   great crime, do the laws reckon the punishment to consist in the brief
   moment in which death is inflicted, or in this, that the offender is
   eternally banished from the society of the living?  And just as the
   punishment of the first death cuts men off from this present mortal
   city, so does the punishment of the second death cut men off from that
   future immortal city.  For as the laws of this present city do not
   provide for the executed criminal's return to it, so neither is he who
   is condemned to the second death recalled again to life everlasting.
   But if temporal sin is visited with eternal punishment, how, then, they
   say, is that true which your Christ says, "With the same measure that
   ye mete withal it shall be measured to you again?" [1517] and they do
   not observe that "the same measure" refers, not to an equal space of
   time, but to the retribution of evil or, in other words, to the law by
   which he who has done evil suffers evil.  Besides, these words could be
   appropriately understood as referring to the matter of which our Lord
   was speaking when He used them, viz., judgments and condemnation.
   Thus, if he who unjustly judges and condemns is himself justly judged
   and condemned, he receives "with the same measure" though not the same
   thing as he gave.  For judgment he gave, and judgment he receives,
   though the judgment he gave was unjust, the judgment he receives just.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1515] "Talio," i.e. the rendering of like for like, the punishment
   being exactly similar to the injury sustained.

   [1516] Ex. xxi. 24.

   [1517] Luke vi. 38.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Of the Greatness of the First Transgression, on Account of
   Which Eternal Punishment is Due to All Who are Not Within the Pale of
   the Saviour's Grace.

   But eternal punishment seems hard and unjust to human perceptions,
   because in the weakness of our mortal condition there is wanting that
   highest and purest wisdom by which it can be perceived how great a
   wickedness was committed in that first transgression.  The more
   enjoyment man found in God, the greater was his wickedness in
   abandoning Him; and he who destroyed in himself a good which might have
   been eternal, became worthy of eternal evil.  Hence the whole mass of
   the human race is condemned; for he who at first gave entrance to sin
   has been punished with all his posterity who were in him as in a root,
   so that no one is exempt from this just and due punishment, unless
   delivered by mercy and undeserved grace; and the human race is so
   apportioned that in some is displayed the efficacy of merciful grace,
   in the rest the efficacy of just retribution.  For both could not be
   displayed in all; for if all had remained [1518] under the punishment
   of just condemnation, there would have been seen in no one the mercy of
   redeeming grace.  And, on the other hand, if all had been transferred
   from darkness to light, the severity of retribution would have been
   manifested in none.  But many more are left under punishment than are
   delivered from it, in order that it may thus be shown what was due to
   all.  And had it been inflicted on all, no one could justly have found
   fault with the justice of Him who taketh vengeance; whereas, in the
   deliverance of so many from that just award, there is cause to render
   the most cordial thanks to the gratuitous bounty of Him who delivers.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1518] Remanerent.  But Augustin constantly uses the imp. for the plup.
   subjunctive.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Against the Opinion of Those Who Think that the
   Punishments of the Wicked After Death are Purgatorial.

   The Platonists, indeed, while they maintain that no sins are
   unpunished, suppose that all punishment is administered for remedial
   purposes, [1519] be it inflicted by human or divine law, in this life
   or after death; for a man may be scathless here, or, though punished,
   may yet not amend.  Hence that passage of Virgil, where, when he had
   said of our earthly bodies and mortal members, that our souls derive--

   "Hence wild desires and grovelling fears,

   And human laughter, human tears;

   Immured in dungeon-seeming night,

   They look abroad, yet see no light,"

   goes on to say:

   "Nay, when at last the life has fled,

   And left the body cold and dead,

   Ee'n then there passes not away

   The painful heritage of clay;

   Full many a long-contracted stain

   Perforce must linger deep in grain.

   So penal sufferings they endure

   For ancient crime, to make them pure;

   Some hang aloft in open view,

   For winds to pierce them through and through,

   While others purge their guilt deep-dyed

   In burning fire or whelming tide." [1520]

   They who are of this opinion would have all punishments after death to
   be purgatorial; and as the elements of air, fire, and water are
   superior to earth, one or other of these may be the instrument of
   expiating and purging away the stain contracted by the contagion of
   earth.  So Virgil hints at the air in the words, "Some hang aloft for
   winds to pierce;" at the water in "whelming tide;" and at fire in the
   expression "in burning fire."  For our part, we recognize that even in
   this life some punishments are purgatorial,--not, indeed, to those
   whose life is none the better, but rather the worse for them, but to
   those who are constrained by them to amend their life.  All other
   punishments, whether temporal or eternal, inflicted as they are on
   every one by divine providence, are sent either on account of past
   sins, or of sins presently allowed in the life, or to exercise and
   reveal a man's graces.  They may be inflicted by the instrumentality of
   bad men and angels as well as of the good.  For even if any one suffers
   some hurt through another's wickedness or mistake, the man indeed sins
   whose ignorance or injustice does the harm; but God, who by His just
   though hidden judgment permits it to be done, sins not.  But temporary
   punishments are suffered by some in this life only, by others after
   death, by others both now and then; but all of them before that last
   and strictest judgment.  But of those who suffer temporary punishments
   after death, all are not doomed to those everlasting pains which are to
   follow that judgment; for to some, as we have already said, what is not
   remitted in this world is remitted in the next, that is, they are not
   punished with the eternal punishment of the world to come.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1519] Plato's own theory was that punishment had a twofold purpose, to
   reform and to deter.  "No one punishes an offender on account of the
   past offense, and simply because he has done wrong, but for the sake of
   the future, that the offense may not be again committed, either by the
   same person or by any one who has seen him punished."--See the
   Protagoras, 324, b, and Grote's Plato, ii. 41.

   [1520] Æneid, vi. 733.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Of the Temporary Punishments of This Life to Which the
   Human Condition is Subject.

   Quite exceptional are those who are not punished in this life, but only
   afterwards.  Yet that there have been some who have reached the
   decrepitude of age without experiencing even the slightest sickness,
   and who have had uninterrupted enjoyment of life, I know both from
   report and from my own observation.  However, the very life we mortals
   lead is itself all punishment, for it is all temptation, as the
   Scriptures declare, where it is written, "Is not the life of man upon
   earth a temptation?" [1521]   For ignorance is itself no slight
   punishment, or want of culture, which it is with justice thought so
   necessary to escape, that boys are compelled, under pain of severe
   punishment, to learn trades or letters; and the learning to which they
   are driven by punishment is itself so much of a punishment to them,
   that they sometimes prefer the pain that drives them to the pain to
   which they are driven by it.  And who would not shrink from the
   alternative, and elect to die, if it were proposed to him either to
   suffer death or to be again an infant?  Our infancy, indeed,
   introducing us to this life not with laughter but with tears, seems
   unconsciously to predict the ills we are to encounter. [1522]
   Zoroaster alone is said to have laughed when he was born, and that
   unnatural omen portended no good to him.  For he is said to have been
   the inventor of magical arts, though indeed they were unable to secure
   to him even the poor felicity of this present life against the assaults
   of his enemies.  For, himself king of the Bactrians, he was conquered
   by Ninus king of the Assyrians.  In short, the words of Scripture, "An
   heavy yoke is upon the sons of Adam, from the day that they go out of
   their mother's womb till the day that they return to the mother of all
   things," [1523] --these words so infallibly find fulfillment, that even
   the little ones, who by the layer of regeneration have been freed from
   the bond of original sin in which alone they were held, yet suffer many
   ills, and in some instances are even exposed to the assaults of evil
   spirits.  But let us not for a moment suppose that this suffering is
   prejudicial to their future happiness, even though it has so increased
   as to sever soul from body, and to terminate their life in that early
   age.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1521] Job vii. 1.

   [1522] Compare Goldsmith's saying, "We begin life in tears, and every
   day tells us why."

   [1523] Ecclus. xl. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--That Everything Which the Grace of God Does in the Way of
   Rescuing Us from the Inveterate Evils in Which We are Sunk, Pertains to
   the Future World, in Which All Things are Made New.

   Nevertheless, in the "heavy yoke that is laid upon the sons of Adam,
   from the day that they go out of their mother's womb to the day that
   they return to the mother of all things," there is found an admirable
   though painful monitor teaching us to be sober-minded, and convincing
   us that this life has become penal in consequence of that outrageous
   wickedness which was perpetrated in Paradise, and that all to which the
   New Testament invites belongs to that future inheritance which awaits
   us in the world to come, and is offered for our acceptance, as the
   earnest that we may, in its own due time, obtain that of which it is
   the pledge.  Now, therefore, let us walk in hope, and let us by the
   spirit mortify the deeds of the flesh, and so make progress from day to
   day.  For "the Lord know eth them that are His;" [1524] and "as many as
   are led by the Spirit of God, they are sons of God," [1525] but by
   grace, not by nature.  For there is but one Son of God by nature, who
   in His compassion became Son of man for our sakes, that we, by nature
   sons of men, might by grace become through Him sons of God.  For He,
   abiding unchangeable, took upon Him our nature, that thereby He might
   take us to Himself; and, holding fast His own divinity, He became
   partaker of our infirmity, that we, being changed into some better
   thing, might, by participating in His righteousness and immortality,
   lose our own properties of sin and mortality, and preserve whatever
   good quality He had implanted in our nature perfected now by sharing in
   the goodness of His nature.  For as by the sin of one man we have
   fallen into a misery so deplorable, so by the righteousness of one Man,
   who also is God, shall we come to a blessedness inconceivably exalted.
   Nor ought any one to trust that he has passed from the one man to the
   other until he shall have reached that place where there is no
   temptation, and have entered into the peace which he seeks in the many
   and various conflicts of this war, in which "the flesh lusteth against
   the spirit, and the spirit against the flesh." [1526]   Now, such a war
   as this would have had no existence if human nature had, in the
   exercise of free will, continued steadfast in the uprightness in which
   it was created.  But now in its misery it makes war upon itself,
   because in its blessedness it would not continue at peace with God; and
   this, though it be a miserable calamity, is better than the earlier
   stages of this life, which do not recognize that a war is to be
   maintained.  For better is it to contend with vices than without
   conflict to be subdued by them.  Better, I say, is war with the hope of
   peace everlasting than captivity without any thought of deliverance.
   We long, indeed, for the cessation of this war, and, kindled by the
   flame of divine love, we burn for entrance on that well-ordered peace
   in which whatever is inferior is for ever subordinated to what is above
   it.  But if (which God forbid) there had been no hope of so blessed a
   consummation, we should still have preferred to endure the hardness of
   this conflict, rather than, by our non-resistance, to yield ourselves
   to the dominion of vice.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1524] 2 Tim. ii. 19.

   [1525] Rom. viii. 14.

   [1526] Gal. v. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--The Laws of Grace, Which Extend to All the Epochs of the
   Life of the Regenerate.

   But such is God's mercy towards the vessels of mercy which He has
   prepared for glory, that even the first age of man, that is, infancy,
   which submits without any resistance to the flesh, and the second age,
   which is called boyhood, and which has not yet understanding enough to
   undertake this warfare, and therefore yields to almost every vicious
   pleasure (because though this age has the power of speech, [1527] and
   may therefore seem to have passed infancy, the mind is still too weak
   to comprehend the commandment), yet if either of these ages has
   received the sacraments of the Mediator, then, although the present
   life be immediately brought to an end, the child, having been
   translated from the power of darkness to the kingdom of Christ, shall
   not only be saved from eternal punishments, but shall not even suffer
   purgatorial torments after death.  For spiritual regeneration of itself
   suffices to prevent any evil consequences resulting after death from
   the connection with death which carnal generation forms. [1528]   But
   when we reach that age which can now comprehend the commandment, and
   submit to the dominion of law, we must declare war upon vices, and wage
   this war keenly, lest we be landed in damnable sins.  And if vices have
   not gathered strength, by habitual victory they are more easily
   overcome and subdued; but if they have been used to conquer and rule,
   it is only with difficulty and labor they are mastered.  And indeed
   this victory cannot be sincerely and truly gained but by delighting in
   true righteousness, and it is faith in Christ that gives this.  For if
   the law be present with its command, and the Spirit be absent with His
   help, the presence of the prohibition serves only to increase the
   desire to sin, and adds the guilt of transgression.  Sometimes, indeed,
   patent vices are overcome by other and hidden vices, which are reckoned
   virtues, though pride and a kind of ruinous self-sufficiency are their
   informing principles.  Accordingly vices are then only to be considered
   overcome when they are conquered by the love of God, which God Himself
   alone gives, and which He gives only through the Mediator between God
   and men, the man Christ Jesus, who became a partaker of our mortality
   that He might make us partakers of His divinity.  But few indeed are
   they who are so happy as to have passed their youth without committing
   any damnable sins, either by dissolute or violent conduct, or by
   following some godless and unlawful opinions, but have subdued by their
   greatness of soul everything in them which could make them the slaves
   of carnal pleasures.  The greater number having first become
   transgressors of the law that they have received, and having allowed
   vice to have the ascendency in them, then flee to grace for help, and
   so, by a penitence more bitter, and a struggle more violent than it
   would otherwise have been, they subdue the soul to God, and thus give
   it its lawful authority over the flesh, and become victors.  Whoever,
   therefore, desires to escape eternal punishment, let him not only be
   baptized, but also justified in Christ, and so let him in truth pass
   from the devil to Christ.  And let him not fancy that there are any
   purgatorial pains except before that final and dreadful judgment.  We
   must not, however deny that even the eternal fire will be proportioned
   to the deserts of the wicked, so that to some it will be more, and to
   others less painful, whether this result be accomplished by a variation
   in the temperature of the fire itself, graduated according to every
   one's merit, or whether it be that the heat remains the same, but that
   all do not feel it with equal intensity of torment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1527] "Fari."

   [1528] See Aug. Ep. 98, ad Bonifacium.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Of Those Who Fancy that No Men Shall Be Punished
   Eternally.

   I must now, I see, enter the lists of amicable controversy with those
   tender-hearted Christians who decline to believe that any, or that all
   of those whom the infallibly just Judge may pronounce worthy of the
   punishment of hell, shall suffer eternally, and who suppose that they
   shall be delivered after a fixed term of punishment, longer or shorter
   according to the amount of each man's sin.  In respect of this matter,
   Origen was even more indulgent; for he believed that even the devil
   himself and his angels, after suffering those more severe and prolonged
   pains which their sins deserved, should be delivered from their
   torments, and associated with the holy angels.  But the Church, not
   without reason, condemned him for this and other errors, especially for
   his theory of the ceaseless alternation of happiness and misery, and
   the interminable transitions from the one state to the other at fixed
   periods of ages; for in this theory he lost even the credit of being
   merciful, by allotting to the saints real miseries for the expiation of
   their sins, and false happiness, which brought them no true and secure
   joy, that is, no fearless assurance of eternal blessedness.  Very
   different, however, is the error we speak of, which is dictated by the
   tenderness of these Christians who suppose that the sufferings of those
   who are condemned in the judgment will be temporary, while the
   blessedness of all who are sooner or later set free will be eternal.
   Which opinion, if it is good and true because it is merciful, will be
   so much the better and truer in proportion as it becomes more
   merciful.  Let, then, this fountain of mercy be extended, and flow
   forth even to the lost angels, and let them also be set free, at least
   after as many and long ages as seem fit!  Why does this stream of mercy
   flow to all the human race, and dry up as soon as it reaches the
   angelic?  And yet they dare not extend their pity further, and propose
   the deliverance of the devil himself.  Or if any one is bold enough to
   do so, he does indeed put to shame their charity, but is himself
   convicted of error that is more unsightly, and a wresting of God's
   truth that is more perverse, in proportion as his clemency of sentiment
   seems to be greater. [1529]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1529] On the heresy of Origen, see Epiphanius (Epistola ad Joannem
   Hierosol.); Jerome (Epistola 61, ad Pammachium); and Augustin (De
   Hæres, 43).  Origen's opinion was condemned by Anastasius (Jerome,
   Apologia adv. Ruffinum and Epistola 78, ad Pammachium), and after
   Augustin's death by Vigilius and Emperor Justinian, in the Fifth
   (OEcumenical Council, Nicephorus Callistus, xvii. 27, and the Acts of
   the Council, iv. 11).--Coquæus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Of Those Who Fancy That, on Account of the Saints'
   Intercession, Man Shall Be Damned in the Last Judgment.

   There are others, again, with whose opinions I have become acquainted
   in conversation, who, though they seem to reverence the holy
   Scriptures, are yet of reprehensible life, and who accordingly, in
   their own interest, attribute to God a still greater compassion towards
   men.  For they acknowledge that it is truly predicted in the divine
   word that the wicked and unbelieving are worthy of punishment, but they
   assert that, when the judgment comes, mercy will prevail.  For, say
   they, God, having compassion on them, will give them up to the prayers
   and intercessions of His saints.  For if the saints used to pray for
   them when they suffered from their cruel hatred, how much more will
   they do so when they see them prostrate and humble suppliants?  For we
   cannot, they say, believe that the saints shall lose their bowels of
   compassion when they have attained the most perfect and complete
   holiness; so that they who, when still sinners, prayed for their
   enemies, should now, when they are freed from sin, withhold from
   interceding for their suppliants.  Or shall God refuse to listen to so
   many of His beloved children, when their holiness has purged their
   prayers of all hindrance to His answering them?  And the passage of the
   psalm which is cited by those who admit that wicked men and infidels
   shall be punished for a long time, though in the end delivered from all
   sufferings, is claimed also by the persons we are now speaking of as
   making much more for them.  The verse runs:  "Shall God forget to be
   gracious?  Shall He in anger shut up His tender mercies?" [1530]   His
   anger, they say, would condemn all that are unworthy of everlasting
   happiness to endless punishment.  But if He suffer them to be punished
   for a long time, or even at all, must He not shut up His tender
   mercies, which the Psalmist implies He will not do?  For he does not
   say, Shall He in anger shut up His tender mercies for a long period?
   but he implies that He will not shut them up at all.

   And they deny that thus God's threat of judgment is proved to be false
   even though He condemn no man, any more than we can say that His threat
   to overthrow Nineveh was false, though the destruction which was
   absolutely predicted was not accomplished.  For He did not say,
   "Nineveh shall be overthrown if they do not repent and amend their
   ways," but without any such condition He foretold that the city should
   be overthrown.  And this prediction, they maintain, was true because
   God predicted the punishment which they deserved, although He was not
   to inflict it.  For though He spared them on their repentance yet He
   was certainly aware that they would repent, and, notwithstanding,
   absolutely and definitely predicted that the city should be
   overthrown.  This was true, they say, in the truth of severity, because
   they were worthy of it; but in respect of the compassion which checked
   His anger, so that He spared the suppliants from the punishment with
   which He had threatened the rebellious, it was not true.  If, then, He
   spared those whom His own holy prophet was provoked at His sparing, how
   much more shall He spare those more wretched suppliants for whom all
   His saints shall intercede?  And they suppose that this conjecture of
   theirs is not hinted at in Scripture, for the sake of stimulating many
   to reformation of life through fear of very protracted or eternal
   sufferings, and of stimulating others to pray for those who have not
   reformed.  However, they think that the divine oracles are not
   altogether silent on this point; for they ask to what purpose is it
   said, "How great is Thy goodness which Thou hast hidden for them that
   fear Thee," [1531] if it be not to teach us that the great and hidden
   sweetness of God's mercy is concealed in order that men may fear?  To
   the same purpose they think the apostle said, "For God hath concluded
   all men in unbelief, that He may have mercy upon all," [1532]
   signifying that no one should be condemned by God.  And yet they who
   hold this opinion do not extend it to the acquittal or liberation of
   the devil and his angels.  Their human tenderness is moved only towards
   men, and they plead chiefly their own cause, holding out false hopes of
   impunity to their own depraved lives by means of this quasi compassion
   of God to the whole race.  Consequently they who promise this impunity
   even to the prince of the devils and his satellites make a still fuller
   exhibition of the mercy of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1530] Ps. lxxvii. 9.

   [1531] Ps. xxxi. 19.

   [1532] Rom. xi. 32.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Of Those Who Promise Impunity from All Sins Even to
   Heretics, Through Virtue of Their Participation of the Body of Christ.

   So, too, there are others who promise this deliverance from eternal
   punishment, not, indeed, to all men, but only to those who have been
   washed in Christian baptism, and who become partakers of the body of
   Christ, no matter how they have lived, or what heresy or impiety they
   have fallen into.  They ground this opinion on the saying of Jesus,
   "This is the bread which cometh down from heaven, that if any man eat
   thereof, he shall not die.  I am the living bread which came down from
   heaven.  If a man eat of this bread, he shall live for ever." [1533]
   Therefore, say they, it follows that these persons must be delivered
   from death eternal, and at one time or other be introduced to
   everlasting life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1533] John vi. 50, 51.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Of Those Who Promise This Indulgence Not to All, But Only
   to Those Who Have Been Baptized as Catholics, Though Afterwards They
   Have Broken Out into Many Crimes and Heresies.

   There are others still who make this promise not even to all who have
   received the sacraments of the baptism of Christ and of His body, but
   only to the catholics, however badly they have lived.  For these have
   eaten the body of Christ, not only sacramentally but really, being
   incorporated in His body, as the apostle says, "We, being many, are one
   bread, one body;" [1534] so that, though they have afterwards lapsed
   into some heresy, or even into heathenism and idolatry, yet by virtue
   of this one thing, that they have received the baptism of Christ, and
   eaten the body of Christ, in the body of Christ, that is to say, in the
   catholic Church, they shall not die eternally, but at one time or other
   obtain eternal life; and all that wickedness of theirs shall not avail
   to make their punishment eternal, but only proportionately long and
   severe.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1534] 1 Cor. x. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of Those Who Assert that All Catholics Who Continue in the
   Faith Even Though by the Depravity of Their Lives They Have Merited
   Hell Fire, Shall Be Saved on Account of the "Foundation" Of Their
   Faith.

   There are some, too, who found upon the expression of Scripture, "He
   that endureth to the end shall be saved," [1535] and who promise
   salvation only to those who continue in the Church catholic; and though
   such persons have lived badly, yet, say they, they shall be saved as by
   fire through virtue of the foundation of which the apostle says, "For
   other foundation hath no man laid than that which is laid, which is
   Christ Jesus.  Now if any man build upon this foundation gold, silver,
   precious stones, wood, hay, stubble; every man's work shall be made
   manifest:  for the day of the Lord shall declare it, for it shall be
   revealed by fire; and each man's work shall be proved of what sort it
   is.  If any man's work shall endure which he hath built thereupon, he
   shall receive a reward.  But if any man's work shall be burned, he
   shall suffer loss:  but he himself shall be saved; yet so as through
   fire." [1536]   They say, accordingly, that the catholic Christian, no
   matter what his life be, has Christ as his foundation, while this
   foundation is not possessed by any heresy which is separated from the
   unity of His body.  And therefore, through virtue of this foundation,
   even though the catholic Christian by the inconsistency of his life has
   been as one building up wood, hay, stubble, upon it, they believe that
   he shall be saved by fire, in other words, that he shall be delivered
   after tasting the pain of that fire to which the wicked shall be
   condemned at the last judgment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1535] Matt. xxiv. 13.

   [1536] 1 Cor. iii. 11-15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Of Those Who Fancy that the Sins Which are Intermingled
   with Alms-Deeds Shall Not Be Charged at the Day of Judgment.

   I have also met with some who are of opinion that such only as neglect
   to cover their sins with alms-deeds shall be punished in everlasting
   fire; and they cite the words of the Apostle James, "He shall have
   judgment without mercy who hath shown no mercy." [1537]   Therefore,
   say they, he who has not amended his ways, but yet has intermingled his
   profligate and wicked actions with works of mercy, shall receive mercy
   in the judgment, so that he shall either quite escape condemnation, or
   shall be liberated from his doom after some time shorter or longer.
   They suppose that this was the reason why the Judge Himself of quick
   and dead declined to mention anything else than works of mercy done or
   omitted, when awarding to those on His right hand life eternal, and to
   those on His left everlasting punishment. [1538]   To the same purpose,
   they say, is the daily petition we make in the Lord's prayer, "Forgive
   us our debts, as we forgive our debtors." [1539]   For, no doubt,
   whoever pardons the person who has wronged him does a charitable
   action.  And this has been so highly commended by the Lord Himself,
   that He says, "For if ye forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly
   Father will also forgive you:  but if ye forgive not men their
   trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses." [1540]
   And so it is to this kind of alms-deeds that the saying of the Apostle
   James refers, "He shall have judgment without mercy that hath shown no
   mercy."  And our Lord, they say, made no distinction of great and small
   sins, but "Your Father will forgive your sins, if ye forgive men
   theirs."  Consequently they conclude that, though a man has led an
   abandoned life up to the last day of it, yet whatsoever his sins have
   been, they are all remitted by virtue of this daily prayer, if only he
   has been mindful to attend to this one thing, that when they who have
   done him any injury ask his pardon, he forgive them from his heart.

   When, by God's help, I have replied to all these errors, I shall
   conclude this (twenty-first) book.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1537] Jas. ii. 13.

   [1538] Matt. xxv. 33.

   [1539] Matt. vi. 12.

   [1540] Matt. vi. 14, 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Against Those Who are of Opinion that the Punishment
   Neither of the Devil Nor of Wicked Men Shall Be Eternal.

   First of all, it behoves us to inquire and to recognize why the Church
   has not been able to tolerate the idea that promises cleansing or
   indulgence to the devil even after the most severe and protracted
   punishment.  For so many holy men, imbued with the spirit of the Old
   and New Testament, did not grudge to angels of any rank or character
   that they should enjoy the blessedness of the heavenly kingdom after
   being cleansed by suffering, but rather they perceived that they could
   not invalidate nor evacuate the divine sentence which the Lord
   predicted that He would pronounce in the judgment, saying, "Depart from
   me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his
   angels." [1541]   For here it is evident that the devil and his angels
   shall burn in everlasting fire.  And there is also that declaration in
   the Apocalypse, "The devil their deceiver was cast into the lake of
   fire and brimstone, where also are the beast and the false prophet.
   And they shall be tormented day and night for ever." [1542]   In the
   former passage "everlasting" is used, in the latter "for ever;" and by
   these words Scripture is wont to mean nothing else than endless
   duration.  And therefore no other reason, no reason more obvious and
   just, can be found for holding it as the fixed and immovable belief of
   the truest piety, that the devil and his angels shall never return to
   the justice and life of the saints, than that Scripture, which deceives
   no man, says that God spared them not, and that they were condemned
   beforehand by Him, and cast into prisons of darkness in hell, [1543]
   being reserved to the judgment of the last day, when eternal fire shall
   receive them, in which they shall be tormented world without end.  And
   if this be so, how can it be believed that all men, or even some, shall
   be withdrawn from the endurance of punishment after some time has been
   spent in it? how can this be believed without enervating our faith in
   the eternal punishment of the devils?  For if all or some of those to
   whom it shall be said, "Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting
   fire, prepared for the devil and his angels," [1544] are not to be
   always in that fire, then what reason is there for believing that the
   devil and his angels shall always be there?  Or is perhaps the sentence
   of God, which is to be pronounced on wicked men and angels alike, to be
   true in the case of the angels, false in that of men?  Plainly it will
   be so if the conjectures of men are to weigh more than the word of
   God.  But because this is absurd, they who desire to be rid of eternal
   punishment ought to abstain from arguing against God, and rather, while
   yet there is opportunity, obey the divine commands.  Then what a fond
   fancy is it to suppose that eternal punishment means long continued
   punishment, while eternal life means life without end, since Christ in
   the very same passage spoke of both in similar terms in one and the
   same sentence, "These shall go away into eternal punishment, but the
   righteous into life eternal!" [1545]   If both destinies are "eternal,"
   then we must either understand both as long-continued but at last
   terminating, or both as endless.  For they are correlative,--on the one
   hand, punishment eternal, on the other hand, life eternal.  And to say
   in one and the same sense, life eternal shall be endless, punishment
   eternal shall come to an end, is the height of absurdity.  Wherefore,
   as the eternal life of the saints shall be endless, so too the eternal
   punishment of those who are doomed to it shall have no end.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1541] Matt. xxv. 41.

   [1542] Rev. xx. 10.

   [1543] 2 Pet. ii. 4.

   [1544] Matt. xxv. 41.

   [1545] Matt. xxv. 46.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Against Those Who Fancy that in the Judgment of God All
   the Accused Will Be Spared in Virtue of the Prayers of the Saints.

   And this reasoning is equally conclusive against those who, in their
   own interest, but under the guise of a greater tenderness of spirit,
   attempt to invalidate the words of God, and who assert that these words
   are true, not because men shall suffer those things which are
   threatened by God, but because they deserve to suffer them.  For God,
   they say, will yield them to the prayers of His saints, who will then
   the more earnestly pray for their enemies, as they shall be more
   perfect in holiness, and whose prayers will be the more efficacious and
   the more worthy of God's ear, because now purged from all sin
   whatsoever.  Why, then, if in that perfected holiness their prayers be
   so pure and all-availing, will they not use them in behalf of the
   angels for whom eternal fire is prepared, that God may mitigate His
   sentence and alter it, and extricate them from that fire?  Or will
   there, perhaps, be some one hardy enough to affirm that even the holy
   angels will make common cause with holy men (then become the equals of
   God's angels), and will intercede for the guilty, both men and angels,
   that mercy may spare them the punishment which truth has pronounced
   them to deserve?  But this has been asserted by no one sound in the
   faith; nor will be.  Otherwise there is no reason why the Church should
   not even now pray for the devil and his angels, since God her Master
   has ordered her to pray for her enemies.  The reason, then, which
   prevents the Church from now praying for the wicked angels, whom she
   knows to be her enemies, is the identical reason which shall prevent
   her, however perfected in holiness, from praying at the last judgment
   for those men who are to be punished in eternal fire.  At present she
   prays for her enemies among men, because they have yet opportunity for
   fruitful repentance.  For what does she especially beg for them but
   that "God would grant them repentance," as the apostle says, "that they
   may return to soberness out of the snare of the devil, by whom they are
   held captive according to his will?" [1546]   But if the Church were
   certified who those are, who, though they are still abiding in this
   life, are yet predestinated to go with the devil into eternal fire,
   then for them she could no more pray than for him.  But since she has
   this certainty regarding no man, she prays for all her enemies who yet
   live in this world; and yet she is not heard in behalf of all.  But she
   is heard in the case of those only who, though they oppose the Church,
   are yet predestinated to become her sons through her intercession.  But
   if any retain an impenitent heart until death, and are not converted
   from enemies into sons, does the Church continue to pray for them, for
   the spirits, i.e., of such persons deceased?  And why does she cease to
   pray for them, unless because the man who was not translated into
   Christ's kingdom while he was in the body, is now judged to be of
   Satan's following?

   It is then, I say, the same reason which prevents the Church at any
   time from praying for the wicked angels, which prevents her from
   praying hereafter for those men who are to be punished in eternal fire;
   and this also is the reason why, though she prays even for the wicked
   so long as they live, she yet does not even in this world pray for the
   unbelieving and godless who are dead.  For some of the dead, indeed,
   the prayer of the Church or of pious individuals is heard; but it is
   for those who, having been regenerated in Christ, did not spend their
   life so wickedly that they can be judged unworthy of such compassion,
   nor so well that they can be considered to have no need of it. [1547]
   As also, after the resurrection, there will be some of the dead to
   whom, after they have endured the pains proper to the spirits of the
   dead, mercy shall be accorded, and acquittal from the punishment of the
   eternal fire.  For were there not some whose sins, though not remitted
   in this life, shall be remitted in that which is to come, it could not
   be truly said, "They shall not be forgiven, neither in this world,
   neither in that which is to come." [1548]   But when the Judge of quick
   and dead has said, "Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom
   prepared for you from the foundation of the world," and to those on the
   other side, "Depart from me, ye cursed, into the eternal fire, which is
   prepared for the devil and his angels," and "These shall go away into
   eternal punishment, but the righteous into eternal life," [1549] it
   were excessively presumptuous to say that the punishment of any of
   those whom God has said shall go away into eternal punishment shall not
   be eternal, and so bring either despair or doubt upon the corresponding
   promise of life eternal.

   Let no man then so understand the words of the Psalmist, "Shall God
   forget to be gracious? shall He shut up in His anger His tender
   mercies" [1550] as if the sentence of God were true of good men, false
   of bad men, or true of good men and wicked angels, but false of bad
   men.  For the Psalmist's words refer to the vessels of mercy and the
   children of the promise, of whom the prophet himself was one; for when
   he had said, "Shall God forget to be gracious? shall He shut up in His
   anger His tender mercies?" and then immediately subjoins, "And I said,
   Now I begin:  this is the change wrought by the right hand of the Most
   High," [1551] he manifestly explained what he meant by the words,
   "Shall he shut up in His anger His tender mercies?"  For God's anger is
   this mortal life, in which man is made like to vanity, and his days
   pass as a shadow. [1552]   Yet in this anger God does not forget to be
   gracious, causing His sun to shine and His rain to descend on the just
   and the unjust; [1553] and thus He does not in His anger cut short His
   tender mercies, and especially in what the Psalmist speaks of in the
   words, "Now I begin:  this change is from the right hand of the Most
   High;" for He changes for the better the vessels of mercy, even while
   they are still in this most wretched life, which is God's anger, and
   even while His anger is manifesting itself in this miserable
   corruption; for "in His anger He does not shut up His tender mercies."
   And since the truth of this divine canticle is quite satisfied by this
   application of it, there is no need to give it a reference to that
   place in which those who do not belong to the city of God are punished
   in eternal fire.  But if any persist in extending its application to
   the torments of the wicked, let them at least understand it so that the
   anger of God, which has threatened the wicked with eternal punishment,
   shall abide, but shall be mixed with mercy to the extent of alleviating
   the torments which might justly be inflicted; so that the wicked shall
   neither wholly escape, nor only for a time endure these threatened
   pains, but that they shall be less severe and more endurable than they
   deserve.  Thus the anger of God shall continue, and at the same time He
   will not in this anger shut up His tender mercies.  But even this
   hypothesis I am not to be supposed to affirm because I do not
   positively oppose it. [1554]

   As for those who find an empty threat rather than a truth in such
   passages as these:  "Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire;"
   and "These shall go away into eternal punishment;" [1555] and "They
   shall be tormented for ever and ever;" [1556] and "Their worm shall not
   die, and their fire shall not be quenched," [1557] --such persons, I
   say, are most emphatically and abundantly refuted, not by me so much as
   by the divine Scripture itself.  For the men of Nineveh repented in
   this life, and therefore their repentance was fruitful, inasmuch as
   they sowed in that field which the Lord meant to be sown in tears that
   it might afterwards be reaped in joy.  And yet who will deny that God's
   prediction was fulfilled in their case, if at least he observes that
   God destroys sinners not only in anger but also in compassion?  For
   sinners are destroyed in two ways,--either, like the Sodomites, the men
   themselves are punished for their sins, or, like the Ninevites, the
   men's sins are destroyed by repentance.  God's prediction, therefore,
   was fulfilled,--the wicked Nineveh was overthrown, and a good Nineveh
   built up.  For its walls and houses remained standing; the city was
   overthrown in its depraved manners.  And thus, though the prophet was
   provoked that the destruction which the inhabitants dreaded, because of
   his prediction, did not take place, yet that which God's foreknowledge
   had predicted did take place, for He who foretold the destruction knew
   how it should be fulfilled in a less calamitous sense.

   But that these perversely compassionate persons may see what is the
   purport of these words, "How great is the abundance of Thy sweetness,
   Lord, which Thou hast hidden for them that fear Thee," [1558] let them
   read what follows:  "And Thou hast perfected it for them that hope in
   Thee."  For what means, "Thou hast hidden it for them that fear Thee,"
   "Thou hast perfected it for them that hope in Thee," unless this, that
   to those who through fear of punishment seek to establish their own
   righteousness by the law, the righteousness of God is not sweet,
   because they are ignorant of it?  They have not tasted it.  For they
   hope in themselves, not in Him; and therefore God's abundant sweetness
   is hidden from them.  They fear God, indeed, but it is with that
   servile fear "which is not in love; for perfect love casteth out fear."
   [1559]   Therefore to them that hope in Him He perfecteth His
   sweetness, inspiring them with His own love, so that with a holy fear,
   which love does not cast out, but which endureth for ever, they may,
   when they glory, glory in the Lord.  For the righteousness of God is
   Christ, "who is of God made unto us," as the apostle says, "wisdom, and
   righteousness, and sanctification, and redemption:  as it is written,
   He that glorieth, let him glory in the Lord." [1560]   This
   righteousness of God, which is the gift of grace without merits, is not
   known by those who go about to establish their own righteousness, and
   are therefore not subject to the righteousness of God, which is Christ.
   [1561]   But it is in this righteousness that we find the great
   abundance of God's sweetness, of which the psalm says, "Taste and see
   how sweet the Lord is." [1562]   And this we rather taste than partake
   of to satiety in this our pilgrimage.  We hunger and thirst for it now,
   that hereafter we may be satisfied with it when we see Him as He is,
   and that is fulfilled which is written, "I shall be satisfied when Thy
   glory shall be manifested." [1563]   It is thus that Christ perfects
   the great abundance of His sweetness to them that hope in Him.  But if
   God conceals His sweetness from them that fear Him in the sense that
   these our objectors fancy, so that men's ignorance of His purpose of
   mercy towards the wicked may lead them to fear Him and live better, and
   so that there may be prayer made for those who are not living as they
   ought, how then does He perfect His sweetness to them that hope in Him,
   since, if their dreams be true, it is this very sweetness which will
   prevent Him from punishing those who do not hope in Him?  Let us then
   seek that sweetness of His, which He perfects to them that hope in Him,
   not that which He is supposed to perfect to those who despise and
   blaspheme Him; for in vain, after this life, does a man seek for what
   he has neglected to provide while in this life.

   Then, as to that saying of the apostle, "For God hath concluded all in
   unbelief, that He may have mercy upon all," [1564] it does not mean
   that He will condemn no one; but the foregoing context shows what is
   meant.  The apostle composed the epistle for the Gentiles who were
   already believers; and when he was speaking to them of the Jews who
   were yet to believe, he says, "For as ye in times past believed not
   God, yet have now obtained mercy through their unbelief; even so have
   these also now not believed, that through your mercy they also may
   obtain mercy."  Then he added the words in question with which these
   persons beguile themselves:  "For God concluded all in unbelief, that
   He might have mercy upon all."  All whom, if not all those of whom he
   was speaking, just as if he had said, "Both you and them?"  God then
   concluded all those in unbelief, both Jews and Gentiles, whom He
   foreknew and predestinated to be conformed to the image of His Son, in
   order that they might be confounded by the bitterness of unbelief, and
   might repent and believingly turn to the sweetness of God's mercy, and
   might take up that exclamation of the psalm, "How great is the
   abundance of Thy sweetness, O Lord, which Thou hast hidden for them
   that fear Thee, but hast perfected to them that hope," not in
   themselves, but "in Thee."  He has mercy, then, on all the vessels of
   mercy.  And what means "all?"  Both those of the Gentiles and those of
   the Jews whom He predestinated, called, justified, glorified:  none of
   these will be condemned by Him; but we cannot say none of all men
   whatever.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1546] 2 Tim. ii. 25, 26.

   [1547] [This contains the germ of the doctrine of purgatory, which was
   afterwards more fully developed by Pope Gregory I., and adopted by the
   Roman church, but rejected by the Reformers, as unfounded in Scripture,
   though Matt. xii. 32, and 1 Cor. iii. 15, are quoted in support of
   it.--P.S.]

   [1548] Matt. xii. 32.

   [1549] Matt. xxv. 34, 41, 46.

   [1550] Ps. lxxvii. 9.

   [1551] Ps. lxxvii. 10.

   [1552] Ps. cxliv. 4.

   [1553] Matt. v. 45.

   [1554] It is the theory which Chrysostom adopts.

   [1555] Matt. xxv. 41, 46.

   [1556] Rev. xx. 10.

   [1557] Isa. lxvi. 24.

   [1558] Ps. xxxi. 19.

   [1559] 1 John iv. 18.

   [1560] 1 Cor. i. 30, 31.

   [1561] Rom. x. 3.

   [1562] Ps. xxxiv. 8.

   [1563] Ps. xvii. 15.

   [1564] Rom. xi. 32.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Whether Those Who Received Heretical Baptism, and Have
   Afterwards Fallen Away to Wickedness of Life; Or Those Who Have
   Received Catholic Baptism, But Have Afterwards Passed Over to Heresy
   and Schism; Or Those Who Have Remained in the Catholic Church in Which
   They Were Baptized, But Have Continued to Live Immorally,--May Hope
   Through the Virtue of the Sacraments for the Remission of Eternal
   Punishment.

   But let us now reply to those who promise deliverance from eternal
   fire, not to the devil and his angels (as neither do they of whom we
   have been speaking), nor even to all men whatever, but only to those
   who have been washed by the baptism of Christ, and have become
   partakers of His body and blood, no matter how they have lived, no
   matter what heresy or impiety they have fallen into.  But they are
   contradicted by the apostle, where he says, "Now the works of the flesh
   are manifest, which are these; fornication, uncleanness,
   lasciviousness, idolatry, witchcraft, hatred, variances, emulations,
   wrath, strife, heresies, envyings, drunkenness, revellings, and the
   like:  of the which I tell you before, as I have also told you in time
   past, for they which do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of
   God." [1565]   Certainly this sentence of the apostle is false, if such
   persons shall be delivered after any lapse of time, and shall then
   inherit the kingdom of God.  But as it is not false, they shall
   certainly never inherit the kingdom of God.  And if they shall never
   enter that kingdom, then they shall always be retained in eternal
   punishment; for there is no middle place where he may live unpunished
   who has not been admitted into that kingdom.

   And therefore we may reasonably inquire how we are to understand these
   words of the Lord Jesus:  "This is the bread which cometh down from
   heaven, that a man may eat thereof, and not die.  I am the living bread
   which came down from heaven.  If any man eat of this bread, he shall
   live for ever." [1566]   And those, indeed, whom we are now answering,
   are refuted in their interpretation of this passage by those whom we
   are shortly to answer, and who do not promise this deliverance to all
   who have received the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's body, but
   only to the catholics, however wickedly they live; for these, say they,
   have eaten the Lord's body not only sacramentally, but really, being
   constituted members of His body, of which the apostle says, "We being
   many are one bread, one body." [1567]   He then who is in the unity of
   Christ's body (that is to say, in the Christian membership), of which
   body the faithful have been wont to receive the sacrament at the altar,
   that man is truly said to eat the body and drink the blood of Christ.
   And consequently heretics and schismatics being separate from the unity
   of this body, are able to receive the same sacrament, but with no
   profit to themselves,--nay, rather to their own hurt, so that they are
   rather more severely judged than liberated after some time.  For they
   are not in that bond of peace which is symbolized by that sacrament.

   But again, even those who sufficiently understand that he who is not in
   the body of Christ cannot be said to eat the body of Christ, are in
   error when they promise liberation from the fire of eternal punishment
   to persons who fall away from the unity of that body into heresy, or
   even into heathenish superstition.  For, in the first place, they ought
   to consider how intolerable it is, and how discordant with sound
   doctrine, to suppose that many, indeed, or almost all, who have
   forsaken the Church catholic, and have originated impious heresies and
   become heresiarchs, should enjoy a destiny superior to those who never
   were catholics, but have fallen into the snares of these others; that
   is to say, if the fact of their catholic baptism and original reception
   of the sacrament of the body of Christ in the true body of Christ is
   sufficient to deliver these heresiarchs from eternal punishment.  For
   certainly he who deserts the faith, and from a deserter becomes an
   assailant, is worse than he who has not deserted the faith he never
   held.  And, in the second place, they are contradicted by the apostle,
   who, after enumerating the works of the flesh, says with reference to
   heresies, "They who do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of
   God."

   And therefore neither ought such persons as lead an abandoned and
   damnable life to be confident of salvation, though they persevere to
   the end in the communion of the Church catholic, and comfort themselves
   with the words, "He that endureth to the end shall be saved."  By the
   iniquity of their life they abandon that very righteousness of life
   which Christ is to them, whether it be by fornication, or by
   perpetrating in their body the other uncleannesses which the apostle
   would not so much as mention, or by a dissolute luxury, or by doing any
   one of those things of which he says, "They who do such things shall
   not inherit the kingdom of God."  Consequently, they who do such things
   shall not exist anywhere but in eternal punishment, since they cannot
   be in the kingdom of God.  For, while they continue in such things to
   the very end of life, they cannot be said to abide in Christ to the
   end; for to abide in Him is to abide in the faith of Christ.  And this
   faith, according to the apostle's definition of it, "worketh by love."
   [1568]   And "love," as he elsewhere says, "worketh no evil." [1569]
   Neither can these persons be said to eat the body of Christ, for they
   cannot even be reckoned among His members.  For, not to mention other
   reasons, they cannot be at once the members of Christ and the members
   of a harlot.  In fine, He Himself, when He says, "He that eateth my
   flesh and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him," [1570]
   shows what it is in reality, and not sacramentally, to eat His body and
   drink His blood; for this is to dwell in Christ, that He also may dwell
   in us.  So that it is as if He said, He that dwelleth not in me, and in
   whom I do not dwell, let him not say or think that he eateth my body or
   drinketh my blood.  Accordingly, they who are not Christ's members do
   not dwell in Him.  And they who make themselves members of a harlot,
   are not members of Christ unless they have penitently abandoned that
   evil, and have returned to this good to be reconciled to it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1565] Gal. v. 19-21.

   [1566] John vi. 50, 51.

   [1567] 1 Cor. x. 17.

   [1568] Gal. v. 6.

   [1569] Rom. xiii. 10.

   [1570] John vi. 56.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--What It is to Have Christ for a Foundation, and Who They
   are to Whom Salvation as by Fire is Promised.

   But, say they, the catholic Christians have Christ for a foundation,
   and they have not fallen away from union with Him, no matter how
   depraved a life they have built on this foundation, as wood, hay,
   stubble; and accordingly the well-directed faith by which Christ is
   their foundation will suffice to deliver them some time from the
   continuance of that fire, though it be with loss, since those things
   they have built on it shall be burned.  Let the Apostle James summarily
   reply to them:  "If any man say he has faith, and have not works, can
   faith save him?" [1571]   And who then is it, they ask, of whom the
   Apostle Paul says, "But he himself shall be saved, yet so as by fire?"
   [1572]   Let us join them in their inquiry; and one thing is very
   certain, that it is not he of whom James speaks, else we should make
   the two apostles contradict one another, if the one says, "Though a
   man's works be evil, his faith will save him as by fire," while the
   other says, "If he have not good works, can his faith save him?"

   We shall then ascertain who it is who can be saved by fire, if we first
   discover what it is to have Christ for a foundation.  And this we may
   very readily learn from the image itself.  In a building the foundation
   is first.  Whoever, then, has Christ in his heart, so that no earthly
   or temporal things--not even those that are legitimate and allowed--are
   preferred to Him, has Christ as a foundation.  But if these things be
   preferred, then even though a man seem to have faith in Christ, yet
   Christ is not the foundation to that man; and much more if he, in
   contempt of wholesome precepts, seek forbidden gratifications, is he
   clearly convicted of putting Christ not first but last, since he has
   despised Him as his ruler, and has preferred to fulfill his own wicked
   lusts, in contempt of Christ's commands and allowances.  Accordingly,
   if any Christian man loves a harlot, and, attaching himself to her,
   becomes one body, he has not now Christ for a foundation.  But if any
   one loves his own wife, and loves her as Christ would have him love
   her, who can doubt that he has Christ for a foundation?  But if he
   loves her in the world's fashion, carnally, as the disease of lust
   prompts him, and as the Gentiles love who know not God, even this the
   apostle, or rather Christ by the apostle, allows as a venial fault.
   And therefore even such a man may have Christ for a foundation.  For so
   long as he does not prefer such an affection or pleasure to Christ,
   Christ is his foundation, though on it he builds wood, hay, stubble;
   and therefore he shall be saved as by fire.  For the fire of affliction
   shall burn such luxurious pleasures and earthly loves, though they be
   not damnable, because enjoyed in lawful wedlock.  And of this fire the
   fuel is bereavement, and all those calamities which consume these
   joys.  Consequently the superstructure will be loss to him who has
   built it, for he shall not retain it, but shall be agonized by the loss
   of those things in the enjoyment of which he found pleasure.  But by
   this fire he shall be saved through virtue of the foundation, because
   even if a persecutor demanded whether he would retain Christ or these
   things, he would prefer Christ.  Would you hear, in the apostle's own
   words, who he is who builds on the foundation gold, silver, precious
   stones?  "He that is unmarried," he says, "careth for the things that
   belong to the Lord, how he may please the Lord." [1573]   Would you
   hear who he is that buildeth wood, hay, stubble?  "But he that is
   married careth for the things that are of the world, how he may please
   his wife. [1574]   "Every man's work shall be made manifest:  for the
   day shall declare it,"--the day, no doubt, of tribulation--"because,"
   says he, "it shall be revealed by fire." [1575]   He calls tribulation
   fire, just as it is elsewhere said, "The furnace proves the vessels of
   the potter, and the trial of affliction righteous men." [1576]   And
   "The fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is.  If any man's
   work abide"--for a man's care for the things of the Lord, how he may
   please the Lord, abides--"which he hath built thereupon, he shall
   receive a reward,"--that is, he shall reap the fruit of his care.  "But
   if any man's work shall be burned, he shall suffer loss,"--for what he
   loved he shall not retain:--" but he himself shall be saved,"--for no
   tribulation shall have moved him from that stable foundation,--"yet so
   as by fire;" [1577] for that which he possessed with the sweetness of
   love he does not lose without the sharp sting of pain.  Here, then, as
   seems to me, we have a fire which destroys neither, but enriches the
   one, brings loss to the other, proves both.

   But if this passage [of Corinthians] is to interpret that fire of which
   the Lord shall say to those on His left hand, "Depart from me, ye
   cursed, into everlasting fire," [1578] so that among these we are to
   believe there are those who build on the foundation wood, hay, stubble,
   and that they, through virtue of the good foundation, shall after a
   time be liberated from the fire that is the award of their evil
   deserts, what then shall we think of those on the right hand, to whom
   it shall be said, "Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom
   prepared for you," [1579] unless that they are those who have built on
   the foundation gold, silver, precious stones?  But if the fire of which
   our Lord speaks is the same as that of which the apostle says, "Yet so
   as by fire," then both--that is to say, both those on the right as well
   as those on the left--are to be cast into it.  For that fire is to try
   both, since it is said, "For the day of the Lord shall declare it,
   because it shall be revealed by fire; and the fire shall try every
   man's work of what sort it is." [1580]   If, therefore, the fire shall
   try both, in order that if any man's work abide--i.e., if the
   superstructure be not consumed by the fire--he may receive a reward,
   and that if his work is burned he may suffer loss, certainly that fire
   is not the eternal fire itself.  For into this latter fire only those
   on the left hand shall be cast, and that with final and everlasting
   doom; but that former fire proves those on the right hand.  But some of
   them it so proves that it does not burn and consume the structure which
   is found to have been built by them on Christ as the foundation; while
   others of them it proves in another fashion, so as to burn what they
   have built up, and thus cause them to suffer loss, while they
   themselves are saved because they have retained Christ, who was laid as
   their sure foundation, and have loved Him above all.  But if they are
   saved, then certainly they shall stand at the right hand, and shall
   with the rest hear the sentence, "Come, ye blessed of my Father,
   inherit the kingdom prepared for you;" and not at the left hand, where
   those shall be who shall not be saved, and shall therefore hear the
   doom, "Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire."  For from
   that fire no man shall be saved, because they all shall go away into
   eternal punishment, where their worms shall not die, nor their fire be
   quenched, in which they shall be tormented day and night for ever.

   But if it be said that in the interval of time between the death of
   this body and that last day of judgment and retribution which shall
   follow the resurrection, the bodies of the dead shall be exposed to a
   fire of such a nature that it shall not affect those who have not in
   this life indulged in such pleasures and pursuits as shall be consumed
   like wood, hay, stubble, but shall affect those others who have carried
   with them structures of that kind; if it be said that such worldliness,
   being venial, shall be consumed in the fire of tribulation either here
   only, or here and hereafter both, or here that it may not be
   hereafter,--this I do not contradict, because possibly it is true.  For
   perhaps even the death of the body is itself a part of this
   tribulation, for it results from the first transgression, so that the
   time which follows death takes its color in each case from the nature
   of the man's building.  The persecutions, too, which have crowned the
   martyrs, and which Christians of all kinds suffer, try both buildings
   like a fire, consuming some, along with the builders themselves, if
   Christ is not found in them as their foundation, while others they
   consume without the builders, because Christ is found in them, and they
   are saved, though with loss; and other buildings still they do not
   consume, because such materials as abide for ever are found in them.
   In the end of the world there shall be in the time of Antichrist
   tribulation such as has never before been.  How many edifices there
   shall then be, of gold or of hay, built on the best foundation, Christ
   Jesus, which that fire shall prove, bringing joy to some, loss to
   others, but without destroying either sort, because of this stable
   foundation!  But whosoever prefers, I do not say his wife, with whom he
   lives for carnal pleasure, but any of those relatives who afford no
   delight of such a kind, and whom it is right to love,--whosoever
   prefers these to Christ, and loves them after a human and carnal
   fashion, has not Christ as a foundation, and will therefore not be
   saved by fire, nor indeed at all; for he shall not possibly dwell with
   the Saviour, who says very explicitly concerning this very matter, "He
   that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me; and he
   that loveth son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me." [1581]
   But he who loves his relations carnally, and yet so that he does not
   prefer them to Christ, but would rather want them than Christ if he
   were put to the proof, shall be saved by fire, because it is necessary
   that by the loss of these relations he suffer pain in proportion to his
   love.  And he who loves father, mother, sons, daughters, according to
   Christ, so that he aids them in obtaining His kingdom and cleaving to
   Him, or loves them because they are members of Christ, God forbid that
   this love should be consumed as wood, hay, stubble, and not rather be
   reckoned a structure of gold, silver, precious stones.  For how can a
   man love those more than Christ whom he loves only for Christ's sake?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1571] Jas. ii. 14.

   [1572] 1 Cor. iii. 15.  [This is the chief passage quoted in favor of
   purgatory.  See note on p. 470.  The Apostle uses a figurative term for
   narrow escape from perdition.--P.S.]

   [1573] 1 Cor. vii. 32.

   [1574] 1 Cor. vii. 33.

   [1575] 1 Cor. iii. 13.

   [1576] Ecclus. xxvii. 5.

   [1577] 1 Cor. iii. 14, 15.

   [1578] Matt. xxv. 41.

   [1579] Matt. xxv. 34.

   [1580] 1 Cor. iii. 13.

   [1581] Matt. x. 37.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Against the Belief of Those Who Think that the Sins Which
   Have Been Accompanied with Almsgiving Will Do Them No Harm.

   It remains to reply to those who maintain that those only shall burn in
   eternal fire who neglect alms-deeds proportioned to their sins, resting
   this opinion on the words of the Apostle James, "He shall have judgment
   without mercy that hath showed no mercy." [1582]   Therefore, they say,
   he that hath showed mercy, though he has not reformed his dissolute
   conduct, but has lived wickedly and iniquitously even while abounding
   in alms, shall have a merciful judgment, so that he shall either be not
   condemned at all, or shall be delivered from final judgment after a
   time.  And for the same reason they suppose that Christ will
   discriminate between those on the right hand and those on the left, and
   will send the one party into His kingdom, the other into eternal
   punishment, on the sole ground of their attention to or neglect of
   works of charity.  Moreover, they endeavor to use the prayer which the
   Lord Himself taught as a proof and bulwark of their opinion, that daily
   sins which are never abandoned can be expiated through alms-deeds, no
   matter how offensive or of what sort they be.  For, say they, as there
   is no day on which Christians ought not to use this prayer, so there is
   no sin of any kind which, though committed every day, is not remitted
   when we say, "Forgive us our debts," if we take care to fulfill what
   follows, "as we forgive our debtors." [1583]   For, they go on to say,
   the Lord does not say, "If ye forgive men their trespasses, your
   heavenly Father will forgive you your little daily sins," but "will
   forgive you your sins."  Therefore, be they of any kind or magnitude
   whatever, be they perpetrated daily and never abandoned or subdued in
   this life, they can be pardoned, they presume, through alms-deeds.

   But they are right to inculcate the giving of aims proportioned to past
   sins; for if they said that any kind of alms could obtain the divine
   pardon of great sins committed daily and with habitual enormity, if
   they said that such sins could thus be daily remitted, they would see
   that their doctrine was absurd and ridiculous.  For they would thus be
   driven to acknowledge that it were possible for a very wealthy man to
   buy absolution from murders, adulteries, and all manner of wickedness,
   by paying a daily alms of ten paltry coins.  And if it be most absurd
   and insane to make such an acknowledgment, and if we still ask what are
   those fitting alms of which even the forerunner of Christ said, "Bring
   forth therefore fruits meet for repentance," [1584] undoubtedly it will
   be found that they are not such as are done by men who undermine their
   life by daily enormities even to the very end.  For they suppose that
   by giving to the poor a small fraction of the wealth they acquire by
   extortion and spoliation they can propitiate Christ, so that they may
   with impunity commit the most damnable sins, in the persuasion that
   they have bought from Him a license to transgress, or rather do buy a
   daily indulgence.  And if they for one crime have distributed all their
   goods to Christ's needy members, that could profit them nothing unless
   they desisted from all similar actions, and attained charity which
   worketh no evil He therefore who does alms-deeds proportioned to his
   sins must first begin with himself.  For it is not reasonable that a
   man who exercises charity towards his neighbor should not do so towards
   himself, since he hears the Lord saying, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor
   as thyself," [1585] and again, "Have compassion on thy soul, and please
   God." [1586]   He then who has not compassion on his own soul that he
   may please God, how can he be said to do alms-deeds proportioned to his
   sins?  To the same purpose is that written, "He who is bad to himself,
   to whom can he be good?" [1587]   We ought therefore to do alms that we
   may be heard when we pray that our past sins may be forgiven, not that
   while we continue in them we may think to provide ourselves with a
   license for wickedness by alms-deeds.

   The reason, therefore, of our predicting that He will impute to those
   on His right hand the alms-deeds they have done, and charge those on
   His left with omitting the same, is that He may thus show the efficacy
   of charity for the deletion of past sins, not for impunity in their
   perpetual commission.  And such persons, indeed, as decline to abandon
   their evil habits of life for a better course cannot be said to do
   charitable deeds.  For this is the purport of the saying, "Inasmuch as
   ye did it not to one of the least of these, ye did it not to me."
   [1588]   He shows them that they do not perform charitable actions even
   when they think they are doing so.  For if they gave bread to a
   hungering Christian because he is a Christian, assuredly they would not
   deny to themselves the bread of righteousness, that is, Christ Himself;
   for God considers not the person to whom the gift is made, but the
   spirit in which it is made.  He therefore who loves Christ in a
   Christian extends alms to him in the same spirit in which he draws near
   to Christ, not in that spirit which would abandon Christ if it could do
   so with impunity.  For in proportion as a man loves what Christ
   disapproves does he himself abandon Christ.  For what does it profit a
   man that he is baptized, if he is not justified?  Did not He who said,
   "Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he shall not enter
   into the kingdom of God," [1589] say also, "Except your righteousness
   shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees, ye shall
   not enter into the kingdom of heaven?" [1590]   Why do many through
   fear of the first saying run to baptism, while few through fear of the
   second seek to be justified?  As therefore it is not to his brother a
   man says, "Thou fool," if when he says it he is indignant not at the
   brotherhood, but at the sin of the offender,--for otherwise he were
   guilty of hell fire,--so he who extends charity to a Christian does not
   extend it to a Christian if he does not love Christ in him.  Now he
   does not love Christ who refuses to be justified in Him.  Or, again, if
   a man has been guilty of this sin of calling his brother Fool, unjustly
   reviling him without any desire to remove his sin, his alms-deeds go a
   small way towards expiating this fault, unless he adds to this the
   remedy of reconciliation which the same passage enjoins.  For it is
   there said, "Therefore, if thou bring thy gift to the altar, and there
   rememberest that thy brother hath aught against thee; leave there thy
   gift before the altar, and go thy way; first be reconciled to thy
   brother, and then come and offer thy gift." [1591]   Just so it is a
   small matter to do alms-deeds, no matter how great they be, for any
   sin, so long as the offender continues in the practice of sin.

    Then as to the daily prayer which the Lord Himself taught, and which
   is therefore called the Lord's prayer, it obliterates indeed the sins
   of the day, when day by day we say, "Forgive us our debts," and when we
   not only say but act out that which follows, "as we forgive our
   debtors;" [1592] but we utter this petition because sins have been
   committed, and not that they may be.  For by it our Saviour designed to
   teach us that, however righteously we live in this life of infirmity
   and darkness, we still commit sins for the remission of which we ought
   to pray, while we must pardon those who sin against us that we
   ourselves also may be pardoned.  The Lord then did not utter the words,
   "If ye forgive men their trespasses, your Father will also forgive you
   your trespasses," [1593] in order that we might contract from this
   petition such confidence as should enable us to sin securely from day
   to day, either putting ourselves above the fear of human laws, or
   craftily deceiving men concerning our conduct, but in order that we
   might thus learn not to suppose that we are without sins, even though
   we should be free from crimes; as also God admonished the priests of
   the old law to this same effect regarding their sacrifices, which He
   commanded them to offer first for their own sins, and then for the sins
   of the people.  For even the very words of so great a Master and Lord
   are to be intently considered.  For He does not say, If ye forgive men
   their sins, your Father will also forgive you your sins, no matter of
   what sort they be, but He says, your sins; for it was a daily prayer He
   was teaching, and it was certainly to disciples already justified He
   was speaking.  What, then, does He mean by "your sins," but those sins
   from which not even you who are justified and sanctified can be free?
   While, then, those who seek occasion from this petition to indulge in
   habitual sin maintain that the Lord meant to include great sins,
   because He did not say, He will forgive you your small sins, but "your
   sins," we, on the other hand, taking into account the character of the
   persons He was addressing, cannot see our way to interpret the
   expression "your sins" of anything but small sins, because such persons
   are no longer guilty of great sins.  Nevertheless not even great sins
   themselves--sins from which we must flee with a total reformation of
   life--are forgiven to those who pray, unless they observe the appended
   precept, "as ye also forgive your debtors."  For if the very small sins
   which attach even to the life of the righteous be not remitted without
   that condition, how much further from obtaining indulgence shall those
   be who are involved in many great crimes, if, while they cease from
   perpetrating such enormities, they still inexorably refuse to remit any
   debt incurred to themselves, since the Lord says, "But if ye forgive
   not men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your
   trespasses?" [1594]   For this is the purport of the saying of the
   Apostle James also, "He shall have judgment without mercy that hath
   showed no mercy." [1595]   For we should remember that servant whose
   debt of ten thousand talents his lord cancelled, but afterwards ordered
   him to pay up, because the servant himself had no pity for his
   fellow-servant, who owed him an hundred pence. [1596]   The words which
   the Apostle James subjoins,"And mercy rejoiceth against judgment,"
   [1597] find their application among those who are the children of the
   promise and vessels of mercy.  For even those righteous men, who have
   lived with such holiness that they receive into the eternal habitations
   others also who have won their friendship with the mammon of
   unrighteousness, [1598] became such only through the merciful
   deliverance of Him who justifies the ungodly, imputing to him a reward
   according to grace, not according to debt.  For among this number is
   the apostle, who says, "I obtained mercy to be faithful." [1599]

   But it must be admitted, that those who are thus received into the
   eternal habitations are not of such a character that their own life
   would suffice to rescue them without the aid of the saints, and
   consequently in their case especially does mercy rejoice against
   judgment.  And yet we are not on this account to suppose that every
   abandoned profligate, who has made no amendment of his life, is to be
   received into the eternal habitations if only he has assisted the
   saints with the mammon of unrighteousness,--that is to say, with money
   or wealth which has been unjustly acquired, or, if rightfully acquired,
   is yet not the true riches, but only what iniquity counts riches,
   because it knows not the true riches in which those persons abound, who
   even receive others also into eternal habitations.  There is then a
   certain kind of life, which is neither, on the one hand, so bad that
   those who adopt it are not helped towards the kingdom of heaven by any
   bountiful alms-giving by which they may relieve the wants of the
   saints, and make friends who could receive them into eternal
   habitations, nor, on the other hand, so good that it of itself suffices
   to win for them that great blessedness, if they do not obtain mercy
   through the merits of those whom they have made their friends.  And I
   frequently wonder that even Virgil should give expression to this
   sentence of the Lord, in which He says, "Make to yourselves friends of
   the mammon of unrighteousness, that they may receive you into
   everlasting habitations;" [1600] and this very similar saying, "He that
   receiveth a prophet, in the name of a prophet, shall receive a
   prophet's reward; and he that receiveth a righteous man, in the name of
   a righteous man, shall receive a righteous man's reward." [1601]   For
   when that poet described the Elysian fields, in which they suppose that
   the souls of the blessed dwell, he placed there not only those who had
   been able by their own merit to reach that abode, but added,--

   "And they who grateful memory won

   By services to others done;" [1602]

   that is, they who had served others, and thereby merited to be
   remembered by them.  Just as if they used the expression so common in
   Christian lips, where some humble person commends himself to one of the
   saints, and says, Remember me, and secures that he do so by deserving
   well at his hand.  But what that kind of life we have been speaking of
   is, and what those sins are which prevent a man from winning the
   kingdom of God by himself, but yet permit him to avail himself of the
   merits of the saints, it is very difficult to ascertain, very perilous
   to define.  For my own part, in spite of all investigation, I have been
   up to the present hour unable to discover this.  And possibly it is
   hidden from us, lest we should become careless in avoiding such sins,
   and so cease to make progress.  For if it were known what these sins
   are which, though they continue, and be not abandoned for a higher
   life, do yet not prevent us from seeking and hoping for the
   intercession of the saints, human sloth would presumptuously wrap
   itself in these sins, and would take no steps to be disentangled from
   such wrappings by the deft energy of any virtue, but would only desire
   to be rescued by the merits of other people, whose friendship had been
   won by a bountiful use of the mammon of unrighteousness.  But now that
   we are left in ignorance of the precise nature of that iniquity which
   is venial, even though it be persevered in, certainly we are both more
   vigilant in our prayers and efforts for progress, and more careful to
   secure with the mammon of unrighteousness friends for ourselves among
   the saints.

    But this deliverance, which is effected by one's own prayers, or the
   intercession of holy men, secures that a man be not cast into eternal
   fire, but not that, when once he has been cast into it, he should after
   a time be rescued from it.  For even those who fancy that what is said
   of the good ground bringing forth abundant fruit, some thirty, some
   sixty, some an hundred fold, is to be referred to the saints, so that
   in proportion to their merits some of them shall deliver thirty men,
   some sixty, some an hundred,--even those who maintain this are yet
   commonly inclined to suppose that this deliverance will take place at,
   and not after the day of judgment.  Under this impression, some one who
   observed the unseemly folly with which men promise themselves impunity
   on the ground that all will be included in this method of deliverance,
   is reported to have very happily remarked, that we should rather
   endeavor to live so well that we shall be all found among the number of
   those who are to intercede for the liberation of others, lest these
   should be so few in number, that, after they have delivered one thirty,
   another sixty, another a hundred, there should still remain many who
   could not be delivered from punishment by their intercessions, and
   among them every one who has vainly and rashly promised himself the
   fruit of another's labor.  But enough has been said in reply to those
   who acknowledge the authority of the same sacred Scriptures as
   ourselves, but who, by a mistaken interpretation of them, conceive of
   the future rather as they themselves wish, than as the Scriptures
   teach.  And having given this reply, I now, according to promise, close
   this book.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1582] Jas. ii. 13.

   [1583] Matt. vi. 12.

   [1584] Matt. iii. 8.

   [1585] Matt. xxii. 39.

   [1586] Ecclus. xxx. 24.

   [1587] Ecclus. xxi. 1.

   [1588] Matt. xxv. 45.

   [1589] John iii. 5.

   [1590] Matt. v. 20.

   [1591] Matt. v. 23, 24.

   [1592] Matt. vi. 12.

   [1593] Matt. vi. 14.

   [1594] Matt. vi. 15.

   [1595] Jas. ii. 13.

   [1596] Matt. xviii. 23.

   [1597] Jas. ii. 13.

   [1598] Luke xvi. 9.

   [1599] 1 Cor. vii. 25.

   [1600] Luke xvi. 9.

   [1601] Matt. x. 41.

   [1602] Æn.vi. 664.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XXII.

   ------------------------

   Argument--This book treats of the end of the city of God, that is to
   say, of the eternal happiness of the saints; the faith of the
   resurrection of the body is established and explained; and the work
   concludes by showing how the saints, clothed in immortal and spiritual
   bodies, shall be employed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Of the Creation of Angels and Men.

   As we promised in the immediately preceeding book, this, the last of
   the whole work, shall contain a discussion of the eternal blessedness
   of the city of God.  This blessedness is named eternal, not because it
   shall endure for many ages, though at last it shall come to an end, but
   because, according to the words of the gospel, "of His kingdom there
   shall be no end." [1603]   Neither shall it enjoy the mere appearance
   of perpetuity which is maintained by the rise of fresh generations to
   occupy the place of those that have died out, as in an evergreen the
   same freshness seems to continue permanently, and the same appearance
   of dense foliage is preserved by the growth of fresh leaves in the room
   of those that have withered and fallen; but in that city all the
   citizens shall be immortal, men now for the first time enjoying what
   the holy angels have never lost.  And this shall be accomplished by
   God, the most almighty Founder of the city.  For He has promised it,
   and cannot lie, and has already performed many of His promises, and has
   done many unpromised kindnesses to those whom He now asks to believe
   that He will do this also.

   For it is He who in the beginning created the world full of all visible
   and intelligible beings, among which He created nothing better than
   those spirits whom He endowed with intelligence, and made capable of
   contemplating and enjoying Him, and united in our society, which we
   call the holy and heavenly city, and in which the material of their
   sustenance and blessedness is God Himself, as it were their common food
   and nourishment.  It is He who gave to this intellectual nature
   free-will of such a kind, that if he wished to forsake God, i.e., his
   blessedness, misery should forthwith result.  It is He who, when He
   foreknew that certain angels would in their pride desire to suffice for
   their own blessedness, and would forsake their great good, did not
   deprive them of this power, deeming it to be more befitting His power
   and goodness to bring good out of evil than to prevent the evil from
   coming into existence.  And indeed evil had never been, had not the
   mutable nature--mutable, though good, and created by the most high God
   and immutable Good, who created all things good--brought evil upon
   itself by sin.  And this its sin is itself proof that its nature was
   originally good.  For had it not been very good, though not equal to
   its Creator, the desertion of God as its light could not have been an
   evil to it.  For as blindness is a vice of the eye, and this very fact
   indicates that the eye was created to see the light, and as,
   consequently, vice itself proves that the eye is more excellent than
   the other members, because it is capable of light (for on no other
   supposition would it be a vice of the eye to want light), so the nature
   which once enjoyed God teaches, even by its very vice, that it was
   created the best of all, since it is now miserable because it does not
   enjoy God.  It is he who with very just punishment doomed the angels
   who voluntarily fell to everlasting misery, and rewarded those who
   continued in their attachment to the supreme good with the assurance of
   endless stability as the meed of their fidelity.  It is He who made
   also man himself upright, with the same freedom of will,--an earthly
   animal, indeed, but fit for heaven if he remained faithful to his
   Creator, but destined to the misery appropriate to such a nature if he
   forsook Him.  It is He who when He foreknew that man would in his turn
   sin by abandoning God and breaking His law, did not deprive him of the
   power of free-will, because He at the same time foresaw what good He
   Himself would bring out of the evil, and how from this mortal race,
   deservedly and justly condemned, He would by His grace collect, as now
   He does, a people so numerous, that He thus fills up and repairs the
   blank made by the fallen angels, and that thus that beloved and
   heavenly city is not defrauded of the full number of its citizens, but
   perhaps may even rejoice in a still more overflowing population.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1603] Luke i. 33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Of the Eternal and Unchangeable Will of God.

   It is true that wicked men do many things contrary to God's will; but
   so great is His wisdom and power, that all things which seem adverse to
   His purpose do still tend towards those just and good ends and issues
   which He Himself has foreknown.  And consequently, when God is said to
   change His will, as when, e.g., He becomes angry with those to whom He
   was gentle, it is rather they than He who are changed, and they find
   Him changed in so far as their experience of suffering at His hand is
   new, as the sun is changed to injured eyes, and becomes as it were
   fierce from being mild, and hurtful from being delightful, though in
   itself it remains the same as it was.  That also is called the will of
   God which He does in the hearts of those who obey His commandments; and
   of this the apostle says, "For it is God that worketh in you both to
   will." [1604]   As God's "righteousness" is used not only of the
   righteousness wherewith He Himself is righteous, but also of that which
   He produces in the man whom He justifies, so also that is called His
   law, which, though given by God, is rather the law of men.  For
   certainly they were men to whom Jesus said, "It is written in your
   law," [1605] though in another place we read, "The law of his God is in
   his heart." [1606]   According to this will which God works in men, He
   is said also to will what He Himself does not will, but causes His
   people to will; as He is said to know what He has caused those to know
   who were ignorant of it.  For when the apostle says, "But now, after
   that ye have known God, or rather are known of God," [1607] we cannot
   suppose that God there for the first time knew those who were foreknown
   by Him before the foundation of the world; but He is said to have known
   them then, because then He caused them to know.  But I remember that I
   discussed these modes of expression in the preceding books.  According
   to this will, then, by which we say that God wills what He causes to be
   willed by others, from whom the future is hidden, He wills many things
   which He does not perform.

   Thus His saints, inspired by His holy will, desire many things which
   never happen.  They pray, e.g., for certain individuals--they pray in a
   pious and holy manner--but what they request He does not perform,
   though He Himself by His own Holy Spirit has wrought in them this will
   to pray.  And consequently, when the saints, in conformity with God's
   mind, will and pray that all men be saved, we can use this mode of
   expression:  God wills and does not perform,--meaning that He who
   causes them to will these things Himself wills them.  But if we speak
   of that will of His which is eternal as His foreknowledge, certainly He
   has already done all things in heaven and on earth that He has
   willed,--not only past and present things, but even things still
   future.  But before the arrival of that time in which He has willed the
   occurrence of what He foreknew and arranged before all time, we say, It
   will happen when God wills.  But if we are ignorant not only of the
   time in which it is to be, but even whether it shall be at all, we say,
   It will happen if God wills,--not because God will then have a new will
   which He had not before, but because that event, which from eternity
   has been prepared in His unchangeable will, shall then come to pass.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1604] Phil. ii. 13.

   [1605] John viii. 17.

   [1606] Ps. xxxvii. 31.

   [1607] Gal. iv. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Of the Promise of Eternal Blessedness to the Saints, and
   Everlasting Punishment to the Wicked.

   Wherefore, not to mention many other instances besides, as we now see
   in Christ the fulfillment of that which God promised to Abraham when He
   said, "In thy seed shall all nations be blessed," [1608] so this also
   shall be fulfilled which He promised to the same race, when He said by
   the prophet, "They that are in their sepulchres shall rise again,"
   [1609] and also, "There shall be a new heaven and a new earth:  and the
   former shall not be mentioned, nor come into mind; but they shall find
   joy and rejoicing in it:  for I will make Jerusalem a rejoicing, and my
   people a joy.  And I will rejoice in Jerusalem, and joy in my people,
   and the voice of weeping shall be no more heard in her." [1610]   And
   by another prophet He uttered the same prediction:  "At that time thy
   people shall be delivered, every one that shall be found written in the
   book.  And many of them that sleep in the dust" (or, as some interpret
   it, "in the mound") "of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting
   life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt." [1611]   And in
   another place by the same prophet:  "The saints of the Most High shall
   take the kingdom, and shall possess the kingdom for ever, even for ever
   and ever." [1612]   And a little after he says, "His kingdom is an
   everlasting kingdom." [1613]   Other prophecies referring to the same
   subject I have advanced in the twentieth book, and others still which I
   have not advanced are found written in the same Scriptures; and these
   predictions shall be fulfilled, as those also have been which
   unbelieving men supposed would be frustrate.  For it is the same God
   who promised both, and predicted that both would come to pass,--the God
   whom the pagan deities tremble before, as even Porphyry, the noblest of
   pagan philosophers, testifies.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1608] Gen. xxii. 18.

   [1609] Isa. xxvi. 19.

   [1610] Isa. lxv. 17-19.

   [1611] Dan. xii. 1, 2.

   [1612] Dan. vii. 18.

   [1613] Dan. vii. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Against the Wise Men of the World, Who Fancy that the
   Earthly Bodies of Men Cannot Be Transferred to a Heavenly Habitation.

   But men who use their learning and intellectual ability to resist the
   force of that great authority which, in fulfillment of what was so long
   before predicted, has converted all races of men to faith and hope in
   its promises, seem to themselves to argue acutely against the
   resurrection of the body while they cite what Cicero mentions in the
   third book De Republica.  For when he was asserting the apotheosis of
   Hercules and Romulus, he says:  "Whose bodies were not taken up into
   heaven; for nature would not permit a body of earth to exist anywhere
   except upon earth."  This, forsooth, is the profound reasoning of the
   wise men, whose thoughts God knows that they are vain.  For if we were
   only souls, that is, spirits without any body, and if we dwelt in
   heaven and had no knowledge of earthly animals, and were told that we
   should be bound to earthly bodies by some wonderful bond of union, and
   should animate them, should we not much more vigorously refuse to
   believe this, and maintain that nature would not permit an incorporeal
   substance to be held by a corporeal bond?  And yet the earth is full of
   living spirits, to which terrestrial bodies are bound, and with which
   they are in a wonderful way implicated.  If, then, the same God who has
   created such beings wills this also, what is to hinder the earthly body
   from being raised to a heavenly body, since a spirit, which is more
   excellent than all bodies, and consequently than even a heavenly body,
   has been tied to an earthly body?  If so small an earthly particle has
   been able to hold in union with itself something better than a heavenly
   body, so as to receive sensation and life, will heaven disdain to
   receive, or at least to retain, this sentient and living particle,
   which derives its life and sensation from a substance more excellent
   than any heavenly body?  If this does not happen now, it is because the
   time is not yet come which has been determined by Him who has already
   done a much more marvellous thing than that which these men refuse to
   believe.  For why do we not more intensely wonder that incorporeal
   souls, which are of higher rank than heavenly bodies, are bound to
   earthly bodies, rather than that bodies, although earthly, are exalted
   to an abode which, though heavenly, is yet corporeal, except because we
   have been accustomed to see this, and indeed are this, while we are not
   as yet that other marvel, nor have as yet ever seen it?  Certainly, if
   we consult sober reason, the more wonderful of the two divine works is
   found to be to attach somehow corporeal things to incorporeal, and not
   to connect earthly things with heavenly, which, though diverse, are yet
   both of them corporeal.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Of the Resurrection of the Flesh, Which Some Refuse to
   Believe, Though the World at Large Believes It.

   But granting that this was once incredible, behold, now, the world has
   come to the belief that the earthly body of Christ was received up into
   heaven.  Already both the learned and unlearned have believed in the
   resurrection of the flesh and its ascension to the heavenly places,
   while only a very few either of the educated or uneducated are still
   staggered by it.  If this is a credible thing which is believed, then
   let those who do not believe see how stolid they are; and if it is
   incredible, then this also is an incredible thing, that what is
   incredible should have received such credit.  Here then we have two
   incredibles,--to wit, the resurrection of our body to eternity, and
   that the world should believe so incredible a thing; and both these
   incredibles the same God predicted should come to pass before either
   had as yet occurred.  We see that already one of the two has come to
   pass, for the world has believed what was incredible; why should we
   despair that the remaining one shall also come to pass, and that this
   which the world believed, though it was incredible, shall itself
   occur?  For already that which was equally incredible has come to pass,
   in the world's believing an incredible thing.  Both were incredible:
   the one we see accomplished, the other we believe shall be; for both
   were predicted in those same Scriptures by means of which the world
   believed.  And the very manner in which the world's faith was won is
   found to be even more incredible if we consider it.  Men uninstructed
   in any branch of a liberal education, without any of the refinement of
   heathen learning, unskilled in grammar, not armed with dialectic, not
   adorned with rhetoric, but plain fishermen, and very few in
   number,--these were the men whom Christ sent with the nets of faith to
   the sea of this world, and thus took out of every race so many fishes,
   and even the philosophers themselves, wonderful as they are rare.  Let
   us add, if you please, or because you ought to be pleased, this third
   incredible thing to the two former.  And now we have three incredibles,
   all of which have yet come to pass.  It is incredible that Jesus Christ
   should have risen in the flesh and ascended with flesh into heaven; it
   is incredible that the world should have believed so incredible a
   thing; it is incredible that a very few men, of mean birth and the
   lowest rank, and no education, should have been able so effectually to
   persuade the world, and even its learned men, of so incredible a
   thing.  Of these three incredibles, the parties with whom we are
   debating refuse to believe the first; they cannot refuse to see the
   second, which they are unable to account for if they do not believe the
   third.  It is indubitable that the resurrection of Christ, and His
   ascension into heaven with the flesh in which He rose, is already
   preached and believed in the whole world.  If it is not credible, how
   is it that it has already received credence in the whole world?  If a
   number of noble, exalted, and learned men had said that they had
   witnessed it, and had been at pains to publish what they had witnessed,
   it were not wonderful that the world should have believed it, but it
   were very stubborn to refuse credence; but if, as is true, the world
   has believed a few obscure, inconsiderable, uneducated persons, who
   state and write that they witnessed it, is it not unreasonable that a
   handful of wrong-headed men should oppose themselves to the creed of
   the whole world, and refuse their belief?  And if the world has put
   faith in a small number of men, of mean birth and the lowest rank, and
   no education, it is because the divinity of the thing itself appeared
   all the more manifestly in such contemptible witnesses.  The eloquence,
   indeed, which lent persuasion to their message, consisted of wonderful
   works, not words.  For they who had not seen Christ risen in the flesh,
   nor ascending into heaven with His risen body, believed those who
   related how they had seen these things, and who testified not only with
   words but wonderful signs.  For men whom they knew to be acquainted
   with only one, or at most two languages, they marvelled to hear
   speaking in the tongues of all nations.  They saw a man, lame from his
   mother's womb, after forty years stand up sound at their word in the
   name of Christ; that handkerchiefs taken from their bodies had virtue
   to heal the sick; that countless persons, sick of various diseases,
   were laid in a row in the road where they were to pass, that their
   shadow might fall on them as they walked, and that they forthwith
   received health; that many other stupendous miracles were wrought by
   them in the name of Christ; and, finally, that they even raised the
   dead.  If it be admitted that these things occurred as they are
   related, then we have a multitude of incredible things to add to those
   three incredibles.  That the one incredibility of the resurrection and
   ascension of Jesus Christ may be believed, we accumulate the
   testimonies of countless incredible miracles, but even so we do not
   bend the frightful obstinacy of these sceptics.  But if they do not
   believe that these miracles were wrought by Christ's apostles to gain
   credence to their preaching of His resurrection and ascension, this one
   grand miracle suffices for us, that the whole world has believed
   without any miracles.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--That Rome Made Its Founder Romulus a God Because It Loved
   Him; But the Church Loved Christ Because It Believed Him to Be God.

   Let us here recite the passage in which Tully expresses his
   astonishment that the apotheosis of Romulus should have been credited.
   I shall insert his words as they stand:  "It is most worthy of remark
   in Romulus, that other men who are said to have become gods lived in
   less educated ages, when there was a greater propensity to the
   fabulous, and when the uninstructed were easily persuaded to believe
   anything.  But the age of Romulus was barely six hundred years ago, and
   already literature and science had dispelled the errors that attach to
   an uncultured age."  And a little after he says of the same Romulus
   words to this effect: "From this we may perceive that Homer had
   flourished long before Romulus, and that there was now so much learning
   in individuals, and so generally diffused an enlightenment, that
   scarcely any room was left for fable.  For antiquity admitted fables,
   and sometimes even very clumsy ones; but this age [of Romulus] was
   sufficiently enlightened to reject whatever had not the air of truth."
   Thus one of the most learned men, and certainly the most eloquent, M.
   Tullius Cicero, says that it is surprising that the divinity of Romulus
   was believed in, because the times were already so enlightened that
   they would not accept a fabulous fiction.  But who believed that
   Romulus was a god except Rome, which was itself small and in its
   infancy?  Then afterwards it was necessary that succeeding generations
   should preserve the tradition of their ancestors; that, drinking in
   this superstition with their mother's milk, the state might grow and
   come to such power that it might dictate this belief, as from a point
   of vantage, to all the nations over whom its sway extended.  And these
   nations, though they might not believe that Romulus was a god, at least
   said so, that they might not give offence to their sovereign state by
   refusing to give its founder that title which was given him by Rome,
   which had adopted this belief, not by a love of error, but an error of
   love.  But though Christ is the founder of the heavenly and eternal
   city, yet it did not believe Him to be God because it was founded by
   Him, but rather it is founded by Him, in virtue of its belief.  Rome,
   after it had been built and dedicated, worshipped its founder in a
   temple as a god; but this Jerusalem laid Christ, its God, as its
   foundation, that the building and dedication might proceed.  The former
   city loved its founder, and therefore believed him to be a god; the
   latter believed Christ to be God, and therefore loved Him.  There was
   an antecedent cause for the love of the former city, and for its
   believing that even a false dignity attached to the object of its love;
   so there was an antecedent cause for the belief of the latter, and for
   its loving the true dignity which a proper faith, not a rash surmise,
   ascribed to its object.  For, not to mention the multitude of very
   striking miracles which proved that Christ is God, there were also
   divine prophecies heralding Him, prophecies most worthy of belief,
   which being already accomplished, we have not, like the fathers, to
   wait for their verification.  Of Romulus, on the other hand, and of his
   building Rome and reigning in it, we read or hear the narrative of what
   did take place, not prediction which beforehand said that such things
   should be.  And so far as his reception among the gods is concerned,
   history only records that this was believed, and does not state it as a
   fact; for no miraculous signs testified to the truth of this.  For as
   to that wolf which is said to have nursed the twin-brothers, and which
   is considered a great marvel, how does this prove him to have been
   divine?  For even supposing that this nurse was a real wolf and not a
   mere courtezan, yet she nursed both brothers, and Remus is not reckoned
   a god.  Besides, what was there to hinder any one from asserting that
   Romulus or Hercules, or any such man, was a god?  Or who would rather
   choose to die than profess belief in his divinity?  And did a single
   nation worship Romulus among its gods, unless it were forced through
   fear of the Roman name?  But who can number the multitudes who have
   chosen death in the most cruel shapes rather than deny the divinity of
   Christ?  And thus the dread of some slight indignation, which it was
   supposed, perhaps groundlessly, might exist in the minds of the Romans,
   constrained some states who were subject to Rome to worship Romulus as
   a god; whereas the dread, not of a slight mental shock, but of severe
   and various punishments, and of death itself, the most formidable of
   all, could not prevent an immense multitude of martyrs throughout the
   world from not merely worshipping but also confessing Christ as God.
   The city of Christ, which, although as yet a stranger upon earth, had
   countless hosts of citizens, did not make war upon its godless
   persecutors for the sake of temporal security, but preferred to win
   eternal salvation by abstaining from war.  They were bound, imprisoned,
   beaten, tortured, burned, torn in pieces, massacred, and yet they
   multiplied.  It was not given to them to fight for their eternal
   salvation except by despising their temporal salvation for their
   Saviour's sake.

   I am aware that Cicero, in the third book of his De Republica, if I
   mistake not, argues that a first-rate power will not engage in war
   except either for honor or for safety.  What he has to say about the
   question of safety, and what he means by safety, he explains in another
   place, saying, "Private persons frequently evade, by a speedy death,
   destitution, exile, bonds, the scourge, and the other pains which even
   the most insensible feel.  But to states, death, which seems to
   emancipate individuals from all punishments, is itself a punishment;
   for a state should be so constituted as to be eternal.  And thus death
   is not natural to a republic as to a man, to whom death is not only
   necessary, but often even desirable.  But when a state is destroyed,
   obliterated, annihilated, it is as if (to compare great things with
   small) this whole world perished and collapsed."  Cicero said this
   because he, with the Platonists, believed that the world would not
   perish.  It is therefore agreed that, according to Cicero, a state
   should engage in war for the safety which preserves the state
   permanently in existence though its citizens change; as the foliage of
   an olive or laurel, or any tree of this kind, is perennial, the old
   leaves being replaced by fresh ones.  For death, as he says, is no
   punishment to individuals, but rather delivers them from all other
   punishments, but it is a punishment to the state.  And therefore it is
   reasonably asked whether the Saguntines did right when they chose that
   their whole state should perish rather than that they should break
   faith with the Roman republic; for this deed of theirs is applauded by
   the citizens of the earthly republic.  But I do not see how they could
   follow the advice of Cicero, who tell us that no war is to be
   undertaken save for safety or for honor; neither does he say which of
   these two is to be preferred, if a case should occur in which the one
   could not be preserved without the loss of the other.  For manifestly,
   if the Saguntines chose safety, they must break faith; if they kept
   faith, they must reject safety; as also it fell out.  But the safety of
   the city of God is such that it can be retained, or rather acquired, by
   faith and with faith; but if faith be abandoned, no one can attain it.
   It is this thought of a most steadfast and patient spirit that has made
   so many noble martyrs, while Romulus has not had, and could not have,
   so much as one to die for his divinity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--That the World's Belief in Christ is the Result of Divine
   Power, Not of Human Persuasion.

   But it is thoroughly ridiculous to make mention of the false divinity
   of Romulus as any way comparable to that of Christ.  Nevertheless, if
   Romulus lived about six hundred years before Cicero, in an age which
   already was so enlightened that it rejected all impossibilities, how
   much more, in an age which certainly was more enlightened, being six
   hundred years later, the age of Cicero himself, and of the emperors
   Augustus and Tiberius, would the human mind have refused to listen to
   or believe in the resurrection of Christ's body and its ascension into
   heaven, and have scouted it as an impossibility, had not the divinity
   of the truth itself, or the truth of the divinity, and corroborating
   miraculous signs, proved that it could happen and had happened?
   Through virtue of these testimonies, and notwithstanding the opposition
   and terror of so many cruel persecutions, the resurrection and
   immortality of the flesh, first in Christ, and subsequently in all in
   the new world, was believed, was intrepidly proclaimed, and was sown
   over the whole world, to be fertilized richly with the blood of the
   martyrs.  For the predictions of the prophets that had preceded the
   events were read, they were corroborated by powerful signs, and the
   truth was seen to be not contradictory to reason, but only different
   from customary ideas, so that at length the world embraced the faith it
   had furiously persecuted.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--Of Miracles Which Were Wrought that the World Might Believe
   in Christ, and Which Have Not Ceased Since the World Believed.

   Why, they say, are those miracles, which you affirm were wrought
   formerly, wrought no longer?  I might, indeed, reply that miracles were
   necessary before the world believed, in order that it might believe.
   And whoever now-a-days demands to see prodigies that he may believe, is
   himself a great prodigy, because he does not believe, though the whole
   world does.  But they make these objections for the sole purpose of
   insinuating that even those former miracles were never wrought.  How,
   then, is it that everywhere Christ is celebrated with such firm belief
   in His resurrection and ascension?  How is it that in enlightened
   times, in which every impossibility is rejected, the world has, without
   any miracles, believed things marvellously incredible?  Or will they
   say that these things were credible, and therefore were credited?  Why
   then do they themselves not believe?  Our argument, therefore, is a
   summary one--either incredible things which were not witnessed have
   caused the world to believe other incredible things which both occurred
   and were witnessed, or this matter was so credible that it needed no
   miracles in proof of it, and therefore convicts these unbelievers of
   unpardonable scepticism.  This I might say for the sake of refuting
   these most frivolous objectors.  But we cannot deny that many miracles
   were wrought to confirm that one grand and health-giving miracle of
   Christ's ascension to heaven with the flesh in which He rose.  For
   these most trustworthy books of ours contain in one narrative both the
   miracles that were wrought and the creed which they were wrought to
   confirm.  The miracles were published that they might produce faith,
   and the faith which they produced brought them into greater
   prominence.  For they are read in congregations that they may be
   believed, and yet they would not be so read unless they were believed.
   For even now miracles are wrought in the name of Christ, whether by His
   sacraments or by the prayers or relics of His saints; but they are not
   so brilliant and conspicuous as to cause them to be published with such
   glory as accompanied the former miracles.  For the canon of the sacred
   writings, which behoved to be closed, [1614] causes those to be
   everywhere recited, and to sink into the memory of all the
   congregations; but these modern miracles are scarcely known even to the
   whole population in the midst of which they are wrought, and at the
   best are confined to one spot.  For frequently they are known only to a
   very few persons, while all the rest are ignorant of them, especially
   if the state is a large one; and when they are reported to other
   persons in other localities, there is no sufficient authority to give
   them prompt and unwavering credence, although they are reported to the
   faithful by the faithful.

   The miracle which was wrought at Milan when I was there, and by which a
   blind man was restored to sight, could come to the knowledge of many;
   for not only is the city a large one, but also the emperor was there at
   the time, and the occurrence was witnessed by an immense concourse of
   people that had gathered to the bodies of the martyrs Protasius and
   Gervasius, which had long lain concealed and unknown, but were now made
   known to the bishop Ambrose in a dream, and discovered by him.  By
   virtue of these remains the darkness of that blind man was scattered,
   and he saw the light of day. [1615]

   But who but a very small number are aware of the cure which was wrought
   upon Innocentius, ex-advocate of the deputy prefecture, a cure wrought
   at Carthage, in my presence, and under my own eyes?  For when I and my
   brother Alypius, [1616] who were not yet clergymen, [1617] though
   already servants of God, came from abroad, this man received us, and
   made us live with him, for he and all his household were devotedly
   pious.  He was being treated by medical men for fistulæ, of which he
   had a large number intricately seated in the rectum.  He had already
   undergone an operation, and the surgeons were using every means at
   their command for his relief.  In that operation he had suffered
   long-continued and acute pain; yet, among the many folds of the gut,
   one had escaped the operators so entirely, that, though they ought to
   have laid it open with the knife, they never touched it.  And thus,
   though all those that had been opened were cured, this one remained as
   it was, and frustrated all their labor.  The patient, having his
   suspicions awakened by the delay thus occasioned, and fearing greatly a
   second operation, which another medical man--one of his own
   domestics--had told him he must undergo, though this man had not even
   been allowed to witness the first operation, and had been banished from
   the house, and with difficulty allowed to come back to his enraged
   master's presence,--the patient, I say, broke out to the surgeons,
   saying, "Are you going to cut me again?  Are you, after all, to fulfill
   the prediction of that man whom you would not allow even to be
   present?"  The surgeons laughed at the unskillful doctor, and soothed
   their patient's fears with fair words and promises.  So several days
   passed, and yet nothing they tried did him good.  Still they persisted
   in promising that they would cure that fistula by drugs, without the
   knife.  They called in also another old practitioner of great repute in
   that department, Ammonius (for he was still alive at that time); and
   he, after examining the part, promised the same result as themselves
   from their care and skill.  On this great authority, the patient became
   confident, and, as if already well, vented his good spirits in
   facetious remarks at the expense of his domestic physician, who had
   predicted a second operation.  To make a long story short, after a
   number of days had thus uselessly elapsed, the surgeons, wearied and
   confused, had at last to confess that he could only be cured by the
   knife.  Agitated with excessive fear, he was terrified, and grew pale
   with dread; and when he collected himself and was able to speak, he
   ordered them to go away and never to return.  Worn out with weeping,
   and driven by necessity, it occurred to him to call in an Alexandrian,
   who was at that time esteemed a wonderfully skillful operator, that he
   might perform the operation his rage would not suffer them to do.  But
   when he had come, and examined with a professional eye the traces of
   their careful work, he acted the part of a good man, and persuaded his
   patient to allow those same hands the satisfaction of finishing his
   cure which had begun it with a skill that excited his admiration,
   adding that there was no doubt his only hope of a cure was by an
   operation, but that it was thoroughly inconsistent with his nature to
   win the credit of the cure by doing the little that remained to be
   done, and rob of their reward men whose consummate skill, care, and
   diligence he could not but admire when be saw the traces of their
   work.  They were therefore again received to favor; and it was agreed
   that, in the presence of the Alexandrian, they should operate on the
   fistula, which, by the consent of all, could now only be cured by the
   knife.  The operation was deferred till the following day.  But when
   they had left, there arose in the house such a wailing, in sympathy
   with the excessive despondency of the master, that it seemed to us like
   the mourning at a funeral, and we could scarcely repress it.  Holy men
   were in the habit of visiting him daily; Saturninus of blessed memory,
   at that time bishop of Uzali, and the presbyter Gelosus, and the
   deacons of the church of Carthage; and among these was the bishop
   Aurelius, who alone of them all survives,--a man to be named by us with
   due reverence,--and with him I have often spoken of this affair, as we
   conversed together about the wonderful works of God, and I have found
   that he distinctly remembers what I am now relating.  When these
   persons visited him that evening according to their custom, he besought
   them, with pitiable tears, that they would do him the honor of being
   present next day at what he judged his funeral rather than his
   suffering.  For such was the terror his former pains had produced, that
   he made no doubt he would die in the hands of the surgeons.  They
   comforted him, and exhorted him to put his trust in God, and nerve his
   will like a man.  Then we went to prayer; but while we, in the usual
   way, were kneeling and bending to the ground, he cast himself down, as
   if some one were hurling him violently to the earth, and began to pray;
   but in what a manner, with what earnestness and emotion, with what a
   flood of tears, with what groans and sobs, that shook his whole body,
   and almost prevented him speaking, who can describe!  Whether the
   others prayed, and had not their attention wholly diverted by this
   conduct, I do not know.  For myself, I could not pray at all.  This
   only I briefly said in my heart:  "O Lord, what prayers of Thy people
   dost Thou hear if Thou hearest not these?"  For it seemed to me that
   nothing could be added to this prayer, unless he expired in praying.
   We rose from our knees, and, receiving the blessing of the bishop,
   departed, the patient beseeching his visitors to be present next
   morning, they exhorting him to keep up his heart.  The dreaded day
   dawned.  The servants of God were present, as they had promised to be;
   the surgeons arrived; all that the circumstances required was ready;
   the frightful instruments are produced; all look on in wonder and
   suspense.  While those who have most influence with the patient are
   cheering his fainting spirit, his limbs are arranged on the couch so as
   to suit the hand of the operator; the knots of the bandages are untied;
   the part is bared; the surgeon examines it, and, with knife in hand,
   eagerly looks for the sinus that is to be cut.  He searches for it with
   his eyes; he feels for it with his finger; he applies every kind of
   scrutiny:  he finds a perfectly firm cicatrix!  No words of mine can
   describe the joy, and praise, and thanksgiving to the merciful and
   almighty God which was poured from the lips of all, with tears of
   gladness.  Let the scene be imagined rather than described!

   In the same city of Carthage lived Innocentia, a very devout woman of
   the highest rank in the state.  She had cancer in one of her breasts, a
   disease which, as physicians say, is incurable.  Ordinarily, therefore,
   they either amputate, and so separate from the body the member on which
   the disease has seized, or, that the patient's life may be prolonged a
   little, though death is inevitable even if somewhat delayed, they
   abandon all remedies, following, as they say, the advice of
   Hippocrates.  This the lady we speak of had been advised to by a
   skillful physician, who was intimate with her family; and she betook
   herself to God alone by prayer.  On the approach of Easter, she was
   instructed in a dream to wait for the first woman that came out from
   the baptistery [1618] after being baptized, and to ask her to make the
   sign of Christ upon her sore.  She did so, and was immediately cured.
   The physician who had advised her to apply no remedy if she wished to
   live a little longer, when he had examined her after this, and found
   that she who, on his former examination, was afflicted with that
   disease was now perfectly cured, eagerly asked her what remedy she had
   used, anxious, as we may well believe, to discover the drug which
   should defeat the decision of Hippocrates.  But when she told him what
   had happened, he is said to have replied, with reli gious politeness,
   though with a contemptuous tone, and an expression which made her fear
   he would utter some blasphemy against Christ, "I thought you would make
   some great discovery to me."  She, shuddering at his indifference,
   quickly replied, "What great thing was it for Christ to heal a cancer,
   who raised one who had been four days dead?"  When, therefore, I had
   heard this, I was extremely indignant that so great a miracle wrought
   in that well-known city, and on a person who was certainly not obscure,
   should not be divulged, and I considered that she should be spoken to,
   if not reprimanded on this score.  And when she replied to me that she
   had not kept silence on the subject, I asked the women with whom she
   was best acquainted whether they had ever heard of this before.  They
   told me they knew nothing of it.  "See," I said, "what your not keeping
   silence amounts to, since not even those who are so familiar with you
   know of it."  And as I had only briefly heard the story, I made her
   tell how the whole thing happened, from beginning to end, while the
   other women listened in great astonishment, and glorified God.

   A gouty doctor of the same city, when he had given in his name for
   baptism, and had been prohibited the day before his baptism from being
   baptized that year, by black woolly-haired boys who appeared to him in
   his dreams, and whom he understood to be devils, and when, though they
   trod on his feet, and inflicted the acutest pain he had ever yet
   experienced, he refused to obey them, but overcame them, and would not
   defer being washed in the laver of regeneration, was relieved in the
   very act of baptism, not only of the extraordinary pain he was tortured
   with, but also of the disease itself, so that, though he lived a long
   time afterwards, he never suffered from gout; and yet who knows of this
   miracle?  We, however, do know it, and so, too, do the small number of
   brethren who were in the neighborhood, and to whose ears it might come.

   An old comedian of Curubis [1619] was cured at baptism not only of
   paralysis, but also of hernia, and, being delivered from both
   afflictions, came up out of the font of regeneration as if he had had
   nothing wrong with his body.  Who outside of Curubis knows of this, or
   who but a very few who might hear it elsewhere?  But we, when we heard
   of it, made the man come to Carthage, by order of the holy bishop
   Aurelius, although we had already ascertained the fact on the
   information of persons whose word we could not doubt.

   Hesperius, of a tribunitian family, and a neighbor of our own, [1620]
   has a farm called Zubedi in the Fussalian district; [1621] and, finding
   that his family, his cattle, and his servants were suffering from the
   malice of evil spirits, he asked our presbyters, during my absence,
   that one of them would go with him and banish the spirits by his
   prayers.  One went, offered there the sacrifice of the body of Christ,
   praying with all his might that that vexation might cease.  It did
   cease forthwith, through God's mercy.  Now he had received from a
   friend of his own some holy earth brought from Jerusalem, where Christ,
   having been buried, rose again the third day.  This earth he had hung
   up in his bedroom to preserve himself from harm.  But when his house
   was purged of that demoniacal invasion, he began to consider what
   should be done with the earth; for his reverence for it made him
   unwilling to have it any longer in his bedroom.  It so happened that I
   and Maximinus bishop of Synita, and then my colleague, were in the
   neighborhood.  Hesperius asked us to visit him, and we did so.  When he
   had related all the circumstances, he begged that the earth might be
   buried somewhere, and that the spot should be made a place of prayer
   where Christians might assemble for the worship of God.  We made no
   objection:  it was done as he desired.  There was in that neighborhood
   a young countryman who was paralytic, who, when he heard of this,
   begged his parents to take him without delay to that holy place.  When
   he had been brought there, he prayed, and forthwith went away on his
   own feet perfectly cured.

   There is a country-seat called Victoriana, less than thirty miles from
   Hippo-regius.  At it there is a monument to the Milanese martyrs,
   Protasius and Gervasius.  Thither a young man was carried, who, when he
   was watering his horse one summer day at noon in a pool of a river, had
   been taken possession of by a devil.  As he lay at the monument, near
   death, or even quite like a dead person, the lady of the manor, with
   her maids and religious attendants, entered the place for evening
   prayer and praise, as her custom was, and they began to sing hymns.  At
   this sound the young man, as if electrified, was thoroughly aroused,
   and with frightful screaming seized the altar, and held it as if he did
   not dare or were not able to let it go, and as if he were fixed or tied
   to it; and the devil in him, with loud lamentation, besought that he
   might be spared, and confessed where and when and how he took
   possession of the youth. At last, declaring that he would go out of
   him, he named one by one the parts of his body which he threatened to
   mutilate as he went out and with these words he departed from the man.
   But his eye, falling out on his cheek, hung by a slender vein as by a
   root, and the whole of the pupil which had been black became white.
   When this was witnessed by those present (others too had now gathered
   to his cries, and had all joined in prayer for him), although they were
   delighted that he had recovered his sanity of mind, yet, on the other
   hand, they were grieved about his eye, and said he should seek medical
   advice.  But his sister's husband, who had brought him there, said,
   "God, who has banished the devil, is able to restore his eye at the
   prayers of His saints."  Therewith he replaced the eye that was fallen
   out and hanging, and bound it in its place with his handkerchief as
   well as he could, and advised him not to loose the bandage for seven
   days.  When he did so, he found it quite healthy.  Others also were
   cured there, but of them it were tedious to speak.

   I know that a young woman of Hippo was immediately dispossessed of a
   devil, on anointing herself with oil, mixed with the tears of the
   prebsyter who had been praying for her.  I know also that a bishop once
   prayed for a demoniac young man whom he never saw, and that he was
   cured on the spot.

   There was a fellow-townsman of ours at Hippo, Florentius, an old man,
   religious and poor, who supported himself as a tailor.  Having lost his
   coat, and not having means to buy another, he prayed to the Twenty
   Martyrs, [1622] who have a very celebrated memorial shrine in our town,
   begging in a distinct voice that he might be clothed.  Some scoffing
   young men, who happened to be present, heard him, and followed him with
   their sarcasm as he went away, as if he had asked the martyrs for fifty
   pence to buy a coat.  But he, walking on in silence, saw on the shore a
   great fish, gasping as if just cast up, and having secured it with the
   good-natured assistance of the youths, he sold it for curing to a cook
   of the name of Catosus, a good Christian man, telling him how he had
   come by it, and receiving for it three hundred pence, which he laid out
   in wool, that his wife might exercise her skill upon, and make into a
   coat for him.  But, on cutting up the fish, the cook found a gold ring
   in its belly; and forthwith, moved with compassion, and influenced,
   too, by religious fear, gave it up to the man, saying, "See how the
   Twenty Martyrs have clothed you."

   When the bishop Projectus was bringing the relics of the most glorious
   martyr Stephen to the waters of Tibilis, a great concourse of people
   came to meet him at the shrine.  There a blind woman entreated that she
   might be led to the bishop who was carrying the relics.  He gave her
   the flowers he was carrying.  She took them, applied them to her eyes,
   and forthwith saw.  Those who were present were astounded, while she,
   with every expression of joy, preceded them, pursuing her way without
   further need of a guide.

   Lucillus bishop of Sinita, in the neighborhood of the colonial town of
   Hippo, was carrying in procession some relics of the same martyr, which
   had been deposited in the castle of Sinita.  A fistula under which he
   had long labored, and which his private physician was watching an
   opportunity to cut, was suddenly cured by the mere carrying of that
   sacred fardel, [1623] --at least, afterwards there was no trace of it
   in his body.

   Eucharius, a Spanish priest, residing at Calama, was for a long time a
   sufferer from stone.  By the relics of the same martyr, which the
   bishop Possidius brought him, he was cured.  Afterwards the same
   priest, sinking under another disease, was lying dead, and already they
   were binding his hands.  By the succor of the same martyr he was raised
   to life, the priest's cloak having been brought from the oratory and
   laid upon the corpse.

   There was there an old nobleman named Martial, who had a great aversion
   to the Christian religion, but whose daughter was a Christian, while
   her husband had been baptized that same year.  When he was ill, they
   besought him with tears and prayers to become a Christian, but he
   positively refused, and dismissed them from his presence in a storm of
   indignation.  It occurred to the son-in-law to go to the oratory of St.
   Stephen, and there pray for him with all earnestness that God might
   give him a right mind, so that he should not delay believing in
   Christ.  This he did with great groaning and tears, and the burning
   fervor of sincere piety; then, as he left the place, he took some of
   the flowers that were lying there, and, as it was already night, laid
   them by his father's head, who so slept.  And lo! before dawn, he cries
   out for some one to run for the bishop; but he happened at that time to
   be with me at Hippo.  So when he had heard that he was from home, he
   asked the presbyters to come.  They came.  To the joy and amazement of
   all, he declared that he believed, and he was baptized.  As long as he
   remained in life, these words were ever on his lips:  "Christ, receive
   my spirit," though he was not aware that these were the last words of
   the most blessed Stephen when he was stoned by the Jews.  They were his
   last words also, for not long after he himself also gave up the ghost.

   There, too, by the same martyr, two men, one a citizen, the other a
   stranger, were cured of gout; but while the citizen was absolutely
   cured, the stranger was only informed what he should apply when the
   pain returned; and when he followed this advice, the pain was at once
   relieved.

   Audurus is the name of an estate, where there is a church that contains
   a memorial shrine of the martyr Stephen.  It happened that, as a little
   boy was playing in the court, the oxen drawing a wagon went out of the
   track and crushed him with the wheel, so that immediately he seemed at
   his last gasp.  His mother snatched him up, and laid him at the shrine,
   and not only did he revive, but also appeared uninjured.

   A religious female, who lived at Caspalium, a neighboring estate, when
   she was so ill as to be despaired of, had her dress brought to this
   shrine, but before it was brought back she was gone.  However, her
   parents wrapped her corpse in the dress, and, her breath returning, she
   became quite well.

   At Hippo a Syrian called Bassus was praying at the relics of the same
   martyr for his daughter, who was dangerously ill.  He too had brought
   her dress with him to the shrine.  But as he prayed, behold, his
   servants ran from the house to tell him she was dead.  His friends,
   however, intercepted them, and forbade them to tell him, lest he should
   bewail her in public.  And when he had returned to his house, which was
   already ringing with the lamentations of his family, and had thrown on
   his daughter's body the dress he was carrying, she was restored to
   life.

   There, too, the son of a man, Irenæus, one of our tax-gatherers, took
   ill and died.  And while his body was lying lifeless, and the last
   rites were being prepared, amidst the weeping and mourning of all, one
   of the friends who were consoling the father suggested that the body
   should be anointed with the oil of the same martyr.  It was done, and
   he revived.

   Likewise Eleusinus, a man of tribunitian rank among us, laid his infant
   son, who had died, on the shrine of the martyr, which is in the suburb
   where he lived, and, after prayer, which he poured out there with many
   tears, he took up his child alive.

   What am I to do?  I am so pressed by the promise of finishing this
   work, that I cannot record all the miracles I know; and doubtless
   several of our adherents, when they read what I have narrated, will
   regret that I have omitted so many which they, as well as I, certainly
   know.  Even now I beg these persons to excuse me, and to consider how
   long it would take me to relate all those miracles, which the necessity
   of finishing the work I have undertaken forces me to omit.  For were I
   to be silent of all others, and to record exclusively the miracles of
   healing which were wrought in the district of Calama and of Hippo by
   means of this martyr--I mean the most glorious Stephen--they would fill
   many volumes; and yet all even of these could not be collected, but
   only those of which narratives have been written for public recital.
   For when I saw, in our own times, frequent signs of the presence of
   divine powers similar to those which had been given of old, I desired
   that narratives might be written, judging that the multitude should not
   remain ignorant of these things.  It is not yet two years since these
   relics were first brought to Hippo-regius, and though many of the
   miracles which have been wrought by it have not, as I have the most
   certain means of knowing, been recorded, those which have been
   published amount to almost seventy at the hour at which I write.  But
   at Calama, where these relics have been for a longer time, and where
   more of the miracles were narrated for public information, there are
   incomparably more.

   At Uzali, too, a colony near Utica, many signal miracles were, to my
   knowledge, wrought by the same martyr, whose relics had found a place
   there by direction of the bishop Evodius, long before we had them at
   Hippo.  But there the custom of publishing narratives does not obtain,
   or, I should say, did not obtain, for possibly it may now have been
   begun.  For, when I was there recently, a woman of rank, Petronia, had
   been miraculously cured of a serious illness of long standing, in which
   all medical appliances had failed, and, with the consent of the
   above-named bishop of the place, I exhorted her to publish an account
   of it that might be read to the people.  She most promptly obeyed, and
   inserted in her narrative a circumstance which I cannot omit to
   mention, though I am compelled to hasten on to the subjects which this
   work requires me to treat.  She said that she had been persuaded by a
   Jew to wear next her skin, under all her clothes, a hair girdle, and on
   this girdle a ring, which, instead of a gem, had a stone which had been
   found in the kidneys of an ox.  Girt with this charm, she was making
   her way to the threshold of the holy martyr.  But, after leaving
   Carthage, and when she had been lodging in her own demesne on the river
   Bagrada, and was now rising to continue her journey, she saw her ring
   lying before her feet. In great surprise she examined the hair girdle,
   and when she found it bound, as it had been, quite firmly with knots,
   she conjectured that the ring had been worn through and dropped off;
   but when she found that the ring was itself also perfectly whole, she
   presumed that by this great miracle she had received somehow a pledge
   of her cure, whereupon she untied the girdle, and cast it into the
   river, and the ring along with it.  This is not credited by those who
   do not believe either that the Lord Jesus Christ came forth from His
   mother's womb without destroying her virginity, and entered among His
   disciples when the doors were shut; but let them make strict inquiry
   into this miracle, and if they find it true, let them believe those
   others.  The lady is of distinction, nobly born, married to a
   nobleman.  She resides at Carthage.  The city is distinguished, the
   person is distinguished, so that they who make inquiries cannot fail to
   find satisfaction.  Certainly the martyr himself, by whose prayers she
   was healed, believed on the Son of her who remained a virgin; on Him
   who came in among the disciples when the doors were shut; in fine,--and
   to this tends all that we have been retailing,--on Him who ascended
   into heaven with the flesh in which He had risen; and it is because he
   laid down his life for this faith that such miracles were done by his
   means.

   Even now, therefore, many miracles are wrought, the same God who
   wrought those we read of still performing them, by whom He will and as
   He will; but they are not as well known, nor are they beaten into the
   memory, like gravel, by frequent reading, so that they cannot fall out
   of mind.  For even where, as is now done among ourselves, care is taken
   that the pamphlets of those who receive benefit be read publicly, yet
   those who are present hear the narrative but once, and many are absent;
   and so it comes to pass that even those who are present forget in a few
   days what they heard, and scarcely one of them can be found who will
   tell what he heard to one who he knows was not present.

   One miracle was wrought among ourselves, which, though no greater than
   those I have mentioned, was yet so signal and conspicuous, that I
   suppose there is no inhabitant of Hippo who did not either see or hear
   of it, none who could possibly forget it.  There were seven brothers
   and three sisters of a noble family of the Cappadocian Cæsarea, who
   were cursed by their mother, a new-made widow, on account of some wrong
   they had done her, and which she bitterly resented, and who were
   visited with so severe a punishment from Heaven, that all of them were
   seized with a hideous shaking in all their limbs.  Unable, while
   presenting this loathsome appearance, to endure the eyes of their
   fellow-citizens, they wandered over almost the whole Roman world, each
   following his own direction.  Two of them came to Hippo, a brother and
   a sister, Paulus and Palladia, already known in many other places by
   the fame of their wretched lot.  Now it was about fifteen days before
   Easter when they came, and they came daily to church, and specially to
   the relics of the most glorious Stephen, praying that God might now be
   appeased, and restore their former health.  There, and wherever they
   went, they attracted the attention of every one.  Some who had seen
   them elsewhere, and knew the cause of their trembling, told others as
   occasion offered.  Easter arrived, and on the Lord's day, in the
   morning, when there was now a large crowd present, and the young man
   was holding the bars of the holy place where the relics were, and
   praying, suddenly he fell down, and lay precisely as if asleep, but not
   trembling as he was wont to do even in sleep.  All present were
   astonished.  Some were alarmed, some were moved with pity; and while
   some were for lifting him up, others prevented them, and said they
   should rather wait and see what would result.  And behold! he rose up,
   and trembled no more, for he was healed, and stood quite well, scanning
   those who were scanning him.  Who then refrained himself from praising
   God?  The whole church was filled with the voices of those who were
   shouting and congratulating him.  Then they came running to me, where I
   was sitting ready to come into the church.  One after another they
   throng in, the last comer telling me as news what the first had told me
   already; and while I rejoiced and inwardly gave God thanks, the young
   man himself also enters, with a number of others, falls at my knees, is
   raised up to receive my kiss.  We go in to the congregation:  the
   church was full, and ringing with the shouts of joy, "Thanks to God!
   Praised be God!" every one joining and shouting on all sides, "I have
   healed the people," and then with still louder voice shouting again.
   Silence being at last obtained, the customary lessons of the divine
   Scriptures were read.  And when I came to my sermon, I made a few
   remarks suitable to the occasion and the happy and joyful feeling, not
   desiring them to listen to me, but rather to consider the eloquence of
   God in this divine work.  The man dined with us, and gave us a careful
   ac count of his own, his mother's, and his family's calamity.
   Accordingly, on the following day, after delivering my sermon, I
   promised that next day I would read his narrative to the people. [1624]
     And when I did so, the third day after Easter Sunday, I made the
   brother and sister both stand on the steps of the raised place from
   which I used to speak; and while they stood there their pamphlet was
   read. [1625]   The whole congregation, men and women alike, saw the one
   standing without any unnatural movement, the other trembling in all her
   limbs; so that those who had not before seen the man himself saw in his
   sister what the divine compassion had removed from him.  In him they
   saw matter of congratulation, in her subject for prayer.  Meanwhile,
   their pamphlet being finished, I instructed them to withdraw from the
   gaze of the people; and I had begun to discuss the whole matter
   somewhat more carefully, when lo! as I was proceeding, other voices are
   heard from the tomb of the martyr, shouting new congratulations.  My
   audience turned round, and began to run to the tomb.  The young woman,
   when she had come down from the steps where she had been standing, went
   to pray at the holy relics, and no sooner had she touched the bars than
   she, in the same way as her brother, collapsed, as if falling asleep,
   and rose up cured.  While, then, we were asking what had happened, and
   what occasioned this noise of joy, they came into the basilica where we
   were, leading her from the martyr's tomb in perfect health.  Then,
   indeed, such a shout of wonder rose from men and women together, that
   the exclamations and the tears seemed like never to come to an end.
   She was led to the place where she had a little before stood
   trembling.  They now rejoiced that she was like her brother, as before
   they had mourned that she remained unlike him; and as they had not yet
   uttered their prayers in her behalf, they perceived that their
   intention of doing so had been speedily heard.  They shouted God's
   praises without words, but with such a noise that our ears could
   scarcely bear it.  What was there in the hearts of these exultant
   people but the faith of Christ, for which Stephen had shed his blood?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1614] Another reading has diffamatum, "published."

   [1615] A somewhat fuller account of this miracle is given by Augustin
   in the Confessions, ix. 16.  See also Serm. 286, and Ambrose, Ep. 22.
   A translation of this epistle in full is given in Isaac Taylor's
   Ancient Christianity, ii. 242, where this miracle is taken as a
   specimen of the so-called miracles of that age, and submitted to a
   detailed examination.  The result arrived at will be gathered from the
   following sentence:  "In the Nicene Church, so lax were the notions of
   common morality, and in so feeble a manner did the fear of God
   influence the conduct of leading men, that, on occasions when the
   Church was to be served, and her assailants to be confounded, they did
   not scruple to take upon themselves the contrivance and execution of
   the most degrading impostures."--P. 270.  It is to be observed,
   however, that Augustin was, at least in this instance, one of the
   deceived.  [On Augustin's views on post-apostolic miracles see Card.
   Newman, Essay on Miracles, Nitzsch, Augustinus Lehre vom Wunder
   (Berlin, 1865) and Schaff, Church History, vol. iii. 460, sqq.--P.S.]

   [1616] Alypius was a countryman of Augustin, and one of his most
   attached friends.  See the Confessions, passim.

   [1617] Cleros.

   [1618] Easter and Whitsuntide were the common seasons for administering
   baptism, though no rule was laid down till towards the end of the sixth
   century.  Tertullian thinks these the most appropriate times, but says
   that every time is suitable.  See Turtull, de Baptismo, c. 19.

   [1619] A town near Carthage.

   [1620] This may possibly mean a Christian.

   [1621] Near Hippo.

   [1622] Augustin's 325th sermon is in honor of these martyrs.

   [1623] See Isaac Taylor's Ancient Christianity, ii. 354.

   [1624] See Augustin's Sermons, 321.

   [1625] Sermon, 322.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--That All the Miracles Which are Done by Means of the
   Martyrs in the Name of Christ Testify to that Faith Which the Martyrs
   Had in Christ.

   To what do these miracles witness, but to this faith which preaches
   Christ risen in the flesh, and ascended with the same into heaven?  For
   the martyrs themselves were martyrs, that is to say, witnesses of this
   faith, drawing upon themselves by their testimony the hatred of the
   world, and conquering the world not by resisting it, but by dying.  For
   this faith they died, and can now ask these benefits from the Lord in
   whose name they were slain.  For this faith their marvellous constancy
   was exercised, so that in these miracles great power was manifested as
   the result.  For if the resurrection of the flesh to eternal life had
   not taken place in Christ, and were not to be accomplished in His
   people, as predicted by Christ, or by the prophets who foretold that
   Christ was to come, why do the martyrs who were slain for this faith
   which proclaims the resurrection possess such power?  For whether God
   Himself wrought these miracles by that wonderful manner of working by
   which, though Himself eternal, He produces effects in time; or whether
   He wrought them by servants, and if so, whether He made use of the
   spirits of martyrs as He uses men who are still in the body, or effects
   all these marvels by means of angels, over whom He exerts an invisible,
   immutable, incorporeal sway, so that what is said to be done by the
   martyrs is done not by their operation, but only by their prayer and
   request; or whether, finally, some things are done in one way, others
   in another, and so that man cannot at all comprehend
   them,--nevertheless these miracles attest this faith which preaches the
   resurrection of the flesh to eternal life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--That the Martyrs Who Obtain Many Miracles in Order that
   the True God May Be Worshipped, are Worthy of Much Greater Honor Than
   the Demons, Who Do Some Marvels that They Themselves May Be Supposed to
   Be God.

   Here perhaps our adversaries will say that their gods also have done
   some wonderful things, if now they begin to compare their gods to our
   dead men.  Or will they also say that they have gods taken from among
   dead men, such as Hercules, Romulus, and many others whom they fancy to
   have been received into the number of the gods?  But our martyrs are
   not our gods; for we know that the martyrs and we have both but one
   God, and that the same.  Nor yet are the miracles which they maintain
   to have been done by means of their temples at all comparable to those
   which are done by the tombs of our martyrs.  If they seem similar,
   their gods have been defeated by our martyrs as Pharaoh's magi were by
   Moses.  In reality, the demons wrought these marvels with the same
   impure pride with which they aspired to be the gods of the nations; but
   the martyrs do these wonders, or rather God does them while they pray
   and assist, in order that an impulse may be given to the faith by which
   we believe that they are not our gods, but have, together with
   ourselves, one God.  In fine, they built temples to these gods of
   theirs, and set up altars, and ordained priests, and appointed
   sacrifices; but to our martyrs we build, not temples as if they were
   gods, but monuments as to dead men whose spirits live with God.
   Neither do we erect altars at these monuments that we may sacrifice to
   the martyrs, but to the one God of the martyrs and of ourselves; and in
   this sacrifice they are named in their own place and rank as men of God
   who conquered the world by confessing Him, but they are not invoked by
   the sacrificing priest.  For it is to God, not to them, he sacrifices,
   though he sacrifices at their monument; for he is God's priest, not
   theirs.  The sacrifice itself, too, is the body of Christ, which is not
   offered to them, because they themselves are this body.  Which then can
   more readily be believed to work miracles?  They who wish themselves to
   be reckoned gods by those on whom they work miracles, or those whose
   sole object in working any miracle is to induce faith in God, and in
   Christ also as God?  They who wished to turn even their crimes into
   sacred rites, or those who are unwilling that even their own praises be
   consecrated, and seek that everything for which they are justly praised
   be ascribed to the glory of Him in whom they are praised?  For in the
   Lord their souls are praised.  Let us therefore believe those who both
   speak the truth and work wonders.  For by speaking the truth they
   suffered, and so won the power of working wonders.  And the leading
   truth they professed is that Christ rose from the dead, and first
   showed in His own flesh the immortality of the resurrection which He
   promised should be ours, either in the beginning of the world to come,
   or in the end of this world.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Against the Platonists, Who Argue from the Physical Weight
   of the Elements that an Earthly Body Cannot Inhabit Heaven.

   But against this great gift of God, these reasoners, "whose thoughts
   the Lord knows that they are vain" [1626] bring arguments from the
   weights of the elements; for they have been taught by their master
   Plato that the two greatest elements of the world, and the furthest
   removed from one another, are coupled and united by the two
   intermediate, air and water.  And consequently they say, since the
   earth is the first of the elements, beginning from the base of the
   series, the second the water above the earth, the third the air above
   the water, the fourth the heaven above the air, it follows that a body
   of earth cannot live in the heaven; for each element is poised by its
   own weight so as to preserve its own place and rank.  Behold with what
   arguments human infirmity, possessed with vanity, contradicts the
   omnipotence of God!  What, then, do so many earthly bodies do in the
   air, since the air is the third element from the earth?  Unless perhaps
   He who has granted to the earthly bodies of birds that they be carried
   through the air by the lightness of feathers and wings, has not been
   able to confer upon the bodies of men made immortal the power to abide
   in the highest heaven.  The earthly animals, too, which cannot fly,
   among which are men, ought on these terms to live under the earth, as
   fishes, which are the animals of the water, live under the water.  Why,
   then, can an animal of earth not live in the second element, that is,
   in water, while it can in the third?  Why, though it belongs to the
   earth, is it forthwith suffocated if it is forced to live in the second
   element next above earth, while it lives in the third, and cannot live
   out of it?  Is there a mistake here in the order of the elements, or is
   not the mistake rather in their reasonings, and not in the nature of
   things?  I will not repeat what I said in the thirteenth book, [1627]
   that many earthly bodies, though heavy like lead, receive from the
   workman's hand a form which enables them to swim in water; and yet it
   is denied that the omnipotent Worker can confer on the human body a
   property which shall enable it to pass into heaven and dwell there.

   But against what I have formerly said they can find nothing to say,
   even though they introduce and make the most of this order of the
   elements in which they confide.  For if the order be that the earth is
   first, the water second, the air third, the heaven fourth, then the
   soul is above all.  For Aristotle said that the soul was a fifth body,
   while Plato denied that it was a body at all.  If it were a fifth body,
   then certainly it would be above the rest; and if it is not a body at
   all, so much the more does it rise above all.  What, then, does it do
   in an earthly body?  What does this soul, which is finer than all else,
   do in such a mass of matter as this?  What does the lightest of
   substances do in this ponderosity? this swiftest substance in such
   sluggishness?  Will not the body be raised to heaven by virtue of so
   excellent a nature as this? and if now earthly bodies can retain the
   souls below, shall not the souls be one day able to raise the earthly
   bodies above?

   If we pass now to their miracles which they oppose to our martyrs as
   wrought by their gods, shall not even these be found to make for us,
   and help out our argument?  For if any of the miracles of their gods
   are great, certainly that is a great one which Varro mentions of a
   vestal virgin, who, when she was endangered by a false accusation of
   unchastity, filled a sieve with water from the Tiber, and carried it to
   her judges without any part of it leaking.  Who kept the weight of
   water in the sieve?  Who prevented any drop from falling from it
   through so many open holes?  They will answer, Some god or some demon.
   If a god, is he greater than the God who made the world?  If a demon,
   is he mightier than an angel who serves the God by whom the world was
   made?  If, then, a lesser god, angel, or demon could so sustain the
   weight of this liquid element that the water might seem to have changed
   its nature, shall not Almighty God, who Himself created all the
   elements, be able to eliminate from the earthly body its heaviness, so
   that the quickened body shall dwell in whatever element the quickening
   spirit pleases?

   Then, again, since they give the air a middle place between the fire
   above and the water beneath, how is it that we often find it between
   water and water, and between the water and the earth?  For what do they
   make of those watery clouds, between which and the seas air is
   constantly found intervening?  I should like to know by what weight and
   order of the elements it comes to pass that very violent and stormy
   torrents are suspended in the clouds above the earth before they rush
   along upon the earth under the air.  In fine, why is it that throughout
   the whole globe the air is between the highest heaven and the earth, if
   its place is between the sky and the water, as the place of the water
   is between the sky and the earth?

   Finally, if the order of the elements is so disposed that, as Plato
   thinks, the two extremes, fire and earth, are united by the two means,
   air and water, and that the fire occupies the highest part of the sky,
   and the earth the lowest part, or as it were the foundation of the
   world, and that therefore earth cannot be in the heavens, how is fire
   in the earth?  For, according to this reasoning, these two elements,
   earth and fire, ought to be so restricted to their own places, the
   highest and the lowest, that neither the lowest can rise to the place
   of the highest, nor the highest sink to that of the lowest.  Thus, as
   they think that no particle of earth is or shall ever be in the sky so
   we ought to see no particle of fire on the earth.  But the fact is that
   it exists to such an extent, not only on but even under the earth, that
   the tops of mountains vomit it forth; besides that we see it to exist
   on earth for human uses, and even to be produced from the earth, since
   it is kindled from wood and stones, which are without doubt earthly
   bodies.  But that [upper] fire, they say, is tranquil, pure, harmless,
   eternal; but this [earthly] fire is turbid, smoky, corruptible, and
   corrupting.  But it does not corrupt the mountains and caverns of the
   earth in which it rages continually.  But grant that the earthly fire
   is so unlike the other as to suit its earthly position, why then do
   they object to our believing that the nature of earthly bodies shall
   some day be made incorruptible and fit for the sky, even as now fire is
   corruptible and suited to the earth?  They therefore adduce from their
   weights and order of the elements nothing from which they can prove
   that it is impossible for Almighty God to make our bodies such that
   they can dwell in the skies.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1626] Ps. xciv. 11.

   [1627] C. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Against the Calumnies with Which Unbelievers Throw
   Ridicule Upon the Christian Faith in the Resurrection of the Flesh.

   But their way is to feign a scrupulous anxiety in investigating this
   question, and to cast ridicule on our faith in the resurrection of the
   body, by asking, Whether abortions shall rise?  And as the Lord says,
   "Verily I say unto you, not a hair of your head shall perish," [1628]
   shall all bodies have an equal stature and strength, or shall there be
   differences in size?  For if there is to be equality, where shall those
   abortions, supposing that they rise again, get that bulk which they had
   not here?  Or if they shall not rise because they were not born but
   cast out, they raise the same question about children who have died in
   childhood, asking us whence they get the stature which we see they had
   not here; for we will not say that those who have been not only born,
   but born again, shall not rise again.  Then, further, they ask of what
   size these equal bodies shall be.  For if all shall be as tall and
   large as were the tallest and largest in this world, they ask us how it
   is that not only children but many full-grown persons shall receive
   what they here did not possess, if each one is to receive what he had
   here.  And if the saying of the apostle, that we are all to come to the
   "measure of the age of the fullness of Christ," [1629] or that other
   saying, "Whom He predestinated to be conformed to the image of His
   Son," [1630] is to be understood to mean that the stature and size of
   Christ's body shall be the measure of the bodies of all those who shall
   be in His kingdom, then, say they, the size and height of many must be
   diminished; and if so much of the bodily frame itself be lost, what
   becomes of the saying, "Not a hair of your head shall perish?"
   Besides, it might be asked regarding the hair itself, whether all that
   the barber has cut off shall be restored?  And if it is to be restored,
   who would not shrink from such deformity?  For as the same restoration
   will be made of what has been pared off the nails, much will be
   replaced on the body which a regard for its appearance had cut off.
   And where, then, will be its beauty, which assuredly ought to be much
   greater in that immortal condition than it could be in this corruptible
   state?  On the other hand, if such things are not restored to the body,
   they must perish; how, then, they say, shall not a hair of the head
   perish?  In like manner they reason about fatness and leanness; for if
   all are to be equal, then certainly there shall not be some fat, others
   lean.  Some, therefore, shall gain, others lose something.
   Consequently there will not be a simple restoration of what formerly
   existed, but, on the one hand, an addition of what had no existence,
   and, on the other, a loss of what did before exist.

   The difficulties, too, about the corruption and dissolution of dead
   bodies,--that one is turned into dust, while another evaporates into
   the air; that some are devoured by beasts, some by fire, while some
   perish by shipwreck or by drowning in one shape or other, so that their
   bodies decay into liquid, these difficulties give them immoderate
   alarm, and they believe that all those dissolved elements cannot be
   gathered again and reconstructed into a body.  They also make eager use
   of all the deformities and blemishes which either accident or birth has
   produced, and accordingly, with horror and derision, cite monstrous
   births, and ask if every deformity will be preserved in the
   resurrection.  For if we say that no such thing shall be reproduced in
   the body of a man, they suppose that they confute us by citing the
   marks of the wounds which we assert were found in the risen body of the
   Lord Christ.  But of all these, the most difficult question is, into
   whose body that flesh shall return which has been eaten and assimilated
   by another man constrained by hunger to use it so; for it has been
   converted into the flesh of the man who used it as his nutriment, and
   it filled up those losses of flesh which famine had produced.  For the
   sake, then, of ridiculing the resurrection, they ask, Shall this return
   to the man whose flesh it first was, or to him whose flesh it
   afterwards became?  And thus, too, they seek to give promise to the
   human soul of alternations of true misery and false happiness, in
   accordance with Plato's theory; or, in accordance with Porphyry's,
   that, after many transmigrations into different bodies, it ends its
   miseries, and never more returns to them, not, however, by obtaining an
   immortal body, but by escaping from every kind of body.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1628] Luke xxi. 18.

   [1629] Eph. iv. 13.

   [1630] Rom. viii. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Whether Abortions, If They are Numbered Among the Dead,
   Shall Not Also Have a Part in the Resurrection.

   To these objections, then, of our adversaries which I have thus
   detailed, I will now reply, trusting that God will mercifully assist my
   endeavors.  That abortions, which, even supposing they were alive in
   the womb, did also die there, shall rise again, I make bold neither to
   affirm nor to deny, although I fail to see why, if they are not
   excluded from the number of the dead, they should not attain to the
   resurrection of the dead.  For either all the dead shall not rise, and
   there will be to all eternity some souls without bodies though they
   once had them,--only in their mother's womb, indeed; or, if all human
   souls shall receive again the bodies which they had wherever they
   lived, and which they left when they died, then I do not see how I can
   say that even those who died in their mother's womb shall have no
   resurrection.  But whichever of these opinions any one may adopt
   concerning them, we must at least apply to them, if they rise again,
   all that we have to say of infants who have been born.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Whether Infants Shall Rise in that Body Which They Would
   Have Had Had They Grown Up.

   What, then, are we to say of infants, if not that they will not rise in
   that diminutive body in which they died, but shall receive by the
   marvellous and rapid operation of God that body which time by a slower
   process would have given them?  For in the Lord's words, where He says,
   "Not a hair of your head shall perish," [1631] it is asserted that
   nothing which was possessed shall be wanting; but it is not said that
   nothing which was not possessed shall be given.  To the dead infant
   there was wanting the perfect stature of its body; for even the perfect
   infant lacks the perfection of bodily size, being capable of further
   growth.  This perfect stature is, in a sense, so possessed by all that
   they are conceived and born with it,--that is, they have it
   potentially, though not yet in actual bulk; just as all the members of
   the body are potentially in the seed, though, even after the child is
   born, some of them, the teeth for example, may be wanting.  In this
   seminal principle of every substance, there seems to be, as it were,
   the beginning of everything which does not yet exist, or rather does
   not appear, but which in process of time will come into being, or
   rather into sight.  In this, therefore, the child who is to be tall or
   short is already tall or short.  And in the resurrection of the body,
   we need, for the same reason, fear no bodily loss; for though all
   should be of equal size, and reach gigantic proportions, lest the men
   who were largest here should lose anything of their bulk and it should
   perish, in contradiction to the words of Christ, who said that not a
   hair of their head should perish, yet why should there lack the means
   by which that wonderful Worker should make such additions, seeing that
   He is the Creator, who Himself created all things out of nothing?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1631] Luke xxi. 18
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Whether the Bodies of All the Dead Shall Rise the Same
   Size as the Lord's Body.

   It is certain that Christ rose in the same bodily stature in which He
   died, and that it is wrong to say that, when the general resurrection
   shall have arrived, His body shall, for the sake of equalling the
   tallest, assume proportions which it had not when He appeared to the
   disciples in the figure with which they were familiar.  But if we say
   that even the bodies of taller men are to be reduced to the size of the
   Lord's body, there will be a great loss in many bodies, though He
   promised that, not a hair of their head should perish.  It remains,
   therefore, that we conclude that every man shall receive his own size
   which he had in youth, though he died an old man, or which he would
   have had, supposing he died before his prime.  As for what the apostle
   said of the measure of the age of the fullness of Christ, we must
   either understand him to refer to something else, viz., to the fact
   that the measure of Christ will be completed when all the members among
   the Christian communities are added to the Head; or if we are to refer
   it to the resurrection of the body, the meaning is that all shall rise
   neither beyond nor under youth, but in that vigor and age to which we
   know that Christ had arrived.  For even the world's wisest men have
   fixed the bloom of youth at about the age of thirty; and when this
   period has been passed, the man begins to decline towards the defective
   and duller period of old age.  And therefore the apostle did not speak
   of the measure of the body, nor of the measure of the stature, but of
   "the measure of the age of the fullness of Christ."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--What is Meant by the Conforming of the Saints to the Image
   of The Son of God.

   Then, again, these words, "Predestinate to be conformed to the image of
   the Son of God," [1632] may be understood of the inner man.  So in
   another place He says to us, "Be not conformed to this world, but be ye
   transformed in the renewing of your mind." [1633]   In so far, then, as
   we are transformed so as not to be conformed to the world, we are
   conformed to the Son of God.  It may also be understood thus, that as
   He was conformed to us by assuming mortality, we shall be conformed to
   Him by immortality; and this indeed is connected with the resurrection
   of the body.  But if we are also taught in these words what form our
   bodies shall rise in, as the measure we spoke of before, so also this
   conformity is to be understood not of size, but of age.  Accordingly
   all shall rise in the stature they either had attained or would have
   attained had they lived to their prime, although it will be no great
   disadvantage even if the form of the body be infantine or aged, while
   no infirmity shall remain in the mind nor in the body itself.  So that
   even if any one contends that every person will rise again in the same
   bodily form in which he died, we need not spend much labor in disputing
   with him.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1632] Rom. viii. 29.

   [1633] Rom. xii. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Whether the Bodies of Women Shall Retain Their Own Sex in
   the Resurrection.

   From the words, "Till we all come to a perfect man, to the measure of
   the age of the fullness of Christ," [1634] and from the words,
   "Conformed to the image of the Son of God," [1635] some conclude that
   women shall not rise women, but that all shall be men, because God made
   man only of earth, and woman of the man.  For my part, they seem to be
   wiser who make no doubt that both sexes shall rise.  For there shall be
   no lust, which is now the cause of confusion.  For before they sinned,
   the man and the woman were naked, and were not ashamed.  From those
   bodies, then, vice shall be withdrawn, while nature shall be
   preserved.  And the sex of woman is not a vice, but nature.  It shall
   then indeed be superior to carnal intercourse and child-bearing;
   nevertheless the female members shall remain adapted not to the old
   uses, but to a new beauty, which, so far from provoking lust, now
   extinct, shall excite praise to the wisdom and clemency of God, who
   both made what was not and delivered from corruption what He made.  For
   at the beginning of the human race the woman was made of a rib taken
   from the side of the man while he slept; for it seemed fit that even
   then Christ and His Church should be foreshadowed in this event.  For
   that sleep of the man was the death of Christ, whose side, as He hung
   lifeless upon the cross, was pierced with a spear, and there flowed
   from it blood and water, and these we know to be the sacraments by
   which the Church is "built up."  For Scripture used this very word, not
   saying "He formed" or "framed," but "built her up into a woman;" [1636]
   whence also the apostle speaks of the edification of the body of
   Christ, [1637] which is the Church.  The woman, therefore, is a
   creature of God even as the man; but by her creation from man unity is
   commended; and the manner of her creation prefigured, as has been said,
   Christ and the Church.  He, then, who created both sexes will restore
   both.  Jesus Himself also, when asked by the Sadducees, who denied the
   resurrection, which of the seven brothers should have to wife the woman
   whom all in succession had taken to raise up seed to their brother, as
   the law enjoined, says, "Ye do err, not knowing the Scriptures nor the
   power of God." [1638]   And though it was a fit opportunity for His
   saying, She about whom you make inquiries shall herself be a man, and
   not a woman, He said nothing of the kind; but "In the resurrection they
   neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are as the angels of God
   in heaven." [1639]   They shall be equal to the angels in immortality
   and happiness, not in flesh, nor in resurrection, which the angels did
   not need, because they could not die.  The Lord then denied that there
   would be in the resurrection, not women, but marriages; and He uttered
   this denial in circumstances in which the question mooted would have
   been more easily and speedily solved by denying that the female sex
   would exist, if this had in truth been foreknown by Him.  But, indeed,
   He even affirmed that the sex should exist by saying, "They shall not
   be given in marriage," which can only apply to females; "Neither shall
   they marry," which applies to males.  There shall therefore be those
   who are in this world accustomed to marry and be given in marriage,
   only they shall there make no such marriages.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1634] Eph. iv. 13.

   [1635] Rom. viii. 29.

   [1636] Gen. ii. 22.

   [1637] Eph. iv. 12.

   [1638] Matt. xxii. 29.

   [1639] Matt. xxii. 30.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--Of the Perfect Man, that Is, Christ; And of His Body, that
   Is, The Church, Which is His Fullness.

   To understand what the apostle means when he says that we shall all
   come to a perfect man, we must consider the connection of the whole
   passage, which runs thus:  "He that descended is the same also that
   ascended up far above all heavens, that He might fill all things.  And
   He gave some, apostles; and some, prophets; and some, evangelists; and
   some, pastors and teachers; for the perfecting of the saints, for the
   work of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of Christ:  till we
   all come to the unity of the faith and knowledge of the Son of God, to
   a perfect man, to the measure of the age of the fullness of Christ:
   that we henceforth be no more children, tossed and carried about with
   every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of men, and cunning craftiness,
   whereby they lie in wait to deceive; but, speaking the truth in love,
   may grow up in Him in all things, which is the Head, even Christ:  from
   whom the whole body fitly joined together and compacted by that which
   every joint supplieth, according to the effectual working in the
   measure of every part, maketh increase of the body, unto the edifying
   of itself in love." [1640]   Behold what the perfect man is--the head
   and the body, which is made up of all the members, which in their own
   time shall be perfected.  But new additions are daily being made to
   this body while the Church is being built up, to which it is said, "Ye
   are the body of Christ and His members;" [1641] and again, "For His
   body's sake," he says, "which is the Church;" [1642] and again, "We
   being many are one head, one body." [1643]   It is of the edification
   of this body that it is here, too, said, "For the perfecting of the
   saints, for the work of the ministry, for the edification of the body
   of Christ;" and then that passage of which we are now speaking is
   added, "Till we all come to the unity of the faith and knowledge of the
   Son of God, to a perfect man, to the measure of the age of the fullness
   of Christ," and so on.  And he shows of what body we are to understand
   this to be the measure, when he says, "That we may grow up into Him in
   all things, which is the Head, even Christ:  from whom the whole body
   fitly joined together and compacted by that which every joint
   supplieth, according to the effectual working in the measure of every
   part."  As, therefore, there is a measure of every part, so there is a
   measure of the fullness of the whole body which is made up of all its
   parts, and it is of this measure it is said, "To the measure of the age
   of the fullness of Christ."  This fullness he spoke of also in the
   place where he says of Christ, "And gave Him to be the Head over all
   things to the Church, [1644] which is His body, the fullness of Him
   that filleth all in all." [1645]   But even if this should be referred
   to the form in which each one shall rise, what should hinder us from
   applying to the woman what is expressly said of the man, understanding
   both sexes to be included under the general term "man?"  For certainly
   in the saying, "Blessed is he who feareth the Lord," [1646] women also
   who fear the Lord are included.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1640] Eph. iv. 10-16.

   [1641] 1 Cor. xii. 27.

   [1642] Col. i. 24.

   [1643] 1 Cor. x. 17.

   [1644] Another reading is, "Head over all the Church."

   [1645] Eph. i. 22, 23.

   [1646] Ps. cxii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--That All Bodily Blemishes Which Mar Human Beauty in This
   Life Shall Be Removed in the Resurrection, the Natural Substance of the
   Body Remaining, But the Quality and Quantity of It Being Altered So as
   to Produce Beauty.

   What am I to say now about the hair and nails?  Once it is understood
   that no part of the body shall so perish as to produce deformity in the
   body, it is at the same time understood that such things as would have
   produced a deformity by their excessive proportions shall be added to
   the total bulk of the body, not to parts in which the beauty of the
   proportion would thus be marred.  Just as if, after making a vessel of
   clay, one wished to make it over again of the same clay, it would not
   be necessary that the same portion of the clay which had formed the
   handle should again form the new handle, or that what had formed the
   bottom should again do so, but only that the whole clay should go to
   make up the whole new vessel, and that no part of it should be left
   unused.  Wherefore, if the hair that has been cropped and the nails
   that have been cut would cause a deformity were they to be restored to
   their places, they shall not be restored; and yet no one will lose
   these parts at the resurrection, for they shall be changed into the
   same flesh, their substance being so altered as to preserve the
   proportion of the various parts of the body.  However, what our Lord
   said, "Not a hair of your head shall perish," might more suitably be
   interpreted of the number, and not of the length of the hairs, as He
   elsewhere says, "The hairs of your head are all numbered." [1647]   Nor
   would I say this because I suppose that any part naturally belonging to
   the body can perish, but that whatever deformity was in it, and served
   to exhibit the penal condition in which we mortals are, should be
   restored in such a way that, while the substance is entirely preserved,
   the deformity shall perish.  For if even a human workman, who has, for
   some reason, made a deformed statue, can recast it and make it very
   beautiful, and this without suffering any part of the substance, but
   only the deformity to be lost,--if he can, for example, remove some
   unbecoming or disproportionate part, not by cutting off and separating
   this part from the whole, but by so breaking down and mixing up the
   whole as to get rid of the blemish without diminishing the quantity of
   his material,--shall we not think as highly of the almighty Worker?
   Shall He not be able to remove and abolish all deformities of the human
   body, whether common ones or rare and monstrous, which, though in
   keeping with this miserable life, are yet not to be thought of in
   connection with that future blessedness; and shall He not be able so to
   remove them that, while the natural but unseemly blemishes are put an
   end to, the natural substance shall suffer no diminution?

   And consequently overgrown and emaciated persons need not fear that
   they shall be in heaven of such a figure as they would not be even in
   this world if they could help it.  For all bodily beauty consists in
   the proportion of the parts, together with a certain agreeableness of
   color.  Where there is no proportion, the eye is offended, either
   because there is something awanting, or too small, or too large.  And
   thus there shall be no deformity resulting from want of proportion in
   that state in which all that is wrong is corrected, and all that is
   defective supplied from resources the Creator wots of, and all that is
   excessive removed without destroying the integrity of the substance.
   And as for the pleasant color, how conspicuous shall it be where "the
   just shall shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of their Father!"
   [1648]   This brightness we must rather believe to have been concealed
   from the eyes of the disciples when Christ rose, than to have been
   awanting.  For weak human eyesight could not bear it, and it was
   necessary that they should so look upon Him as to be able to recognize
   Him.  For this purpose also He allowed them to touch the marks of His
   wounds, and also ate and drank,--not because He needed nourishment, but
   because He could take it if He wished.  Now, when an object, though
   present, is invisible to persons who see other things which are
   present, as we say that that brightness was present but invisible by
   those who saw other things, this is called in Greek aorasia; and our
   Latin translators, for want of a better word, have rendered this
   cæcitas (blindness) in the book of Genesis.  This blindness the men of
   Sodom suffered when they sought the just Lot's gate and could not find
   it.  But if it had been blindness, that is to say, if they could see
   nothing, then they would not have asked for the gate by which they
   might enter the house, but for guides who might lead them away.

   But the love we bear to the blessed martyrs causes us, I know not how,
   to desire to see in the heavenly kingdom the marks of the wounds which
   they received for the name of Christ, and possibly we shall see them.
   For this will not be a deformity, but a mark of honor, and will add
   lustre to their appearance, and a spiritual, if not a bodily beauty.
   And yet we need not believe that they to whom it has been said, "Not a
   hair of your head shall perish," shall, in the resurrection, want such
   of their members as they have been deprived of in their martyrdom.  But
   if it will be seemly in that new kingdom to have some marks of these
   wounds still visible in that immortal flesh, the places where they have
   been wounded or mutilated shall retain the scars without any of the
   members being lost.  While, therefore, it is quite true that no
   blemishes which the body has sustained shall appear in the
   resurrection, yet we are not to reckon or name these marks of virtue
   blemishes.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1647] Luke xii. 7.

   [1648] Matt. xiii. 43.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--That, in the Resurrection, the Substance of Our Bodies,
   However Disintegrated, Shall Be Entirely Reunited.

   Far be it from us to fear that the omnipotence of the Creator cannot,
   for the resuscitation and reanimation of our bodies, recall all the
   portions which have been consumed by beasts or fire, or have been
   dissolved into dust or ashes, or have decomposed into water, or
   evaporated into the air.  Far from us be the thought, that anything
   which escapes our observation in any most hidden recess of nature
   either evades the knowledge or transcends the power of the Creator of
   all things.  Cicero, the great authority of our adversaries, wishing to
   define God as accurately as possible, says, "God is a mind free and
   independent, without materiality, perceiving and moving all things, and
   itself endowed with eternal movement." [1649]   This he found in the
   systems of the greatest philosophers.  Let me ask, then, in their own
   language, how anything can either lie hid from Him who perceives all
   things, or irrevocably escape Him who moves all things?

   This leads me to reply to that question which seems the most difficult
   of all,--To whom, in the resurrection, will belong the flesh of a dead
   man which has become the flesh of a living man?  For if some one,
   famishing for want and pressed with hunger, use human flesh as
   food,--an extremity not unknown, as both ancient history and the
   unhappy experience of our own days have taught us,--can it be
   contended, with any show of reason, that all the flesh eaten has been
   evacuated, and that none of it has been assimilated to the substance of
   the eater though the very emaciation which existed before, and has now
   disappeared, sufficiently indicates what large deficiencies have been
   filled up with this food?  But I have already made some remarks which
   will suffice for the solution of this difficulty also.  For all the
   flesh which hunger has consumed finds its way into the air by
   evaporation, whence, as we have said, God Almighty can recall it.  That
   flesh, therefore, shall be restored to the man in whom it first became
   human flesh.  For it must be looked upon as borrowed by the other
   person, and, like a pecuniary loan, must be returned to the lender.
   His own flesh, however, which he lost by famine, shall be restored to
   him by Him who can recover even what has evaporated.  And though it had
   been absolutely annihilated, so that no part of its substance remained
   in any secret spot of nature, the Almighty could restore it by such
   means as He saw fit.  For this sentence, uttered by the Truth, "Not a
   hair of your head shall perish," forbids us to suppose that, though no
   hair of a man's head can perish, yet the large portions of his flesh
   eaten and consumed by the famishing can perish.

   From all that we have thus considered, and discussed with such poor
   ability as we can command, we gather this conclusion, that in the
   resurrection of the flesh the body shall be of that size which it
   either had attained or should have attained in the flower of its youth,
   and shall enjoy the beauty that arises from preserving symmetry and
   proportion in all its members.  And it is reasonable to suppose that,
   for the preservation of this beauty, any part of the body's substance,
   which, if placed in one spot, would produce a deformity, shall be
   distributed through the whole of it, so that neither any part, nor the
   symmetry of the whole, may be lost, but only the general stature of the
   body somewhat increased by the distribution in all the parts of that
   which, in one place, would have been unsightly.  Or if it is contended
   that each will rise with the same stature as that of the body he died
   in, we shall not obstinately dispute this, provided only there be no
   deformity, no infirmity, no languor, no corruption,--nothing of any
   kind which would ill become that kingdom in which the children of the
   resurrection and of the promise shall be equal to the angels of God, if
   not in body and age, at least in happiness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1649] Cic. Tusc. Quæst. i. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Of the New Spiritual Body into Which the Flesh of the
   Saints Shall Be Transformed.

   Whatever, therefore, has been taken from the body, either during life
   or after death shall be restored to it, and, in conjunction with what
   has remained in the grave, shall rise again, transformed from the
   oldness of the animal body into the newness of the spiritual body, and
   clothed in incorruption and immortality.  But even though the body has
   been all quite ground to powder by some severe accident, or by the
   ruthlessness of enemies, and though it has been so diligently scattered
   to the winds, or into the water, that there is no trace of it left, yet
   it shall not be beyond the omnipotence of the Creator,--no, not a hair
   of its head shall perish.  The flesh shall then be spiritual, and
   subject to the spirit, but still flesh, not spirit, as the spirit
   itself, when subject to the flesh, was fleshly, but still spirit and
   not flesh.  And of this we have experimental proof in the deformity of
   our penal condition.  For those persons were carnal, not in a fleshly,
   but in a spiritual way, to whom the apostle said, "I could not speak to
   you as unto spiritual, but as unto carnal." [1650]   And a man is in
   this life spiritual in such a way, that he is yet carnal with respect
   to his body, and sees another law in his members warring against the
   law of his mind; but even in his body he will be spiritual when the
   same flesh shall have had that resurrection of which these words speak,
   "It is sown an animal body, it shall rise a spiritual body." [1651]
   But what this spiritual body shall be and how great its grace, I fear
   it were but rash to pronounce, seeing that we have as yet no experience
   of it.  Nevertheless, since it is fit that the joyfulness of our hope
   should utter itself, and so show forth God's praise, and since it was
   from the profoundest sentiment of ardent and holy love that the
   Psalmist cried, "O Lord, I have loved the beauty of Thy house," [1652]
   we may, with God's help, speak of the gifts He lavishes on men, good
   and bad alike, in this most wretched life, and may do our best to
   conjecture the great glory of that state which we cannot worthily speak
   of, because we have not yet experienced it.  For I say nothing of the
   time when God made man upright; I say nothing of the happy life of "the
   man and his wife" in the fruitful garden, since it was so short that
   none of their children experienced it:  I speak only of this life which
   we know, and in which we now are, from the temptations of which we
   cannot escape so long as we are in it, no matter what progress we make,
   for it is all temptation, and I ask, Who can describe the tokens of
   God's goodness that are extended to the human race even in this life?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1650] 1 Cor. iii. 1.

   [1651] 1 Cor. xv. 44.

   [1652] Ps. xxvi. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Of the Miseries and Ills to Which the Human Race is Justly
   Exposed Through the First Sin, and from Which None Can Be Delivered
   Save by Christ's Grace.

   That the whole human race has been condemned in its first origin, this
   life itself, if life it is to be called, bears witness by the host of
   cruel ills with which it is filled.  Is not this proved by the profound
   and dreadful ignorance which produces all the errors that enfold the
   children of Adam, and from which no man can be delivered without toil,
   pain, and fear?  Is it not proved by his love of so many vain and
   hurtful things, which produces gnawing cares, disquiet, griefs, fears,
   wild joys, quarrels, lawsuits, wars, treasons, angers, hatreds, deceit,
   flattery, fraud, theft, robbery, perfidy, pride, ambition, envy,
   murders, parricides, cruelty, ferocity, wickedness, luxury, insolence,
   impudence, shamelessness, fornications, adulteries, incests, and the
   numberless uncleannesses and unnatural acts of both sexes, which it is
   shameful so much as to mention; sacrileges, heresies, blasphemies,
   perjuries, oppression of the innocent, calumnies, plots, falsehoods,
   false witnessings, unrighteous judgments, violent deeds, plunderings,
   and whatever similar wickedness has found its way into the lives of
   men, though it cannot find its way into the conception of pure minds?
   These are indeed the crimes of wicked men, yet they spring from that
   root of error and misplaced love which is born with every son of Adam.
   For who is there that has not observed with what profound ignorance,
   manifesting itself even in infancy, and with what superfluity of
   foolish desires, beginning to appear in boyhood, man comes into this
   life, so that, were he left to live as he pleased, and to do whatever
   he pleased, he would plunge into all, or certainly into many of those
   crimes and iniquities which I mentioned, and could not mention?

   But because God does not wholly desert those whom He condemns, nor
   shuts up in His anger His tender mercies, the human race is restrained
   by law and instruction, which keep guard against the ignorance that
   besets us, and oppose the assaults of vice, but are themselves full of
   labor and sorrow.  For what mean those multifarious threats which are
   used to restrain the folly of children?  What mean pedagogues, masters,
   the birch, the strap, the cane, the schooling which Scripture says must
   be given a child, "beating him on the sides lest he wax stubborn,"
   [1653] and it be hardly possible or not possible at all to subdue him?
   Why all these punishments, save to overcome ignorance and bridle evil
   desires--these evils with which we come into the world?  For why is it
   that we remember with difficulty, and without difficulty forget? learn
   with difficulty, and without difficulty remain ignorant? are diligent
   with difficulty, and without difficulty are indolent?  Does not this
   show what vitiated nature inclines and tends to by its own weight, and
   what succor it needs if it is to be delivered?  Inactivity, sloth,
   laziness, negligence, are vices which shun labor, since labor, though
   useful, is itself a punishment.

   But, besides the punishments of childhood, without which there would be
   no learning of what the parents wish,--and the parents rarely wish
   anything useful to be taught,--who can describe, who can conceive the
   number and severity of the punishments which afflict the human
   race,--pains which are not only the accompaniment of the wickedness of
   godless men, but are a part of the human condition and the common
   misery,--what fear and what grief are caused by bereavement and
   mourning, by losses and condemnations, by fraud and falsehood, by false
   suspicions, and all the crimes and wicked deeds of other men?  For at
   their hands we suffer robbery, captivity, chains, imprisonment, exile,
   torture, mutilation, loss of sight, the violation of chastity to
   satisfy the lust of the oppressor, and many other dreadful evils.  What
   numberless casualties threaten our bodies from without,--extremes of
   heat and cold, storms, floods, inundations, lightning, thunder, hail,
   earthquakes, houses falling; or from the stumbling, or shying, or vice
   of horses; from countless poisons in fruits, water, air, animals; from
   the painful or even deadly bites of wild animals; from the madness
   which a mad dog communicates, so that even the animal which of all
   others is most gentle and friendly to its own master, becomes an object
   of intenser fear than a lion or dragon, and the man whom it has by
   chance infected with this pestilential contagion becomes so rabid, that
   his parents, wife, children, dread him more than any wild beast!  What
   disasters are suffered by those who travel by land or sea!  What man
   can go out of his own house without being exposed on all hands to
   unforeseen accidents?  Returning home sound in limb, he slips on his
   own doorstep, breaks his leg, and never recovers.  What can seem safer
   than a man sitting in his chair?  Eli the priest fell from his, and
   broke his neck.  How many accidents do farmers, or rather all men, fear
   that the crops may suffer from the weather, or the soil, or the ravages
   of destructive animals?  Commonly they feel safe when the crops are
   gathered and housed.  Yet, to my certain knowledge, sudden floods have
   driven the laborers away, and swept the barns clean of the finest
   harvest.  Is innocence a sufficient protection against the various
   assaults of demons?  That no man might think so, even baptized infants,
   who are certainly unsurpassed in innocence, are sometimes so tormented,
   that God, who permits it, teaches us hereby to bewail the calamities of
   this life, and to desire the felicity of the life to come.  As to
   bodily diseases, they are so numerous that they cannot all be contained
   even in medical books.  And in very many, or almost all of them, the
   cures and remedies are themselves tortures, so that men are delivered
   from a pain that destroys by a cure that pains.  Has not the madness of
   thirst driven men to drink human urine, and even their own?  Has not
   hunger driven men to eat human flesh, and that the flesh not of bodies
   found dead, but of bodies slain for the purpose?  Have not the fierce
   pangs of famine driven mothers to eat their own children, incredibly
   savage as it seems?  In fine, sleep itself, which is justly called
   repose, how little of repose there sometimes is in it when disturbed
   with dreams and visions; and with what terror is the wretched mind
   overwhelmed by the appearances of things which are so presented, and
   which, as it were so stand out before the senses, that we can not
   distinguish them from realities!  How wretchedly do false appearances
   distract men in certain diseases!  With what astonishing variety of
   appearances are even healthy men sometimes deceived by evil spirits,
   who produce these delusions for the sake of perplexing the senses of
   their victims, if they cannot succeed in seducing them to their side!

   From this hell upon earth there is no escape, save through the grace of
   the Saviour Christ, our God and Lord.  The very name Jesus shows this,
   for it means Saviour; and He saves us especially from passing out of
   this life into a more wretched and eternal state, which is rather a
   death than a life.  For in this life, though holy men and holy pursuits
   afford us great consolations, yet the blessings which men crave are not
   invariably bestowed upon them, lest religion should be cultivated for
   the sake of these temporal advantages, while it ought rather to be
   cultivated for the sake of that other life from which all evil is
   excluded.  Therefore, also, does grace aid good men in the midst of
   present calamities, so that they are enabled to endure them with a
   constancy proportioned to their faith.  The world's sages affirm that
   philosophy contributes something to this,--that philosophy which,
   according to Cicero, the gods have bestowed in its purity only on a few
   men.  They have never given, he says, nor can ever give, a greater gift
   to men.  So that even those against whom we are disputing have been
   compelled to acknowledge, in some fashion, that the grace of God is
   necessary for the acquisition, not, indeed, of any philosophy, but of
   the true philosophy.  And if the true philosophy--this sole support
   against the miseries of this life--has been given by Heaven only to a
   few, it sufficiently appears from this that the human race has been
   condemned to pay this penalty of wretchedness.  And as, according to
   their acknowledgment, no greater gift has been bestowed by God, so it
   must be believed that it could be given only by that God whom they
   themselves recognize as greater than all the gods they worship.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1653] Ecclus. xxx. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Of the Miseries of This Life Which Attach Peculiarly to
   the Toil of Good Men, Irrespective of Those Which are Common to the
   Good and Bad.

   But, irrespective of the miseries which in this life are common to the
   good and bad, the righteous undergo labors peculiar to themselves, in
   so far as they make war upon their vices, and are involved in the
   temptations and perils of such a contest.  For though sometimes more
   violent and at other times slacker, yet without intermission does the
   flesh lust against the spirit and the spirit against the flesh, so that
   we cannot do the things we would, [1654] and extirpate all lust, but
   can only refuse consent to it, as God gives us ability, and so keep it
   under, vigilantly keeping watch lest a semblance of truth deceive us,
   lest a subtle discourse blind us, lest error involve us in darkness,
   lest we should take good for evil or evil for good, lest fear should
   hinder us from doing what we ought, or desire precipitate us into doing
   what we ought not, lest the sun go down upon our wrath, lest hatred
   provoke us to render evil for evil, lest unseemly or immoderate grief
   consume us, lest an ungrateful disposition make us slow to recognize
   benefits received, lest calumnies fret our conscience, lest rash
   suspicion on our part deceive us regarding a friend, or false suspicion
   of us on the part of others give us too much uneasiness, lest sin reign
   in our mortal body to obey its desires, lest our members be used as the
   instruments of unrighteousness, lest the eye follow lust, lest thirst
   for revenge carry us away, lest sight or thought dwell too long on some
   evil thing which gives us pleasure, lest wicked or indecent language be
   willingly listened to, lest we do what is pleasant but unlawful, and
   lest in this warfare, filled so abundantly with toil and peril, we
   either hope to secure victory by our own strength, or attribute it when
   secured to our own strength, and not to His grace of whom the apostle
   says, "Thanks be unto God, who giveth us the victory through our Lord
   Jesus Christ;" [1655] and in another place he says, "In all these
   things we are more than conquerors through Him that loved us." [1656]
   But yet we are to know this, that however valorously we resist our
   vices, and however successful we are in overcoming them, yet as long as
   we are in this body we have always reason to say to God, Forgive us our
   debts." [1657]   But in that kingdom where we shall dwell for ever,
   clothed in immortal bodies, we shall no longer have either conflicts or
   debts,--as indeed we should not have had at any time or in any
   condition, had our nature continued upright as it was created.
   Consequently even this our conflict, in which we are exposed to peril,
   and from which we hope to be delivered by a final victory, belongs to
   the ills of this life, which is proved by the witness of so many grave
   evils to be a life under condemnation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1654] Gal. v. 17.

   [1655] 1 Cor. xv. 57.

   [1656] Rom. viii. 37.

   [1657] Matt. vi. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--Of the Blessings with Which the Creator Has Filled This
   Life, Obnoxious Though It Be to the Curse.

   But we must now contemplate the rich and countless blessings with which
   the goodness of God, who cares for all He has created, has filled this
   very misery of the human race, which reflects His retributive justice.
   That first blessing which He pronounced before the fall, when He said,
   "Increase, and multiply, and replenish the earth," [1658]   He did not
   inhibit after man had sinned, but the fecundity originally bestowed
   remained in the condemned stock; and the vice of sin, which has
   involved us in the necessity of dying, has yet not deprived us of that
   wonderful power of seed, or rather of that still more marvellous power
   by which seed is produced, and which seems to be as it were inwrought
   and inwoven in the human body.  But in this river, as I may call it, or
   torrent of the human race, both elements are carried along
   together,--both the evil which is derived from him who begets, and the
   good which is bestowed by Him who creates us.  In the original evil
   there are two things, sin and punishment; in the original good, there
   are two other things, propagation and conformation.  But of the evils,
   of which the one, sin, arose from our audacity, and the other,
   punishment, from God's judgment, we have already said as much as suits
   our present purpose.  I mean now to speak of the blessings which God
   has conferred or still confers upon our nature, vitiated and condemned
   as it is.  For in condemning it He did not withdraw all that He had
   given it, else it had been annihilated; neither did He, in penally
   subjecting it to the devil, remove it beyond His own power; for not
   even the devil himself is outside of God's government, since the
   devil's nature subsists only by the supreme Creator who gives being to
   all that in any form exists.

   Of these two blessings, then, which we have said flow from God's
   goodness, as from a fountain, towards our nature, vitiated by sin and
   condemned to punishment, the one, propagation, was conferred by God's
   benediction when He made those first works, from which He rested on the
   seventh day.  But the other, conformation, is conferred in that work of
   His wherein "He worketh hitherto." [1659]   For were He to withdraw His
   efficacious power from things, they should neither be able to go on and
   complete the periods assigned to their measured movements, nor should
   they even continue in possession of that nature they were created in.
   God, then, so created man that He gave him what we may call fertility,
   whereby he might propagate other men, giving them a congenital capacity
   to propagate their kind, but not imposing on them any necessity to do
   so.  This capacity God withdraws at pleasure from individuals, making
   them barren; but from the whole race He has not withdrawn the blessing
   of propagation once conferred.  But though not withdrawn on account of
   sin, this power of propagation is not what it would have been had there
   been no sin.  For since "man placed in honor fell, he has become like
   the beasts," [1660] and generates as they do, though the little spark
   of reason, which was the image of God in him, has not been quite
   quenched.  But if conformation were not added to propagation, there
   would be no reproduction of one's kind.  For even though there were no
   such thing as copulation, and God wished to fill the earth with human
   inhabitants, He might create all these as He created one without the
   help of human generation.  And, indeed, even as it is, those who
   copulate can generate nothing save by the creative energy of God.  As,
   therefore, in respect of that spiritual growth whereby a man is formed
   to piety and righteousness, the apostle says, "Neither is he that
   planteth anything, neither he that watereth, but God that giveth the
   increase," [1661] so also it must be said that it is not he that
   generates that is anything, but God that giveth the essential form;
   that it is not the mother who carries and nurses the fruit of her womb
   that is anything, but God that giveth the increase.  For He alone, by
   that energy wherewith "He worketh hitherto," causes the seed to
   develop, and to evolve from certain secret and invisible folds into the
   visible forms of beauty which we see.  He alone, coupling and
   connecting in some wonderful fashion the spiritual and corporeal
   natures, the one to command, the other to obey, makes a living being.
   And this work of His is so great and wonderful, that not only man, who
   is a rational animal, and consequently more excellent than all other
   animals of the earth, but even the most diminutive insect, cannot be
   considered attentively without astonishment and without praising the
   Creator.

   It is He, then, who has given to the human soul a mind, in which reason
   and understanding lie as it were asleep during infancy, and as if they
   were not, destined, however, to be awakened and exercised as years
   increase, so as to become capable of knowledge and of receiving
   instruction, fit to understand what is true and to love what is good.
   It is by this capacity the soul drinks in wisdom, and becomes endowed
   with those virtues by which, in prudence, fortitude, temperance, and
   righteousness, it makes war upon error and the other inborn vices, and
   conquers them by fixing its desires upon no other object than the
   supreme and unchangeable Good.  And even though this be not uniformly
   the result, yet who can competently utter or even conceive the grandeur
   of this work of the Almighty, and the unspeakable boon He has conferred
   upon our rational nature, by giving us even the capacity of such
   attainment?  For over and above those arts which are called virtues,
   and which teach us how we may spend our life well, and attain to
   endless happiness,--arts which are given to the children of the promise
   and the kingdom by the sole grace of God which is in Christ,--has not
   the genius of man invented and applied countless astonishing arts,
   partly the result of necessity, partly the result of exuberant
   invention, so that this vigor of mind, which is so active in the
   discovery not merely of superfluous but even of dangerous and
   destructive things, betokens an inexhaustible wealth in the nature
   which can invent, learn, or employ such arts?  What wonderful--one
   might say stupefying--advances has human industry made in the arts of
   weaving and building, of agriculture and navigation!  With what endless
   variety are designs in pottery, painting, and sculpture produced, and
   with what skill executed!  What wonderful spectacles are exhibited in
   the theatres, which those who have not seen them cannot credit!  How
   skillful the contrivances for catching, killing, or taming wild
   beasts!  And for the injury of men, also, how many kinds of poisons,
   weapons, engines of destruction, have been invented, while for the
   preservation or restoration of health the appliances and remedies are
   infinite!  To provoke appetite and please the palate, what a variety of
   seasonings have been concocted!  To express and gain entrance for
   thoughts, what a multitude and variety of signs there are, among which
   speaking and writing hold the first place! what ornaments has eloquence
   at command to delight the mind! what wealth of song is there to
   captivate the ear! how many musical instruments and strains of harmony
   have been devised!  What skill has been attained in measures and
   numbers! with what sagacity have the movements and connections of the
   stars been discovered!  Who could tell the thought that has been spent
   upon nature, even though, despairing of recounting it in detail, he
   endeavored only to give a general view of it?  In fine, even the
   defence of errors and misapprehensions, which has illustrated the
   genius of heretics and philosophers, cannot be sufficiently declared.
   For at present it is the nature of the human mind which adorns this
   mortal life which we are extolling, and not the faith and the way of
   truth which lead to immortality.  And since this great nature has
   certainly been created by the true and supreme God, who administers all
   things He has made with absolute power and justice, it could never have
   fallen into these miseries, nor have gone out of them to miseries
   eternal, --saving only those who are redeemed,--had not an exceeding
   great sin been found in the first man from whom the rest have sprung.

   Moreover, even in the body, though it dies like that of the beasts, and
   is in many ways weaker than theirs, what goodness of God, what
   providence of the great Creator, is apparent!  The organs of sense and
   the rest of the members, are not they so placed, the appearance, and
   form, and stature of the body as a whole, is it not so fashioned, as to
   indicate that it was made for the service of a reasonable soul?  Man
   has not been created stooping towards the earth, like the irrational
   animals; but his bodily form, erect and looking heavenwards, admonishes
   him to mind the things that are above.  Then the marvellous nimbleness
   which has been given to the tongue and the hands, fitting them to
   speak, and write, and execute so many duties, and practise so many
   arts, does it not prove the excellence of the soul for which such an
   assistant was provided?  And even apart from its adaptation to the work
   required of it, there is such a symmetry in its various parts, and so
   beautiful a proportion maintained, that one is at a loss to decide
   whether, in creating the body, greater regard was paid to utility or to
   beauty.  Assuredly no part of the body has been created for the sake of
   utility which does not also contribute something to its beauty.  And
   this would be all the more apparent, if we knew more precisely how all
   its parts are connected and adapted to one another, and were not
   limited in our observations to what appears on the surface; for as to
   what is covered up and hidden from our view, the intricate web of veins
   and nerves, the vital parts of all that lies under the skin, no one can
   discover it.  For although, with a cruel zeal for science, some medical
   men, who are called anatomists, have dissected the bodies of the dead,
   and sometimes even of sick persons who died under their knives, and
   have inhumanly pried into the secrets of the human body to learn the
   nature of the disease and its exact seat, and how it might be cured,
   yet those relations of which I speak, and which form the concord,
   [1662] or, as the Greeks call it, "harmony," of the whole body outside
   and in, as of some instrument, no one has been able to discover,
   because no one has been audacious enough to seek for them.  But if
   these could be known, then even the inward parts, which seem to have no
   beauty, would so delight us with their exquisite fitness, as to afford
   a profounder satisfaction to the mind--and the eyes are but its
   ministers--than the obvious beauty which gratifies the eye.  There are
   some things, too, which have such a place in the body, that they
   obviously serve no useful purpose, but are solely for beauty, as e.g.
   the teats on a man's breast, or the beard on his face; for that this is
   for ornament, and not for protection, is proved by the bare faces of
   women, who ought rather, as the weaker sex, to enjoy such a defence.
   If, therefore, of all those members which are exposed to our view,
   there is certainly not one in which beauty is sacrificed to utility,
   while there are some which serve no purpose but only beauty, I think it
   can readily be concluded that in the creation of the human body
   comeliness was more regarded than necessity.  In truth, necessity is a
   transitory thing; and the time is coming when we shall enjoy one
   another's beauty without any lust,--a condition which will specially
   redound to the praise of the Creator, who, as it is said in the psalm,
   has "put on praise and comeliness." [1663]

   How can I tell of the rest of creation, with all its beauty and
   utility, which the divine goodness has given to man to please his eye
   and serve his purposes, condemned though he is, and hurled into these
   labors and miseries?  Shall I speak of the manifold and various
   loveliness of sky, and earth, and sea; of the plentiful supply and
   wonderful qualities of the light; of sun, moon, and stars; of the shade
   of trees; of the colors and perfume of flowers; of the multitude of
   birds, all differing in plumage and in song; of the variety of animals,
   of which the smallest in size are often the most wonderful,--the works
   of ants and bees astonishing us more than the huge bodies of whales?
   Shall I speak of the sea, which itself is so grand a spectacle, when it
   arrays itself as it were in vestures of various colors, now running
   through every shade of green, and again becoming purple or blue?  Is it
   not delightful to look at it in storm, and experience the soothing
   complacency which it inspires, by suggesting that we ourselves are not
   tossed and shipwrecked? [1664]   What shall I say of the numberless
   kinds of food to alleviate hunger, and the variety of seasonings to
   stimulate appetite which are scattered everywhere by nature, and for
   which we are not indebted to the art of cookery?  How many natural
   appliances are there for preserving and restoring health!  How grateful
   is the alternation of day and night! how pleasant the breezes that cool
   the air! how abundant the supply of clothing furnished us by trees and
   animals!  Who can enumerate all the blessings we enjoy?  If I were to
   attempt to detail and unfold only these few which I have indicated in
   the mass, such an enumeration would fill a volume.  And all these are
   but the solace of the wretched and condemned, not the rewards of the
   blessed.  What then shall these rewards be, if such be the blessings of
   a condemned state?  What will He give to those whom He has predestined
   to life, who has given such things even to those whom He has
   predestined to death?  What blessings will He in the blessed life
   shower upon those for whom, even in this state of misery, He has been
   willing that His only-begotten Son should endure such sufferings even
   to death?  Thus the apostle reasons concerning those who are
   predestined to that kingdom:  "He that spared not His own Son, but
   delivered Him up for us all, how shall He not with Him also give us all
   things?" [1665]   When this promise is fulfilled, what shall we be?
   What blessings shall we receive in that kingdom, since already we have
   received as the pledge of them Christ's dying?  In what condition shall
   the spirit of man be, when it has no longer any vice at all; when it
   neither yields to any, nor is in bondage to any, nor has to make war
   against any, but is perfected, and enjoys undisturbed peace with
   itself?  Shall it not then know all things with certainty, and without
   any labor or error, when unhindered and joyfully it drinks the wisdom
   of God at the fountain-head?  What shall the body be, when it is in
   every respect subject to the spirit, from which it shall draw a life so
   sufficient, as to stand in need of no other nutriment?  For it shall no
   longer be animal, but spiritual, having indeed the substance of flesh,
   but without any fleshly corruption.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1658] Gen. i. 28.

   [1659] John v. 17.

   [1660] Ps. xlix. 20.

   [1661] 1 Cor. iii. 7.

   [1662] Coaptatio, a word coined by Augustin, and used by him again in
   the De Trin. iv. 2.

   [1663] Ps. civ. 1.

   [1664] He apparently has in view the celebrated passage in the opening
   of the second book of Lucretius.  The uses made of this passage are
   referred to by Lecky, Hist. of European Morals, i. 74.

   [1665] Rom. viii. 32.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--Of the Obstinacy of Those Individuals Who Impugn the
   Resurrection of the Body, Though, as Was Predicted, the Whole World
   Believes It.

   The foremost of the philosophers agree with us about the spiritual
   felicity enjoyed by the blessed in the life to come; it is only the
   resurrection of the flesh they call in question, and with all their
   might deny.  But the mass of men, learned and unlearned, the world's
   wise men and its fools, have believed, and have left in meagre
   isolation the unbelievers, and have turned to Christ, who in His own
   resurrection demonstrated the reality of that which seems to our
   adversaries absurd.  For the world has believed this which God
   predicted, as it was also predicted that the world would believe,--a
   prediction not due to the sorceries of Peter, [1666] since it was
   uttered so long before.  He who has predicted these things, as I have
   already said, and am not ashamed to repeat, is the God before whom all
   other divinities tremble, as Porphyry himself owns, and seeks to prove,
   by testimonies from the oracles of these gods, and goes so far as to
   call Him God the Father and King.  Far be it from us to interpret these
   predictions as they do who have not believed, along with the whole
   world, in that which it was predicted the world would believe in.  For
   why should we not rather understand them as the world does, whose
   belief was predicted, and leave that handful of unbelievers to their
   idle talk and obstinate and solitary infidelity?  For if they maintain
   that they interpret them differently only to avoid charging Scripture
   with folly, and so doing an injury to that God to whom they bear so
   notable a testimony, is it not a much greater injury they do Him when
   they say that His predictions must be understood otherwise than the
   world believed them, though He Himself praised, promised, accomplished
   this belief on the world's part?  And why cannot He cause the body to
   rise again, and live for ever? or is it not to be believed that He will
   do this, because it is an undesirable thing, and unworthy of God?  Of
   His omnipotence, which effects so many great miracles, we have already
   said enough.  If they wish to know what the Almighty cannot do, I shall
   tell them He cannot lie.  Let us therefore believe what He can do, by
   refusing to believe what He cannot do.  Refusing to believe that He can
   lie, let them believe that He will do what He has promised to do; and
   let them believe it as the world has believed it, whose faith He
   predicted, whose faith He praised, whose faith He promised, whose faith
   He now points to.  But how do they prove that the resurrection is an
   undesirable thing?  There shall then be no corruption, which is the
   only evil thing about the body.  I have already said enough about the
   order of the elements, and the other fanciful objections men raise; and
   in the thirteenth book I have, in my own judgment, sufficiently
   illustrated the facility of movement which the incorruptible body shall
   enjoy, judging from the ease and vigor we experience even now, when the
   body is in good health.  Those who have either not read the former
   books, or wish to refresh their memory, may read them for themselves.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1666] VideBook xviii. c. 53.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--That the Opinion of Porphyry, that the Soul, in Order to
   Be Blessed, Must Be Separated from Every Kind of Body, is Demolished by
   Plato, Who Says that the Supreme God Promised the Gods that They Should
   Never Be Ousted from Their Bodies.

   But, say they, Porphyry tells us that the soul, in order to be blessed,
   must escape connection with every kind of body.  It does not avail,
   therefore, to say that the future body shall be incorruptible, if the
   soul cannot be blessed till delivered from every kind of body.  But in
   the book above mentioned I have already sufficiently discussed this.
   This one thing only will I repeat,--let Plato, their master, correct
   his writings, and say that their gods, in order to be blessed, must
   quit their bodies, or, in other words, die; for he said that they were
   shut up in celestial bodies, and that, nevertheless, the God who made
   them promised them immortality,--that is to say, an eternal tenure of
   these same bodies, such as was not provided for them naturally, but
   only by the further intervention of His will, that thus they might be
   assured of felicity.  In this he obviously overturns their assertion
   that the resurrection of the body cannot be believed because it is
   impossible; for, according to him, when the uncreated God promised
   immortality to the created gods, He expressly said that He would do
   what was impossible.  For Plato tells us that He said, "As ye have had
   a beginning, so you cannot be immortal and incorruptible; yet ye shall
   not decay, nor shall any fate destroy you or prove stronger than my
   will, which more effectually binds you to immortality than the bond of
   your nature keeps you from it."  If they who hear these words have, we
   do not say understanding, but ears, they cannot doubt that Plato
   believed that God promised to the gods He had made that He would effect
   an impossibility.  For He who says, "Ye cannot be immortal, but by my
   will ye shall be immortal," what else does He say than this, "I shall
   make you what ye cannot be?"  The body, therefore, shall be raised
   incorruptible, immortal, spiritual, by Him who, according to Plato, has
   promised to do that which is impossible.  Why then do they still
   exclaim that this which God has promised, which the world has believed
   on God's promise as was predicted, is an impossibility?  For what we
   say is, that the God who, even according to Plato, does impossible
   things, will do this.  It is not, then, necessary to the blessedness of
   the soul that it be detached from a body of any kind whatever, but that
   it receive an incorruptible body.  And in what incorruptible body will
   they more suitably rejoice than in that in which they groaned when it
   was corruptible?  For thus they shall not feel that dire craving which
   Virgil, in imitation of Plato, has ascribed to them when he says that
   they wish to return again to their bodies. [1667]   They shall not, I
   say, feel this desire to return to their bodies, since they shall have
   those bodies to which a return was desired, and shall, indeed, be in
   such thorough possession of them, that they shall never lose them even
   for the briefest moment, nor ever lay them down in death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1667] Virg. Æn. vi. 751.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Of the Apparently Conflicting Opinions of Plato and
   Porphyry, Which Would Have Conducted Them Both to the Truth If They
   Could Have Yielded to One Another.

   Statements were made by Plato and Porphyry singly, which if they could
   have seen their way to hold in common, they might possibly have became
   Christians.  Plato said that souls could not exist eternally without
   bodies; for it was on this account, he said, that the souls even of
   wise men must some time or other return to their bodies.  Porphyry,
   again, said that the purified soul, when it has returned to the Father,
   shall never return to the ills of this world.  Consequently, if Plato
   had communicated to Porphyry that which he saw to be true, that souls,
   though perfectly purified, and belonging to the wise and righteous,
   must return to human bodies; and if Porphyry, again, had imparted to
   Plato the truth which he saw, that holy soul, shall never return to the
   miseries of a corruptible body, so that they should not have each held
   only his own opinion, but should both have held both truths, I think
   they would have seen that it follows that the souls return to their
   bodies, and also that these bodies shall be such as to afford them a
   blessed and immortal life.  For, according to Plato, even holy souls
   shall return to the body; according to Porphyry, holy souls shall not
   return to the ills of this world.  Let Porphyry then say with Plato,
   they shall return to the body; let Plato say with Porphyry, they shall
   not return to their old misery:  and they will agree that they return
   to bodies in which they shall suffer no more.  And this is nothing else
   than what God has promised,--that He will give eternal felicity to
   souls joined to their own bodies.  For this, I presume, both of them
   would readily concede, that if the souls of the saints are to be
   reunited to bodies, it shall be to their own bodies, in which they have
   endured the miseries of this life, and in which, to escape these
   miseries, they served God with piety and fidelity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--What Plato or Labeo, or Even Varro, Might Have Contributed
   to the True Faith of the Resurrection, If They Had Adopted One
   Another's Opinions into One Scheme.

   Some Christians, who have a liking for Plato on account of his
   magnificent style and the truths which he now and then uttered, say
   that he even held an opinion similar to our own regarding the
   resurrection of the dead.  Cicero, however, alluding to this in his
   Republic, asserts that Plato meant it rather as a playful fancy than as
   a reality; for he introduces a man [1668] who had come to life again,
   and gave a narrative of his experience in corroboration of the
   doctrines of Plato.  Labeo, too, says that two men died on one day, and
   met at a cross-road, and that, being afterwards ordered to return to
   their bodies, they agreed to be friends for life, and were so till they
   died again.  But the resurrection which these writers instance
   resembles that of those persons whom we have ourselves known to rise
   again, and who came back indeed to this life, but not so as never to
   die again.  Marcus Varro, however, in his work On the Origin of the
   Roman People, records something more remarkable; I think his own words
   should be given.  "Certain astrologers," he says, "have written that
   men are destined to a new birth, which the Greeks call palingenesy.
   This will take place after four hundred and forty years have elapsed;
   and then the same soul and the same body, which were formerly united in
   the person, shall again be reunited."  This Varro, indeed, or those
   nameless astrologers,--for he does not give us the names of the men
   whose statement he cites,--have affirmed what is indeed not altogether
   true; for once the souls have returned to the bodies they wore, they
   shall never afterwards leave them.  Yet what they say upsets and
   demolishes much of that idle talk of our adversaries about the
   impossibility of the resurrection. For those who have been or are of
   this opinion, have not thought it possible that bodies which have
   dissolved into air, or dust, or ashes, or water, or into the bodies of
   the beasts or even of the men that fed on them, should be restored
   again to that which they formerly were.  And therefore, if Plato and
   Porphyry, or rather, if their disciples now living, agree with us that
   holy souls shall return to the body, as Plato says, and that,
   nevertheless, they shall not return to misery, as Porphyry maintains,
   --if they accept the consequence of these two propositions which is
   taught by the Christian faith, that they shall receive bodies in which
   they may live eternally without suffering any misery,--let them also
   adopt from Varro the opinion that they shall return to the same bodies
   as they were formerly in, and thus the whole question of the eternal
   resurrection of the body shall be resolved out of their own mouths.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1668] In the Republic, x.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--Of the Beatific Vision.

   And now let us consider, with such ability as God may vouchsafe, how
   the saints shall be employed when they are clothed in immortal and
   spiritual bodies, and when the flesh shall live no longer in a fleshly
   but a spiritual fashion.  And indeed, to tell the truth, I am at a loss
   to understand the nature of that employment, or, shall I rather say,
   repose and ease, for it has never come within the range of my bodily
   senses.  And if I should speak of my mind or understanding, what is our
   understanding in comparison of its excellence?  For then shall be that
   "peace of God which," as the apostle says, "passeth all understanding,"
   [1669] --that is to say, all human, and perhaps all angelic
   understanding, but certainly not the divine.  That it passeth ours
   there is no doubt; but if it passeth that of the angels,--and he who
   says "all understanding" seems to make no exception in their
   favor,--then we must understand him to mean that neither we nor the
   angels can understand, as God understands, the peace which God Himself
   enjoys.  Doubtless this passeth all understanding but His own.  But as
   we shall one day be made to participate, according to our slender
   capacity, in His peace, both in ourselves, and with our neighbor, and
   with God our chief good, in this respect the angels understand the
   peace of God in their own measure, and men too, though now far behind
   them, whatever spiritual advance they have made.  For we must remember
   how great a man he was who said, "We know in part, and we prophesy in
   part, until that which is perfect is come;" [1670] and "Now we see
   through a glass, darkly; but then face to face." [1671]   Such also is
   now the vision of the holy angels, who are also called our angels,
   because we, being rescued out of the power of darkness, and receiving
   the earnest of the Spirit, are translated into the kingdom of Christ,
   and already begin to belong to those angels with whom we shall enjoy
   that holy and most delightful city of God of which we have now written
   so much.  Thus, then, the angels of God are our angels, as Christ is
   God's and also ours.  They are God's, because they have not abandoned
   Him; they are ours, because we are their fellow-citizens.  The Lord
   Jesus also said, "See that ye despise not one of these little ones:
   for I say unto you, That in heaven their angels do always see the face
   of my Father which is in heaven." [1672]   As, then, they see, so shall
   we also see; but not yet do we thus see.  Wherefore the apostle uses
   the words cited a little ago, "Now we see through a glass, darkly; but
   then face to face."  This vision is reserved as the reward of our
   faith; and of it the Apostle John also says, "When He shall appear, we
   shall be like Him, for we shall see Him as He is." [1673]   By "the
   face" of God we are to understand His manifestation, and not a part of
   the body similar to that which in our bodies we call by that name.

   And so, when I am asked how the saints shall be employed in that
   spiritual body, I do not say what I see, but I say what I believe,
   according to that which I read in the psalm, "I believed, therefore
   have I spoken." [1674]   I say, then, they shall in the body see God;
   but whether they shall see Him by means of the body, as now we see the
   sun, moon, stars, sea, earth, and all that is in it, that is a
   difficult question.  For it is hard to say that the saints shall then
   have such bodies that they shall not be able to shut and open their
   eyes as they please; while it is harder still to say that every one who
   shuts his eyes shall lose the vision of God.  For if the prophet
   Elisha, though at a distance, saw his servant Gehazi, who thought that
   his wickedness would escape his master's observation and accepted gifts
   from Naaman the Syrian, whom the prophet had cleansed from his foul
   leprosy, how much more shall the saints in the spiritual body see all
   things, not only though their eyes be shut, but though they themselves
   be at a great distance?  For then shall be "that which is perfect," of
   which the apostle says, "We know in part, and we prophesy in part; but
   when that which is perfect is come, then that which is in part shall be
   done away."  Then, that he may illustrate as well as possible, by a
   simile, how superior the future life is to the life now lived, not only
   by ordinary men, but even by the foremost of the saints, he says, "When
   I was a child, I understood as a child, I spake as a child, I thought
   as a child; but when I became a man, I put away childish things.  Now
   we see through a glass, darkly; but then face to face:  now I know in
   part; but then shall I know even as also I am known." [1675]   If,
   then, even in this life, in which the prophetic power of remarkable men
   is no more worthy to be compared to the vision of the future life than
   childhood is to manhood, Elisha, though distant from his servant, saw
   him accepting gifts, shall we say that when that which is perfect is
   come, and the corruptible body no longer oppresses the soul, but is
   incorruptible and offers no impediment to it, the saints shall need
   bodily eyes to see, though Elisha had no need of them to see his
   servant?  For, following the Septuagint version, these are the
   prophet's words:  "Did not my heart go with thee, when the man came out
   of his chariot to meet thee, and thou tookedst his gifts?" [1676]   Or,
   as the presbyter Jerome rendered it from the Hebrew, "Was not my heart
   present when the man turned from his chariot to meet thee?"  The
   prophet said that he saw this with his heart, miraculously aided by
   God, as no one can doubt.  But how much more abundantly shall the
   saints enjoy this gift when God shall be all in all?  Nevertheless the
   bodily eyes also shall have their office and their place, and shall be
   used by the spirit through the spiritual body.  For the prophet did not
   forego the use of his eyes for seeing what was before them, though he
   did not need them to see his absent servant, and though he could have
   seen these present objects in spirit, and with his eyes shut, as he saw
   things far distant in a place where he himself was not.  Far be it,
   then, from us to say that in the life to come the saints shall not see
   God when their eyes are shut, since they shall always see Him with the
   spirit.

   But the question arises, whether, when their eyes are open, they shall
   see Him with the bodily eye?  If the eyes of the spiritual body have no
   more power than the eyes which we now possess, manifestly God cannot be
   seen with them.  They must be of a very different power if they can
   look upon that incorporeal nature which is not contained in any place,
   but is all in every place.  For though we say that God is in heaven and
   on earth, as He, Himself says by the prophet, "I fill heaven and
   earth," [1677] we do not mean that there is one part of God in heaven
   and another part on earth; but He is all in heaven and all on earth,
   not at alternate intervals of time, but both at once, as no bodily
   nature can be.  The eye, then, shall have a vastly superior power,--the
   power not of keen sight, such as is ascribed to serpents or eagles, for
   however keenly these animals see, they can discern nothing but bodily
   substances,--but the power of seeing things incorporeal.  Possibly it
   was this great power of vision which was temporarily communicated to
   the eyes of the holy Job while yet in this mortal body, when he says to
   God, "I have heard of Thee by the hearing of the ear; but now mine eye
   seeth Thee:  wherefore I abhor myself, and melt away, and count myself
   dust and ashes;" [1678] although there is no reason why we should not
   understand this of the eye of the heart, of which the apostle says,
   "Having the eyes of your heart illuminated." [1679]   But that God
   shall be seen with these eyes no Christian doubts who believingly
   accepts what our God and Master says, "Blessed are the pure in heart:
   for they shall see God." [1680]   But whether in the future life God
   shall also be seen with the bodily eye, this is now our question.

   The expression of Scripture, "And all flesh shall see the salvation of
   God," [1681] may without difficulty be understood as if it were said,
   "And every man shall see the Christ of God."  And He certainly was seen
   in the body, and shall be seen in the body when He judges quick and
   dead.  And that Christ is the salvation of God, many other passages of
   Scripture witness, but especially the words of the venerable Simeon,
   who, when he had received into his hands the infant Christ, said, "Now
   lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace, according to Thy word:  for
   mine eyes have seen Thy salvation." [1682]   As for the words of the
   above-mentioned Job, as they are found in the Hebrew manuscripts, "And
   in my flesh I shall see God," [1683] no doubt they were a prophecy of
   the resurrection of the flesh; yet he does not say "by the flesh."  And
   indeed, if he had said this, it would still be possible that Christ was
   meant by "God;" for Christ shall be seen by the flesh in the flesh.
   But even understanding it of God, it is only equivalent to saying, I
   shall be in the flesh when I see God.  Then the apostle's expression,
   "face to face," [1684] does not oblige us to believe that we shall see
   God by the bodily face in which are the eyes of the body, for we shall
   see Him without intermission in spirit.  And if the apostle had not
   referred to the face of the inner man, he would not have said, "But we,
   with unveiled face beholding as in a glass the glory of the Lord, are
   transformed into the same image, from glory to glory, as by the spirit
   of the Lord." [1685]   In the same sense we understand what the
   Psalmist sings, "Draw near unto Him, and be enlightened; and your faces
   shall not be ashamed." [1686]   For it is by faith we draw near to God,
   and faith is an act of the spirit, not of the body.  But as we do not
   know what degree of perfection the spiritual body shall attain,--for
   here we speak of a matter of which we have no experience, and upon
   which the authority of Scripture does not definitely pronounce,--it is
   necessary that the words of the Book of Wisdom be illustrated in us:
   "The thoughts of mortal men are timid, and our fore-castings
   uncertain." [1687]

   For if that reasoning of the philosophers, by which they attempt to
   make out that intelligible or mental objects are so seen by the mind,
   and sensible or bodily objects so seen by the body, that the former
   cannot be discerned by the mind through the body, nor the latter by the
   mind itself without the body,--if this reasoning were trustworthy, then
   it would certainly follow that God could not be seen by the eye even of
   a spiritual body.  But this reasoning is exploded both by true reason
   and by prophetic authority.  For who is so little acquainted with the
   truth as to say that God has no cognisance of sensible objects?  Has He
   therefore a body, the eyes of which give Him this knowledge?  Moreover,
   what we have just been relating of the prophet Elisha, does this not
   sufficiently show that bodily things can be discerned by the spirit
   without the help of the body?  For when that servant received the
   gifts, certainly this was a bodily or material transaction, yet the
   prophet saw it not by the body, but by the spirit.  As, therefore, it
   is agreed that bodies are seen by the spirit, what if the power of the
   spiritual body shall be so great that spirit also is seen by the body?
   For God is a spirit.  Besides, each man recognizes his own life--that
   life by which he now lives in the body, and which vivifies these
   earthly members and causes them to grow--by an interior sense, and not
   by his bodily eye; but the life of other men, though it is invisible,
   he sees with the bodily eye.  For how do we distinguish between living
   and dead bodies, except by seeing at once both the body and the life
   which we cannot see save by the eye?  But a life without a body we
   cannot see thus.

   Wherefore it may very well be, and it is thoroughly credible, that we
   shall in the future world see the material forms of the new heavens and
   the new earth in such a way that we shall most distinctly recognize God
   everywhere present and governing all things, material as well as
   spiritual, and shall see Him, not as now we understand the invisible
   things of God, by the things which are made, [1688] and see Him darkly,
   as in a mirror, and in part, and rather by faith than by bodily vision
   of material appearances, but by means of the bodies we shall wear and
   which we shall see wherever we turn our eyes.  As we do not believe,
   but see that the living men around us who are exercising vital
   functions are alive, though we cannot see their life without their
   bodies, but see it most distinctly by means of their bodies, so,
   wherever we shall look with those spiritual eyes of our future bodies,
   we shall then, too, by means of bodily substances behold God, though a
   spirit, ruling all things.  Either, therefore, the eyes shall possess
   some quality similar to that of the mind, by which they may be able to
   discern spiritual things, and among these God,--a supposition for which
   it is difficult or even impossible to find any support in
   Scripture,--or, which is more easy to comprehend, God will be so known
   by us, and shall be so much before us, that we shall see Him by the
   spirit in ourselves, in one another, in Himself, in the new heavens and
   the new earth, in every created thing which shall then exist; and also
   by the body we shall see Him in every body which the keen vision of the
   eye of the spiritual body shall reach.  Our thoughts also shall be
   visible to all, for then shall be fulfilled the words of the apostle,
   "Judge nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who both will
   bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and will make manifest
   the thoughts of the heart, and then shall every one have praise of
   God." [1689]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1669] Phil. iv. 7.

   [1670] 1 Cor. xiii. 9, 10.

   [1671] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [1672] Matt. xviii. 10.

   [1673] 1 John iii. 2.

   [1674] Ps. cxvi. 10.

   [1675] 1 Cor. xiii. 11, 12.

   [1676] 2 Kings v. 26.

   [1677] Jer. xxiii. 24.

   [1678] Job xlii. 5, 6.

   [1679] Eph. i. 18.

   [1680] Matt. v. 8.

   [1681] Luke iii. 6.

   [1682] Luke ii. 29, 30.

   [1683] Job xix. 26.  [Rev. Vers.; "from my flesh," with the margin:
   "without my flesh."--P.S.]

   [1684] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [1685] 2 Cor. iii. 18.

   [1686] Ps. xxxiv. 5.

   [1687] Wisd. ix. 14.

   [1688] Rom. i. 20.

   [1689] 1 Cor. iv. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--Of the Eternal Felicity of the City of God, and of the
   Perpetual Sabbath.

   How great shall be that felicity, which shall be tainted with no evil,
   which shall lack no good, and which shall afford leisure for the
   praises of God, who shall be all in all!  For I know not what other
   employment there can be where no lassitude shall slacken activity, nor
   any want stimulate to labor.  I am admonished also by the sacred song,
   in which I read or hear the words, "Blessed are they that dwell in Thy
   house, O Lord; they will be still praising Thee." [1690]   All the
   members and organs of the incorruptible body, which now we see to be
   suited to various necessary uses, shall contribute to the praises of
   God; for in that life necessity shall have no place, but full, certain,
   secure, everlasting felicity.  For all those parts [1691] of the bodily
   harmony, which are distributed through the whole body, within and
   without, and of which I have just been saying that they at present
   elude our observation, shall then be discerned; and, along with the
   other great and marvellous discoveries which shall then kindle rational
   minds in praise of the great Artificer, there shall be the enjoyment of
   a beauty which appeals to the reason.  What power of movement such
   bodies shall possess, I have not the audacity rashly to define, as I
   have not the ability to conceive.  Nevertheless I will say that in any
   case, both in motion and at rest, they shall be, as in their
   appearance, seemly; for into that state nothing which is unseemly shall
   be admitted.  One thing is certain, the body shall forthwith be
   wherever the spirit wills, and the spirit shall will nothing which is
   unbecoming either to the spirit or to the body.  True honor shall be
   there, for it shall be denied to none who is worthy, nor yielded to any
   unworthy; neither shall any unworthy person so much as sue for it, for
   none but the worthy shall be there.  True peace shall be there, where
   no one shall suffer opposition either from himself or any other.  God
   Himself, who is the Author of virtue, shall there be its reward; for,
   as there is nothing greater or better, He has promised Himself.  What
   else was meant by His word through the prophet, "I will be your God,
   and ye shall be my people," [1692] than, I shall be their satisfaction,
   I shall be all that men honorably desire,--life, and health, and
   nourishment, and plenty, and glory, and honor, and peace, and all good
   things?  This, too, is the right interpretation of the saying of the
   apostle, "That God may be all in all." [1693]   He shall be the end of
   our desires who shall be seen without end, loved without cloy, praised
   without weariness.  This outgoing of affection, this employment, shall
   certainly be, like eternal life itself, common to all.

   But who can conceive, not to say describe, what degrees of honor and
   glory shall be awarded to the various degrees of merit?  Yet it cannot
   be doubted that there shall be degrees.  And in that blessed city there
   shall be this great blessing, that no inferior shall envy any superior,
   as now the archangels are not envied by the angels, because no one will
   wish to be what he has not received, though bound in strictest concord
   with him who has received; as in the body the finger does not seek to
   be the eye, though both members are harmoniously included in the
   complete structure of the body.  And thus, along with his gift, greater
   or less, each shall receive this further gift of contentment to desire
   no more than he has.

   Neither are we to suppose that because sin shall have no power to
   delight them, free will must be withdrawn.  It will, on the contrary,
   be all the more truly free, because set free from delight in sinning to
   take unfailing delight in not sinning.  For the first freedom of will
   which man received when he was created upright consisted in an ability
   not to sin, but also in an ability to sin; whereas this last freedom of
   will shall be superior, inasmuch as it shall not be able to sin.  This,
   indeed, shall not be a natural ability, but the gift of God.  For it is
   one thing to be God, another thing to be a partaker of God.  God by
   nature cannot sin, but the partaker of God receives this inability from
   God.  And in this divine gift there was to be observed this gradation,
   that man should first receive a free will by which he was able not to
   sin, and at last a free will by which he was not able to sin,--the
   former being adapted to the acquiring of merit, the latter to the
   enjoying of the reward. [1694]   But the nature thus constituted,
   having sinned when it had the ability to do so, it is by a more
   abundant grace that it is delivered so as to reach that freedom in
   which it cannot sin.  For as the first immortality which Adam lost by
   sinning consisted in his being able not to die, while the last shall
   consist in his not being able to die; so the first free will consisted
   in his being able not to sin, the last in his not being able to sin.
   And thus piety and justice shall be as indefeasible as happiness.  For
   certainly by sinning we lost both piety and happiness; but when we lost
   happiness, we did not lose the love of it.  Are we to say that God
   Himself is not free because He cannot sin?  In that city, then, there
   shall be free will, one in all the citizens, and indivisible in each,
   delivered from all ill, filled with all good, enjoying indefeasibly the
   delights of eternal joys, oblivious of sins, oblivious of sufferings,
   and yet not so oblivious of its deliverance as to be ungrateful to its
   Deliverer.

   The soul, then, shall have an intellectual remembrance of its past
   ills; but, so far as regards sensible experience, they shall be quite
   forgotten.  For a skillful physician knows, indeed, professionally
   almost all diseases; but experimentally he is ignorant of a great
   number which he himself has never suffered from.  As, therefore, there
   are two ways of knowing evil things,--one by mental insight, the other
   by sensible experience, for it is one thing to understand all vices by
   the wisdom of a cultivated mind, another to understand them by the
   foolishness of an abandoned life,--so also there are two ways of
   forgetting evils.  For a well-instructed and learned man forgets them
   one way, and he who has experimentally suffered from them forgets them
   another,--the former by neglecting what he has learned, the latter by
   escaping what he has suffered.  And in this latter way the saints shall
   forget their past ills, for they shall have so thoroughly escaped them
   all, that they shall be quite blotted out of their experience.  But
   their intellectual knowledge, which shall be great, shall keep them
   acquainted not only with their own past woes, but with the eternal
   sufferings of the lost.  For if they were not to know that they had
   been miserable, how could they, as the Psalmist says, for ever sing the
   mercies of God?  Certainly that city shall have no greater joy than the
   celebration of the grace of Christ, who redeemed us by His blood.
   There shall be accomplished the words of the psalm, "Be still, and know
   that I am God." [1695]   There shall be the great Sabbath which has no
   evening, which God celebrated among His first works, as it is written,
   "And God rested on the seventh day from all His works which He had
   made.  And God blessed the seventh day, and sanctified it; because that
   in it He had rested from all His work which God began to make." [1696]
     For we shall ourselves be the seventh day, when we shall be filled
   and replenished with God's blessing and sanctification.  There shall we
   be still, and know that He is God; that He is that which we ourselves
   aspired to be when we fell away from Him, and listened to the voice of
   the seducer, "Ye shall be as gods," [1697] and so abandoned God, who
   would have made us as gods, not by deserting Him, but by participating
   in Him.  For without Him what have we accomplished, save to perish in
   His anger?  But when we are restored by Him, and perfected with greater
   grace, we shall have eternal leisure to see that He is God, for we
   shall be full of Him when He shall be all in all.  For even our good
   works, when they are understood to be rather His than ours, are imputed
   to us that we may enjoy this Sabbath rest.  For if we attribute them to
   ourselves, they shall be servile; for it is said of the Sabbath, "Ye
   shall do no servile work in it." [1698]   Wherefore also it is said by
   Ezekiel the prophet, "And I gave them my Sabbaths to be a sign between
   me and them, that they might know that I am the Lord who sanctify
   them." [1699]   This knowledge shall be perfected when we shall be
   perfectly at rest, and shall perfectly know that He is God.

   This Sabbath shall appear still more clearly if we count the ages as
   days, in accordance with the periods of time defined in Scripture, for
   that period will be found to be the seventh.  The first age, as the
   first day, extends from Adam to the deluge; the second from the deluge
   to Abraham, equalling the first, not in length of time, but in the
   number of generations, there being ten in each.  From Abraham to the
   advent of Christ there are, as the evangelist Matthew calculates, three
   periods, in each of which are fourteen generations,--one period from
   Abraham to David, a second from David to the captivity, a third from
   the captivity to the birth of Christ in the flesh.  There are thus five
   ages in all.  The sixth is now passing, and cannot be measured by any
   number of generations, as it has been said, "It is not for you to know
   the times, which the Father hath put in His own power." [1700]   After
   this period God shall rest as on the seventh day, when He shall give us
   (who shall be the seventh day) rest in Himself. [1701]   But there is
   not now space to treat of these ages; suffice it to say that the
   seventh shall be our Sabbath, which shall be brought to a close, not by
   an evening, but by the Lord's day, as an eighth and eternal day,
   consecrated by the resurrection of Christ, and prefiguring the eternal
   repose not only of the spirit, but also of the body.  There we shall
   rest and see, see and love, love and praise.  This is what shall be in
   the end without end.  For what other end do we propose to ourselves
   than to attain to the kingdom of which there is no end?

   I think I have now, by God's help, discharged my obligation in writing
   this large work.  Let those who think I have said too little, or those
   who think I have said too much, forgive me; and let those who think I
   have said just enough join me in giving thanks to God.  Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1690] Ps. lxxxiv. 4.

   [1691] Numbers.

   [1692] Lev. xxvi. 12.

   [1693] 1 Cor. xv. 28.

   [1694] Or, the former to a state of probation, the latter to a state of
   reward.

   [1695] Ps. xlvi. 10.

   [1696] Gen. ii. 2, 3.

   [1697] Gen. iii. 5.

   [1698] Deut. v. 14.

   [1699] Ezek. xx. 12.

   [1700] Acts. i. 7.

   [1701] [On Augustin's view of the millennium and the first
   resurrection, see Bk. xx. 6-10.--P.S.]
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   On Christian Doctrine

   In Four Books.

   Translated by Rev. Professor J. F. Shaw, of Londonderry.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Introductory Note by the Editor.

   The four books of St. Augustin On Christian Doctrine (De Doctrina
   Christiana, iv libri) are a compend of exegetical theology to guide the
   reader in the understanding and interpretation of the Sacred
   Scriptures, according to the analogy of faith.  The first three books
   were written a.d. 397; the fourth was added 426.

   He speaks of it in his Retractations, Bk. ii., chap. 4, as follows:

   "Finding that the books on Christian Doctrine were not finished, I
   thought it better to complete them before passing on to the revision of
   others.  Accordingly, I completed the third book, which had been
   written as far as the place where a quotation is made from the Gospel
   about the woman who took leaven and hid it in three measures of meal
   till the whole was leavened. [1702]   I added also the last book, and
   finished the whole work in four books [in the year 426]:  the first
   three affording aids to the interpretation of Scripture, the last
   giving directions as to the mode of making known our interpretation.
   In the second book, [1703] I made a mistake as to the authorship of the
   book commonly called the Wisdom of Solomon.  For I have since learnt
   that it is not a well-established fact, as I said it was, that Jesus
   the son of Sirach, who wrote the book of Ecclesiasticus, wrote this
   book also:  on the contrary, I have ascertained that it is altogether
   more probable that he was not the author of this book.  Again, when I
   said, The authority of the Old Testament is contained within the limits
   of these forty-four books,' [1704] I used the phrase Old Testament' in
   accordance with ecclesiastical usage.  But the apostle seems to
   restrict the application of the name Old Testament' to the law which
   was given on Mount Sinai. [1705]   And in what I said as to St. Ambrose
   having, by his knowledge of chronology, solved a great difficulty, when
   he showed that Plato and Jeremiah were contemporaries, [1706] my memory
   betrayed me.  What that great bishop really did say upon this subject
   may be seen in the book which he wrote, On Sacraments or Philosophy.'"
   [1707]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1702] Bk. iii. chap. 25.

   [1703] Chap. 8.

   [1704] Bk. ii. chap. 8.

   [1705] Gal. iv. 24.

   [1706] Book. ii. chap. 28.  See p. 547.

   [1707] This book is among the lost works of Ambrose.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Contents of Christian Doctrine.

   ------------------------

   Preface, Showing the Utility of the Treatise on Christian Doctrine.

   Book I.

   Containing a General View of the Subjects Treated in Holy Scripture.

   The author divides his work into two parts, one relating to the
   discovery, the other to the expression, of the true sense of
   Scripture.  He shows that to discover the meaning we must attend both
   to things and to signs, as it is necessary to know what things we ought
   to teach to the Christian people, and also the signs of these things,
   that is, where the knowledge of these things is to be sought.  In this
   first book he treats of things, which he divides into three
   classes,--things to be enjoyed, things to be used, and things which use
   and enjoy.  The only object which ought to be enjoyed is the Triune
   God, who is our highest good and our true happiness.  We are prevented
   by our sins from enjoying God; and that our sins might be taken away,
   "The Word was made Flesh," our Lord suffered, and died, and rose again,
   and ascended into heaven, taking to Himself as his bride the Church, in
   which we receive remission of our sins.  And if our sins are remitted
   and our souls renewed by grace, we may await with hope the resurrection
   of the body to eternal glory; if not, we shall be raised to everlasting
   punishment.  These matters relating to faith having been expounded, the
   author goes on to show that all objects, except God, are for use; for,
   though some of them may be loved, yet our love is not to rest in them,
   but to have reference to God.  And we ourselves are not objects of
   enjoyment to God:  he uses us, but for our own advantage.  He then goes
   on to show that love--the love of God for His own sake and the love of
   our neighbor for God's sake--is the fulfillment and the end of all
   Scripture.  After adding a few words about hope, he shows, in
   conclusion, that faith, hope, and love are graces essentially necessary
   for him who would understand and explain aright the Holy Scriptures.

   Book II.

   Having completed his exposition of things, the author now proceeds to
   discuss the subject of signs.  He first defines what a sign is, and
   shows that there are two classes of signs, the natural and the
   conventional.  Of conventional signs (which are the only class here
   noticed), words are the most numerous and important, and are those with
   which the interpreter of Scripture is chiefly concerned.  The
   difficulties and obscurities of Scripture spring chiefly from two
   sources, unknown and ambiguous signs.  The present book deals only with
   unknown signs, the ambiguities of language being reserved for treatment
   in the next book.  The difficulty arising from ignorance of signs is to
   be removed by learning the Greek and Hebrew languages, in which
   Scripture is written, by comparing the various translations, and by
   attending to the context.  In the interpretation of figurative
   expressions, knowledge of things is as necessary as knowledge of words;
   and the various sciences and arts of the heathen, so far as they are
   true and useful, may be turned to account in removing our ignorance of
   signs, whether these be direct or figurative.  Whilst exposing the
   folly and futility of many heathen superstitions and practices, the
   author points out how all that is sound and useful in their science and
   philosophy may be turned to a Christian use.  And in conclusion, he
   shows the spirit in which it behoves us to address ourselves to the
   study and interpretation of the sacred books.

   Book III.

   The author, having discussed in the preceding book the method of
   dealing with unknown signs, goes on in this third book to treat of
   ambiguous signs.  Such signs may be either direct or figurative.  In
   the case of direct signs ambiguity may arise from the punctuation, the
   pronunciation, or the doubtful signification of the words, and is to be
   resolved by attention to the context, a comparison of translations, or
   a reference to the original tongue.  In the case of figurative signs we
   need to guard against two mistakes:--1. the interpreting literal
   expressions figuratively; 2. the interpreting figurative expressions
   literally.  The author lays down rules by which we may decide whether
   an expression is literal or figurative; the general rule being, that
   whatever can be shown to be in its literal sense inconsistent either
   with purity of life or correctness of doctrine must be taken
   figuratively.  He then goes on to lay down rules for the interpretation
   of expressions which have been proved to be figurative; the general
   principle being, that no interpretation can be true which does not
   promote the love of God and the love of man.  The author then proceeds
   to expound and illustrate the seven rules of Tichonius the Donatist,
   which he commends to the attention of the student of Holy Scripture.

   Book IV.

   Passing to the second part of his work, that which treats of
   expression, the author premises that it is no part of his intention to
   write a treatise on the laws of rhetoric.  These can be learned
   elsewhere, and ought not to be neglected, being indeed specially
   necessary for the Christian teacher, whom it behoves to excell in
   eloquence and power of speech.  After detailing with much care and
   minuteness the various qualities of an orator, he recommends the
   authors of the Holy Scriptures as the best models of eloquence, far
   excelling all others in the combination of eloquence with wisdom.  He
   points out that perspicuity is the most essential quality of style, and
   ought to be cultivated with especial care by the teacher, as it is the
   main requisite for instruction, although other qualities are required
   for delighting and persuading the hearer.  All these gifts are to be
   sought in earnest prayer from God, though we are not to forget to be
   zealous and diligent in study.  He shows that there are three species
   of style,--the subdued, the elegant, and the majestic; the first
   serving for instruction, the second for praise, and the third for
   exhortation:  and of each of these he gives examples, selected both
   from Scripture and from early teachers of the Church, Cyprian and
   Ambrose.  He shows that these various styles may be mingled, and when
   and for what purposes they are mingled; and that they all have the same
   end in view, to bring home the truth to the hearer, so that he may
   understand it, hear it with gladness, and practice it in his life.
   Finally, he exhorts the Christian teacher himself, pointing out the
   dignity and responsibility of the office he holds, to lead a life in
   harmony with his own teaching, and to show a good example to all.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface.

   Showing that to teach rules for the interpretation of Scripture is not
   a superfluous task.

   1.  There are certain rules for the interpretation of Scripture which I
   think might with great advantage be taught to earnest students of the
   word, that they may profit not only from reading the works of others
   who have laid open the secrets of the sacred writings, but also from
   themselves opening such secrets to others.  These rules I propose to
   teach to those who are able and willing to learn, if God our Lord do
   not withhold from me, while I write, the thoughts He is wont to
   vouchsafe to me in my meditations on this subject.  But before I enter
   upon this undertaking, I think it well to meet the objections of those
   who are likely to take exception to the work, or who would do so, did I
   not conciliate them beforehand.  And if, after all, men should still be
   found to make objections, yet at least they will not prevail with
   others (over whom they might have influence, did they not find them
   forearmed against their assaults), to turn them back from a useful
   study to the dull sloth of ignorance.

   2.  There are some, then, likely to object to this work of mine,
   because they have failed to understand the rules here laid down.
   Others, again, will think that I have spent my labor to no purpose,
   because, though they understand the rules, yet in their attempts to
   apply them and to interpret Scripture by them, they have failed to
   clear up the point they wish cleared up; and these, because they have
   received no assistance from this work themselves, will give it as their
   opinion that it can be of no use to anybody.  There is a third class of
   objectors who either really do understand Scripture well, or think they
   do, and who, because they know (or imagine) that they have attained a
   certain power of interpreting the sacred books without reading any
   directions of the kind that I propose to lay down here, will cry out
   that such rules are not necessary for any one, but that everything
   rightly done towards clearing up the obscurities of Scripture could be
   better done by the unassisted grace of God.

   3.  To reply briefly to all these.  To those who do not understand what
   is here set down, my answer is, that I am not to be blamed for their
   want of understanding.  It is just as if they were anxious to see the
   new or the old moon, or some very obscure star, and I should point it
   out with my finger:  if they had not sight enough to see even my
   finger, they would surely have no right to fly into a passion with me
   on that account.  As for those who, even though they know and
   understand my directions, fail to penetrate the meaning of obscure
   passages in Scripture, they may stand for those who, in the case I have
   imagined, are just able to see my finger, but cannot see the stars at
   which it is pointed.  And so both these classes had better give up
   blaming me, and pray instead that God would grant them the sight of
   their eyes.  For though I can move my finger to point out an object, it
   is out of my power to open men's eyes that they may see either the fact
   that I am pointing, or the object at which I point.

   4.  But now as to those who talk vauntingly of Divine Grace, and boast
   that they understand and can explain Scripture without the aid of such
   directions as those I now propose to lay down, and who think,
   therefore, that what I have undertaken to write is entirely
   superfluous.  I would such persons could calm themselves so far as to
   remember that, however justly they may rejoice in God's great gift, yet
   it was from human teachers they themselves learnt to read.  Now, they
   would hardly think it right that they should for that reason be held in
   contempt by the Egyptian monk Antony, a just and holy man, who, not
   being able to read himself, is said to have committed the Scriptures to
   memory through hearing them read by others, and by dint of wise
   meditation to have arrived at a thorough understanding of them; or by
   that barbarian slave Christianus, of whom I have lately heard from very
   respectable and trustworthy witnesses, who, without any teaching from
   man, attained a full knowledge of the art of reading simply through
   prayer that it might be revealed to him; after three days' supplication
   obtaining his request that he might read through a book presented to
   him on the spot by the astonished bystanders.

   5.  But if any one thinks that these stories are false, I do not
   strongly insist on them.  For, as I am dealing with Christians who
   profess to understand the Scriptures without any directions from man
   (and if the fact be so, they boast of a real advantage, and one of no
   ordinary kind), they must surely grant that every one of us learnt his
   own language by hearing it constantly from childhood, and that any
   other language we have learnt,--Greek, or Hebrew, or any of the
   rest,--we have learnt either in the same way, by hearing it spoken, or
   from a human teacher.  Now, then, suppose we advise all our brethren
   not to teach their children any of these things, because on the
   outpouring of the Holy Spirit the apostles immediately began to speak
   the language of every race; and warn every one who has not had a like
   experience that he need not consider himself a Christian, or may at
   least doubt whether he has yet received the Holy Spirit?  No, no;
   rather let us put away false pride and learn whatever can be learnt
   from man; and let him who teaches another communicate what he has
   himself received without arrogance and without jealousy.  And do not
   let us tempt Him in whom we have believed, lest, being ensnared by such
   wiles of the enemy and by our own perversity, we may even refuse to go
   to the churches to hear the gospel itself, or to read a book, or to
   listen to another reading or preaching, in the hope that we shall be
   carried up to the third heaven, "whether in the body or out of the
   body," as the apostle says, [1708] and there hear unspeakable words,
   such as it is not lawful for man to utter, or see the Lord Jesus Christ
   and hear the gospel from His own lips rather than from those of men.

   6.  Let us beware of such dangerous temptations of pride, and let us
   rather consider the fact that the Apostle Paul himself, although
   stricken down and admonished by the voice of God from heaven, was yet
   sent to a man to receive the sacraments and be admitted into the
   Church; [1709] and that Cornelius the centurion, although an angel
   announced to him that his prayers were heard and his alms had in
   remembrance, was yet handed over to Peter for instruction, and not only
   received the sacraments from the apostle's hands, but was also
   instructed by him as to the proper objects of faith, hope, and love.
   [1710]   And without doubt it was possible to have done everything
   through the instrumentality of angels, but the condition of our race
   would have been much more degraded if God had not chosen to make use of
   men as the ministers of His word to their fellow-men.  For how could
   that be true which is written, "The temple of God is holy, which temple
   ye are," [1711] if God gave forth no oracles from His human temple, but
   communicated everything that He wished to be taught to men by voices
   from heaven, or through the ministration of angels?  Moreover, love
   itself, which binds men together in the bond of unity, would have no
   means of pouring soul into soul, and, as it were, mingling them one
   with another, if men never learnt anything from their fellow-men.

   7.  And we know that the eunuch who was reading Isaiah the prophet, and
   did not understand what he read, was not sent by the apostle to an
   angel, nor was it an angel who explained to him what he did not
   understand, nor was he inwardly illuminated by the grace of God without
   the interposition of man; on the contrary, at the suggestion of God,
   Philip, who did understand the prophet, came to him, and sat with him,
   and in human words, and with a human tongue, opened to him the
   Scriptures. [1712]   Did not God talk with Moses, and yet he, with
   great wisdom and entire absence of jealous pride, accepted the plan of
   his father-in-law, a man of an alien race, for ruling and administering
   the affairs of the great nation entrusted to him? [1713]   For Moses
   knew that a wise plan, in whatever mind it might originate, was to be
   ascribed not to the man who devised it, but to Him who is the Truth,
   the unchangeable God.

   8.  In the last place, every one who boasts that he, through divine
   illumination, understands the obscurities of Scripture, though not
   instructed in any rules of interpretation, at the same time believes,
   and rightly believes, that this power is not his own, in the sense of
   originating with himself, but is the gift of God.  For so he seeks
   God's glory, not his own.  But reading and understanding, as he does,
   without the aid of any human interpreter, why does he himself undertake
   to interpret for others?  Why does he not rather send them direct to
   God, that they too may learn by the inward teaching of the Spirit
   without the help of man?  The truth is, he fears to incur the re
   proach:  "Thou wicked and slothful servant, thou oughtest to have put
   my money to the exchangers." [1714]   Seeing, then, that these men
   teach others, either through speech or writing, what they understand,
   surely they cannot blame me if I likewise teach not only what they
   understand, but also the rules of interpretation they follow.  For no
   one ought to consider anything as his own, except perhaps what is
   false.  All truth is of Him who says, "I am the truth." [1715]   For
   what have we that we did not receive? and if we have received it, why
   do we glory, as if we had not received it? [1716]

   9.  He who reads to an audience pronounces aloud the words he sees
   before him:  he who teaches reading, does it that others may be able to
   read for themselves.  Each, however, communicates to others what he has
   learnt himself.  Just so, the man who explains to an audience the
   passages of Scripture he understands is like one who reads aloud the
   words before him.  On the other hand, the man who lays down rules for
   interpretation is like one who teaches reading, that is, shows others
   how to read for themselves.  So that, just as he who knows how to read
   is not dependent on some one else, when he finds a book, to tell him
   what is written in it, so the man who is in possession of the rules
   which I here attempt to lay down, if he meet with an obscure passage in
   the books which he reads, will not need an interpreter to lay open the
   secret to him, but, holding fast by certain rules, and following up
   certain indications, will arrive at the hidden sense without any error,
   or at least without falling into any gross absurdity.  And so although
   it will sufficiently appear in the course of the work itself that no
   one can justly object to this undertaking of mine, which has no other
   object than to be of service, yet as it seemed convenient to reply at
   the outset to any who might make preliminary objections, such is the
   start I have thought good to make on the road I am about to traverse in
   this book.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1708] 2 Cor. xii. 2-4.

   [1709] Acts ix. 3.

   [1710] Acts x.

   [1711] 1 Cor. iii. 17.

   [1712] Acts viii. 26.

   [1713] Ex. xviii. 13.

   [1714] Matt. xxv. 26, 27.

   [1715] John xiv. 6.

   [1716] 1 Cor. iv. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book I.

   Containing a General View of the Subjects Treated in Holy Scripture.

   ------------------------

   Argument--The author divides his work into two parts, one relating to
   the discovery, the other to the expression, of the true sense of
   scripture.  He shows that to discover the meaning we must attend both
   to things and to signs, as it is necessary to know what things we ought
   to teach to the Christian people, and also the signs of these things,
   that is, where the knowledge of these things is to be sought.  In this
   first book he treats of things, which he divides into three
   classes,--things to be enjoyed, things to be used, and things which use
   and enjoy.  The only object which ought to be enjoyed is the triune
   God, who is our highest good and our true happiness.  We are prevented
   by our sins from enjoying God; and that our sins might be taken away,
   "the word was made flesh," our Lord suffered, and died, and rose again,
   and ascended into heaven, taking to himself as his bride the church, in
   which we receive remission of our sins.  And if our sins are remitted
   and our souls renewed by grace, we may await with hope the resurrection
   of the body to eternal glory; if not, we shall be raised to everlasting
   punishment.  These matters relating to faith having been expounded, the
   author goes on to show that all objects, except God, are for use; for,
   though some of them may be loved, yet our love is not to rest in them,
   but to have reference to God.  And we ourselves are not objects of
   enjoyment to God; he uses us, but for our own advantage.  He then goes
   on to show that love--the love of God for his own sake and the love of
   our neighbor for God's sake--is the fulfillment and the end of all
   Scripture.  After adding a few words about hope, he shows, in
   conclusion, that faith, hope, and love are graces essentially necessary
   for him who would understand and explain aright the Holy Scriptures.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--The Interpretation of Scripture Depends on the Discovery
   and Enunciation of the Meaning, and is to Be Undertaken in Dependence
   on God's Aid.

   1.  There are two things on which all interpretation of Scripture
   depends:  the mode of ascertaining the proper meaning, and the mode of
   making known the meaning when it is ascertained.  We shall treat first
   of the mode of ascertaining, next of the mode of making known, the
   meaning;--a great and arduous undertaking, and one that, if difficult
   to carry out, it is, I fear, presumptuous to enter upon.  And
   presumptuous it would undoubtedly be, if I were counting on my own
   strength; but since my hope of accomplishing the work rests on Him who
   has already supplied me with many thoughts on this subject, I do not
   fear but that He will go on to supply what is yet wanting when once I
   have begun to use what He has already given.  For a possession which is
   not diminished by being shared with others, if it is possessed and not
   shared, is not yet possessed as it ought to be possessed.  The Lord
   saith "Whosoever hath, to him shall be given." [1717]   He will give,
   then, to those who have; that is to say, if they use freely and
   cheerfully what they have received, He will add to and perfect His
   gifts.  The loaves in the miracle were only five and seven in number
   before the disciples began to divide them among the hungry people.  But
   when once they began to distribute them, though the wants of so many
   thousands were satisfied, they filled baskets with the fragments that
   were left. [1718]   Now, just as that bread increased in the very act
   of breaking it, so those thoughts which the Lord has already vouchsafed
   to me with a view to undertaking this work will, as soon as I begin to
   impart them to others, be multiplied by His grace, so that, in this
   very work of distribution in which I have engaged, so far from
   incurring loss and poverty, I shall be made to rejoice in a marvellous
   increase of wealth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1717] Matt. xiii. 12.

   [1718] Matt. xiv. 17, etc.; xx. 34, etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--What a Thing Is, and What A Sign.

   2.  All instruction is either about things or about signs; but things
   are learnt by means of signs.  I now use the word "thing" in a strict
   sense, to signify that which is never employed as a sign of anything
   else:  for example, wood, stone, cattle, and other things of that
   kind.  Not, however, the wood which we read Moses cast into the bitter
   waters to make them sweet, [1719] nor the stone which Jacob used as a
   pillow, [1720] nor the ram which Abraham offered up instead of his son;
   [1721] for these, though they are things, are also signs of other
   things.  There are signs of another kind, those which are never
   employed except as signs:  for example, words.  No one uses words
   except as signs of something else; and hence may be understood what I
   call signs:  those things, to wit, which are used to indicate something
   else.  Accordingly, every sign is also a thing; for what is not a thing
   is nothing at all.  Every thing, however, is not also a sign.  And so,
   in regard to this distinction between things and signs, I shall, when I
   speak of things, speak in such a way that even if some of them may be
   used as signs also, that will not interfere with the division of the
   subject according to which I am to discuss things first and signs
   afterwards.  But we must carefully remember that what we have now to
   consider about things is what they are in themselves, not what other
   things they are signs of.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1719] Ex. xv. 25.

   [1720] Gen. xxviii. 11.

   [1721] Gen. xxii. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Some Things are for Use, Some for Enjoyment.

   3.  There are some things, then, which are to be enjoyed, others which
   are to be used, others still which enjoy and use.  Those things which
   are objects of enjoyment make us happy.  Those things which are objects
   of use assist, and (so to speak) support us in our efforts after
   happiness, so that we can attain the things that make us happy and rest
   in them.  We ourselves, again, who enjoy and use these things, being
   placed among both kinds of objects, if we set ourselves to enjoy those
   which we ought to use, are hindered in our course, and sometimes even
   led away from it; so that, getting entangled in the love of lower
   gratifications, we lag behind in, or even altogether turn back from,
   the pursuit of the real and proper objects of enjoyment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Difference of Use and Enjoyment.

   4.  For to enjoy a thing is to rest with satisfaction in it for its own
   sake.  To use, on the other hand, is to employ whatever means are at
   one's disposal to obtain what one desires, if it is a proper object of
   desire; for an unlawful use ought rather to be called an abuse.
   Suppose, then, we were wanderers in a strange country, and could not
   live happily away from our fatherland, and that we felt wretched in our
   wandering, and wishing to put an end to our misery, determined to
   return home.  We find, however, that we must make use of some mode of
   conveyance, either by land or water, in order to reach that fatherland
   where our enjoyment is to commence.  But the beauty of the country
   through which we pass, and the very pleasure of the motion, charm our
   hearts, and turning these things which we ought to use into objects of
   enjoyment, we become unwilling to hasten the end of our journey; and
   becoming engrossed in a factitious delight, our thoughts are diverted
   from that home whose delights would make us truly happy.  Such is a
   picture of our condition in this life of mortality.  We have wandered
   far from God; and if we wish to return to our Father's home, this world
   must be used, not enjoyed, that so the invisible things of God may be
   clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, [1722]
   --that is, that by means of what is material and temporary we may lay
   hold upon that which is spiritual and eternal.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1722] Rom. i. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--The Trinity the True Object of Enjoyment.

   5.  The true objects of enjoyment, then, are the Father and the Son and
   the Holy Spirit, who are at the same time the Trinity, one Being,
   supreme above all, and common to all who enjoy Him, if He is an object,
   and not rather the cause of all objects, or indeed even if He is the
   cause of all.  For it is not easy to find a name that will suitably
   express so great excellence, unless it is better to speak in this way:
   The Trinity, one God, of whom are all things, through whom are all
   things, in whom are all things. [1723]   Thus the Father and the Son
   and the Holy Spirit, and each of these by Himself, is God, and at the
   same time they are all one God; and each of them by Himself is a
   complete substance, and yet they are all one substance.  The Father is
   not the Son nor the Holy Spirit; the Son is not the Father nor the Holy
   Spirit; the Holy Spirit is not the Father nor the Son:  but the Father
   is only Father, the Son is only Son, and the Holy Spirit is only Holy
   Spirit.  To all three belong the same eternity, the same
   unchangeableness, the same majesty, the same power.  In the Father is
   unity, in the Son equality, in the Holy Spirit the harmony of unity and
   equality; and these three attributes are all one because of the Father,
   all equal because of the Son, and all harmonious because of the Holy
   Spirit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1723] Rom. xi. 36.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--In What Sense God is Ineffable.

   6.  Have I spoken of God, or uttered His praise, in any worthy way?
   Nay, I feel that I have done nothing more than desire to speak; and if
   I have said anything, it is not what I desired to say.  How do I know
   this, except from the fact that God is unspeakable?  But what I have
   said, if it had been unspeakable, could not have been spoken.  And so
   God is not even to be called "unspeakable," because to say even this is
   to speak of Him.  Thus there arises a curious contradiction of words,
   because if the unspeakable is what cannot be spoken of, it is not
   unspeakable if it can be called unspeakable.  And this opposition of
   words is rather to be avoided by silence than to be explained away by
   speech.  And yet God, although nothing worthy of His greatness can be
   said of Him, has condescended to accept the worship of men's mouths,
   and has desired us through the medium of our own words to rejoice in
   His praise.  For on this principle it is that He is called Deus (God).
   For the sound of those two syllables in itself conveys no true
   knowledge of His nature; but yet all who know the Latin tongue are led,
   when that sound reaches their ears, to think of a nature supreme in
   excellence and eternal in existence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--What All Men Understand by the Term God.

   7.  For when the one supreme God of gods is thought of, even by those
   who believe that there are other gods, and who call them by that name,
   and worship them as gods, their thought takes the form of an endeavor
   to reach the conception of a nature, than which nothing more excellent
   or more exalted exists.  And since men are moved by different kinds of
   pleasures, partly by those which pertain to the bodily senses, partly
   by those which pertain to the intellect and soul, those of them who are
   in bondage to sense think that either the heavens, or what appears to
   be most brilliant in the heavens, or the universe itself, is God of
   gods:  or if they try to get beyond the universe, they picture to
   themselves something of dazzling brightness, and think of it vaguely as
   infinite, or of the most beautiful form conceivable; or they represent
   it in the form of the human body, if they think that superior to all
   others.  Or if they think that there is no one God supreme above the
   rest, but that there are many or even innumerable gods of equal rank,
   still these too they conceive as possessed of shape and form, according
   to what each man thinks the pattern of excellence.  Those, on the other
   hand, who endeavor by an effort of the intelligence to reach a
   conception of God, place Him above all visible and bodily natures, and
   even above all intelligent and spiritual natures that are subject to
   change.  All, however, strive emulously to exalt the excellence of
   God:  nor could any one be found to believe that any being to whom
   there exists a superior is God.  And so all concur in believing that
   God is that which excels in dignity all other objects.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--God to Be Esteemed Above All Else, Because He is
   Unchangeable Wisdom.

   8.  And since all who think about God think of Him as living, they only
   can form any conception of Him that is not absurd and unworthy who
   think of Him as life itself; and, whatever may be the bodily form that
   has suggested itself to them, recognize that it is by life it lives or
   does not live, and prefer what is living to what is dead; who
   understand that the living bodily form itself, however it may outshine
   all others in splendor, overtop them in size, and excel them in beauty,
   is quite a distinct thing from the life by which it is quickened; and
   who look upon the life as incomparably superior in dignity and worth to
   the mass which is quickened and animated by it.  Then, when they go on
   to look into the nature of the life itself, if they find it mere
   nutritive life, without sensibility, such as that of plants, they
   consider it inferior to sentient life, such as that of cattle; and
   above this, again, they place intelligent life, such as that of men.
   And, perceiving that even this is subject to change, they are compelled
   to place above it, again, that unchangeable life which is not at one
   time foolish, at another time wise, but on the contrary is wisdom
   itself.  For a wise intelligence, that is, one that has attained to
   wisdom, was, previous to its attaining wisdom, unwise.  But wisdom
   itself never was unwise, and never can become so.  And if men never
   caught sight of this wisdom, they could never with entire confidence
   prefer a life which is unchangeably wise to one that is subject to
   change.  This will be evident, if we consider that the very rule of
   truth by which they affirm the unchangeable life to be the more
   excellent, is itself unchangeable:  and they cannot find such a rule,
   except by going beyond their own nature; for they find nothing in
   themselves that is not subject to change.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--All Acknowledge the Superiority of Unchangeable Wisdom to
   that Which is Variable.

   9.  Now, no one is so egregiously silly as to ask, "How do you know
   that a life of unchangeable wisdom is preferable to one of change?"
   For that very truth about which he asks, how I know it? is unchangeably
   fixed in the minds of all men, and presented to their common
   contemplation.  And the man who does not see it is like a blind man in
   the sun, whom it profits nothing that the splendor of its light, so
   clear and so near, is poured into his very eye-balls.  The man, on the
   other hand, who sees, but shrinks from this truth, is weak in his
   mental vision from dwelling long among the shadows of the flesh.  And
   thus men are driven back from their native land by the contrary blasts
   of evil habits, and pursue lower and less valuable objects in
   preference to that which they own to be more excellent and more worthy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--To See God, the Soul Must Be Purified.

   10.  Wherefore, since it is our duty fully to enjoy the truth which
   lives unchangeably, and since the triune God takes counsel in this
   truth for the things which He has made, the soul must be purified that
   it may have power to perceive that light, and to rest in it when it is
   perceived.  And let us look upon this purification as a kind of journey
   or voyage to our native land.  For it is not by change of place that we
   can come nearer to Him who is in every place, but by the cultivation of
   pure desires and virtuous habits.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Wisdom Becoming Incarnate, a Pattern to Us of
   Purification.

   11.  But of this we should have been wholly incapable, had not Wisdom
   condescended to adapt Himself to our weakness, and to show us a pattern
   of holy life in the form of our own humanity.  Yet, since we when we
   come to Him do wisely, He when He came to us was considered by proud
   men to have done very foolishly.  And since we when we come to Him
   become strong, He when He came to us was looked upon as weak.  But "the
   foolishness of God is wiser than men; and the weakness of God is
   stronger than men." [1724]   And thus, though Wisdom was Himself our
   home, He made Himself also the way by which we should reach our home.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1724] 1 Cor. i. 25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--In What Sense the Wisdom of God Came to Us.

   And though He is everywhere present to the inner eye when it is sound
   and clear, He condescended to make Himself manifest to the outward eye
   of those whose inward sight is weak and dim.  "For after that, in the
   wisdom of God, the world by wisdom knew not God, it pleased God by the
   foolishness of preaching to save them that believe." [1725]

   12.  Not then in the sense of traversing space, but because He appeared
   to mortal men in the form of mortal flesh, He is said to have come to
   us.  For He came to a place where He had always been, seeing that "He
   was in the world, and the world was made by Him."  But, because men,
   who in their eagerness to enjoy the creature instead of the Creator had
   grown into the likeness of this world, and are therefore most
   appropriately named "the world," did not recognize Him, therefore the
   evangelist says, "and the world knew Him not." [1726]   Thus, in the
   wisdom of God, the world by wisdom knew not God.  Why then did He come,
   seeing that He was already here, except that it pleased God through the
   foolishness of preaching to save them that believe?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1725] 1 Cor. i. 21.

   [1726] John i. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--The Word Was Made Flesh.

   In what way did He come but this, "The Word was made flesh, and dwelt
   among us"? [1727]   Just as when we speak, in order that what we have
   in our minds may enter through the ear into the mind of the hearer, the
   word which we have in our hearts becomes an outward sound and is called
   speech; and yet our thought does not lose itself in the sound, but
   remains complete in itself, and takes the form of speech without being
   modified in its own nature by the change:  so the Divine Word, though
   suffering no change of nature, yet became flesh, that He might dwell
   among us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1727] John i. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--How the Wisdom of God Healed Man.

   13.  Moreover, as the use of remedies is the way to health, so this
   remedy took up sinners to heal and restore them.  And just as surgeons,
   when they bind up wounds, do it not in a slovenly way, but carefully,
   that there may be a certain degree of neatness in the binding, in
   addition to its mere usefulness, so our medicine, Wisdom, was by His
   assumption of humanity adapted to our wounds, curing some of them by
   their opposites, some of them by their likes.  And just as he who
   ministers to a bodily hurt in some cases applies contraries, as cold to
   hot, moist to dry, etc., and in other cases applies likes, as a round
   cloth to a round wound, or an oblong cloth to an oblong wound, and does
   not fit the same bandage to all limbs, but puts like to like; in the
   same way the Wisdom of God in healing man has applied Himself to his
   cure, being Himself healer and medicine both in one.  Seeing, then,
   that man fell through pride, He restored him through humility.  We were
   ensnared by the wisdom of the serpent:  we are set free by the
   foolishness of God.  Moreover, just as the former was called wisdom,
   but was in reality the folly of those who despised God, so the latter
   is called foolishness, but is true wisdom in those who overcome the
   devil.  We used our immortality so badly as to incur the penalty of
   death:  Christ used His mortality so well as to restore us to life.
   The disease was brought in through a woman's corrupted soul:  the
   remedy came through a woman's virgin body.  To the same class of
   opposite remedies it belongs, that our vices are cured by the example
   of His virtues.  On the other hand, the following are, as it were,
   bandages made in the same shape as the limbs and wounds to which they
   are applied:  He was born of a woman to deliver us who fell through a
   woman:  He came as a man to save us who are men, as a mortal to save us
   who are mortals, by death to save us who were dead.  And those who can
   follow out the matter more fully, who are not hurried on by the
   necessity of carrying out a set undertaking, will find many other
   points of instruction in considering the remedies, whether opposites or
   likes, employed in the medicine of Christianity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Faith is Buttressed by the Resurrection and Ascension of
   Christ, and is Stimulated by His Coming to Judgment.

   14.  The belief of the resurrection of our Lord from the dead, and of
   His ascension into heaven, has strengthened our faith by adding a great
   buttress of hope.  For it clearly shows how freely He laid down His
   life for us when He had it in His power thus to take it up again.  With
   what assurance, then, is the hope of believers animated, when they
   reflect how great He was who suffered so great things for them while
   they were still in unbelief!  And when men look for Him to come from
   heaven as the judge of quick and dead, it strikes great terror into the
   careless, so that they betake themselves to diligent preparation, and
   learn by holy living to long for His approach, instead of quaking at it
   on account of their evil deeds.  And what tongue can tell, or what
   imagination can conceive, the reward He will bestow at the last, when
   we consider that for our comfort in this earthly journey He has given
   us so freely of His Spirit, that in the adversities of this life we may
   retain our confidence in, and love for, Him whom as yet we see not; and
   that He has also given to each gifts suitable for the building up of
   His Church, that we may do what He points out as right to be done, not
   only without a murmur, but even with delight?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Christ Purges His Church by Medicinal Afflictions.

   15.  For the Church is His body, as the apostle's teaching shows us;
   [1728] and it is even called His spouse. [1729]   His body, then, which
   has many members, and all performing different functions, He holds
   together in the bond of unity and love, which is its true health.
   Moreover He exercises it in the present time, and purges it with many
   wholesome afflictions, that when He has transplanted it from this world
   to the eternal world, He may take it to Himself as His bride, without
   spot or wrinkle, or any such thing.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1728] Compare Eph. i. 23 with Rom. xii. 5.

   [1729] Rev. xix. 7; xxi. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Christ, by Forgiving Our Sins, Opened the Way to Our Home.

   16.  Further, when we are on the way, and that not a way that lies
   through space, but through a change of affections, and one which the
   guilt of our past sins like a hedge of thorns barred against us, what
   could He, who was willing to lay Himself down as the way by which we
   should return, do that would be still gracious and more merciful,
   except to forgive us all our sins, and by being crucified for us to
   remove the stern decrees that barred the door against our return?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--The Keys Given to the Church.

   17.  He has given, therefore, the keys to His Church, that whatsoever
   it should bind on earth might be bound in heaven, and whatsoever it
   should loose on earth might be loosed in heaven; [1730] that is to say,
   that whosoever in the Church should not believe that his sins are
   remitted, they should not be remitted to him; but that whosoever should
   believe and should repent, and turn from his sins, should be saved by
   the same faith and repentance on the ground of which he is received
   into the bosom of the Church.  For he who does not believe that his
   sins can be pardoned, falls into despair, and becomes worse as if no
   greater good remained for him than to be evil, when he has ceased to
   have faith in the results of his own repentance.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1730] Compare Matt. xvi. 19 with xviii. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Bodily and Spiritual Death and Resurrection.

   18.  Furthermore, as there is a kind of death of the soul, which
   consists in the putting away of former habits and former ways of life,
   and which comes through repentance, so also the death of the body
   consists in the dissolution of the former principle of life.  And just
   as the soul, after it has put away and destroyed by repentance its
   former habits, is created anew after a better pattern, so we must hope
   and believe that the body, after that death which we all owe as a debt
   contracted through sin, shall at the resurrection be changed into a
   better form;--not that flesh and blood shall inherit the kingdom of God
   (for that is impossible), but that this corruptible shall put on
   incorruption, and this mortal shall put on immortality. [1731]   And
   thus the body, being the source of no uneasiness because it can feel no
   want, shall be animated by a spirit perfectly pure and happy, and shall
   enjoy unbroken peace.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1731] 1 Cor. xv. 50-53.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--The Resurrection to Damnation.

   19.  Now he whose soul does not die to this world and begin here to be
   conformed to the truth, falls when the body dies into a more terrible
   death, and shall revive, not to change his earthly for a heavenly
   habitation, but to endure the penalty of his sin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Neither Body Nor Soul Extinguished at Death.

   And so faith clings to the assurance, and we must believe that it is so
   in fact, that neither the human soul nor the human body suffers
   complete extinction, but that the wicked rise again to endure
   inconceivable punishment, and the good to receive eternal life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--God Alone to Be Enjoyed.

   20.  Among all these things, then, those only are the true objects of
   enjoyment which we have spoken of as eternal and unchangeable.  The
   rest are for use, that we may be able to arrive at the full enjoyment
   of the former.  We, however, who enjoy and use other things are things
   ourselves.  For a great thing truly is man, made after the image and
   similitude of God, not as respects the mortal body in which he is
   clothed, but as respects the rational soul by which he is exalted in
   honor above the beasts.  And so it becomes an important question,
   whether men ought to enjoy, or to use, themselves, or to do both.  For
   we are commanded to love one another:  but it is a question whether man
   is to be loved by man for his own sake, or for the sake of something
   else.  If it is for his own sake, we enjoy him; if it is for the sake
   of something else, we use him.  It seems to me, then, that he is to be
   loved for the sake of something else.  For if a thing is to be loved
   for its own sake, then in the enjoyment of it consists a happy life,
   the hope of which at least, if not yet the reality, is our comfort in
   the present time.  But a curse is pronounced on him who places his hope
   in man. [1732]

   21.  Neither ought any one to have joy in himself, if you look at the
   matter clearly, because no one ought to love even himself for his own
   sake, but for the sake of Him who is the true object of enjoyment.  For
   a man is never in so good a state as when his whole life is a journey
   towards the unchangeable life, and his affections are entirely fixed
   upon that.  If, however, he loves himself for his own sake, he does not
   look at himself in relation to God, but turns his mind in upon him
   self, and so is not occupied with anything that is unchangeable.  And
   thus he does not enjoy himself at his best, because he is better when
   his mind is fully fixed upon, and his affections wrapped up in, the
   unchangeable good, than when he turns from that to enjoy even himself.
   Wherefore if you ought not to love even yourself for your own sake, but
   for His in whom your love finds its most worthy object, no other man
   has a right to be angry if you love him too for God's sake.  For this
   is the law of love that has been laid down by Divine authority:  "Thou
   shall love thy neighbor as thyself;" but, "Thou shall love God with all
   thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind:" [1733]   so
   that you are to concentrate all your thoughts, your whole life and your
   whole intelligence upon Him from whom you derive all that you bring.
   For when He says, "With all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with
   all thy mind," He means that no part of our life is to be unoccupied,
   and to afford room, as it were, for the wish to enjoy some other
   object, but that whatever else may suggest itself to us as an object
   worthy of love is to be borne into the same channel in which the whole
   current of our affections flows.  Whoever, then, loves his neighbor
   aright, ought to urge upon him that he too should love God with his
   whole heart, and soul, and mind.  For in this way, loving his neighbor
   as himself, a man turns the whole current of his love both for himself
   and his neighbor into the channel of the love of God, which suffers no
   stream to be drawn off from itself by whose diversion its own volume
   would be diminished.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1732] Jer. xvii. 5.

   [1733] Matt. xxii. 37-39.  Compare Lev. xix. 18; Deut. vi. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Man Needs No Injunction to Love Himself and His Own Body.

   22.  Those things which are objects of use are not all, however, to be
   loved, but those only which are either united with us in a common
   relation to God, such as a man or an angel, or are so related to us as
   to need the goodness of God through our instrumentality, such as the
   body.  For assuredly the martyrs did not love the wickedness of their
   persecutors, although they used it to attain the favor of God.  As,
   then, there are four kinds of things that are to be loved,--first, that
   which is above us; second, ourselves; third, that which is on a level
   with us; fourth, that which is beneath us,--no precepts need be given
   about the second and fourth of these.  For, however far a man may fall
   away from the truth, he still continues to love himself, and to love
   his own body.  The soul which flies away from the unchangeable Light,
   the Ruler of all things, does so that it may rule over itself and over
   its own body; and so it cannot but love both itself and its own body.

   23.  Morever, it thinks it has attained something very great if it is
   able to lord it over its companions, that is, other men.  For it is
   inherent in the sinful soul to desire above all things, and to claim as
   due to itself, that which is properly due to God only.  Now such love
   of itself is more correctly called hate.  For it is not just that it
   should desire what is beneath it to be obedient to it while itself will
   not obey its own superior; and most justly has it been said, "He who
   loveth iniquity hateth his own soul." [1734]   And accordingly the soul
   becomes weak, and endures much suffering about the mortal body.  For,
   of course, it must love the body, and be grieved at its corruption; and
   the immortality and incorruptibility of the body spring out of the
   health of the soul.  Now the health of the soul is to cling steadfastly
   to the better part, that is, to the unchangeable God.  But when it
   aspires to lord it even over those who are by nature its equals,--that
   is, its fellow-men,--this is a reach of arrogance utterly intolerable.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1734] Ps. x. 5(LXX.).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--No Man Hates His Own Flesh, Not Even Those Who Abuse It.

   24.  No man, then, hates himself.  On this point, indeed, no question
   was ever raised by any sect.  But neither does any man hate his own
   body.  For the apostle says truly, "No man ever yet hated his own
   flesh." [1735]   And when some people say that they would rather be
   without a body altogether, they entirely deceive themselves.  For it is
   not their body, but its corruptions and its heaviness, that they hate.
   And so it is not no body, but an uncorrupted and very light body, that
   they want.  But they think a body of that kind would be no body at all,
   because they think such a thing as that must be a spirit.  And as to
   the fact that they seem in some sort to scourge their bodies by
   abstinence and toil, those who do this in the right spirit do it not
   that they may get rid of their body, but that they may have it in
   subjection and ready for every needful work.  For they strive by a kind
   of toilsome exercise of the body itself to root out those lusts that
   are hurtful to the body, that is, those habits and affections of the
   soul that lead to the enjoyment of unworthy objects.  They are not
   destroying themselves; they are taking care of their health.

   25.  Those, on the other hand, who do this in a perverse spirit, make
   war upon their own body as if it were a natural enemy.  And in this
   matter they are led astray by a mistaken interpretation of what they
   read:  "The flesh lusteth against the spirit, and the spirit against
   the flesh, and these are contrary the one to the other." [1736]   For
   this is said of the carnal habit yet unsubdued, against which the
   spirit lusteth, not to destroy the body, but to eradicate the lust of
   the body--i.e., its evil habit--and thus to make it subject to the
   spirit, which is what the order of nature demands.  For as, after the
   resurrection, the body, having become wholly subject to the spirit,
   will live in perfect peace to all eternity; even in this life we must
   make it an object to have the carnal habit changed for the better, so
   that its inordinate affections may not war against the soul.  And until
   this shall take place, "the flesh lusteth against the spirit, and the
   spirit against the flesh;" the spirit struggling, not in hatred, but
   for the mastery, because it desires that what it loves should be
   subject to the higher principle; and the flesh struggling, not in
   hatred, but because of the bondage of habit which it has derived from
   its parent stock, and which has grown in upon it by a law of nature
   till it has become inveterate.  The spirit, then, in subduing the
   flesh, is working as it were to destroy the ill-founded peace of an
   evil habit, and to bring about the real peace which springs out of a
   good habit.  Nevertheless, not even those who, led astray by false
   notions, hate their bodies would be prepared to sacrifice one eye, even
   supposing they could do so without suffering any pain, and that they
   had as much sight left in one as they formerly had in two, unless some
   object was to be attained which would overbalance the loss.  This and
   other indications of the same kind are sufficient to show those who
   candidly seek the truth how well-founded is the statement of the
   apostle when he says, "No man ever yet hated his own flesh."  He adds
   too, "but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as the Lord the Church."
   [1737]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1735] Eph. v. 29.

   [1736] Gal. v. 17.

   [1737] Eph. v. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--A Man May Love Something More Than His Body, But Does Not
   Therefore Hate His Body.

   26.  Man, therefore, ought to be taught the due measure of loving, that
   is, in what measure he may love himself so as to be of service to
   himself.  For that he does love himself, and does desire to do good to
   himself, nobody but a fool would doubt.  He is to be taught, too, in
   what measure to love his body, so as to care for it wisely and within
   due limits.  For it is equally manifest that he loves his body also,
   and desires to keep it safe and sound.  And yet a man may have
   something that he loves better than the safety and soundness of his
   body.  For many have been found voluntarily to suffer both pains and
   amputations of some of their limbs that they might obtain other objects
   which they valued more highly.  But no one is to be told not to desire
   the safety and health of his body because there is something he desires
   more.  For the miser, though he loves money, buys bread for
   himself,--that is, he gives away money that he is very fond of and
   desires to heap up,--but it is because he values more highly the bodily
   health which the bread sustains.  It is superfluous to argue longer on
   a point so very plain, but this is just what the error of wicked men
   often compels us to do.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--The Command to Love God and Our Neighbor Includes a
   Command to Love Ourselves.

   27.  Seeing, then, that there is no need of a command that every man
   should love himself and his own body,--seeing, that is, that we love
   ourselves, and what is beneath us but connected with us, through a law
   of nature which has never been violated, and which is common to us with
   the beasts (for even the beasts love themselves and their own
   bodies),--it only remained necessary to lay injunctions upon us in
   regard to God above us, and our neighbor beside us.  "Thou shalt love,"
   He says, "the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul,
   and with all thy mind; and thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.  On
   these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets." [1738]
   Thus the end of the commandment is love, and that twofold, the love of
   God and the love of our neighbor.  Now, if you take yourself in your
   entirety,--that is, soul and body together,--and your neighbor in his
   entirety, soul and body together (for man is made up of soul and body),
   you will find that none of the classes of things that are to be loved
   is overlooked in these two commandments.  For though, when the love of
   God comes first, and the measure of our love for Him is prescribed in
   such terms that it is evident all other things are to find their centre
   in Him, nothing seems to be said about our love for ourselves; yet when
   it is said, "Thou shall love thy neighbor as thyself," it at once
   becomes evident that our love for ourselves has not been overlooked.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1738] Matt. xxii. 37-40.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--The Order of Love.

   28.  Now he is a man of just and holy life who forms an unprejudiced
   estimate of things, and keeps his affections also under strict control,
   so that he neither loves what he ought not to love, nor fails to love
   what he ought to love, nor loves that more which ought to be loved
   less, nor loves that equally which ought to be loved either less or
   more, nor loves that less or more which ought to be loved equally.  No
   sinner is to be loved as a sinner; and every man is to be loved as a
   man for God's sake; but God is to be loved for His own sake.  And if
   God is to be loved more than any man, each man ought to love God more
   than himself.  Likewise we ought to love another man better than our
   own body, because all things are to be loved in reference to God, and
   another man can have fellowship with us in the enjoyment of God,
   whereas our body cannot; for the body only lives through the soul, and
   it is by the soul that we enjoy God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--How We are to Decide Whom to Aid.

   29.  Further, all men are to be loved equally.  But since you cannot do
   good to all, you are to pay special regard to those who, by the
   accidents of time, or place, or circumstance, are brought into closer
   connection with you.  For, suppose that you had a great deal of some
   commodity, and felt bound to give it away to somebody who had none, and
   that it could not be given to more than one person; if two persons
   presented themselves, neither of whom had either from need or
   relationship a greater claim upon you than the other, you could do
   nothing fairer than choose by lot to which you would give what could
   not be given to both.  Just so among men:  since you cannot consult for
   the good of them all, you must take the matter as decided for you by a
   sort of lot, according as each man happens for the time being to be
   more closely connected with you.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--We are to Desire and Endeavor that All Men May Love God.

   30. Now of all who can with us enjoy God, we love partly those to whom
   we render services, partly those who render services to us, partly
   those who both help us in our need and in turn are helped by us, partly
   those upon whom we confer no advantage and from whom we look for none.
   We ought to desire, however, that they should all join with us in
   loving God, and all the assistance that we either give them or accept
   from them should tend to that one end.  For in the theatres, dens of
   iniquity though they be, if a man is fond of a particular actor, and
   enjoys his art as a great or even as the very greatest good, he is fond
   of all who join with him in admiration of his favorite, not for their
   own sakes, but for the sake of him whom they admire in common; and the
   more fervent he is in his admiration, the more he works in every way he
   can to secure new admirers for him, and the more anxious he becomes to
   show him to others; and if he find any one comparatively indifferent,
   he does all he can to excite his interest by urging his favorite's
   merits:  if, however, he meet with any one who opposes him, he is
   exceedingly displeased by such a man's contempt of his favorite, and
   strives in every way he can to remove it.  Now, if this be so, what
   does it become us to do who live in the fellowship of the love of God,
   the enjoyment of whom is true happiness of life, to whom all who love
   Him owe both their own existence and the love they bear Him, concerning
   whom we have no fear that any one who comes to know Him will be
   disappointed in Him, and who desires our love, not for any gain to
   Himself, but that those who love Him may obtain an eternal reward, even
   Himself whom they love?  And hence it is that we love even our
   enemies.  For we do not fear them, seeing they cannot take away from us
   what we love; but we pity them rather, because the more they hate us
   the more are they separated from Him whom we love.  For if they would
   turn to Him, they must of necessity love Him as the supreme good, and
   love us too as partakers with them in so great a blessing.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--Whether Angels are to Be Reckoned Our Neighbors.

   31.  There arises further in this connection a question about angels.
   For they are happy in the enjoyment of Him whom we long to enjoy; and
   the more we enjoy Him in this life as through a glass darkly, the more
   easy do we find it to bear our pilgrimage, and the more eagerly do we
   long for its termination.  But it is not irrational to ask whether in
   those two commandments is included the love of angels also.  For that
   He who commanded us to love our neighbor made no exception, as far as
   men are concerned, is shown both by our Lord Himself in the Gospel, and
   by the Apostle Paul.  For when the man to whom our Lord delivered those
   two commandments, and to whom He said that on these hang all the law
   and the prophets, asked Him, "And who is my neighbor?" He told him of a
   certain man who, going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, fell among
   thieves, and was severely wounded by them, and left naked and half
   dead. [1739]   And He showed him that nobody was neighbor to this man
   except him who took pity upon him and came forward to relieve and care
   for him.  And the man who had asked the question admitted the truth of
   this when he was himself interrogated in turn.  To whom our Lord says,
   "Go and do thou likewise;" teaching us that he is our neighbor whom it
   is our duty to help in his need, or whom it would be our duty to help
   if he were in need.  Whence it follows, that he whose duty it would be
   in turn to help us is our neighbor.  For the name "neighbor" is a
   relative one, and no one can be neighbor except to a neighbor.  And,
   again, who does not see that no exception is made of any one as a
   person to whom the offices of mercy may be denied when our Lord extends
   the rule even to our enemies?  "Love your enemies, do good to them that
   hate you." [1740]

   32.  And so also the Apostle Paul teaches when he says:  "For this,
   Thou shall not commit adultery, Thou shall not kill, Thou shall not
   steal, Thou shalt not bear false witness, Thou shall not covet; and if
   there be any other commandment, it is briefly comprehended in this
   saying, namely, Thou shall love thy neighbor as thyself.  Love worketh
   no ill to his neighbor." [1741]   Whoever then supposes that the
   apostle did not embrace every man in this precept, is compelled to
   admit, what is at once most absurd and most pernicious, that the
   apostle thought it no sin, if a man were not a Christian or were an
   enemy, to commit adultery with his wife, or to kill him, or to covet
   his goods.  And as nobody but a fool would say this, it is clear that
   every man is to be considered our neighbor, because we are to work no
   ill to any man.

   33.  But now, if every one to whom we ought to show, or who ought to
   show to us, the offices of mercy is by right called a neighbor, it is
   manifest that the command to love our neighbor embraces the holy angels
   also, seeing that so great offices of mercy have been performed by them
   on our behalf, as may easily be shown by turning the attention to many
   passages of Holy Scripture.  And on this ground even God Himself, our
   Lord, desired to be called our neighbor.  For our Lord Jesus Christ
   points to Himself under the figure of the man who brought aid to him
   who was lying half dead on the road, wounded and abandoned by the
   robbers.  And the Psalmist says in his prayer, "I behaved myself as
   though he had been my friend or brother." [1742]   But as the Divine
   nature is of higher excellence than, and far removed above, our nature,
   the command to love God is distinct from that to love our neighbor.
   For He shows us pity on account of His own goodness, but we show pity
   to one another on account of His;--that is, He pities us that we may
   fully enjoy Himself; we pity one another that we may fully enjoy Him.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1739] Luke x. 29, foll.

   [1740] Matt. v. 44.

   [1741] Rom. xiii. 9, 10.

   [1742] Ps. xxxv. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--God Uses Rather Than Enjoys Us.

   34. And on this ground, when we say that we enjoy only that which we
   love for its own sake, and that nothing is a true object of enjoyment
   except that which makes us happy, and that all other things are for
   use, there seems still to be something that requires explanation.  For
   God loves us, and Holy Scripture frequently sets before us the love He
   has towards us.  In what way then does He love us?  As objects of use
   or as objects of enjoyment?  If He enjoys us, He must be in need of
   good from us, and no sane man will say that; for all the good we enjoy
   is either Himself, or what comes from Himself.  And no one can be
   ignorant or in doubt as to the fact that the light stands in no need of
   the glitter of the things it has itself lit up.  The Psalmist says most
   plainly, "I said to the Lord, Thou art my God, for Thou needest not my
   goodness." [1743]   He does not enjoy us then, but makes use of us.
   For if He neither enjoys nor uses us, I am at a loss to discover in
   what way He can love us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1743] Ps. xvi. 2 (LXX.).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--In What Way God Uses Man.

   35.  But neither does He use after our fashion of using.  For when we
   use objects, we do so with a view to the full enjoyment of the goodness
   of God.  God, however, in His use of us, has reference to His own
   goodness.  For it is because He is good we exist; and so far as we
   truly exist we are good.  And, further, because He is also just, we
   cannot with impunity be evil; and so far as we are evil, so far is our
   existence less complete.  Now He is the first and supreme existence,
   who is altogether unchangeable, and who could say in the fullest sense
   of the words, "I AM That I AM," and "Thou shalt say to them, I AM hath
   sent me unto you;" [1744] so that all other things that exist, both owe
   their existence entirely to Him, and are good only so far as He has
   given it to them to be so.  That use, then, which God is said to make
   of us has no reference to His own advantage, but to ours only; and, so
   far as He is concerned, has reference only to His goodness. When we
   take pity upon a man and care for him, it is for his advantage we do
   so; but somehow or other our own advantage follows by a sort of natural
   consequence, for God does not leave the mercy we show to him who needs
   it to go without reward.  Now this is our highest reward, that we
   should fully enjoy Him, and that all who enjoy Him should enjoy one
   another in Him.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1744] Ex. iii. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--In What Way Man Should Be Enjoyed.

   36.  For if we find our happiness complete in one another, we stop
   short upon the road, and place our hope of happiness in man or angel.
   Now the proud man and the proud angel arrogate this to themselves, and
   are glad to have the hope of others fixed upon them.  But, on the
   contrary, the holy man and the holy angel, even when we are weary and
   anxious to stay with them and rest in them, set themselves to recruit
   our energies with the provision which they have received of God for us
   or for themselves; and then urge us thus refreshed to go on our way
   towards Him, in the enjoyment of whom we find our common happiness.
   For even the apostle exclaims, "Was Paul crucified for you? or were ye
   baptized in the name of Paul?" [1745] and again:  "Neither is he that
   planteth anything, neither he that watereth; but God that giveth the
   increase." [1746]   And the angel admonisheth the man who is about to
   worship him, that he should rather worship Him who is his Master, and
   under whom he himself is a fellow-servant. [1747]

   37.  But when you have joy of a man in God, it is God rather than man
   that you enjoy.  For you enjoy Him by whom you are made happy, and you
   rejoice to have come to Him in whose presence you place your hope of
   joy.  And accordingly, Paul says to Philemon, "Yea, brother, let me
   have joy of thee in the Lord." [1748]   For if he had not added "in the
   Lord," but had only said, "Let me have joy of thee," he would have
   implied that he fixed his hope of happiness upon him, although even in
   the immediate context to "enjoy" is used in the sense of to "use with
   delight."  For when the thing that we love is near us, it is a matter
   of course that it should bring delight with it.  And if you pass beyond
   this delight, and make it a means to that which you are permanently to
   rest in, you are using it, and it is an abuse of language to say that
   you enjoy it.  But if you cling to it, and rest in it, finding your
   happiness complete in it, then you may be truly and properly said to
   enjoy it.  And this we must never do except in the case of the Blessed
   Trinity, who is the Supreme and Unchangeable Good.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1745] 1 Cor. i. 13.

   [1746] 1 Cor. iii. 7.

   [1747] Rev. xix. 10.

   [1748] Philem. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--Christ the First Way to God.

   38.  And mark that even when He who is Himself the Truth and the Word,
   by whom all things were made, had been made flesh that He might dwell
   among us, the apostle yet says:  "Yea, though we have known Christ
   after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we Him no more." [1749]   For
   Christ, desiring not only to give the possession to those who had
   completed the journey, but also to be Himself the way to those who were
   just setting out, determined to take a fleshly body.  Whence also that
   expression, "The Lord created [1750] me in the beginning of His way,"
   [1751] that is, that those who wished to come might begin their journey
   in Him.  The apostle, therefore, although still on the way, and
   following after God who called him to the reward of His heavenly
   calling, yet forgetting those things which were behind, and pressing on
   towards those things which were before, [1752] had already passed over
   the beginning of the way, and had now no further need of it; yet by
   this way all must commence their journey who desire to attain to the
   truth, and to rest in eternal life.  For He says:  "I am the way, and
   the truth, and the life;" [1753] that is, by me men come, to me they
   come, in me they rest.  For when we come to Him, we come to the Father
   also, because through an equal an equal is known; and the Holy Spirit
   binds, and as it were seals us, so that we are able to rest permanently
   in the supreme and unchangeable Good.  And hence we may learn how
   essential it is that nothing should detain us on the way, when not even
   our Lord Himself, so far as He has condescended to be our way, is
   willing to detain us, but wishes us rather to press on; and, instead of
   weakly clinging to temporal things, even though these have been put on
   and worn by Him for our salvation, to pass over them quickly, and to
   struggle to attain unto Himself, who has freed our nature from the
   bondage of temporal things, and has set it down at the right hand of
   His Father.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1749] 2 Cor. v. 16.

   [1750] A.V. possessed.

   [1751] Prov. viii. 22.

   [1752] Comp. Phil. iii. 13.

   [1753] John xiv. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 35.--The Fulfillment and End of Scripture is the Love of God
   and Our Neighbor.

   39.  Of all, then, that has been said since we entered upon the
   discussion about things, this is the sum:  that we should clearly
   understand that the fulfillment and the end of the Law, and of all Holy
   Scripture, is the love of an object which is to be enjoyed, and the
   love of an object which can enjoy that other in fellowship with
   ourselves.  For there is no need of a command that each man should love
   himself.  The whole temporal dispensation for our salvation, therefore,
   was framed by the providence of God that we might know this truth and
   be able to act upon it; and we ought to use that dispensation, not with
   such love and delight as if it were a good to rest in, but with a
   transient feeling rather, such as we have towards the road, or
   carriages, or other things that are merely means.  Perhaps some other
   comparison can be found that will more suitably express the idea that
   we are to love the things by which we are borne only for the sake of
   that towards which we are borne.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 36.--That Interpretation of Scripture Which Builds Us Up in
   Love is Not Perniciously Deceptive Nor Mendacious, Even Though It Be
   Faulty.  The Interpreter, However, Should Be Corrected.

   40.  Whoever, then, thinks that he understands the Holy Scriptures, or
   any part of them, but puts such an interpretation upon them as does not
   tend to build up this twofold love of God and our neighbor, does not
   yet understand them as he ought.  If, on the other hand, a man draws a
   meaning from them that may be used for the building up of love, even
   though he does not happen upon the precise meaning which the author
   whom he reads intended to express in that place, his error is not
   pernicious, and he is wholly clear from the charge of deception.  For
   there is involved in deception the intention to say what is false; and
   we find plenty of people who intend to deceive, but nobody who wishes
   to be deceived.  Since, then, the man who knows practises deceit, and
   the ignorant man is practised upon, it is quite clear that in any
   particular case the man who is deceived is a better man than he who
   deceives, seeing that it is better to suffer than to commit injustice.
   Now every man who lies commits an injustice; and if any man thinks that
   a lie is ever useful, he must think that injustice is sometimes
   useful.  For no liar keeps faith in the matter about which he lies.  He
   wishes, of course, that the man to whom he lies should place confidence
   in him; and yet he betrays his confidence by lying to him.  Now every
   man who breaks faith is unjust.  Either, then, injustice is sometimes
   useful (which is impossible), or a lie is never useful.

   41.  Whoever takes another meaning out of Scripture than the writer
   intended, goes astray, but not through any falsehood in Scripture.
   Nevertheless, as I was going to say, if his mistaken interpretation
   tends to build up love, which is the end of the commandment, he goes
   astray in much the same way as a man who by mistake quits the high
   road, but yet reaches through the fields the same place to which the
   road leads.  He is to be corrected, however, and to be shown how much
   better it is not to quit the straight road, lest, if he get into a
   habit of going astray, he may sometimes take cross roads, or even go in
   the wrong direction altogether.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 37.--Dangers of Mistaken Interpretation.

   For if he takes up rashly a meaning which the author whom he is reading
   did not intend, he often falls in with other statements which he cannot
   harmonize with this meaning.  And if he admits that these statements
   are true and certain, then it follows that the meaning he had put upon
   the former passage cannot be the true one:  and so it comes to pass,
   one can hardly tell how, that, out of love for his own opinion, he
   begins to feel more angry with Scripture than he is with himself.  And
   if he should once permit that evil to creep in, it will utterly destroy
   him.  "For we walk by faith, not by sight." [1754]   Now faith will
   totter if the authority of Scripture begin to shake.  And then, if
   faith totter, love itself will grow cold.  For if a man has fallen from
   faith, he must necessarily also fall from love; for he cannot love what
   he does not believe to exist.  But if he both believes and loves, then
   through good works, and through diligent attention to the precepts of
   morality, he comes to hope also that he shall attain the object of his
   love.  And so these are the three things to which all knowledge and all
   prophecy are subservient:  faith, hope, love.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1754] 2 Cor. v. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 38.--Love Never Faileth.

   42.  But sight shall displace faith; and hope shall be swallowed up in
   that perfect bliss to which we shall come:  love, on the other hand,
   shall wax greater when these others fail.  For if we love by faith that
   which as yet we see not, how much more shall we love it when we begin
   to see!  And if we love by hope that which as yet we have not reached,
   how much more shall we love it when we reach it!  For there is this
   great difference between things temporal and things eternal, that a
   temporal object is valued more before we possess it, and begins to
   prove worthless the moment we attain it, because it does not satisfy
   the soul, which has its only true and sure resting-place in eternity:
   an eternal object, on the other hand, is loved with greater ardor when
   it is in possession than while it is still an object of desire, for no
   one in his longing for it can set a higher value on it than really
   belongs to it, so as to think it comparatively worthless when he finds
   it of less value than he thought; on the contrary, however high the
   value any man may set upon it when he is on his way to possess it, he
   will find it, when it comes into his possession, of higher value still.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 39.--He Who is Mature in Faith, Hope and Love, Needs Scripture
   No Longer.

   43.  And thus a man who is resting upon faith, hope and love, and who
   keeps a firm hold upon these, does not need the Scriptures except for
   the purpose of instructing others.  Accordingly, many live without
   copies of the Scriptures, even in solitude, on the strength of these
   three graces.  So that in their case, I think, the saying is already
   fulfilled:  "Whether there be prophecies, they shall fail; whether
   there be tongues, they shall cease; whether there be knowledge, it
   shall vanish away." [1755]   Yet by means of these instruments (as they
   may be called), so great an edifice of faith and love has been built up
   in them, that, holding to what is perfect, they do not seek for what is
   only in part perfect--of course, I mean, so far as is possible in this
   life; for, in comparison with the future life, the life of no just and
   holy man is perfect here.  Therefore the apostle says:  "Now abideth
   faith, hope, charity, these three; but the greatest of these is
   charity:" [1756]   because, when a man shall have reached the eternal
   world, while the other two graces will fail, love will remain greater
   and more assured.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1755] 1 Cor. xiii. 8.

   [1756] 1 Cor. xiii. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 40.--What Manner of Reader Scripture Demands.

   44.  And, therefore, if a man fully understands that "the end of the
   commandment is charity, out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience,
   and of faith unfeigned," [1757] and is bent upon making all his
   understanding of Scripture to bear upon these three graces, he may come
   to the interpretation of these books with an easy mind.  For while the
   apostle says "love," he adds "out of a pure heart," to provide against
   anything being loved but that which is worthy of love.  And he joins
   with this "a good conscience," in reference to hope; for, if a man has
   the burthen of a bad conscience, he despairs of ever reaching that
   which he believes in and loves.  And in the third place he says:  "and
   of faith unfeigned."  For if our faith is free from all hypocrisy, then
   we both abstain from loving what is unworthy of our love, and by living
   uprightly we are able to indulge the hope that our hope shall not be in
   vain.

   For these reasons I have been anxious to speak about the objects of
   faith, as far as I thought it necessary for my present purpose; for
   much has already been said on this subject in other volumes, either by
   others or by myself.  And so let this be the end of the present book.
   In the next I shall discuss, as far as God shall give me light, the
   subject of signs.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1757] 1 Tim. i. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book II.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Having completed his exposition of things, the author now
   proceeds to discuss the subject of signs.  He first defines what a sign
   is, and shows that there are two classes of signs, the natural and the
   conventional.  Of conventional signs (which are the only class here
   noticed), words are the most numerous and important, and are those with
   which the interpreter of Scripture is chiefly concerned.  The
   difficulties and obscurities of Scripture spring chiefly from two
   sources, unknown and ambiguous signs.  The present book deals only with
   unknown signs, the ambiguities of language being reserved for treatment
   in the next book.  The difficulty arising from ignorance of signs is to
   be removed by learning the Greek and Hebrew languages, in which
   Scripture is written, by comparing the various translations, and by
   attending to the context.  In the interpretation of figurative
   expressions, knowledge of things is as necessary as knowledge of words;
   and the various sciences and arts of the heathen, so far as they are
   true and useful, may be turned to account in removing our ignorance of
   signs, whether these be direct or figurative.  Whilst exposing the
   folly and futility of many heathen superstitions and practices, the
   author points out how all that is sound and useful in their science and
   philosophy may be turned to a Christian use.  And in conclusion, he
   shows the spirit in which it behoves us to address ourselves to the
   study and interpretation of the sacred books.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--Signs, Their Nature and Variety.

   1.  As when I was writing about things, I introduced the subject with a
   warning against attending to anything but what they are in themselves,
   [1758] even though they are signs of something else, so now, when I
   come in its turn to discuss the subject of signs, I lay down this
   direction, not to attend to what they are in themselves, but to the
   fact that they are signs, that is, to what they signify.  For a sign is
   a thing which, over and above the impression it makes on the senses,
   causes something else to come into the mind as a consequence of
   itself:  as when we see a footprint, we conclude that an animal whose
   footprint this is has passed by; and when we see smoke, we know that
   there is fire beneath; and when we hear the voice of a living man, we
   think of the feeling in his mind; and when the trumpet sounds, soldiers
   know that they are to advance or retreat, or do whatever else the state
   of the battle requires.

   2.  Now some signs are natural, others conventional.  Natural signs are
   those which, apart from any intention or desire of using them as signs,
   do yet lead to the knowledge of something else, as, for example, smoke
   when it indicates fire.  For it is not from any intention of making it
   a sign that it is so, but through attention to experience we come to
   know that fire is beneath, even when nothing but smoke can be seen.
   And the footprint of an animal passing by belongs to this class of
   signs.  And the countenance of an angry or sorrowful man indicates the
   feeling in his mind, independently of his will:  and in the same way
   every other emotion of the mind is betrayed by the tell-tale
   countenance, even though we do nothing with the intention of making it
   known.  This class of signs, however, it is no part of my design to
   discuss at present.  But as it comes under this division of the
   subject, I could not altogether pass it over.  It will be enough to
   have noticed it thus far.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1758] See Book i. 519.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Of the Kind of Signs We are Now Concerned with.

   3.  Conventional signs, on the other hand, are those which living
   beings mutually exchange for the purpose of showing, as well as they
   can, the feelings of their minds, or their perceptions, or their
   thoughts.  Nor is there any reason for giving a sign except the desire
   of drawing forth and conveying into another's mind what the giver of
   the sign has in his own mind.  We wish, then, to consider and discuss
   this class of signs so far as men are concerned with it, because even
   the signs which have been given us of God, and which are contained in
   the Holy Scriptures, were made known to us through men--those, namely,
   who wrote the Scriptures.  The beasts, too, have certain signs among
   themselves by which they make known the desires in their mind.  For
   when the poultry-cock has discovered food, he signals with his voice
   for the hen to run to him, and the dove by cooing calls his mate, or is
   called by her in turn; and many signs of the same kind are matters of
   common observation.  Now whether these signs, like the expression or
   the cry of a man in grief, follow the movement of the mind
   instinctively and apart from any purpose, or whether they are really
   used with the purpose of signification, is another question, and does
   not pertain to the matter in hand.  And this part of the subject I
   exclude from the scope of this work as not necessary to my present
   object.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--Among Signs, Words Hold the Chief Place.

   4.  Of the signs, then, by which men communicate their thoughts to one
   another, some relate to the sense of sight, some to that of hearing, a
   very few to the other senses.  For, when we nod, we give no sign except
   to the eyes of the man to whom we wish by this sign to impart our
   desire.  And some convey a great deal by the motion of the hands:  and
   actors by movements of all their limbs give certain signs to the
   initiated, and, so to speak, address their conversation to the eyes:
   and the military standards and flags convey through the eyes the will
   of the commanders.  And all these signs are as it were a kind of
   visible words.  The signs that address themselves to the ear are, as I
   have said, more numerous, and for the most part consist of words.  For
   though the bugle and the flute and the lyre frequently give not only a
   sweet but a significant sound, yet all these signs are very few in
   number compared with words.  For among men words have obtained far and
   away the chief place as a means of indicating the thoughts of the
   mind.  Our Lord, it is true, gave a sign through the odor of the
   ointment which was poured out upon His feet; [1759] and in the
   sacrament of His body and blood He signified His will through the sense
   of taste; and when by touching the hem of His garment the woman was
   made whole, the act was not wanting in significance. [1760]   But the
   countless multitude of the signs through which men express their
   thoughts consist of words.  For I have been able to put into words all
   those signs, the various classes of which I have briefly touched upon,
   but I could by no effort express words in terms of those signs.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1759] John xii. 3-7; Mark xiv. 8.

   [1760] Matt. ix. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--Origin of Writing.

   5.  But because words pass away as soon as they strike upon the air,
   and last no longer than their sound, men have by means of letters
   formed signs of words.  Thus the sounds of the voice are made visible
   to the eye, not of course as sounds, but by means of certain signs.  It
   has been found impossible, however, to make those signs common to all
   nations owing to the sin of discord among men, which springs from every
   man trying to snatch the chief place for himself.  And that celebrated
   tower which was built to reach to heaven was an indication of this
   arrogance of spirit; and the ungodly men concerned in it justly earned
   the punishment of having not their minds only, but their tongues
   besides, thrown into confusion and discordance. [1761]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1761] Gen. xi.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Scripture Translated into Various Languages.

   6.  And hence it happened that even Holy Scripture, which brings a
   remedy for the terrible diseases of the human will, being at first set
   forth in one language, by means of which it could at the fit season be
   disseminated through the whole world, was interpreted into various
   tongues, and spread far and wide, and thus became known to the nations
   for their salvation.  And in reading it, men seek nothing more than to
   find out the thought and will of those by whom it was written, and
   through these to find out the will of God, in accordance with which
   they believe these men to have spoken.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Use of the Obscurities in Scripture Which Arise from Its
   Figurative Language.

   7.  But hasty and careless readers are led astray by many and manifold
   obscurities and ambiguities, substituting one meaning for another; and
   in some places they cannot hit upon even a fair interpretation.  Some
   of the expressions are so obscure as to shroud the meaning in the
   thickest darkness.  And I do not doubt that all this was divinely
   arranged for the purpose of subduing pride by toil, and of preventing a
   feeling of satiety in the intellect, which generally holds in small
   esteem what is discovered without difficulty.  For why is it, I ask,
   that if any one says that there are holy and just men whose life and
   conversation the Church of Christ uses as a means of redeeming those
   who come to it from all kinds of superstitions, and making them through
   their imitation of good men members of its own body; men who, as good
   and true servants of God, have come to the baptismal font laying down
   the burdens of the world, and who rising thence do, through the
   implanting of the Holy Spirit, yield the fruit of a two-fold love, a
   love, that is, of God and their neighbor;--how is it, I say, that if a
   man says this, he does not please his hearer so much as when he draws
   the same meaning from that passage in Canticles, where it is said of
   the Church, when it is being praised under the figure of a beautiful
   woman, "Thy teeth are like a flock of sheep that are shorn which came
   up from the washing, whereof every one bears twins, and none is barren
   among them?" [1762]   Does the hearer learn anything more than when he
   listens to the same thought expressed in the plainest language, without
   the help of this figure?  And yet, I don't know why, I feel greater
   pleasure in contemplating holy men, when I view them as the teeth of
   the Church, tearing men away from their errors, and bringing them into
   the Church's body, with all their harshness softened down, just as if
   they had been torn off and masticated by the teeth.  It is with the
   greatest pleasure, too, that I recognize them under the figure of sheep
   that have been shorn, laying down the burthens of the world like
   fleeces, and coming up from the washing, i.e., from baptism, and all
   bearing twins, i.e., the twin commandments of love, and none among them
   barren in that holy fruit.

   8.  But why I view them with greater delight under that aspect than if
   no such figure were drawn from the sacred books, though the fact would
   remain the same and the knowledge the same, is another question, and
   one very difficult to answer.  Nobody, however, has any doubt about the
   facts, both that it is pleasanter in some cases to have knowledge
   communicated through figures, and that what is attended with difficulty
   in the seeking gives greater pleasure in the finding.--For those who
   seek but do not find suffer from hunger.  Those, again, who do not seek
   at all because they have what they require just beside them often grow
   languid from satiety.  Now weakness from either of these causes is to
   be avoided.  Accordingly the Holy Spirit has, with admirable wisdom and
   care for our welfare, so arranged the Holy Scriptures as by the plainer
   passages to satisfy our hunger, and by the more obscure to stimulate
   our appetite.  For almost nothing is dug out of those obscure passages
   which may not be found set forth in the plainest language elsewhere.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1762] Cant. iv. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Steps to Wisdom:  First, Fear; Second, Piety; Third,
   Knowledge; Fourth, Resolution; Fifth, Counsel; Sixth, Purification of
   Heart; Seventh, Stop or Termination, Wisdom.

   9.  First of all, then, it is necessary that we should be led by the
   fear of God to seek the knowledge of His will, what He commands us to
   desire and what to avoid.  Now this fear will of necessity excite in us
   the thought of our mortality and of the death that is before us, and
   crucify all the motions of pride as if our flesh were nailed to the
   tree.  Next it is necessary to have our hearts subdued by piety, and
   not to run in the face of Holy Scripture, whether when understood it
   strikes at some of our sins, or, when not understood, we feel as if we
   could be wiser and give better commands ourselves.  We must rather
   think and believe that whatever is there written, even though it be
   hidden, is better and truer than anything we could devise by our own
   wisdom.

   10.  After these two steps of fear and piety, we come to the third
   step, knowledge, of which I have now undertaken to treat.  For in this
   every earnest student of the Holy Scriptures exercises himself, to find
   nothing else in them but that God is to be loved for His own sake, and
   our neighbor for God's sake; and that God is to be loved with all the
   heart, and with all the soul, and with all the mind, and one's neighbor
   as one's self--that is, in such a way that all our love for our
   neighbor, like all our love for ourselves, should have reference to
   God. [1763]  And on these two commandments I touched in the previous
   book when I was treating about things. [1764]   It is necessary, then,
   that each man should first of all find in the Scriptures that he,
   through being entangled in the love of this world--i.e., of temporal
   things--has been drawn far away from such a love for God and such a
   love for his neighbor as Scripture enjoins.  Then that fear which leads
   him to think of the judgment of God, and that piety which gives him no
   option but to believe in and submit to the authority of Scripture,
   compel him to bewail his condition.  For the knowledge of a good hope
   makes a man not boastful, but sorrowful.  And in this frame of mind he
   implores with unremitting prayers the comfort of the Divine help that
   he may not be overwhelmed in despair, and so he gradually comes to the
   fourth step,--that is, strength and resolution, [1765] --in which he
   hungers and thirsts after righteousness.  For in this frame of mind he
   extricates himself from every form of fatal joy in transitory things,
   and turning away from these, fixes his affection on things eternal, to
   wit, the unchangeable Trinity in unity.

   11.  And when, to the extent of his power, he has gazed upon this
   object shining from afar, and has felt that owing to the weakness of
   his sight he cannot endure that matchless light, then in the fifth
   step--that is, in the counsel of compassion [1766] --he cleanses his
   soul, which is violently agitated, and disturbs him with base desires,
   from the filth it has contracted.  And at this stage he exercises
   himself diligently in the love of his neighbor; and when he has reached
   the point of loving his enemy, full of hopes and unbroken in strength,
   he mounts to the sixth step, in which he purifies the eye itself which
   can see God, [1767] so far as God can be seen by those who as far as
   possible die to this world.  For men see Him just so far as they die to
   this world; and so far as they live to it they see Him not.  But yet,
   although that light may begin to appear clearer, and not only more
   tolerable, but even more delightful, still it is only through a glass
   darkly that we are said to see, because we walk by faith, not by sight,
   while we continue to wander as strangers in this world, even though our
   conversation be in heaven. [1768]   And at this stage, too, a man so
   purges the eye of his affections as not to place his neighbor before,
   or even in comparison with, the truth, and therefore not himself,
   because not him whom he loves as himself.  Accordingly, that holy man
   will be so single and so pure in heart, that he will not step aside
   from the truth, either for the sake of pleasing men or with a view to
   avoid any of the annoyances which beset this life.  Such a son ascends
   to wisdom, which is the seventh and last step, and which he enjoys in
   peace and tranquillity.  For the fear of God is the beginning of
   wisdom. [1769]   From that beginning, then, till we reach wisdom
   itself, our way is by the steps now described.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1763] Comp. Matt. xxii. 37-40.

   [1764] See Book 1. c. 22.

   [1765] Fortitudo.

   [1766] Consilium misericordiæ.

   [1767] Matt. v. 8.

   [1768] 1 Cor. xiii. 12; 2 Cor. v. 7.

   [1769] Ps. cxi. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--The Canonical Books.

   12.  But let us now go back to consider the third step here mentioned,
   for it is about it that I have set myself to speak and reason as the
   Lord shall grant me wisdom.  The most skillful interpreter of the
   sacred writings, then, will be he who in the first place has read them
   all and retained them in his knowledge, if not yet with full
   understanding, still with such knowledge as reading gives,--those of
   them, at least, that are called canonical.  For he will read the others
   with greater safety when built up in the belief of the truth, so that
   they will not take first possession of a weak mind, nor, cheating it
   with dangerous falsehoods and delusions, fill it with prejudices
   adverse to a sound understanding.  Now, in regard to the canonical
   Scriptures, he must follow the judgment of the greater number of
   catholic churches; and among these, of course, a high place must be
   given to such as have been thought worthy to be the seat of an apostle
   and to receive epistles.  Accordingly, among the canonical Scriptures
   he will judge according to the following standard:  to prefer those
   that are received by all the catholic churches to those which some do
   not receive.  Among those, again, which are not received by all, he
   will prefer such as have the sanction of the greater number and those
   of greater authority, to such as are held by the smaller number and
   those of less authority.  If, however, he shall find that some books
   are held by the greater number of churches, and others by the churches
   of greater authority (though this is not a very likely thing to
   happen), I think that in such a case the authority on the two sides is
   to be looked upon as equal.

   13.  Now the whole canon of Scripture on which we say this judgment is
   to be exercised, is contained in the following books:--Five books of
   Moses, that is, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy; one
   book of Joshua the son of Nun; one of Judges; one short book called
   Ruth, which seems rather to belong to the beginning of Kings; next,
   four books of Kings, and two of Chronicles--these last not following
   one another, but running parallel, so to speak, and going over the same
   ground.  The books now mentioned are history, which contains a
   connected narrative of the times, and follows the order of the events.
   There are other books which seem to follow no regular order, and are
   connected neither with the order of the preceding books nor with one
   another, such as Job, and Tobias, and Esther, and Judith, and the two
   books of Maccabees, and the two of Ezra, [1770] which last look more
   like a sequel to the continuous regular history which terminates with
   the books of Kings and Chronicles.  Next are the Prophets, in which
   there is one book of the Psalms of David; and three books of Solomon,
   viz., Proverbs, Song of Songs, and Ecclesiastes.  For two books, one
   called Wisdom and the other Ecclesiasticus, are ascribed to Solomon
   from a certain resemblance of style, but the most likely opinion is
   that they were written by Jesus the son of Sirach. [1771]   Still they
   are to be reckoned among the prophetical books, since they have
   attained recognition as being authoritative.  The remainder are the
   books which are strictly called the Prophets:  twelve separate books of
   the prophets which are connected with one another, and having never
   been disjoined, are reckoned as one book; the names of these prophets
   are as follows:--Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum,
   Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi; then there are the
   four greater prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, Ezekiel.  The
   authority of the Old Testament [1772] is contained within the limits of
   these forty-four books.  That of the New Testament, again, is contained
   within the following:--Four books of the Gospel, according to Matthew,
   according to Mark, according to Luke, according to John; fourteen
   epistles of the Apostle Paul--one to the Romans, two to the
   Corinthians, one to the Galatians, to the Ephesians, to the
   Philippians, two to the Thessalonians, one to the Colossians, two to
   Timothy, one to Titus, to Philemon, to the Hebrews:  two of Peter;
   three of John; one of Jude; and one of James; one book of the Acts of
   the Apostles; and one of the Revelation of John.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1770] That is, Ezra and Nehemiah.

   [1771] Augustin in his Retractations withdrew this opinion so far as
   regards the book of Wisdom.

   [1772] This application of the phrase "Old Testament" is withdrawn and
   apologized for in the Retractations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--How We Should Proceed in Studying Scripture.

   14.  In all these books those who fear God and are of a meek and pious
   disposition seek the will of God.  And in pursuing this search the
   first rule to be observed is, as I said, to know these books, if not
   yet with the understanding, still to read them so as to commit them to
   memory, or at least so as not to remain wholly ignorant of them.  Next,
   those matters that are plainly laid down in them, whether rules of life
   or rules of faith, are to be searched into more carefully and more
   diligently; and the more of these a man discovers, the more capacious
   does his understanding become.  For among the things that are plainly
   laid down in Scripture are to be found all matters that concern faith
   and the manner of life,--to wit, hope and love, of which I have spoken
   in the previous book.  After this, when we have made ourselves to a
   certain extent familiar with the language of Scripture, we may proceed
   to open up and investigate the obscure passages, and in doing so draw
   examples from the plainer expressions to throw light upon the more
   obscure, and use the evidence of passages about which there is no doubt
   to remove all hesitation in regard to the doubtful passages.  And in
   this matter memory counts for a great deal; but if the memory be
   defective, no rules can supply the want.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--Unknown or Ambiguous Signs Prevent Scripture from Being
   Understood.

   15.  Now there are two causes which prevent what is written from being
   understood:  its being vailed either under unknown, or under ambiguous
   signs.  Signs are either proper or figurative.  They are called proper
   when they are used to point out the objects they were designed to point
   out, as we say bos when we mean an ox, because all men who with us use
   the Latin tongue call it by this name.  Signs are figurative when the
   things themselves which we indicate by the proper names are used to
   signify something else, as we say bos, and understand by that syllable
   the ox, which is ordinarily called by that name; but then further by
   that ox understand a preacher of the gospel, as Scripture signifies,
   according to the apostle's explanation, when it says:  "Thou shalt not
   muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn." [1773]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1773] Bovem triturantem non infrenabis.--1 Cor. ix. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Knowledge of Languages, Especially of Greek and Hebrew,
   Necessary to Remove Ignorance or Signs.

   16.  The great remedy for ignorance of proper signs is knowledge of
   languages.  And men who speak the Latin tongue, of whom are those I
   have undertaken to instruct, need two other languages for the knowledge
   of Scripture, Hebrew and Greek, that they may have recourse to the
   original texts if the endless diversity of the Latin translators throw
   them into doubt.  Although, indeed, we often find Hebrew words
   untranslated in the books as for example, Amen, Halleluia, Racha,
   Hosanna, and others of the same kind.  Some of these, although they
   could have been translated, have been preserved in their original form
   on account of the more sacred authority that attaches to it, as for
   example, Amen and Halleluia.  Some of them, again, are said to be
   untranslatable into another tongue, of which the other two I have
   mentioned are examples.  For in some languages there are words that
   cannot be translated into the idiom of another language.  And this
   happens chiefly in the case of interjections, which are words that
   express rather an emotion of the mind than any part of a thought we
   have in our mind.  And the two given above are said to be of this kind,
   Racha expressing the cry of an angry man, Hosanna that of a joyful
   man.  But the knowledge of these languages is necessary, not for the
   sake of a few words like these which it is very easy to mark and to ask
   about, but, as has been said, on account of the diversities among
   translators.  For the translations of the Scriptures from Hebrew into
   Greek can be counted, but the Latin translators are out of all number.
   For in the early days of the faith every man who happened to get his
   hands upon a Greek manuscript, and who thought he had any knowledge,
   were it ever so little, of the two languages, ventured upon the work of
   translation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--A Diversity of Interpretations is Useful.  Errors Arising
   from Ambiguous Words.

   17.  And this circumstance would assist rather than hinder the
   understanding of Scripture, if only readers were not careless.  For the
   examination of a number of texts has often thrown light upon some of
   the more obscure passages; for example, in that passage of the prophet
   Isaiah, [1774] one translator reads:  "And do not despise the domestics
   of thy seed;" [1775] another reads:  "And do not despise thine own
   flesh." [1776]   Each of these in turn confirms the other.  For the one
   is explained by the other; because "flesh" may be taken in its literal
   sense, so that a man may understand that he is admonished not to
   despise his own body; and "the domestics of thy seed" may be understood
   figuratively of Christians, because they are spiritually born of the
   same seed as ourselves, namely, the Word.  When now the meaning of the
   two translators is compared, a more likely sense of the words suggests
   itself, viz., that the command is not to despise our kinsmen, because
   when one brings the expression "domestics of thy seed" into relation
   with "flesh," kinsmen most naturally occur to one's mind.  Whence, I
   think, that expression of the apostle, when he says, "If by any means I
   may provoke to emulation them which are my flesh, and might save some
   of them;" [1777] that is, that through emulation of those who had
   believed, some of them might believe too.  And he calls the Jews his
   "flesh," on account of the relationship of blood.  Again, that passage
   from the same prophet Isaiah: [1778]   "If ye will not believe, ye
   shall not understand," [1779] another has translated:  "If ye will not
   believe, ye shall not abide." [1780]   Now which of these is the
   literal translation cannot be ascertained without reference to the text
   in the original tongue.  And yet to those who read with knowledge, a
   great truth is to be found in each.  For it is difficult for
   interpreters to differ so widely as not to touch at some point.
   Accordingly here, as understanding consists in sight, and is abiding,
   but faith feeds us as babes, upon milk, in the cradles of temporal
   things (for now we walk by faith, not by sight); [1781] as, moreover,
   unless we walk by faith, we shall not attain to sight, which does not
   pass away, but abides, our understanding being purified by holding to
   the truth;--for these reasons one says, "If ye will not believe, ye
   shall not understand;" but the other, "If ye will not believe, ye shall
   not abide."

   18.  And very often a translator, to whom the meaning is not well
   known, is deceived by an ambiguity in the original language, and puts
   upon the passage a construction that is wholly alien to the sense of
   the writer.  As for example, some texts read:  "Their feet are sharp to
   shed blood;" [1782] for the word hozus among the Greeks means both
   sharp and swift.  And so he saw the true meaning who translated:
   "Their feet are swift to shed blood."  The other, taking the wrong
   sense of an ambiguous word, fell into error.  Now translations such as
   this are not obscure, but false; and there is a wide difference between
   the two things.  For we must learn not to interpret, but to correct
   texts of this sort.  For the same reason it is, that because the Greek
   word moschos means a calf, some have not understood that moscheumata
   [1783] are shoots of trees, and have translated the word "calves;" and
   this error has crept into so many texts, that you can hardly find it
   written in any other way.  And yet the meaning is very clear; for it is
   made evident by the words that follow.  For "the plantings of an
   adulterer will not take deep root," [1784] is a more suitable form of
   expression than the "calves;" [1785] because these walk upon the ground
   with their feet, and are not fixed in the earth by roots.  In this
   passage, indeed, the rest of the context also justifies this
   translation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1774] Isa. lviii. 7, "And that thou hide not thyself from thine own
   flesh" (A.V.).

   [1775] Et domesticos seminis tui ne despexeris.

   [1776] Et carnem tuam ne despexeris.

   [1777] Rom. xi. 14.

   [1778] Isa. vii. 9, "If ye will not believe, surely ye shall not be
   established" (A.V.).

   [1779] Nisi credideritis, non intelligetis.

   [1780] Nisi credideritis, non permanebitis.

   [1781] 2 Cor. v. 7.

   [1782] Rom. iii. 15.

   [1783] Wisd. iv. 3.

   [1784] Adulterinæ plantationes non dabunt radices altas.

   [1785] Vitulamina.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--How Faulty Interpretations Can Be Emended.

   19.  But since we do not clearly see what the actual thought is which
   the several translators endeavor to express, each according to his own
   ability and judgment, unless we examine it in the language which they
   translate; and since the translator, if he be not a very learned man,
   often departs from the meaning of his author, we must either endeavor
   to get a knowledge of those languages from which the Scriptures are
   translated into Latin, or we must get hold of the translations of those
   who keep rather close to the letter of the original, not because these
   are sufficient, but because we may use them to correct the freedom or
   the error of others, who in their translations have chosen to follow
   the sense quite as much as the words.  For not only single words, but
   often whole phrases are translated, which could not be translated at
   all into the Latin idiom by any one who wished to hold by the usage of
   the ancients who spoke Latin.  And though these sometimes do not
   interfere with the understanding of the passage, yet they are offensive
   to those who feel greater delight in things when even the signs of
   those things are kept in their own purity.  For what is called a
   solecism is nothing else than the putting of words together according
   to a different rule from that which those of our predecessors who spoke
   with any authority followed.  For whether we say inter homines (among
   men) or inter hominibus, is of no consequence to a man who only wishes
   to know the facts.  And in the same way, what is a barbarism but the
   pronouncing of a word in a different way from that in which those who
   spoke Latin before us pronounced it?  For whether the word ignoscere
   (to pardon) should be pronounced with the third syllable long or short,
   is not a matter of much concern to the man who is beseeching God, in
   any way at all that he can get the words out, to pardon his sins.  What
   then is purity of speech, except the preserving of the custom of
   language established by the authority of former speakers?

   20.  And men are easily offended in a matter of this kind, just in
   proportion as they are weak; and they are weak just in proportion as
   they wish to seem learned, not in the knowledge of things which tend to
   edification, but in that of signs, by which it is hard not to be puffed
   up, [1786] seeing that the knowledge of things even would often set up
   our neck, if it were not held down by the yoke of our Master.  For how
   does it prevent our understanding it to have the following passage thus
   expressed:  "Quæ est terra in quo isti insidunt super eam, si bona est
   an nequam; et quæ sunt civitates, in quibus ipsi inhabitant in ipsis?"
   [1787]   And I am more disposed to think that this is simply the idiom
   of another language than that any deeper meaning is intended.  Again,
   that phrase, which we cannot now take away from the lips of the people
   who sing it:  "Super ipsum autem floriet sanctificatio mea," [1788]
   surely takes away nothing from the meaning.  Yet a more learned man
   would prefer that this should be corrected, and that we should say, not
   floriet, but florebit.  Nor does anything stand in the way of the
   correction being made, except the usage of the singers.  Mistakes of
   this kind, then, if a man do not choose to avoid them altogether, it is
   easy to treat with indifference, as not interfering with a right
   understanding.  But take, on the other hand, the saying of the
   apostle:  "Quod stultum est Dei, sapientius est hominibus, et quod
   infirmum est Dei, fortius est hominibus." [1789]   If any one should
   retain in this passage the Greek idiom, and say, "Quod stultum est Dei,
   sapientius est hominum et quod infirmum est Dei fortius est hominum,"
   [1790] a quick and careful reader would indeed by an effort attain to
   the true meaning, but still a man of slower intelligence either would
   not understand it at all, or would put an utterly false construction
   upon it.  For not only is such a form of speech faulty in the Latin
   tongue, but it is ambiguous too, as if the meaning might be, that the
   folly of men or the weakness of men is wiser or stronger than that of
   God.  But indeed even the expression sapientius est hominibus (stronger
   than men) is not free from ambiguity, even though it be free from
   solecism.  For whether hominibus is put as the plural of the dative or
   as the plural of the ablative, does not appear, unless by reference to
   the meaning.  It would be better then to say, sapientius est quam
   homines, and fortius est quam homines.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1786] Comp. 1 Cor. viii. 1.

   [1787] "And what the land is that they dwell in, whether it be good or
   bad; and what cities they be that they dwell in."-- Num. xiii.19
   (A.V.).

   [1788] "But upon himself shall my holiness flourish."-- Ps. cxxxii. 18
   (see LXX.).  "But upon himself shall his crown flourish" (A.V.).

   [1789] "Because the foolishness of God is wiser than men, and the
   weakness of God is stronger than men" (1 Cor. i. 25).

   [1790] "What is foolish of God is wiser of men, and what is weak of God
   is stronger of men."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--How the Meaning of Unknown Words and Idioms is to Be
   Discovered.

   21.  About ambiguous signs, however, I shall speak afterwards.  I am
   treating at present of unknown signs, of which, as far as the words are
   concerned, there are two kinds.  For either a word or an idiom, of
   which the reader is ignorant, brings him to a stop.  Now if these
   belong to foreign tongues, we must either make inquiry about them from
   men who speak those tongues, or if we have leisure we must learn the
   tongues ourselves, or we must consult and compare several translators.
   If, however, there are words or idioms in our own tongue that we are
   unacquainted with, we gradually come to know them through being
   accustomed to read or to hear them.  There is nothing that it is better
   to commit to memory than those kinds of words and phrases whose meaning
   we do not know, so that where we happen to meet either with a more
   learned man of whom we can inquire, or with a passage that shows,
   either by the preceding or succeeding context, or by both, the force
   and significance of the phrase we are ignorant of, we can easily by the
   help of our memory turn our attention to the matter and learn all about
   it.  So great, however, is the force of custom, even in regard to
   learning, that those who have been in a sort of way nurtured and
   brought up on the study of Holy Scripture, are surprised at other forms
   of speech, and think them less pure Latin than those which they have
   learnt from Scripture, but which are not to be found in Latin authors.
   In this matter, too, the great number of the translators proves a very
   great assistance, if they are examined and discussed with a careful
   comparison of their texts.  Only all positive error must be removed.
   For those who are anxious to know, the Scriptures ought in the first
   place to use their skill in the correction of the texts, so that the
   uncorrected ones should give way to the corrected, at least when they
   are copies of the same translation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Among Versions a Preference is Given to the Septuagint and
   the Itala.

   22.  Now among translations themselves the Italian (Itala) [1791] is to
   be preferred to the others, for it keeps closer to the words without
   prejudice to clearness of expression.  And to correct the Latin we must
   use the Greek versions, among which the authority of the Septuagint is
   pre-eminent as far as the Old Testament is concerned; for it is
   reported through all the more learned churches that the seventy
   translators enjoyed so much of the presence and power of the Holy
   Spirit in their work of translation, that among that number of men
   there was but one voice.  And if, as is reported, and as many not
   unworthy of confidence assert, [1792] they were separated during the
   work of translation, each man being in a cell by himself, and yet
   nothing was found in the manuscript of any one of them that was not
   found in the same words and in the same order of words in all the rest,
   who dares put anything in comparison with an authority like this, not
   to speak of preferring anything to it?  And even if they conferred
   together with the result that a unanimous agreement sprang out of the
   common labor and judgment of them all; even so, it would not be right
   or becoming for any one man, whatever his experience, to aspire to
   correct the unanimous opinion of many venerable and learned men.
   Wherefore, even if anything is found in the original Hebrew in a
   different form from that in which these men have expressed it, I think
   we must give way to the dispensation of Providence which used these men
   to bring it about, that books which the Jewish race were unwilling,
   either from religious scruple or from jealousy, to make known to other
   nations, were, with the assistance of the power of King Ptolemy, made
   known so long beforehand to the nations which in the future were to
   believe in the Lord.  And thus it is possible that they translated in
   such a way as the Holy Spirit, who worked in them and had given them
   all one voice, thought most suitable for the Gentiles.  But
   nevertheless, as I said above, a comparison of those translators also
   who have kept most closely to the words, is often not without value as
   a help to the clearing up of the meaning.  The Latin texts, therefore,
   of the Old Testament are, as I was about to say, to be corrected if
   necessary by the authority of the Greeks, and especially by that of
   those who, though they were seventy in number, are said to have
   translated as with one voice.  As to the books of the New Testament,
   again, if any perplexity arises from the diversities of the Latin
   texts, we must of course yield to the Greek, especially those that are
   found in the churches of greater learning and research.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1791] The translation here referred to is the Vetus Latina, as revised
   by the Church of Northern Italy in the fourth century, prior to the
   final recension of Jerome, commonly called the Vulgate.

   [1792] Among these are Justin Martyr, Irenæus, and Clemens
   Alexandrinus.  Comp. Augustin, De Civ. Dei, xviii. 43, and Epp. 71 and
   75.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--The Knowledge Both of Language and Things is Helpful for
   the Understanding of Figurative Expressions.

   23.  In the case of figurative signs, again, if ignorance of any of
   them should chance to bring the reader to a stand-still, their meaning
   is to be traced partly by the knowledge of languages, partly by the
   knowledge of things.  The pool of Siloam, for example, where the man
   whose eyes our Lord had anointed with clay made out of spittle was
   commanded to wash, has a figurative significance, and undoubtedly
   conveys a secret sense; but yet if the evangelist had not interpreted
   that name, [1793] a meaning so important would lie unnoticed.  And we
   cannot doubt that, in the same way, many Hebrew names which have not
   been interpreted by the writers of those books, would, if any one could
   interpret them, be of great value and service in solving the enigmas of
   Scripture.  And a number of men skilled in that language have conferred
   no small benefit on posterity by explaining all these words without
   reference to their place in Scripture, and telling us what Adam means,
   what Eve, what Abraham, what Moses, and also the names of places, what
   Jerusalem signifies, or Sion, or Sinai, or Lebanon, or Jordan, and
   whatever other names in that language we are not acquainted with.  And
   when these names have been investigated and explained, many figurative
   expressions in Scripture become clear.

   24.  Ignorance of things, too, renders figurative expressions obscure,
   as when we do not know the nature of the animals, or minerals, or
   plants, which are frequently referred to in Scripture by way of
   comparison.  The fact so well known about the serpent, for example,
   that to protect its head it will present its whole body to its
   assailants--how much light it throws upon the meaning of our Lord's
   command, that we should be wise as serpents; [1794] that is to say,
   that for the sake of our head, which is Christ, we should willingly
   offer our body to the persecutors, lest the Christian faith should, as
   it were, be destroyed in us, if to save the body we deny our God!  Or
   again, the statement that the serpent gets rid of its old skin by
   squeezing itself through a narrow hole, and thus acquires new
   strength--how appropriately it fits in with the direction to imitate
   the wisdom of the serpent, and to put off the old man, as the apostle
   says, that we may put on the new; [1795] and to put it off, too, by
   coming through a narrow place, according to the saying of our Lord,
   "Enter ye in at the strait gate!" [1796]   As, then, knowledge of the
   nature of the serpent throws light upon many metaphors which Scripture
   is accustomed to draw from that animal, so ignorance of other animals,
   which are no less frequently mentioned by way of comparison, is a very
   great drawback to the reader.  And so in regard to minerals and
   plants:  knowledge of the carbuncle, for instance, which shines in the
   dark, throws light upon many of the dark places in books too, where it
   is used metaphorically; and ignorance of the beryl or the adamant often
   shuts the doors of knowledge.  And the only reason why we find it easy
   to understand that perpetual peace is indicated by the olive branch
   which the dove brought with it when it returned to the ark, [1797] is
   that we know both that the smooth touch of olive oil is not easily
   spoiled by a fluid of another kind, and that the tree itself is an
   evergreen.  Many, again, by reason of their ignorance of hyssop, not
   knowing the virtue it has in cleansing the lungs, nor the power it is
   said to have of piercing rocks with its roots, although it is a small
   and insignificant plant, cannot make out why it is said, "Purge me with
   hyssop, and I shall be clean." [1798]

   25.  Ignorance of numbers, too, prevents us from understanding things
   that are set down in Scripture in a figurative and mystical way.  A
   candid mind, if I may so speak, cannot but be anxious, for example, to
   ascertain what is meant by the fact that Moses and Elijah, and our Lord
   Himself, all fasted for forty days. [1799]   And except by knowledge of
   and reflection upon the number, the difficulty of explaining the figure
   involved in this action cannot be got over.  For the number contains
   ten four times, indicating the knowledge of all things, and that
   knowledge interwoven with time.  For both the diurnal and the annual
   revolutions are accomplished in periods numbering four each; the
   diurnal in the hours of the morning, the noontide, the evening, and the
   night; the annual in the spring, summer, autumn, and winter months.
   Now while we live in time, we must abstain and fast from all joy in
   time, for the sake of that eternity in which we wish to live; al though
   by the passage of time we are taught this very lesson of despising time
   and seeking eternity.  Further, the number ten signifies the knowledge
   of the Creator and the creature, for there is a trinity in the Creator;
   and the number seven indicates the creature, because of the life and
   the body.  For the life consists of three parts, whence also God is to
   be loved with the whole heart, the whole soul, and the whole mind; and
   it is very clear that in the body there are four elements of which it
   is made up.  In this number ten, therefore, when it is placed before us
   in connection with time, that is, when it is taken four times we are
   admonished to live unstained by, and not partaking of, any delight in
   time, that is, to fast for forty days.  Of this we are admonished by
   the law personified in Moses, by prophecy personified in Elijah, and by
   our Lord Himself, who, as if receiving the witness both of the law and
   the prophets, appeared on the mount between the other two, while His
   three disciples looked on in amazement.  Next, we have to inquire in
   the same way, how out of the number forty springs the number fifty,
   which in our religion has no ordinary sacredness attached to it on
   account of the Pentecost, and how this number taken thrice on account
   of the three divisions of time, before the law, under the law, and
   under grace, or perhaps on account of the name of the Father, Son, and
   Holy Spirit, and the Trinity itself being added over and above, has
   reference to the mystery of the most Holy Church, and reaches to the
   number of the one hundred and fifty-three fishes which were taken after
   the resurrection of our Lord, when the nets were cast out on the
   right-hand side of the boat. [1800]   And in the same way, many other
   numbers and combinations of numbers are used in the sacred writings, to
   convey instruction under a figurative guise, and ignorance of numbers
   often shuts out the reader from this instruction.

   26.  Not a few things, too, are closed against us and obscured by
   ignorance of music.  One man, for example, has not unskillfully
   explained some metaphors from the difference between the psaltery and
   the harp. [1801]   And it is a question which it is not out of place
   for learned men to discuss, whether there is any musical law that
   compels the psaltery of ten chords to have just so many strings; or
   whether, if there be no such law, the number itself is not on that very
   account the more to be considered as of sacred significance, either
   with reference to the ten commandments of the law (and if again any
   question is raised about that number, we can only refer it to the
   Creator and the creature), or with reference to the number ten itself
   as interpreted above.  And the number of years the temple was in
   building, which is mentioned in the gospel [1802] --viz.,
   forty-six--has a certain undefinable musical sound, and when referred
   to the structure of our Lord's body, in relation to which the temple
   was mentioned, compels many heretics to confess that our Lord put on,
   not a false, but a true and human body.  And in several places in the
   Holy Scriptures we find both numbers and music mentioned with honor.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1793] John ix. 7.

   [1794] Matt. x. 16.

   [1795] Eph. iv. 22.

   [1796] Matt. vii. 13.

   [1797] Gen. viii. 11.

   [1798] Ps. li. 7.

   [1799] Ex. xxiv. 18; 1 Kings xix. 8; Matt. iv. 2.

   [1800] John xxi. 11.

   [1801] Ps. xxxiii. 2.

   [1802] John ii. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Origin of the Legend of the Nine Muses.

   27.  For we must not listen to the falsities of heathen superstition,
   which represent the nine Muses as daughters of Jupiter and Mercury.
   Varro refutes these, and I doubt whether any one can be found among
   them more curious or more learned in such matters.  He says that a
   certain state (I don't recollect the name) ordered from each of three
   artists a set of statues of the Muses, to be placed as an offering in
   the temple of Apollo, intending that whichever of the artists produced
   the most beautiful statues, they should select and purchase from him.
   It so happened that these artists executed their works with equal
   beauty, that all nine pleased the state, and that all were bought to be
   dedicated in the temple of Apollo; and he says that afterwards Hesiod
   the poet gave names to them all.  It was not Jupiter, therefore, that
   begat the nine Muses, but three artists created three each.  And the
   state had originally given the order for three, not because it had seen
   them in visions, nor because they had presented themselves in that
   number to the eyes of any of the citizens, but because it was obvious
   to remark that all sound, which is the material of song, is by nature
   of three kinds.  For it is either produced by the voice, as in the case
   of those who sing with the mouth without an instrument; or by blowing,
   as in the case of trumpets and flutes; or by striking, as in the case
   of harps and drums, and all other instruments that give their sound
   when struck.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--No Help is to Be Despised, Even Though It Come from a
   Profane Source.

   28.  But whether the fact is as Varro has related, or is not so, still
   we ought not to give up music because of the superstition of the
   heathen, if we can derive anything from it that is of use for the
   understanding of Holy Scripture; nor does it follow that we must busy
   ourselves with their theatrical trumpery because we enter upon an
   investigation about harps and other instruments, that may help us to
   lay hold upon spiritual things.  For we ought not to refuse to learn
   letters because they say that Mercury discovered them; nor because they
   have dedicated temples to Justice and Virtue, and prefer to worship in
   the form of stones things that ought to have their place in the heart,
   ought we on that account to forsake justice and virtue.  Nay, but let
   every good and true Christian understand that wherever truth may be
   found, it belongs to his Master; and while he recognizes and
   acknowledges the truth, even in their religious literature, let him
   reject the figments of superstition, and let him grieve over and avoid
   men who, "when they knew God, glorified him not as God, neither were
   thankful; but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish
   heart was darkened.  Professing themselves to be wise, they became
   fools, and changed the glory of the uncorruptible God into an image
   made like to corruptible man, and to birds, and four-footed beasts, and
   creeping things." [1803]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1803] Rom. i. 21-23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Two Kinds Of Heathen Knowledge.

   29.  But to explain more fully this whole topic (for it is one that
   cannot be omitted), there are two kinds of knowledge which are in vogue
   among the heathen.  One is the knowledge of things instituted by men,
   the other of things which they have noted, either as transacted in the
   past or as instituted by God.  The former kind, that which deals with
   human institutions, is partly superstitious, partly not.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--The Superstitious Nature of Human Institutions.

   30.  All the arrangements made by men for the making and worshipping of
   idols are superstitious, pertaining as they do either to the worship of
   what is created or of some part of it as God, or to consultations and
   arrangements about signs and leagues with devils, such, for example, as
   are employed in the magical arts, and which the poets are accustomed
   not so much to teach as to celebrate.  And to this class belong, but
   with a bolder reach of deception, the books of the haruspices and
   augurs.  In this class we must place also all amulets and cures which
   the medical art condemns, whether these consist in incantations, or in
   marks which they call characters, or in hanging or tying on or even
   dancing in a fashion certain articles, not with reference to the
   condition of the body, but to certain signs hidden or manifest; and
   these remedies they call by the less offensive name of physica, so as
   to appear not to be engaged in superstitious observances, but to be
   taking advantage of the forces of nature.  Examples of these are the
   earrings on the top of each ear, or the rings of ostrich bone on the
   fingers, or telling you when you hiccup to hold your left thumb in your
   right hand.

   31.  To these we may add thousands of the most frivolous practices,
   that are to be observed if any part of the body should jump, or if,
   when friends are walking arm-in-arm, a stone, or a dog, or a boy,
   should come between them.  And the kicking of a stone, as if it were a
   divider of friends, does less harm than to cuff an innocent boy if he
   happens to run between men who are walking side by side.  But it is
   delightful that the boys are sometimes avenged by the dogs; for
   frequently men are so superstitious as to venture upon striking a dog
   who has run between them,--not with impunity however, for instead of a
   superstitious remedy, the dog sometimes makes his assailant run in hot
   haste for a real surgeon.  To this class, too, belong the following
   rules:  To tread upon the threshold when you go out in front of the
   house; to go back to bed if any one should sneeze when you are putting
   on your slippers; to return home if you stumble when going to a place;
   when your clothes are eaten by mice, to be more frightened at the
   prospect of coming misfortune than grieved by your present loss.
   Whence that witty saying of Cato, who, when consulted by a man who told
   him that the mice had eaten his boots, replied, "That is not strange,
   but it would have been very strange indeed if the boots had eaten the
   mice."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Superstition of Astrologers.

   32.  Nor can we exclude from this kind of superstition those who were
   called genethliaci, on account of their attention to birthdays, but are
   now commonly called mathematici.  For these, too, although they may
   seek with pains for the true position of the stars at the time of our
   birth, and may sometimes even find it out, yet in so far as they
   attempt thence to predict our actions, or the consequences of our
   actions, grievously err, and sell inexperienced men into a miserable
   bondage.  For when any freeman goes to an as trologer of this kind, he
   gives money that he may come away the slave either of Mars or of Venus,
   or rather, perhaps, of all the stars to which those who first fell into
   this error, and handed it on to posterity, have given the names either
   of beasts on account of their likeness to beasts, or of men with a view
   to confer honor on those men.  And this is not to be wondered at, when
   we consider that even in times more recent and nearer our own, the
   Romans made an attempt to dedicate the star which we call Lucifer to
   the name and honor of Cæsar.  And this would, perhaps, have been done,
   and the name handed down to distant ages, only that his ancestress
   Venus had given her name to this star before him, and could not by any
   law transfer to her heirs what she had never possessed, nor sought to
   possess, in life.  For where a place was vacant, or not held in honor
   of any of the dead of former times, the usual proceeding in such cases
   was carried out.  For example, we have changed the names of the months
   Quintilis and Sextilis to July and August, naming them in honor of the
   men Julius Cæsar and Augustus Cæsar; and from this instance any one who
   cares can easily see that the stars spoken of above formerly wandered
   in the heavens without the names they now bear.  But as the men were
   dead whose memory people were either compelled by royal power or
   impelled by human folly to honor, they seemed to think that in putting
   their names upon the stars they were raising the dead men themselves to
   heaven.  But whatever they may be called by men, still there are stars
   which God has made and set in order after His own pleasure, and they
   have a fixed movement, by which the seasons are distinguished and
   varied.  And when any one is born, it is easy to observe the point at
   which this movement has arrived, by use of the rules discovered and
   laid down by those who are rebuked by Holy Writ in these terms:  "For
   if they were able to know so much that they could weigh the world, how
   did they not more easily find out the Lord thereof?" [1804]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1804] Wisd. xiii. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22 .--The Folly of Observing the Stars in Order to Predict the
   Events of a Life.

   33.  But to desire to predict the characters, the acts, and the fate of
   those who are born from such an observation, is a great delusion and
   great madness.  And among those at least who have any sort of
   acquaintance with matters of this kind (which, indeed, are only fit to
   be unlearnt again), this superstition is refuted beyond the reach of
   doubt.  For the observation is of the position of the stars, which they
   call constellations, at the time when the person was born about whom
   these wretched men are consulted by their still more wretched dupes.
   Now it may happen that, in the case of twins, one follows the other out
   of the womb so closely that there is no interval of time between them
   that can be apprehended and marked in the position of the
   constellations.  Whence it necessarily follows that twins are in many
   cases born under the same stars, while they do not meet with equal
   fortune either in what they do or what they suffer, but often meet with
   fates so different that one of them has a most fortunate life, the
   other a most unfortunate.  As, for example, we are told that Esau and
   Jacob were born twins, and in such close succession, that Jacob, who
   was born last, was found to have laid hold with his hand upon the heel
   of his brother, who preceded him. [1805]   Now, assuredly, the day and
   hour of the birth of these two could not be marked in any way that
   would not give both the same constellation.  But what a difference
   there was between the characters, the actions, the labors, and the
   fortunes of these two, the Scriptures bear witness, which are now so
   widely spread as to be in the mouth of all nations.

   34.  Nor is it to the point to say that the very smallest and briefest
   moment of time that separates the birth of twins, produces great
   effects in nature, and in the extremely rapid motion of the heavenly
   bodies.  For, although I may grant that it does produce the greatest
   effects, yet the astrologer cannot discover this in the constellations,
   and it is by looking into these that he professes to read the fates.
   If, then, he does not discover the difference when he examines the
   constellations, which must, of course, be the same whether he is
   consulted about Jacob or his brother, what does it profit him that
   there is a difference in the heavens, which he rashly and carelessly
   brings into disrepute, when there is no difference in his chart, which
   he looks into anxiously but in vain?  And so these notions also, which
   have their origin in certain signs of things being arbitrarily fixed
   upon by the presumption of men, are to be referred to the same class as
   if they were leagues and covenants with devils.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1805] Gen. xxv. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Why We Repudiate Arts of Divination.

   35.  For in this way it comes to pass that men who lust after evil
   things are, by a secret judgment of God, delivered over to be mocked
   and deceived, as the just reward of their evil desires.  For they are
   deluded and imposed on by the false angels, to whom the lowest part of
   the world has been put in subjection by the law of God's providence,
   and in accordance with His most admirable arrangement of things.  And
   the result of these delusions and deceptions is, that through these
   superstitious and baneful modes of divination many things in the past
   and future are made known, and turn out just as they are foretold and
   in the case of those who practise superstitious observances, many
   things turn out agreeably to their observances, and ensnared by these
   successes, they become more eagerly inquisitive, and involve themselves
   further and further in a labyrinth of most pernicious error.  And to
   our advantage, the Word of God is not silent about this species of
   fornication of the soul; and it does not warn the soul against
   following such practices on the ground that those who profess them
   speak lies, but it says, "Even if what they tell you should come to
   pass, hearken not unto them." [1806]   For though the ghost of the dead
   Samuel foretold the truth to King Saul, [1807] that does not make such
   sacrilegious observances as those by which his ghost was brought up the
   less detestable; and though the ventriloquist woman [1808] in the Acts
   of the Apostles bore true testimony to the apostles of the Lord, the
   Apostle Paul did not spare the evil spirit on that account, but rebuked
   and cast it out, and so made the woman clean. [1809]

   36.  All arts of this sort, therefore, are either nullities, or are
   part of a guilty superstition, springing out of a baleful fellowship
   between men and devils, and are to be utterly repudiated and avoided by
   the Christian as the covenants of a false and treacherous friendship.
   "Not as if the idol were anything," says the apostle; "but because the
   things which they sacrifice they sacrifice to devils and not to God;
   and I would not that ye should have fellowship with devils." [1810]
   Now what the apostle has said about idols and the sacrifices offered in
   their honor, that we ought to feel in regard to all fancied signs which
   lead either to the worship of idols, or to worshipping creation or its
   parts instead of God, or which are connected with attention to
   medicinal charms and other observances for these are not appointed by
   God as the public means of promoting love towards God and our neighbor,
   but they waste the hearts of wretched men in private and selfish
   strivings after temporal things.  Accordingly, in regard to all these
   branches of knowledge, we must fear and shun the fellowship of demons,
   who, with the Devil their prince, strive only to shut and bar the door
   against our return.  As, then, from the stars which God created and
   ordained, men have drawn lying omens of their own fancy, so also from
   things that are born, or in any other way come into existence under the
   government of God's providence, if there chance only to be something
   unusual in the occurrence,--as when a mule brings forth young, or an
   object is struck by lightning,--men have frequently drawn omens by
   conjectures of their own, and have committed them to writing, as if
   they had drawn them by rule.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1806] Comp. Deut. xiii. 1-3.

   [1807] 1 Sam. xxviii., comp. Ecclus. xlvi. 20.

   [1808] Ventriloqua femina.  The woman with a familiar spirit to whom
   Saul resorted in his extremity is called in the Septuagint translation
   engastrimuthos.  See 1 Sam. xxviii. 7.

   [1809] Acts xvi. 16-18.

   [1810] 1 Cor. x. 19, 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--The Intercourse and Agreement with Demons Which
   Superstitious Observances Maintain.

   37.  And all these omens are of force just so far as has been arranged
   with the devils by that previous understanding in the mind which is, as
   it were, the common language, but they are all full of hurtful
   curiosity, torturing anxiety, and deadly slavery.  For it was not
   because they had meaning that they were attended to, but it was by
   attending to and marking them that they came to have meaning.  And so
   they are made different for different people, according to their
   several notions and prejudices.  For those spirits which are bent upon
   deceiving, take care to provide for each person the same sort of omens
   as they see his own conjectures and preconceptions have already
   entangled him in.  For, to take an illustration, the same figure of the
   letter X, which is made in the shape of a cross, means one thing among
   the Greeks and another among the Latins, not by nature, but by
   agreement and pre-arrangement as to its signification; and so, any one
   who knows both languages uses this letter in a different sense when
   writing to a Greek from that in which he uses it when writing to a
   Latin.  And the same sound, beta, which is the name of a letter among
   the Greeks, is the name of a vegetable among the Latins; and when I
   say, lege, these two syllables mean one thing to a Greek and another to
   a Latin.  Now, just as all these signs affect the mind according to the
   arrangements of the community in which each man lives, and affect
   different men's minds differently, because these arrangements are
   different; and as, further, men did not agree upon them as signs
   because they were already significant, but on the contrary they are now
   significant because men have agreed upon them; in the same way also,
   those signs by which the ruinous intercourse with devils is maintained
   have meaning just in proportion to each man's observations.  And this
   appears quite plainly in the rites of the augurs; for they, both before
   they observe the omens and after they have completed their
   observations, take pains not to see the flight or hear the cries of
   birds, because these omens are of no significance apart from the
   previous arrangement in the mind of the observer.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--In Human Institutions Which are Not Superstitious, There
   are Some Things Superfluous and Some Convenient and Necessary.

   38.  But when all these have been cut away and rooted out of the mind
   of the Christian we must then look at human institutions which are not
   superstitious, that is, such as are not set up in association with
   devils, but by men in association with one another.  For all
   arrangements that are in force among men, because they have agreed
   among themselves that they should be in force, are human institutions;
   and of these, some are matters of superfluity and luxury, some of
   convenience and necessity.  For if those signs which the actors make in
   dancing were of force by nature, and not by the arrangement and
   agreement of men, the public crier would not in former times have
   announced to the people of Carthage, while the pantomime was dancing,
   what it was he meant to express,--a thing still remembered by many old
   men from whom we have frequently heard it. [1811]   And we may well
   believe this, because even now, if any one who is unaccustomed to such
   follies goes into the theatre, unless some one tells him what these
   movements mean, he will give his whole attention to them in vain.  Yet
   all men aim at a certain degree of likeness in their choice of signs,
   that the signs may as far as possible be like the things they signify.
   But because one thing may resemble another in many ways, such signs are
   not always of the same significance among men, except when they have
   mutually agreed upon them.

   39.  But in regard to pictures and statues, and other works of this
   kind, which are intended as representations of things, nobody makes a
   mistake, especially if they are executed by skilled artists, but every
   one, as soon as he sees the likenesses, recognizes the things they are
   likenesses of.  And this whole class are to be reckoned among the
   superfluous devices of men, unless when it is a matter of importance to
   inquire in regard to any of them, for what reason, where, when, and by
   whose authority it was made.  Finally, the thousands of fables and
   fictions, in whose lies men take delight, are human devices, and
   nothing is to be considered more peculiarly man's own and derived from
   himself than anything that is false and lying.  Among the convenient
   and necessary arrangements of men with men are to be reckoned whatever
   differences they choose to make in bodily dress and ornament for the
   purpose of distinguishing sex or rank; and the countless varieties of
   signs without which human intercourse either could not be carried on at
   all, or would be carried on at great inconvenience; and the
   arrangements as to weights and measures, and the stamping and weighing
   of coins, which are peculiar to each state and people, and other things
   of the same kind.  Now these, if they were not devices of men, would
   not be different in different nations, and could not be changed among
   particular nations at the discretion of their respective sovereigns.

   40.  This whole class of human arrangements, which are of convenience
   for the necessary intercourse of life, the Christian is not by any
   means to neglect, but on the contrary should pay a sufficient degree of
   attention to them, and keep them in memory.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1811] See Tylor's Early History of Mankind, pp. 42, 43.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--What Human Contrivances We are to Adopt, and What We are
   to Avoid.

   For certain institutions of men are in a sort of way representations
   and likenesses of natural objects.  And of these, such as have relation
   to fellowship with devils must, as has been said, be utterly rejected
   and held in detestation; those, on the other hand, which relate to the
   mutual intercourse of men, are, so far as they are not matters of
   luxury and superfluity, to be adopted, especially the forms of the
   letters which are necessary for reading, and the various languages as
   far as is required--a matter I have spoken of above. [1812]   To this
   class also belong shorthand characters, [1813] those who are acquainted
   with which are called shorthand writers. [1814]   All these are useful,
   and there is nothing unlawful in learning them, nor do they involve us
   in superstition, or enervate us by luxury, if they only occupy our
   minds so far as not to stand in the way of more important objects to
   which they ought to be subservient.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1812] See above, chap. xi.

   [1813] Notæ.

   [1814] Notarii.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--Some Departments of Knowledge, Not of Mere Human
   Invention, Aid Us in Interpreting Scripture.

   41.  But, coming to the next point, we are not to reckon among human
   institutions those things which men have handed down to us, not as
   arrangements of their own, but as the result of investigation into the
   occurrences of the past, and into the arrangements of God's
   providence.  And of these, some pertain to the bodily senses, some to
   the intellect.  Those which are reached by the bodily senses we either
   believe on testimony, or perceive when they are pointed out to us, or
   infer from experience.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--To What Extent History is an Aid.

    42.  Anything, then, that we learn from history about the chronology
   of past times assists us very much in understanding the Scriptures,
   even if it be learnt without the pale of the Church as a matter of
   childish instruction.  For we frequently seek information about a
   variety of matters by use of the Olympiads, and the names of the
   consuls; and ignorance of the consulship in which our Lord was born,
   and that in which He suffered, has led some into the error of supposing
   that He was forty-six years of age when He suffered, that being the
   number of years He was told by the Jews the temple (which He took as a
   symbol of His body) was in building. [1815]   Now we know on the
   authority of the evangelist that He was about thirty years of age when
   He was baptized; [1816] but the number of years He lived afterwards,
   although by putting His actions together we can make it out, yet that
   no shadow of doubt might arise from another source, can be ascertained
   more clearly and more certainly from a comparison of profane history
   with the gospel.  It will still be evident, however, that it was not
   without a purpose it was said that the temple was forty and six years
   in building; so that, as more secret formation of the body which, for
   our sakes, the only-begotten Son of God, by whom all things were made,
   condescended to put on. [1817]

    43.  As to the utility of history, moreover, passing over the Greeks,
   what a great question our own Ambrose has set at rest!  For, when the
   readers and admirers of Plato dared calumniously to assert that our
   Lord Jesus Christ learnt all those sayings of His, which they are
   compelled to admire and praise, from the books of Plato--because (they
   urged) it cannot be denied that Plato lived long before the coming of
   our Lord!--did not the illustrious bishop, when by his investigations
   into profane history he had discovered that Plato made a journey into
   Egypt at the time when Jeremiah the prophet was there, [1818] show that
   it is much more likely that Plato was through Jeremiah's means
   initiated into our literature, so as to be able to teach and write
   those views of his which are so justly praised?  For not even
   Pythagoras himself, from whose successors these men assert Plato learnt
   theology, lived at a date prior to the books of that Hebrew race, among
   whom the worship of one God sprang up, and of whom as concerning the
   flesh our Lord came.  And thus, when we reflect upon the dates, it
   becomes much more probable that those philosophers learnt whatever they
   said that was good and true from our literature, than that the Lord
   Jesus Christ learnt from the writings of Plato,--a thing which it is
   the height of folly to believe.

   44.  And even when in the course of an historical narrative former
   institutions of men are described, the history itself is not to be
   reckoned among human institutions; because things that are past and
   gone and cannot be undone are to be reckoned as belonging to the course
   of time, of which God is the author and governor.  For it is one thing
   to tell what has been done, another to show what ought to be done.
   History narrates what has been done, faithfully and with advantage; but
   the books of the haruspices, and all writings of the same kind, aim at
   teaching what ought to be done or observed, using the boldness of an
   adviser, not the fidelity of a narrator.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1815] John. ii. 19.

   [1816] Luke iii. 23.

   [1817] See above, chap. xvi.

   [1818] Augustin himself corrected this mistake.  Retractations, ii. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--To What Extent Natural Science is an Exegetical Aid.

   45.  There is also a species of narrative resembling description, in
   which not a past but an existing state of things is made known to those
   who are ignorant of it.  To this species belongs all that has been
   written about the situation of places, and the nature of animals,
   trees, herbs, stones, and other bodies.  And of this species I have
   treated above, and have shown that this kind of knowledge is
   serviceable in solving the difficulties of Scripture, not that these
   objects are to be used conformably to certain signs as nostrums or the
   instruments of superstition; for that kind of knowledge I have already
   set aside as distinct from the lawful and free kind now spoken of.  For
   it is one thing to say:  If you bruise down this herb and drink it, it
   will remove the pain from your stomach; and another to say:  If you
   hang this herb round your neck, it will remove the pain from your
   stomach.  In the former case the wholesome mixture is approved of, in
   the latter the superstitious charm is condemned; although indeed, where
   incantations and invocations and marks are not used, it is frequently
   doubtful whether the thing that is tied or fixed in any way to the body
   to cure it, acts by a natural virtue, in which case it may be freely
   used; or acts by a sort of charm, in which case it becomes the
   Christian to avoid it the more carefully, the more efficacious it may
   seem to be.  But when the reason why a thing is of virtue does not
   appear, the intention with which it is used is of great importance, at
   least in healing or in tempering bodies, whether in medicine or in
   agriculture.

   46.  The knowledge of the stars, again, is not a matter of narration,
   but of description.  Very few of these, however, are mentioned in
   Scripture.  And as the course of the moon, which is regularly employed
   in reference to celebrating the anniversary of our Lord's passion, is
   known to most people; so the rising and setting and other movements of
   the rest of the heavenly bodies are thoroughly known to very few.  And
   this knowledge, although in itself it involves no superstition, renders
   very little, indeed almost no assistance, in the interpretation of Holy
   Scripture, and by engaging the attention unprofitably is a hindrance
   rather; and as it is closely related to the very pernicious error of
   the diviners of the fates, it is more convenient and becoming to
   neglect it.  It involves, moreover, in addition to a description of the
   present state of things, something like a narrative of the past also;
   because one may go back from the present position and motion of the
   stars, and trace by rule their past movements.  It involves also
   regular anticipations of the future, not in the way of forebodings and
   omens, but by way of sure calculation; not with the design of drawing
   any information from them as to our own acts and fates, in the absurd
   fashion of the genethliaci, but only as to the motions of the heavenly
   bodies themselves.  For, as the man who computes the moon's age can
   tell, when he has found out her age today, what her age was any number
   of years ago, or what will be her age any number of years hence, in
   just the same way men who are skilled in such computations are
   accustomed to answer like questions about every one of the heavenly
   bodies.  And I have stated what my views are about all this knowledge,
   so far as regards its utility.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--What the Mechanical Arts Contribute to Exegetics.

   47.  Further, as to the remaining arts, whether those by which
   something is made which, when the effort of the workman is over,
   remains as a result of his work, as, for example, a house, a bench, a
   dish, and other things of that kind; or those which, so to speak,
   assist God in His operations, as medicine, and agriculture, and
   navigation; or those whose sole result is an action, as dancing, and
   racing, and wrestling;--in all these arts experience teaches us to
   infer the future from the past.  For no man who is skilled in any of
   these arts moves his limbs in any operation without connecting the
   memory of the past with the expectation of the future.  Now of these
   arts a very superficial and cursory knowledge is to be acquired, not
   with a view to practising them (unless some duty compel us, a matter on
   which I do not touch at present), but with a view to forming a judgment
   about them, that we may not be wholly ignorant of what Scripture means
   to convey when it employs figures of speech derived from these arts.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--Use of Dialectics.  Of Fallacies.

   48.  There remain those branches of knowledge which pertain not to the
   bodily senses, but to the intellect, among which the science of
   reasoning and that of number are the chief.  The science of reasoning
   is of very great service in searching into and unravelling all sorts of
   questions that come up in Scripture, only in the use of it we must
   guard against the love of wrangling, and the childish vanity of
   entrapping an adversary.  For there are many of what are called
   sophisms, inferences in reasoning that are false, and yet so close an
   imitation of the true, as to deceive not only dull people, but clever
   men too, when they are not on their guard.  For example, one man lays
   before another with whom he is talking, the proposition, "What I am,
   you are not."  The other assents, for the proposition is in part true,
   the one man being cunning and the other simple.  Then the first speaker
   adds:  "I am a man;" and when the other has given his assent to this
   also, the first draws his conclusion:  "Then you are not a man."  Now
   of this sort of ensnaring arguments, Scripture, as I judge, expresses
   detestation in that place where it is said, "There is one that showeth
   wisdom in words, and is hated;" [1819] although, indeed, a style of
   speech which is not intended to entrap, but only aims at verbal
   ornamentation more than is consistent with seriousness of purpose, is
   also called sophistical.

   49.  There are also valid processes of reasoning which lead to false
   conclusions, by following out to its logical consequences the error of
   the man with whom one is arguing; and these conclusions are sometimes
   drawn by a good and learned man, with the object of making the person
   from whose error these consequences result, feel ashamed of them and of
   thus leading him to give up his error when he finds that if he wishes
   to retain his old opinion, he must of necessity also hold other
   opinions which he condemns.  For example, the apostle did not draw true
   conclusions when he said, "Then is Christ not risen," and again, "Then
   is our preaching vain, and your faith is also vain;" [1820] and further
   on drew other inferences which are all utterly false; for Christ has
   risen, the preaching of those who declared this fact was not in vain,
   nor was their faith in vain who had believed it.  But all these false
   inferences followed legitimately from the opinion of those who said
   that there is no resurrection of the dead.  These inferences, then,
   being repudiated as false, it follows that since they would be true if
   the dead rise not, there will be a resurrection of the dead.  As, then,
   valid conclusions may be drawn not only from true but from false
   propositions, the laws of valid reasoning may easily be learnt in the
   schools, outside the pale of the Church.  But the truth of propositions
   must be inquired into in the sacred books of the Church.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1819] Qui sophistice loquitur, odibilis est. Ecclus. xxxvii. 20.

   [1820] 1 Cor. xv. 13, 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--Valid Logical Sequence is Not Devised But Only Observed by
   Man.

   50.  And yet the validity of logical sequences is not a thing devised
   by men, but is observed and noted by them that they may be able to
   learn and teach it; for it exists eternally in the reason of things,
   and has its origin with God.  For as the man who narrates the order of
   events does not himself create that order; and as he who describes the
   situations of places, or the natures of animals, or roots, or minerals,
   does not describe arrangements of man; and as he who points out the
   stars and their movements does not point out anything that he himself
   or any other man has ordained;--in the same way, he who says, "When the
   consequent is false, the antecedent must also be false," says what is
   most true; but he does not himself make it so, he only points out that
   it is so.  And it is upon this rule that the reasoning I have quoted
   from the Apostle Paul proceeds.  For the antecedent is, "There is no
   resurrection of the dead,"--the position taken up by those whose error
   the apostle wished to overthrow.  Next, from this antecedent, the
   assertion, viz., that there is no resurrection of the dead, the
   necessary consequence is, "Then Christ is not risen."  But this
   consequence is false, for Christ has risen; therefore the antecedent is
   also false.  But the antecedent is, that there is no resurrection of
   the dead.  We conclude, therefore, that there is a resurrection of the
   dead.  Now all this is briefly expressed thus:  If there is no
   resurrection of the dead, then is Christ not risen; but Christ is
   risen, therefore there is a resurrection of the dead.  This rule, then,
   that when the consequent is removed, the antecedent must also be
   removed, is not made by man, but only pointed out by him.  And this
   rule has reference to the validity of the reasoning, not to the truth
   of the statements.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--False Inferences May Be Drawn from Valid Reasonings, and
   Vice Versa.

   51.  In this passage, however, where the argument is about the
   resurrection, both the law of the inference is valid, and the
   conclusion arrived at is true.  But in the case of false conclusions,
   too, there is a validity of inference in some such way as the
   following.  Let us suppose some man to have admitted:  If a snail is an
   animal, it has a voice.  This being admitted, then, when it has been
   proved that the snail has no voice, it follows (since when the
   consequent is proved false, the antecedent is also false) that the
   snail is not an animal.  Now this conclusion is false, but it is a true
   and valid inference from the false admission.  Thus, the truth of a
   statement stands on its own merits; the validity of an inference
   depends on the statement or the admission of the man with whom one is
   arguing.  And thus, as I said above, a false inference may be drawn by
   a valid process of reasoning, in order that he whose error we wish to
   correct may be sorry that he has admitted the antecedent, when he sees
   that its logical consequences are utterly untenable.  And hence it is
   easy to understand that as the inferences may be valid where the
   opinions are false, so the inferences may be unsound where the opinions
   are true.  For example, suppose that a man propounds the statement, "If
   this man is just, he is good," and we admit its truth.  Then he adds,
   "But he is not just;" and when we admit this too, he draws the
   conclusion, "Therefore he is not good."  Now although every one of
   these statements may be true, still the principle of the inference is
   unsound.  For it is not true that, as when the consequent is proved
   false the antecedent is also false, so when the antecedent is proved
   false the consequent is false.  For the statement is true, "If he is an
   orator, he is a man."  But if we add, "He is not an orator," the
   consequence does not follow, "He is not a man."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--It is One Thing to Know the Laws of Inference, Another to
   Know the Truth of Opinions.

   52.  Therefore it is one thing to know the laws of inference, and
   another to know the truth of opinions.  In the former case we learn
   what is consequent, what is inconsequent, and what is incompatible.  An
   example of a consequent is, "If he is an orator, he is a man;" of an
   inconsequent, "If he is a man, he is an orator;" of an incompatible,
   "If he is a man, he is a quadruped."  In these instances we judge of
   the connection.  In regard to the truth of opinions, however, we must
   consider propositions as they stand by themselves, and not in their
   connection with one another; but when propositions that we are not sure
   about are joined by a valid inference to propositions that are true and
   certain, they themselves, too, necessarily become certain.  Now some,
   when they have ascertained the validity of the inference, plume
   themselves as if this involved also the truth of the propositions.
   Many, again, who hold the true opinions have an unfounded contempt for
   themselves, because they are ignorant of the laws of inference; whereas
   the man who knows that there is a resurrection of the dead is assuredly
   better than the man who only knows that it follows that if there is no
   resurrection of the dead, then is Christ not risen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 35 .--The Science of Definition is Not False, Though It May Be
   Applied to Falsities.

   53.  Again, the science of definition, of division, and of partition,
   although it is frequently applied to falsities, is not itself false,
   nor framed by man's device, but is evolved from the reason of things.
   For although poets have applied it to their fictions, and false
   philosophers, or even heretics--that is, false Christians--to their
   erroneous doctrines, that is no reason why it should be false, for
   example, that neither in definition, nor in division, nor in partition,
   is anything to be included that does not pertain to the matter in hand,
   nor anything to be omitted that does.  This is true, even though the
   things to be defined or divided are not true.  For even falsehood
   itself is defined when we say that falsehood is the declaration of a
   state of things which is not as we declare it to be; and this
   definition is true, although falsehood itself cannot be true.  We can
   also divide it, saying that there are two kinds of falsehood, one in
   regard to things that cannot be true at all, the other in regard to
   things that are not, though it is possible they might be, true.  For
   example, the man who says that seven and three are eleven, says what
   cannot be true under any circumstances; but he who says that it rained
   on the kalends of January, although perhaps the fact is not so, says
   what posssibly might have been.  The definition and division,
   therefore, of what is false may be perfectly true, although what is
   false cannot, of course, itself be true.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 36.--The Rules of Eloquence are True, Though Sometimes Used to
   Persuade Men of What is False.

   54.  There are also certain rules for a more copious kind of argument,
   which is called eloquence, and these rules are not the less true that
   they can be used for persuading men of what is false; but as they can
   be used to enforce the truth as well, it is not the faculty itself that
   is to be blamed, but the perversity of those who put it to a bad use.
   Nor is it owing to an arrangement among men that the expression of
   affection conciliates the hearer, or that a narrative, when it is short
   and clear, is effective, and that variety arrests men's attention
   without wearying them.  And it is the same with other directions of the
   same kind, which, whether the cause in which they are used be true or
   false, are themselves true just in so far as they are effective in
   producing knowledge or belief, or in moving men's minds to desire and
   aversion.  And men rather found out that these things are so, than
   arranged that they should be so.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 37.--Use of Rhetoric and Dialectic.

   55.  This art, however, when it is learnt, is not to be used so much
   for ascertaining the meaning as for setting forth the meaning when it
   is ascertained.  But the art previously spoken of, which deals with
   inferences, and definitions, and divisions, is of the greatest
   assistance in the discovery of the meaning, provided only that men do
   not fall into the error of supposing that when they have learnt these
   things they have learnt the true secret of a happy life.  Still, it
   sometimes happens that men find less difficulty in attaining the ob
   ject for the sake of which these sciences are learnt, than in going
   through the very intricate and thorny discipline of such rules.  It is
   just as if a man wishing to give rules for walking should warn you not
   to lift the hinder foot before you set down the front one, and then
   should describe minutely the way you ought to move the hinges of the
   joints and knees.  For what he says is true, and one cannot walk in any
   other way; but men find it easier to walk by executing these movements
   than to attend to them while they are going through them, or to
   understand when they are told about them.  Those, on the other hand,
   who cannot walk, care still less about such directions, as they cannot
   prove them by making trial of them.  And in the same way a clever man
   often sees that an inference is unsound more quickly than he apprehends
   the rules for it.  A dull man, on the other hand, does not see the
   unsoundness, but much less does he grasp the rules.  And in regard to
   all these laws, we derive more pleasure from them as exhibitions of
   truth, than assistance in arguing or forming opinions, except perhaps
   that they put the intellect in better training.  We must take care,
   however that they do not at the same time make it more inclined to
   mischief or vanity,--that is to say, that they do not give those who
   have learnt them an inclination to lead people astray by plausible
   speech and catching questions, or make them think that they have
   attained some great thing that gives them an advantage over the good
   and innocent.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 38.--The Science of Numbers Not Created, But Only Discovered,
   by Man.

   56.  Coming now to the science of number, it is clear to the dullest
   apprehension that this was not created by man, but was discovered by
   investigation.  For, though Virgil could at his own pleasure make the
   first syllable of Italia long, while the ancients pronounced it short,
   it is not in any man's power to determine at his pleasure that three
   times three are not nine, or do not make a square, or are not the
   triple of three, nor one and a half times the number six, or that it is
   not true that they are not the double of any number because odd numbers
   [1821] have no half.  Whether, then, numbers are considered in
   themselves, or as applied to the laws of figures, or of sounds, or of
   other motions, they have fixed laws which were not made by man, but
   which the acuteness of ingenious men brought to light.

   57.  The man, however, who puts so high a value on these things as to
   be inclined to boast himself one of the learned, and who does not
   rather inquire after the source from which those things which he
   perceives to be true derive their truth, and from which those others
   which he perceives to be unchangeable also derive their truth and
   unchangeableness, and who, mounting up from bodily appearances to the
   mind of man, and finding that it too is changeable (for it is sometimes
   instructed, at other times uninstructed), although it holds a middle
   place between the unchangeable truth above it and the changeable things
   beneath it, does not strive to make all things redound to the praise
   and love of the one God from whom he knows that all things have their
   being;--the man, I say, who acts in this way may seem to be learned,
   but wise he cannot in any sense be deemed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1821] Intelligibiles numeri.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 39.--To Which of the Above-Mentioned Studies Attention Should
   Be Given, and in What Spirit.

   58. Accordingly, I think that it is well to warn studious and able
   young men, who fear God and are seeking for happiness of life, not to
   venture heedlessly upon the pursuit of the branches of learning that
   are in vogue beyond the pale of the Church of Christ, as if these could
   secure for them the happiness they seek; but soberly and carefully to
   discriminate among them.  And if they find any of those which have been
   instituted by men varying by reason of the varying pleasure of their
   founders, and unknown by reason of erroneous conjectures, especially if
   they involve entering into fellowship with devils by means of leagues
   and covenants about signs, let these be utterly rejected and held in
   detestation.  Let the young men also withdraw their attention from such
   institutions of men as are unnecessary and luxurious.  But for the sake
   of the necessities of this life we must not neglect the arrangements of
   men that enable us to carry on intercourse with those around us.  I
   think, however, there is nothing useful in the other branches of
   learning that are found among the heathen, except information about
   objects, either past or present, that relate to the bodily senses, in
   which are included also the experiments and conclusions of the useful
   mechanical arts, except also the sciences of reasoning and of number.
   And in regard to all these we must hold by the maxim, "Not too much of
   anything;" especially in the case of those which, pertaining as they do
   to the senses, are subject to the relations of space and time. [1822]

   59.  What, then, some men have done in regard to all words and names
   found in Scripture, in the Hebrew, and Syriac, and Egyptian, and other
   tongues, taking up and interpreting separately such as were left in
   Scripture without interpretation; and what Eusebius has done in regard
   to the history of the past with a view to the questions arising in
   Scripture that require a knowledge of history for their
   solution;--what, I say, these men have done in regard to matters of
   this kind, making it unnecessary for the Christian to spend his
   strength on many subjects for the sake of a few items of knowledge, the
   same, I think, might be done in regard to other matters, if any
   competent man were willing in a spirit of benevolence to undertake the
   labor for the advantage of his brethren.  In this way he might arrange
   in their several classes, and give an account of the unknown places,
   and animals, and plants, and trees, and stones, and metals, and other
   species of things that are mentioned in Scripture, taking up these
   only, and committing his account to writing.  This might also be done
   in relation to numbers, so that the theory of those numbers, and those
   only, which are mentioned in Holy Scripture, might be explained and
   written down.  And it may happen that some or all of these things have
   been done already (as I have found that many things I had no notion of
   have been worked out and committed to writing by good and learned
   Christians), but are either lost amid the crowds of the careless, or
   are kept out of sight by the envious.  And I am not sure whether the
   same thing can be done in regard to the theory of reasoning; but it
   seems to me it cannot, because this runs like a system of nerves
   through the whole structure of Scripture, and on that account is of
   more service to the reader in disentangling and explaining ambiguous
   passages, of which I shall speak hereafter, than in ascertaining the
   meaning of unknown signs, the topic I am now discussing.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1822] Ne quid nimis.--Terence, Andria, act i. scene 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 40.--Whatever Has Been Rightly Said by the Heathen, We Must
   Appropriate to Our Uses.

   60.  Moreover, if those who are called philosophers, and especially the
   Platonists, have said aught that is true and in harmony with our faith,
   we are not only not to shrink from it, but to claim it for our own use
   from those who have unlawful possession of it.  For, as the Egyptians
   had not only the idols and heavy burdens which the people of Israel
   hated and fled from, but also vessels and ornaments of gold and silver,
   and garments, which the same people when going out of Egypt
   appropriated to themselves, designing them for a better use, not doing
   this on their own authority, but by the command of God, the Egyptians
   themselves, in their ignorance, providing them with things which they
   themselves were not making a good use of; [1823] in the same way all
   branches of heathen learning have not only false and superstitious
   fancies and heavy burdens of unnecessary toil, which every one of us,
   when going out under the leadership of Christ from the fellowship of
   the heathen, ought to abhor and avoid; but they contain also liberal
   instruction which is better adapted to the use of the truth, and some
   most excellent precepts of morality; and some truths in regard even to
   the worship of the One God are found among them.  Now these are, so to
   speak, their gold and silver, which they did not create themselves, but
   dug out of the mines of God's providence which are everywhere scattered
   abroad, and are perversely and unlawfully prostituting to the worship
   of devils.  These, therefore, the Christian, when he separates himself
   in spirit from the miserable fellowship of these men, ought to take
   away from them, and to devote to their proper use in preaching the
   gospel.  Their garments, also,--that is, human institutions such as are
   adapted to that intercourse with men which is indispensable in this
   life,--we must take and turn to a Christian use.

   61.  And what else have many good and faithful men among our brethren
   done?  Do we not see with what a quantity of gold and silver and
   garments Cyprian, that most persuasive teacher and most blessed martyr,
   was loaded when he came out of Egypt?  How much Lactantius brought with
   him?  And Victorinus, and Optatus, and Hilary, not to speak of living
   men!  How much Greeks out of number have borrowed!  And prior to all
   these, that most faithful servant of God, Moses, had done the same
   thing; for of him it is written that he was learned in all the wisdom
   of the Egyptians. [1824]   And to none of all these would heathen
   superstition (especially in those times when, kicking against the yoke
   of Christ, it was persecuting the Christians) have ever furnished
   branches of knowledge it held useful, if it had suspected they were
   about to turn them to the use of worshipping the One God, and thereby
   overturning the vain worship of idols.  But they gave their gold and
   their silver and their garments to the people of God as they were going
   out of Egypt, not knowing how the things they gave would be turned to
   the service of Christ.  For what was done at the time of the exodus was
   no doubt a type prefiguring what happens now.  And this I say without
   prejudice to any other interpretation that may be as good, or better.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1823] Ex. iii. 21, 22; xii. 35, 36.

   [1824] Acts vii. 22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 41.--What Kind of Spirit is Required for the Study of Holy
   Scripture.

   62.  But when the student of the Holy Scriptures, prepared in the way I
   have indicated, shall enter upon his investigations, let him constantly
   meditate upon that saying of the apostle's, "Knowledge puffeth up, but
   charity edifieth." [1825]   For so he will feel that, whatever may be
   the riches he brings with him out of Egypt, yet unless he has kept the
   passover, he cannot be safe.  Now Christ is our passover sacrificed for
   us, [1826] and there is nothing the sacrifice of Christ more clearly
   teaches us than the call which He himself addresses to those whom He
   sees toiling in Egypt under Pharaoh:  "Come unto me, all ye that labor
   and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest.  Take my yoke upon you,
   and learn of me; for I am meek and lowly in heart:  and ye shall find
   rest unto your souls.  For my yoke is easy, and my burden is light."
   [1827]   To whom is it light but to the meek and lowly in heart, whom
   knowledge doth not puff up, but charity edifieth?  Let them remember,
   then, that those who celebrated the passover at that time in type and
   shadow, when they were ordered to mark their door-posts with the blood
   of the lamb, used hyssop to mark them with. [1828]   Now this is a meek
   and lowly herb, and yet nothing is stronger and more penetrating than
   its roots; that being rooted and grounded in love, we may be able to
   comprehend with all saints what is the breadth, and length, and depth,
   and height, [1829] --that is, to comprehend the cross of our Lord, the
   breadth of which is indicated by the transverse wood on which the hands
   are stretched, its length by the part from the ground up to the
   cross-bar on which the whole body from the head downwards is fixed, its
   height by the part from the crossbar to the top on which the head lies,
   and its depth by the part which is hidden, being fixed in the earth.
   And by this sign of the cross all Christian action is symbolized, viz.,
   to do good works in Christ, to cling with constancy to Him, to hope for
   heaven, and not to desecrate the sacraments.  And purified by this
   Christian action, we shall be able to know even "the love of Christ
   which passeth knowledge," who is equal to the Father, by whom all
   things, were made, "that we may be filled with all the fullness of
   God." [1830]  There is besides in hyssop a purgative virtue, that the
   breast may not be swollen with that knowledge which puffeth up, nor
   boast vainly of the riches brought out from Egypt.  "Purge me with
   hyssop," the psalmist says, [1831] "and I shall be clean; wash me, and
   I shall be whiter than snow.  Make me to hear joy and gladness."  Then
   he immediately adds, to show that it is purifying from pride that is
   indicated by hyssop, "that the bones which Thou hast broken [1832] may
   rejoice."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1825] 1 Cor. viii. 1.

   [1826] 1 Cor. v. 7.

   [1827] Matt. xi. 28-30.

   [1828] Ex. xii. 22.

   [1829] Eph. iii. 17, 18.

   [1830] Eph. iii. 19.

   [1831] Ps. li. 7, 8.

   [1832] Ossa humiliata, Vulgate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 42.--Sacred Scripture Compared with Profane Authors.

   63.  But just as poor as the store of gold and silver and garments
   which the people of Israel brought with them out of Egypt was in
   comparison with the riches which they afterwards attained at Jerusalem,
   and which reached their height in the reign of King Solomon, so poor is
   all the useful knowledge which is gathered from the books of the
   heathen when compared with the knowledge of Holy Scripture.  For
   whatever man may have learnt from other sources, if it is hurtful, it
   is there condemned; if it is useful, it is therein contained.  And
   while every man may find there all that he has learnt of useful
   elsewhere, he will find there in much greater abundance things that are
   to be found nowhere else, but can be learnt only in the wonderful
   sublimity and wonderful simplicity of the Scriptures.

   When, then, the reader is possessed of the instruction here pointed
   out, so that unknown signs have ceased to be a hindrance to him; when
   he is meek and lowly of heart, subject to the easy yoke of Christ, and
   loaded with His light burden, rooted and grounded and built up in
   faith, so that knowledge cannot puff him up, let him then approach the
   consideration and discussion of ambiguous signs in Scripture.  And
   about these I shall now, in a third book, endeavor to say what the Lord
   shall be pleased to vouchsafe.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book III.

   ------------------------

   Argument--The author, having discussed in the preceding book the method
   of dealing with unknown signs, goes on in this third book to treat of
   ambiguous signs.  Such signs may be either direct or figurative.  In
   the case of direct signs ambiguity may arise from the punctuation, the
   pronunciation, or the doubtful signification of the words, and is to be
   resolved by attention to the context, a comparison of translations, or
   a reference to the original tongue.  In the case of figurative signs we
   need to guard against two mistakes:--1. the interpreting literal
   expressions figuratively; 2. the interpreting figurative expressions
   literally.  The author lays down rules by which we may decide whether
   an expression is literal or figurative; the general rule being, that
   whatever can be shown to be in its literal sense inconsistent either
   with purity of life or correctness of doctrine must be taken
   figuratively.  He then goes on to lay down rules for the interpretation
   of expressions which have been proved to be figurative; the general
   principle being, that no interpretation can be true which does not
   promote the love of God and the love of man.  The author then proceeds
   to expound and illustrate the seven rules of Tichonius the Donatist,
   which he commends to the attention of the student of Holy Scripture.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1 .--Summary of the Foregoing Books, and Scope of that Which
   Follows.

   I.  The man who fears God seeks diligently in Holy Scripture for a
   knowledge of His will.  And when he has become meek through piety, so
   as to have no love of strife; when furnished also with a knowledge of
   languages, so as not to be stopped by unknown words and forms of
   speech, and with the knowledge of certain necessary objects, so as not
   to be ignorant of the force and nature of those which are used
   figuratively; and assisted, besides, by accuracy in the texts, which
   has been secured by skill and care in the matter of correction;--when
   thus prepared, let him proceed to the examination and solution of the
   ambiguities of Scripture.  And that he may not be led astray by
   ambiguous signs, so far as I can give him instruction (it may happen,
   however, that either from the greatness of his intellect, or the
   greater clearness of the light he enjoys, he shall laugh at the methods
   I am going to point out as childish),--but yet, as I was going to say,
   so far as I can give instruction, let him who is in such a state of
   mind that he can be instructed by me know, that the ambiguity of
   Scripture lies either in proper words or in metaphorical, classes which
   I have already described in the second book. [1833]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1833] See Book ii. chap.x.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--Rule for Removing Ambiguity by Attending to Punctuation.

   2.  But when proper words make Scripture ambiguous, we must see in the
   first place that there is nothing wrong in our punctuation or
   pronunciation.  Accordingly, if, when attention is given to the
   passage, it shall appear to be uncertain in what way it ought to be
   punctuated or pronounced, let the reader consult the rule of faith
   which he has gathered from the plainer passages of Scripture, and from
   the authority of the Church, and of which I treated at sufficient
   length when I was speaking in the first book about things.  But if both
   readings, or all of them (if there are more than two), give a meaning
   in harmony with the faith, it remains to consult the context, both what
   goes before and what comes after, to see which interpretation, out of
   many that offer themselves, it pronounces for and permits to be
   dovetailed into itself.

   3.  Now look at some examples.  The heretical pointing, [1834] "In
   principio erat verbum, et verbum erat apud Deum, et Deus erat," [1835]
   so as to make the next sentence run, "Verbum hoc erat in principio apud
   Deum," [1836] arises out of unwillingness to confess that the Word was
   God.  But this must be rejected by the rule of faith, which, in
   reference to the equality of the Trinity, directs us to say:  "et Deus
   erat verbum;" [1837] and then to add:  "hoc erat in principio apud
   Deum." [1838]

   4.  But the following ambiguity of punctuation does not go against the
   faith in either way you take it, and therefore must be decided from the
   context.  It is where the apostle says:  "What I shall choose I wot
   not:  for I am in a strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart, and
   to be with Christ, which is far better:  nevertheless to abide in the
   flesh is more needful for you." [1839]   Now it is uncertain whether we
   should read, "ex duobus concupiscentiam habens" [having a desire for
   two things], or "compellor autem ex duobus" [I am in a strait betwixt
   two]; and so to add:  "concupiscentiam habens dissolvi, et esse cum
   Christo" [having a desire to depart, and to be with Christ].  But since
   there follows "multo enim magis optimum" [for it is far better], it is
   evident that he says he has a desire for that which is better; so that,
   while he is in a strait betwixt two, yet he has a desire for one and
   sees a necessity for the other; a desire, viz., to be with Christ, and
   a necessity to remain in the flesh.  Now this ambiguity is resolved by
   one word that follows, which is translated enim [for]; and the
   translators who have omitted this particle have preferred the
   interpretation which makes the apostle seem not only in a strait
   betwixt two, but also to have a desire for two. [1840]   We must
   therefore punctuate the sentence thus:  "et quid eligam ignoro:
   compellor autem ex duobus" [what I shall choose I wot not:  for I am in
   a strait betwixt two]; and after this point follows:  "concupiscentiam
   habens dissolvi, et esse cum Christo" [having a desire to depart, and
   to be with Christ].  And, as if he were asked why he has a desire for
   this in preference to the other, he adds:  "multo enim magis optimum"
   [for it is far better].  Why, then, is he in a strait betwixt the two?
   Because there is a need for his remaining, which he adds in these
   terms:  "manere in carne necessarium propter vos" [nevertheless to
   abide in the flesh is more needful for you].

   5.  Where, however, the ambiguity cannot be cleared up, either by the
   rule of faith or by the context, there is nothing to hinder us to point
   the sentence according to any method we choose of those that suggest
   themselves.  As is the case in that passage to the Corinthians:
   "Having therefore these promises, dearly beloved, let us cleanse
   ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting
   holiness in the fear of God.  Receive us; we have wronged no man."
   [1841]   It is doubtful whether we should read, "mundemus nos ab omni
   coinquinatione carnis et spiritus" [let us cleanse ourselves from all
   filthiness of the flesh and spirit], in accordance with the passage,
   "that she may be holy both in body and in spirit," [1842] or, "mundemus
   nos ab omni coinquinatione carnis" [let us cleanse ourselves from all
   filthiness of the flesh], so as to make the next sentence, "et spiritus
   perficientes sanctificationem in timore Dei capite nos" [and perfecting
   holiness of spirit in the fear of God, receive us].  Such ambiguities
   of punctuation, therefore, are left to the reader's discretion.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1834] John i. 1, 2.

   [1835] In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and
   God was.

   [1836] This Word was in the beginning with God.

   [1837] And the Word was God.

   [1838] The same was in the beginning with God.

   [1839] Phil. i. 22-24.

   [1840] The Vulgate reads, multo magis melius, omitting the enim.

   [1841] 2 Cor. vii. 1, 2.

   [1842] 1 Cor. vii. 34.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--How Pronunciation Serves to Remove Ambiguity.  Different
   Kinds of Interrogation.

   6.  And all the directions that I have given about ambiguous
   punctuations are to be observed likewise in the case of doubtful
   pronunciations.  For these too, unless the fault lies in the
   carelessness of the reader, are corrected either by the rule of faith,
   or by a reference to the preceding or succeeding context; or if neither
   of these methods is applied with success, they will remain doubtful,
   but so that the reader will not be in fault in whatever way he may
   pronounce them.  For example, if our faith that God will not bring any
   charges against His elect, and that Christ will not condemn His elect,
   did not stand in the way, this passage, "Who shall lay anything to the
   charge of God's elect?" might be pronounced in such a way as to make
   what follows an answer to this question, "God who justifieth," and to
   make a second question, "Who is he that condemneth?" with the answer,
   "Christ Jesus who died." [1843]   But as it would be the height of
   madness to believe this, the passage will be pronounced in such a way
   as to make the first part a question of inquiry, [1844] and the second
   a rhetorical interrogative. [1845]   Now the ancients said that the
   difference between an inquiry and an interrogative was this, that an
   inquiry admits of many answers, but to an interrogative the answer must
   be either "No" or "Yes." [1846]   The passage will be pronounced, then,
   in such a way that after the inquiry, "Who shall lay anything to the
   charge of God's elect?" what follows will be put as an interrogative:
   "Shall God who justifieth?"--the answer "No" being understood.  And in
   the same way we shall have the inquiry, "Who is he that condemneth?"
   and the answer here again in the form of an interrogative, "Is it
   Christ who died? yea, rather, who is risen again? who is even at the
   right hand of God? who also maketh intercession for us?"--the answer
   "No" being understood to every one of these questions.  On the other
   hand, in that passage where the apostle says, "What shall we say then?
   That the Gentiles which followed not after righteousness have attained
   to righteousness;" [1847] unless after the inquiry, "What shall we say
   then?" what follows were given as the answer to this question:  "That
   the Gentiles, which followed not after righteousness, have attained to
   righteousness;" it would not be in harmony with the succeeding
   context.  But with whatever tone of voice one may choose to pronounce
   that saying of Nathanael's, "Can any good thing come out of Nazareth?"
   [1848] --whether with that of a man who gives an affirmative answer, so
   that "out of Nazareth" is the only part that belongs to the
   interrogation, or with that of a man who asks the whole question with
   doubt and hesitation,--I do not see how a difference can be made.  But
   neither sense is opposed to faith.

   7.  There is, again, an ambiguity arising out of the doubtful sound of
   syllables; and this of course has relation to pronunciation.  For
   example, in the passage, "My bone [os meum] was not hid from Thee,
   which Thou didst make in secret," [1849] it is not clear to the reader
   whether he should take the word os as short or long.  If he make it
   short, it is the singular of ossa [bones]; if he make it long, it is
   the singular of ora [mouths].  Now difficulties such as this are
   cleared up by looking into the original tongue, for in the Greek we
   find not stoma [mouth], but hosteon [bone].  And for this reason the
   vulgar idiom is frequently more useful in conveying the sense than the
   pure speech of the educated.  For I would rather have the barbarism,
   non est absconditum a te ossum meum, [1850] than have the passage in
   better Latin, but the sense less clear.  But sometimes when the sound
   of a syllable is doubtful, it is decided by a word near it belonging to
   the same sentence.  As, for example, that saying of the apostle, "Of
   the which I tell you before [prædico], as I have also told you in time
   past [proedixi], that they which do such things shall not inherit the
   kingdom of God." [1851]   Now if he had only said, "Of the which I tell
   you before [quæ prædico vobis]," and had not added, "as I have also
   told you in time past [sicut proedixi]," we could not know without
   going back to the original whether in the word prædico the middle
   syllable should be pronounced long or short.  But as it is, it is clear
   that it should be pronounced long; for he does not say, sicut
   proedicavi, but sicut prædixi.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1843] Rom. viii. 33, 34.

   [1844] Percontatio.

   [1845] Interrogatio.

   [1846] The English language has no two words expressing the shades of
   meaning assigned by Augustin to percontatio and interrogatio
   respectively.

   [1847] Rom. ix. 30.

   [1848] John i. 47.

   [1849] Ps. cxxxix. 16.  "My substance was not hid from Thee when I was
   made in secret" (A.V.).

   [1850] My bone was not hid from Thee.

   [1851] Gal. v. 21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--How Ambiguities May Be Solved.

   8.  And not only these, but also those ambiguities that do not relate
   either to punctuation or pronunciation, are to be examined in the same
   way.  For example, that one in the Epistle to the Thessalonians:
   Propterea consolati sumus fratres in vobis. [1852]   Now it is doubtful
   whether fratres [brethren] is in the vocative or accusative case, and
   it is not contrary to faith to take it either way.  But in the Greek
   language the two cases are not the same in form; and accordingly, when
   we look into the original, the case is shown to be vocative.  Now if
   the translator had chosen to say, propterea consolationem habuimus
   fratres in vobis, he would have followed the words less literally, but
   there would have been less doubt about the meaning; or, indeed, if he
   had added nostri, hardly any one would have doubted that the vocative
   case was meant when he heard propterea consolati sumus fratres nostri
   in vobis.  But this is a rather dangerous liberty to take.  It has been
   taken, however, in that passage to the Corinthians, where the apostle
   says, "I protest by your rejoicing [per vestram gloriam] which I have
   in Christ Jesus our Lord, I die daily." [1853]   For one translator has
   it, per vestram jurogloriam, the form of adjuration appearing in the
   Greek without any ambiguity.  It is therefore very rare and very
   difficult to find any ambiguity in the case of proper words, as far at
   least as Holy Scripture is concerned, which neither the context,
   showing the design of the writer, nor a comparison of translations, nor
   a reference to the original tongue, will suffice to explain.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1852] 1 Thess. iii. 7.  "Therefore, brethren, we were comforted over
   you" (A.V.).

   [1853] 1 Cor. xv. 31.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--It is a Wretched Slavery Which Takes the Figurative
   Expressions of Scripture in a Literal Sense.

   9.  But the ambiguities of metaphorical words, about which I am next to
   speak, demand no ordinary care and diligence.  In the first place, we
   must beware of taking a figurative expression literally.  For the
   saying of the apostle applies in this case too:  "The letter killeth,
   but the spirit giveth life." [1854]   For when what is said
   figuratively is taken as if it were said literally, it is understood in
   a carnal manner.  And nothing is more fittingly called the death of the
   soul than when that in it which raises it above the brutes, the
   intelligence namely, is put in subjection to the flesh by a blind
   adherence to the letter.  For he who follows the letter takes
   figurative words as if they were proper, and does not carry out what is
   indicated by a proper word into its secondary signification; but, if he
   hears of the Sabbath, for example, thinks of nothing but the one day
   out of seven which recurs in constant succession; and when he hears of
   a sacrifice, does not carry his thoughts beyond the customary offerings
   of victims from the flock, and of the fruits of the earth.  Now it is
   surely a miserable slavery of the soul to take signs for things, and to
   be unable to lift the eye of the mind above what is corporeal and
   created, that it may drink in eternal light.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1854] 2 Cor. iii. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--Utility of the Bondage of the Jews.

   10.  This bondage, however, in the case of the Jewish people, differed
   widely from what it was in the case of the other nations; because,
   though the former were in bondage to temporal things, it was in such a
   way that in all these the One God was put before their minds.  And
   although they paid attention to the signs of spiritual realities in
   place of the realities themselves, not knowing to what the signs
   referred, still they had this conviction rooted in their minds, that in
   subjecting themselves to such a bondage they were doing the pleasure of
   the one invisible God of all.  And the apostle describes this bondage
   as being like to that of boys under the guidance of a schoolmaster.
   [1855]   And those who clung obstinately to such signs could not endure
   our Lord's neglect of them when the time for their revelation had come;
   and hence their leaders brought it as a charge against Him that He
   healed on the Sabbath, and the people, clinging to these signs as if
   they were realities, could not believe that one who refused to observe
   them in the way the Jews did was God, or came from God.  But those who
   did believe, from among whom the first Church at Jerusalem was formed,
   showed clearly how great an advantage it had been to be so guided by
   the schoolmaster that signs, which had been for a season imposed on the
   obedient, fixed the thoughts of those who observed them on the worship
   of the One God who made heaven and earth.  These men, because they had
   been very near to spiritual things (for even in the temporal and carnal
   offerings and types, though they did not clearly apprehend their
   spiritual meaning, they had learnt to adore the One Eternal God,) were
   filled with such a measure of the Holy Spirit that they sold all their
   goods, and laid their price at the apostles' feet to be distributed
   among the needy, [1856] and consecrated themselves wholly to God as a
   new temple, of which the old temple they were serving was but the
   earthly type.

   11.  Now it is not recorded that any of the Gentile churches did this,
   because men who had for their gods idols made with hands had not been
   so near to spiritual things.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1855] Gal. iii. 24.  The word paidagogos means strictly not a
   schoolmaster, but a servant who takes children to school.

   [1856] Acts iv. 34, 35.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--The Useless Bondage of the Gentiles.

   And if ever any of them endeavored to make it out that their idols were
   only signs, yet still they used them in reference to the worship and
   adoration of the creature.  What difference does it make to me, for
   instance, that the image of Neptune is not itself to be considered a
   god, but only as representing the wide ocean, and all the other waters
   besides that spring out of fountains?  As it is described by a poet of
   theirs, [1857] who says, if I recollect aright, "Thou, Father Neptune,
   whose hoary temples are wreathed with the resounding sea, whose beard
   is the mighty ocean flowing forth unceasingly, and whose hair is the
   winding rivers."  This husk shakes its rattling stones within a sweet
   covering, and yet it is not food for men, but for swine.  He who knows
   the gospel knows what I mean. [1858]   What profit is it to me, then,
   that the image of Neptune is used with a reference to this explanation
   of it, unless indeed the result be that I worship neither?  For any
   statue you like to take is as much god to me as the wide ocean.  I
   grant, however, that they who make gods of the works of man have sunk
   lower than they who make gods of the works of God.  But the command is
   that we should love and serve the One God, who is the Maker of all
   those things, the images of which are worshipped by the heathen either
   as gods, or as signs and representations of gods.  If, then, to take a
   sign which has been established for a useful end instead of the thing
   itself which it was designed to signify, is bondage to the flesh, how
   much more so is it to take signs intended to represent useless things
   for the things themselves!  For even if you go back to the very things
   signified by such signs, and engage your mind in the worship of these,
   you will not be anything the more free from the burden and the livery
   of bondage to the flesh.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1857] Claudian.

   [1858] Luke xv. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--The Jews Liberated from Their Bondage in One Way, the
   Gentiles in Another.

   12.  Accordingly the liberty that comes by Christ took those whom it
   found under bondage to useful signs, and who were (so to speak) near to
   it, and, interpreting the signs to which they were in bondage, set them
   free by raising them to the realities of which these were signs.  And
   out of such were formed the churches of the saints of Israel.  Those,
   on the other hand, whom it found in bondage to useless signs, it not
   only freed from their slavery to such signs, but brought to nothing and
   cleared out of the way all these signs themselves, so that the Gentiles
   were turned from the corruption of a multitude of false gods, which
   Scripture frequently and justly speaks of as fornication, to the
   worship of the One God:  not that they might now fall into bondage to
   signs of a useful kind, but rather that they might exercise their minds
   in the spiritual understanding of such.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--Who is in Bondage to Signs, and Who Not.

   13.  Now he is in bondage to a sign who uses, or pays homage to, any
   significant object without knowing what it signifies:  he, on the other
   hand, who either uses or honors a useful sign divinely appointed, whose
   force and significance he understands, does not honor the sign which is
   seen and temporal, but that to which all such signs refer.  Now such a
   man is spiritual and free even at the time of his bondage, when it is
   not yet expedient to reveal to carnal minds those signs by subjection
   to which their carnality is to be overcome.  To this class of spiritual
   persons belonged the patriarchs and the prophets, and all those among
   the people of Israel through whose instrumentality the Holy Spirit
   ministered unto us the aids and consolations of the Scriptures.  But at
   the present time, after that the proof of our liberty has shone forth
   so clearly in the resurrection of our Lord, we are not oppressed with
   the heavy burden of attending even to those signs which we now
   understand, but our Lord Himself, and apostolic practice, have handed
   down to us a few rites in place of many, and these at once very easy to
   perform, most majestic in their significance, and most sacred in the
   observance; such, for example, as the sacrament of baptism, and the
   celebration of the body and blood of the Lord.  And as soon as any one
   looks upon these observances he knows to what they refer, and so
   reveres them not in carnal bondage, but in spiritual freedom.  Now, as
   to follow the letter, and to take signs for the things that are
   signified by them, is a mark of weakness and bondage; so to interpret
   signs wrongly is the result of being misled by error.  He, however, who
   does not understand what a sign signifies, but yet knows that it is a
   sign, is not in bondage.  And it is better even to be in bondage to
   unknown but useful signs than, by interpreting them wrongly, to draw
   the neck from under the yoke of bondage only to insert it in the coils
   of error.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--How We are to Discern Whether a Phrase is Figurative.

   14.  But in addition to the foregoing rule, which guards us against
   taking a metaphorical form of speech as if it were literal, we must
   also pay heed to that which tells us not to take a literal form of
   speech as if it were figurative.  In the first place, then, we must
   show the way to find out whether a phrase is literal or figurative.
   And the way is certainly as follows:  Whatever there is in the word of
   God that cannot, when taken literally, be referred either to purity of
   life or soundness of doctrine, you may set down as figurative.  Purity
   of life has reference to the love of God and one's neighbor; soundness
   of doctrine to the knowledge of God and one's neighbor.  Every man,
   moreover, has hope in his own conscience, so far as he perceives that
   he has attained to the love and knowledge of God and his neighbor.  Now
   all these matters have been spoken of in the first book.

   15.  But as men are prone to estimate sins, not by reference to their
   inherent sinfulness, but rather by reference to their own customs, it
   frequently happens that a man will think nothing blameable except what
   the men of his own country and time are accustomed to condemn, and
   nothing worthy of praise or approval except what is sanctioned by the
   custom of his companions; and thus it comes to pass, that if Scripture
   either enjoins what is opposed to the customs of the hearers, or
   condemns what is not so opposed, and if at the same time the authority
   of the word has a hold upon their minds, they think that the expression
   is figurative.  Now Scripture enjoins nothing except charity, and
   condemns nothing except lust, and in that way fashions the lives of
   men.  In the same way, if an erroneous opinion has taken possession of
   the mind, men think that whatever Scripture asserts contrary to this
   must be figurative.  Now Scripture asserts nothing but the catholic
   faith, in regard to things past, future, and present.  It is a
   narrative of the past, a prophecy of the future, and a description of
   the present.  But all these tend to nourish and strengthen charity, and
   to overcome and root out lust.

   16.  I mean by charity that affection of the mind which aims at the
   enjoyment of God for His own sake, and the enjoyment of one's self and
   one's neighbor in subordination to God; by lust I mean that affection
   of the mind which aims at enjoying one's self and one's neighbor, and
   other corporeal things, without reference to God.  Again, what lust,
   when unsubdued, does towards corrupting one's own soul and body, is
   called vice; [1859] but what it does to injure another is called crime.
   [1860]   And these are the two classes into which all sins may be
   divided.  But the vices come first; for when these have exhausted the
   soul, and reduced it to a kind of poverty, it easily slides into
   crimes, in order to remove hindrances to, or to find assistance in, its
   vices.  In the same way, what charity does with a view to one's own
   advantage is prudence; but what it does with a view to a neighbor's
   advantage is called benevolence.  And here prudence comes first;
   because no one can confer an advantage on another which he does not
   himself possess.  Now in proportion as the dominion of lust is pulled
   down, in the same proportion is that of charity built up.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1859] Flagitium.

   [1860] Facinus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--Rule for Interpreting Phrases Which Seem to Ascribe
   Severity to God and the Saints.

   17.  Every severity, therefore, and apparent cruelty, either in word or
   deed, that is ascribed in Holy Scripture to God or His saints, avails
   to the pulling down of the dominion of lust.  And if its meaning be
   clear, we are not to give it some secondary reference, as if it were
   spoken figuratively.  Take, for example, that saying of the apostle:
   "But, after thy hardness and impenitent heart, treasurest up unto
   thyself wrath against the day of wrath and revelation of the righteous
   judgment of God; who will render to every man according to his deeds:
   to them who, by patient continuance in well-doing, seek for glory, and
   honor, and immortality, eternal life; but unto them that are
   contentious, and do not obey the truth, but obey unrighteousness,
   indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish, upon every soul of man
   that doeth evil, of the Jew first, and also of the Gentile." [1861]
   But this is addressed to those who, being unwilling to subdue their
   lust, are themselves involved in the destruction of their lust.  When,
   however, the dominion of lust is overturned in a man over whom it had
   held sway, this plain expression is used:  "They that are Christ's have
   crucified the flesh, with the affections and lusts." [1862]   Only
   that, even in these instances, some words are used figuratively, as for
   example, "the wrath of God" and "crucified."  But these are not so
   numerous, nor placed in such a way as to obscure the sense, and make it
   allegorical or enigmatical, which is the kind of expression properly
   called figurative.  But in the saying addressed to Jeremiah, "See, I
   have this day set thee over the nations, and over the kingdoms, to root
   out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down," [1863] there
   is no doubt the whole of the language is figurative, and to be referred
   to the end I have spoken of.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1861] Rom. ii. 5-9.

   [1862] Gal. v. 24.

   [1863] Jer. i. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--Rule for Interpreting Those Sayings and Actions Which are
   Ascribed to God and the Saints, and Which Yet Seem to the Unskillful to
   Be Wicked.

   18.  Those things, again, whether only sayings or whether actual deeds,
   which appear to the inexperienced to be sinful, and which are ascribed
   to God, or to men whose holiness is put before us as an example, are
   wholly figurative, and the hidden kernel of meaning they contain is to
   be picked out as food for the nourishment of charity.  Now, whoever
   uses transitory objects less freely than is the custom of those among
   whom he lives, is either temperate or superstitious; whoever, on the
   other hand, uses them so as to transgress the bounds of the custom of
   the good men about him, either has a further meaning in what he does,
   or is sinful.  In all such matters it is not the use of the objects,
   but the lust of the user, that is to blame.  Nobody in his sober senses
   would believe, for example, that when our Lord's feet were anointed by
   the woman with precious ointment, [1864] it was for the same purpose
   for which luxurious and profligate men are accustomed to have theirs
   anointed in those banquets which we abhor.  For the sweet odor means
   the good report which is earned by a life of good works; and the man
   who wins this, while following in the footsteps of Christ, anoints His
   feet (so to speak) with the most precious ointment.  And so that which
   in the case of other persons is often a sin, becomes, when ascribed to
   God or a prophet, the sign of some great truth.  Keeping company with a
   harlot, for example, is one thing when it is the result of abandoned
   manners, another thing when done in the course of his prophecy by the
   prophet Hosea. [1865]   Because it is a shamefully wicked thing to
   strip the body naked at a banquet among the drunken and licentious, it
   does not follow that it is a sin to be naked in the baths.

   19.  We must, therefore, consider carefully what is suitable to times
   and places and persons, and not rashly charge men with sins.  For it is
   possible that a wise man may use the daintiest food without any sin of
   epicurism or gluttony, while a fool will crave for the vilest food with
   a most disgusting eagerness of appetite.  And any sane man would prefer
   eating fish after the manner of our Lord, to eating lentiles after the
   manner of Esau, or barley after the manner of oxen.  For there are
   several beasts that feed on commoner kinds of food, but it does not
   follow that they are more temperate than we are.  For in all matters of
   this kind it is not the nature of the things we use, but our reason for
   using them, and our manner of seeking them, that make what we do either
   praiseworthy or blameable.

   20.  Now the saints of ancient times were, under the form of an earthly
   kingdom, foreshadowing and foretelling the kingdom of heaven.  And on
   account of the necessity for a numerous offspring, the custom of one
   man having several wives was at that time blameless:  and for the same
   reason it was not proper for one woman to have several husbands,
   because a woman does not in that way become more fruitful, but, on the
   contrary, it is base harlotry to seek either gain or offspring by
   promiscuous intercourse.  In regard to matters of this sort, whatever
   the holy men of those times did without lust, Scripture passes over
   without blame, although they did things which could not be done at the
   present time, except through lust.  And everything of this nature that
   is there narrated we are to take not only in its historical and
   literal, but also in its figurative and prophetical sense, and to
   interpret as bearing ultimately upon the end of love towards God or our
   neighbor, or both.  For as it was disgraceful among the ancient Romans
   to wear tunics reaching to the heels, and furnished with sleeves, but
   now it is disgraceful for men honorably born not to wear tunics of that
   description:  so we must take heed in regard to other things also, that
   lust do not mix with our use of them; for lust not only abuses to
   wicked ends the customs of those among whom we live, but frequently
   also transgressing the bounds of custom, betrays, in a disgraceful
   outbreak, its own hideousness, which was concealed under the cover of
   prevailing fashions.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1864] John xii. 3.

   [1865] Hos. i. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--Same Subject, Continued.

   21.  Whatever, then, is in accordance with the habits of those with
   whom we are either compelled by necessity, or undertake as a matter of
   duty, to spend this life, is to be turned by good and great men to some
   prudent or benevolent end, either directly, as is our duty, or
   figuratively, as is allowable to prophets.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Error of Those Who Think that There is No Absolute Right
   and Wrong.

   22.  But when men unacquainted with other modes of life than their own
   meet with the record of such actions, unless they are restrained by
   authority, they look upon them as sins, and do not consider that their
   own customs either in regard to marriage, or feasts, or dress, or the
   other necessities and adornments of human life, appear sinful to the
   people of other nations and other times.  And, distracted by this
   endless variety of customs, some who were half asleep (as I may
   say)--that is, who were neither sunk in the deep sleep of folly, nor
   were able to awake into the light of wisdom--have thought that there
   was no such thing as absolute right, but that every nation took its own
   custom for right; and that, since every nation has a different custom,
   and right must remain unchangeable, it becomes manifest that there is
   no such thing as right at all.  Such men did not perceive, to take only
   one example, that the precept, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do
   to you, do ye even so to them," [1866] cannot be altered by any
   diversity of national customs.  And this precept, when it is referred
   to the love of God, destroys all vices when to the love of one's
   neighbor, puts an end to all crimes.  For no one is willing to defile
   his own dwelling; he ought not, therefore, to defile the dwelling of
   God, that is, himself.  And no one wishes an injury to be done him by
   another; he himself, therefore, ought not to do injury to another.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1866] Matt. vii. 12.  Comp. Tobit iv. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--Rule for Interpreting Figurative Expressions.

   23.  The tyranny of lust being thus overthrown, charity reigns through
   its supremely just laws of love to God for His own sake, and love to
   one's self and one's neighbor for God's sake.  Accordingly, in regard
   to figurative expressions, a rule such as the following will be
   observed, to carefully turn over in our minds and meditate upon what we
   read till an interpretation be found that tends to establish the reign
   of love.  Now, if when taken literally it at once gives a meaning of
   this kind, the expression is not to be considered figurative.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Rule for Interpreting Commands and Prohibitions.

   24.  If the sentence is one of command, either forbidding a crime or
   vice, or enjoining an act of prudence or benevolence, it is not
   figurative.  If, however, it seems to enjoin a crime or vice, or to
   forbid an act of prudence or benevolence, it is figurative.  "Except ye
   eat the flesh of the Son of man," says Christ, "and drink His blood, ye
   have no life in you." [1867]   This seems to enjoin a crime or a vice;
   it is therefore a figure, enjoining that we should have a share in the
   sufferings of our Lord, and that we should retain a sweet and
   profitable memory of the fact that His flesh was wounded and crucified
   for us.  Scripture says:  "If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he
   thirst, give him drink;" and this is beyond doubt a command to do a
   kindness.  But in what follows, "for in so doing thou shall heap coals
   of fire on his head," [1868] one would think a deed of malevolence was
   enjoined.  Do not doubt, then, that the expression is figurative; and,
   while it is possible to interpret it in two ways, one pointing to the
   doing of an injury, the other to a display of superiority, let charity
   on the contrary call you back to benevolence, and interpret the coals
   of fire as the burning groans of penitence by which a man's pride is
   cured who bewails that he has been the enemy of one who came to his
   assistance in distress.  In the same way, when our Lord says, "He who
   loveth his life shall lose it," [1869] we are not to think that He
   forbids the prudence with which it is a man's duty to care for his
   life, but that He says in a figurative sense, "Let him lose his
   life"--that is, let him destroy and lose that perverted and unnatural
   use which he now makes of his life, and through which his desires are
   fixed on temporal things so that he gives no heed to eternal.  It is
   written:  "Give to the godly man, and help not a sinner." [1870]   The
   latter clause of this sentence seems to forbid benevolence; for it
   says, "help not a sinner."  Understand, therefore, that "sinner" is put
   figuratively for sin, so that it is his sin you are not to help.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1867] John vi. 53.

   [1868] Rom. xii. 20; Prov. xxv. 21, 22.

   [1869] John xii. 25.  Comp. Matt. x. 39.

   [1870] Ecclus. xii. 4.  Comp. Tobit iv. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Some Commands are Given to All in Common, Others to
   Particular Classes.

   25.  Again, it often happens that a man who has attained, or thinks he
   has attained, to a higher grade of spiritual life, thinks that the
   commands given to those who are still in the lower grades are
   figurative; for example, if he has embraced a life of celibacy and made
   himself a eunuch for the kingdom of heaven's sake, he contends that the
   commands given in Scripture about loving and ruling a wife are not to
   be taken literally, but figuratively; and if he has determined to keep
   his virgin unmarried, he tries to put a figurative interpretation on
   the passage where it is said, "Marry thy daughter, and so shall thou
   have performed a weighty matter." [1871]   Accordingly, another of our
   rules for understanding the Scriptures will be as follows,--to
   recognize that some commands are given to all in common, others to
   particular classes of persons, that the medicine may act not only upon
   the state of health as a whole, but also upon the special weakness of
   each member.  For that which cannot be raised to a higher state must be
   cared for in its own state.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1871] Ecclus. vii. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--We Must Take into Consideration the Time at Which Anything
   Was Enjoyed or Allowed.

   26.  We must also be on our guard against supposing that what in the
   Old Testament, making allowance for the condition of those times, is
   not a crime or a vice even if we take it literally and not
   figuratively, can be transferred to the present time as a habit of
   life.  For no one will do this except lust has dominion over him, and
   endeavors to find support for itself in the very Scriptures which were
   intended to overthrow it.  And the wretched man does not perceive that
   such matters are recorded with this useful design, that men of good
   hope may learn the salutary lesson, both that the custom they spurn can
   be turned to a good use, and that which they embrace can be used to
   condemnation, if the use of the former be accompanied with charity, and
   the use of the latter with lust.

   27.  For, if it was possible for one man to use many wives with
   chastity, it is possible for another to use one wife with lust.  And I
   look with greater approval on the man who uses the fruitfulness of many
   wives for the sake of an ulterior object, than on the man who enjoys
   the body of one wife for its own sake.  For in the former case the man
   aims at a useful object suited to the circumstances of the times; in
   the latter case he gratifies a lust which is engrossed in temporal
   enjoyments.  And those men to whom the apostle permitted as a matter of
   indulgence to have one wife because of their incontinence, [1872] were
   less near to God than those who, though they had each of them numerous
   wives, yet just as a wise man uses food and drink only for the sake of
   bodily health, used marriage only for the sake of offspring.  And,
   accordingly, if these last had been still alive at the advent of our
   Lord, when the time not of casting stones away but of gathering them
   together had come, [1873] they would have immediately made themselves
   eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake.  For there is no difficulty
   in abstaining unless when there is lust in enjoying.  And assuredly
   those men of whom I speak knew that wantonness even in regard to wives
   is abuse and intemperance, as is proved by Tobit's prayer when he was
   married to his wife.  For he says:  "Blessed art Thou, O God of our
   fathers, and blessed is Thy holy and glorious name for ever; let the
   heavens bless Thee, and all Thy creatures.  Thou madest Adam, and
   gavest him Eve his wife for an helper and stay. . . . And now, O Lord,
   Thou knowest that I take not this my sister for lust, but uprightly:
   therefore have pity on us, O Lord." [1874]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1872] 1 Cor. vii. 1, 2, 9.

   [1873] Eccles. iii. 5.

   [1874] Tobit viii. 5-7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--Wicked Men Judge Others by Themselves.

   28.  But those who, giving the rein to lust, either wander about
   steeping themselves in a multitude of debaucheries, or even in regard
   to one wife not only exceed the measure necessary for the procreation
   of children, but with the shameless licence of a sort of slavish
   freedom heap up the filth of a still more beastly excess, such men do
   not believe it possible that the men of ancient times used a number of
   wives with temperance, looking to nothing but the duty, necessary in
   the circumstances of the time, of propagating the race; and what they
   themselves, who are entangled in the meshes of lust, do not accomplish
   in the case of a single wife, they think utterly impossible in the case
   of a number of wives.

   29.  But these same men might say that it is not right even to honor
   and praise good and holy men, because they themselves when they are
   honored and praised, swell with pride, becoming the more eager for the
   emptiest sort of distinction the more frequently and the more widely
   they are blown about on the tongue of flattery, and so become so light
   that a breath of rumor, whether it appear prosperous or adverse, will
   carry them into the whirlpool of vice or dash them on the rocks of
   crime.  Let them, then, learn how trying and difficult it is for
   themselves to escape either being caught by the bait of praise, or
   pierced by the stings of insult; but let them not measure others by
   their own standard.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Consistency of Good Men in All Outward Circumstances.

   Let them believe, on the contrary, that the apostles of our faith were
   neither puffed up when they were honored by men, nor cast down when
   they were despised.  And certainly neither sort of temptation was
   wanting to those great men.  For they were both cried up by the loud
   praises of believers, and cried down by the slanderous reports of their
   persecutors.  But the apostles used all these things, as occasion
   served, and were not corrupted; and in the same way the saints of old
   used their wives with reference to the necessities of their own times,
   and were not in bondage to lust as they are who refuse to believe these
   things.

   30.  For if they had been under the influence of any such passion, they
   could never have restrained themselves from implacable hatred towards
   their sons, by whom they knew that their wives and concubines were
   solicited and debauched.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--David Not Lustful, Though He Fell into Adultery.

   But when King David had suffered this injury at the hands of his
   impious and unnatural son, he not only bore with him in his mad
   passion, but mourned over him in his death.  He certainly was not
   caught in the meshes of carnal jealousy, seeing that it was not his own
   injuries but the sins of his son that moved him.  For it was on this
   account he had given orders that his son should not be slain if he were
   conquered in battle, that he might have a place of repentance after he
   was subdued; and when he was baffled in this design, he mourned over
   his son's death, not because of his own loss, but because he knew to
   what punishment so impious an adulterer and parricide had been hurried.
   [1875]   For prior to this, in the case of another son who had been
   guilty of no crime, though he was dreadfully afflicted for him while he
   was sick, yet he comforted himself after his death. [1876]

   31.  And with what moderation and self-restraint those men used their
   wives appears chiefly in this, that when this same king, carried away
   by the heat of passion and by temporal prosperity, had taken unlawful
   possession of one woman, whose husband also he ordered to be put to
   death, he was accused of his crime by a prophet, who, when he had come
   to show him his sin, set before him the parable of the poor man who had
   but one ewe-lamb, and whose neighbor, though he had many, yet when a
   guest came to him spared to take of his own flock, but set his poor
   neighbor's one lamb before his guest to eat.  And David's anger being
   kindled against the man, he commanded that he should be put to death,
   and the lamb restored fourfold to the poor man; thus unwittingly
   condemning the sin he had wittingly committed. [1877]   And when he had
   been shown this, and God's punishment had been denounced against him,
   he wiped out his sin in deep penitence.  But yet in this parable it was
   the adultery only that was indicated by the poor man's ewe-lamb; about
   the killing of the woman's husband,--that is, about the murder of the
   poor man himself who had the one ewe-lamb,--nothing is said in the
   parable, so that the sentence of condemnation is pronounced against the
   adultery alone.  And hence we may understand with what temperance he
   possessed a number of wives when he was forced to punish himself for
   transgressing in regard to one woman.  But in his case the immoderate
   desire did not take up its abode with him, but was only a passing
   guest.  On this account the unlawful appetite is called even by the
   accusing prophet, a guest.  For he did not say that he took the poor
   man's ewe-lamb to make a feast for his king, but for his guest.  In the
   case of his son Solomon, however, this lust did not come and pass away
   like a guest, but reigned as a king.  And about him Scripture is not
   silent, but accuses him of being a lover of strange women; for in the
   beginning of his reign he was inflamed with a desire for wisdom, but
   after he had attained it through spiritual love, he lost it through
   carnal lust. [1878]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1875] Comp. 2 Sam. xvi. 22; xviii. 5; xix. 1.

   [1876] 2 Sam. xii. 19-23.

   [1877] 2 Sam. xii. 1-6.

   [1878] 2 Chron. i. 10-12; 1 Kings xi. 1-3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--Rule Regarding Passages of Scripture in Which Approval is
   Expressed of Actions Which are Now Condemned by Good Men.

   32.  Therefore, although all, or nearly all, the transactions recorded
   in the Old Testament are to be taken not literally only, but
   figuratively as well, nevertheless even in the case of those which the
   reader has taken literally, and which, though the authors of them are
   praised, are repugnant to the habits of the good men who since our
   Lord's advent are the custodians of the divine commands, let him refer
   the figure to its interpretation, but let him not transfer the act to
   his habits of life.  For many things which were done as duties at that
   time, cannot now be done except through lust.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--Rule Regarding the Narrative of Sins of Great Men.

   33.  And when he reads of the sins of great men, although he may be
   able to see and to trace out in them a figure of things to come, let
   him yet put the literal fact to this use also, to teach him not to dare
   to vaunt himself in his own good deeds, and in comparison with his own
   righteousness, to despise others as sinners, when he sees in the case
   of men so eminent both the storms that are to be avoided and the
   shipwrecks that are to be wept over.  For the sins of these men were
   recorded to this end, that men might everywhere and always tremble at
   that saying of the apostle:  "Wherefore let him that thinketh he
   standeth take heed lest he fall." [1879]   For there is hardly a page
   of Scripture on which it is not clearly written that God resisteth the
   proud and giveth grace to the humble. [1880]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1879] 1 Cor. x. 12.

   [1880] Comp. Jas. iv. 6 and 1 Pet. v. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--The Character of the Expressions Used is Above All to Have
   Weight.

   34.  The chief thing to be inquired into, therefore, in regard to any
   expression that we are trying to understand is, whether it is literal
   or figurative.  For when it is ascertained to be figurative, it is
   easy, by an application of the laws of things which we discussed in the
   first book, to turn it in every way until we arrive at a true
   interpretation, especially when we bring to our aid experience
   strengthened by the exercise of piety.  Now we find out whether an
   expression is literal or figurative by attending to the considerations
   indicated above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--The Same Word Does Not Always Signify the Same Thing.

   And when it is shown to be figurative, the words in which it is
   expressed will be found to be drawn either from like objects or from
   objects having some affinity.

   35.  But as there are many ways in which things show a likeness to each
   other, we are not to suppose there is any rule that what a thing
   signifies by similitude in one place it is to be taken to signify in
   all other places.  For our Lord used leaven both in a bad sense, as
   when He said, "Beware of the leaven of the Pharisees," [1881] and in a
   good sense, as when He said, "The kingdom of heaven is like unto
   leaven, which a woman took and hid in three measures of meal, till the
   whole was leavened." [1882]

   36.  Now the rule in regard to this variation has two forms.  For
   things that signify now one thing and now another, signify either
   things that are contrary, or things that are only different.  They
   signify contraries, for example, when they are used metaphorically at
   one time in a good sense, at another in a bad, as in the case of the
   leaven mentioned above.  Another example of the same is that a lion
   stands for Christ in the place where it is said, "The lion of the tribe
   of Judah hath prevailed;" [1883] and again, stands for the devil where
   it is written, "Your adversary the devil, as a roaring lion, walketh
   about seeking whom he may devour." [1884]   In the same way the serpent
   is used in a good sense, "Be wise as serpents;" [1885] and again, in a
   bad sense, "The serpent beguiled Eve through his subtilty." [1886]
   Bread is used in a good sense, "I am the living bread which came down
   from heaven;" [1887] in a bad, "Bread eaten in secret is pleasant."
   [1888]   And so in a great many other cases.  The examples I have
   adduced are indeed by no means doubtful in their signification, because
   only plain instances ought to be used as examples.  There are passages,
   however, in regard to which it is uncertain in what sense they ought to
   be taken, as for example, "In the hand of the Lord there is a cup, and
   the wine is red:  it is full of mixture." [1889]   Now it is uncertain
   whether this denotes the wrath of God, but not to the last extremity of
   punishment, that is, "to the very dregs;" or whether it denotes the
   grace of the Scriptures passing away from the Jews and coming to the
   Gentiles, because "He has put down one and set up another,"--certain
   observances, however, which they understand in a carnal manner, still
   remaining among the Jews, for "the dregs hereof is not yet wrung out."
   The following is an example of the same object being taken, not in
   opposite, but only in different significations:  water denotes people,
   as we read in the Apocalypse, [1890] and also the Holy Spirit, as for
   example, "Out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water;" [1891]
   and many other things besides water must be interpreted according to
   the place in which they are found.

   37.  And in the same way other objects are not single in their
   signification, but each one of them denotes not two only but sometimes
   even several different things, according to the connection in which it
   is found.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1881] Matt. xvi. 6; Luke xii. 1.

   [1882] Luke xiii. 21.

   [1883] Rev. v. 5.

   [1884] 1 Pet. v. 8.

   [1885] Matt. x. 16.

   [1886] 2 Cor. xi. 3.

   [1887] John vi. 51.

   [1888] Prov. ix. 17.

   [1889] Ps. lxxv. 8.

   [1890] Rev. xvii. 15.

   [1891] John vii. 38.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--Obscure Passages are to Be Interpreted by Those Which are
   Clearer.

   Now from the places where the sense in which they are used is more
   manifest we must gather the sense in which they are to be understood in
   obscure passages.  For example, there is no better way of understanding
   the words addressed to God, "Take hold of shield and buckler and stand
   up for mine help," [1892] than by referring to the passage where we
   read, "Thou, Lord, hast crowned us with Thy favor as with a shield."
   [1893]   And yet we are not so to understand it, as that wherever we
   meet with a shield put to indicate a protection of any kind, we must
   take it as signifying nothing but the favor of God.  For we hear also
   of the shield of faith, "wherewith," says the apostle, "ye shall be
   able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked." [1894]   Nor ought
   we, on the other hand, in regard to spiritual armor of this kind to
   assign faith to the shield only; for we read in another place of the
   breastplate of faith:  "putting on," says the apostle, "the breastplate
   of faith and love." [1895]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1892] Ps. xxxv. 2.

   [1893] Ps. v. 12.

   [1894] Eph. vi. 16.

   [1895] l Thess. v. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--One Passage Susceptible of Various Interpretations.

   38.  When, again, not some one interpretation, but two or more
   interpretations are put upon the same words of Scripture, even though
   the meaning the writer intended remain undiscovered, there is no danger
   if it can be shown from other passages of Scripture that any of the
   interpretations put on the words is in harmony with the truth.  And if
   a man in searching the Scriptures endeavors to get at the intention of
   the author through whom the Holy Spirit spoke, whether he succeeds in
   this endeavor, or whether he draws a different meaning from the words,
   but one that is not opposed to sound doctrine, he is free from blame so
   long as he is supported by the testimony of some other passage of
   Scripture.  For the author perhaps saw that this very meaning lay in
   the words which we are trying to interpret; and assuredly the Holy
   Spirit, who through him spoke these words, foresaw that this
   interpretation would occur to the reader, nay, made provision that it
   should occur to him, seeing that it too is founded on truth.  For what
   more liberal and more fruitful provision could God have made in regard
   to the Sacred Scriptures than that the same words might be understood
   in several senses, all of which are sanctioned by the concurring
   testimony of other passages equally divine?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.-- It is Safer to Explain a Doubtful Passage by Other
   Passages of Scripture Than by Reason.

   39.  When, however, a meaning is evolved of such a kind that what is
   doubtful in it cannot be cleared up by indubitable evidence from
   Scripture, it remains for us to make it clear by the evidence of
   reason.  But this is a dangerous practice.  For it is far safer to walk
   by the light of Holy Scripture; so that when we wish to examine the
   passages that are obscured by metaphorical expressions, we may either
   obtain a meaning about which there is no controversy, or if a
   controversy arises, may settle it by the application of testimonies
   sought out in every portion of the same Scripture.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--The Knowledge of Tropes is Necessary.

   40.  Moreover, I would have learned men to know that the authors of our
   Scriptures use all those forms of expression which grammarians call by
   the Greek name tropes, and use them more freely and in greater variety
   than people who are unacquainted with the Scriptures, and have learnt
   these figures of speech from other writings, can imagine or believe.
   Nevertheless those who know these tropes recognize them in Scripture,
   and are very much assisted by their knowledge of them in understanding
   Scripture.  But this is not the place to teach them to the illiterate,
   lest it might seem that I was teaching grammar.  I certainly advise,
   however, that they be learnt elsewhere, although indeed I have already
   given that advice above, in the second book--namely, where I treated of
   the necessary knowledge of languages.  For the written characters from
   which grammar itself gets its name (the Greek name for letters being
   grammata are the signs of sounds made by the articulate voice with
   which we speak.  Now of some of these figures of speech we find in
   Scripture not only examples (which we have of them all), but the very
   names as well:  for instance, allegory, enigma, and parable.  However,
   nearly all these tropes which are said to be learnt as a matter of
   liberal education are found even in the ordinary speech of men who have
   learnt no grammar, but are content to use the vulgar idiom.  For who
   does not say, "So may you flourish?"  And this is the figure of speech
   called metaphor.  Who does not speak of a fish-pond [1896] in which
   there is no fish, which was not made for fish, and yet gets its name
   from fish?  And this is the figure called catachresis.

   41.  It would be tedious to go over all the rest in this way; for the
   speech of the vulgar makes use of them all, even of those more curious
   figures which mean the very opposite of what they say, as for example,
   those called irony and antiphrasis.  Now in irony we indicate by the
   tone of voice the meaning we desire to convey; as when we say to a man
   who is behaving badly, "You are doing well."  But it is not by the tone
   of voice that we make an antiphrasis to indicate the opposite of what
   the words convey; but either the words in which it is expressed are
   used in the opposite of their etymological sense, as a grove is called
   lucus from its want of light; [1897] or it is customary to use a
   certain form of expression, although it puts yes for no by a law of
   contraries, as when we ask in a place for what is not there, and get
   the answer, "There is plenty;" or we add words that make it plain we
   mean the opposite of what we say, as in the expression, "Beware of him,
   for he is a good man."  And what illiterate man is there that does not
   use such expressions, although he knows nothing at all about either the
   nature or the names of these figures of speech?  And yet the knowledge
   of these is necessary for clearing up the difficulties of Scripture;
   because when the words taken literally give an absurd meaning, we ought
   forthwith to inquire whether they may not be used in this or that
   figurative sense which we are unacquainted with; and in this way many
   obscure passages have had light thrown upon them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1896] The word piscina (literally a fish-pond) was used in
   post-Augustan times for any pool of water, a swimming pond, for
   instance, or a pond for cattle to drink from.

   [1897] Quod minime luceat.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--The Rules of Tichonius the Donatist Examined.

   42.  One Tichonius, who, although a Donatist himself, has written most
   triumphantly against the Donatists (and herein showed himself of a most
   inconsistent disposition, that he was unwilling to give them up
   altogether), wrote a book which he called the Book of Rules, because in
   it he laid down seven rules, which are, as it were, keys to open the
   secrets of Scripture.  And of these rules, the first relates to the
   Lord and His body, the second to the twofold division of the Lord's
   body, the third to the promises and the law, the fourth to species and
   genus, the fifth to times, the sixth to recapitulation, the seventh to
   the devil and his body.  Now these rules, as expounded by their author,
   do indeed, when carefully considered, afford considerable assistance in
   penetrating the secrets of the sacred writings; but still they do not
   explain all the difficult passages, for there are several other methods
   required, which are so far from being embraced in this number of seven,
   that the author himself explains many obscure passages without using
   any of his rules; finding, indeed, that there was no need for them, as
   there was no difficulty in the passage of the kind to which his rules
   apply.  As, for example, he inquires what we are to understand in the
   Apocalypse by the seven angels of the churches to whom John is
   commanded to write; and after much and various reasoning, arrives at
   the conclusion that the angels are the churches themselves.  And
   throughout this long and full discussion, although the matter inquired
   into is certainly very obscure, no use whatever is made of the rules.
   This is enough for an example, for it would be too tedious and
   troublesome to collect all the passages in the canonical Scriptures
   which present obscurities of such a kind as require none of these seven
   rules for their elucidation.

   43.  The author himself, however, when commending these rules,
   attributes so much value to them that it would appear as if, when they
   were thoroughly known and duly applied, we should be able to interpret
   all the obscure passages in the law--that is, in the sacred books.  For
   he thus commences this very book:  "Of all the things that occur to me,
   I consider none so necessary as to write a little book of rules, and,
   as it were, to make keys for, and put windows in, the secret places of
   the law.  For there are certain mystical rules which hold the key to
   the secret recesses of the whole law, and render visible the treasures
   of truth that are to many invisible.  And if this system of rules be
   received as I communicate it, without jealousy, what is shut shall be
   laid open, and what is obscure shall be elucidated, so that a man
   travelling through the vast forest of prophecy shall, if he follow
   these rules as pathways of light, be preserved from going astray."
   Now, if he had said, "There are certain mystical rules which hold the
   key to some of the secrets of the law," or even "which hold the key to
   the great secrets of the law," and not what he does say, "the secret
   recesses of the whole law;" and if he had not said "What is shut shall
   be laid open," but, "Many things that are shut shall be laid open," he
   would have said what was true, and he would not, by attributing more
   than is warranted by the facts to his very elaborate and useful work,
   have led the reader into false expectations.  And I have thought it
   right to say thus much, in order both that the book may be read by the
   studious (for it is of very great assistance in understanding
   Scripture), and that no more may be expected from it than it really
   contains.  Certainly it must be read with caution, not only on account
   of the errors into which the author falls as a man, but chiefly on
   account of the heresies which he advances as a Donatist.  And now I
   shall briefly indicate what these seven rules teach or advise.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--The First Rule of Tichonius.

   44.  The first is about the Lord and His body, and it is this, that,
   knowing as we do that the head and the body--that is, Christ and His
   Church--are sometimes indicated to us under one person (for it is not
   in vain that it is said to believers, "Ye then are Abraham's seed,"
   [1898] when there is but one seed of Abraham, and that is Christ), we
   need not be in a difficulty when a transition is made from the head to
   the body or from the body to the head, and yet no change made in the
   person spoken of.  For a single person is represented as saying, "He
   hath decked me as a bridegroom with ornaments, and adorned me as a
   bride with jewels" [1899] and yet it is, of course, a matter for
   interpretation which of these two refers to the head and which to the
   body, that is, which to Christ and which to the Church.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1898] Gal. iii. 29.

   [1899] Isa. lxi. 10 (LXX.).  "As a bridegroom decketh himself with
   ornaments, and as a bride adorneth herself with jewels" (A.V.).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 32.--The Second Rule of Tichonius.

   45.  The second rule is about the twofold division of the body of the
   Lord; but this indeed is not a suitable name, for that is really no
   part of the body of Christ which will not be with Him in eternity.  We
   ought, therefore, to say that the rule is about the true and the mixed
   body of the Lord, or the true and the counterfeit, or some such name;
   because, not to speak of eternity, hypocrites cannot even now be said
   to be in Him, although they seem to be in His Church.  And hence this
   rule might be designated thus:  Concerning the mixed Church.  Now this
   rule requires the reader to be on his guard when Scripture, although it
   has now come to address or speak of a different set of persons, seems
   to be addressing or speaking of the same persons as before, just as if
   both sets constituted one body in consequence of their being for the
   time united in a common participation of the sacraments.  An example of
   this is that passage in the Song of Solomon, "I am black, but comely,
   as the tents of Kedar, as the curtains of Solomon." [1900]   For it is
   not said, I was black as the tents of Kedar, but am now comely as the
   curtains of Solomon.  The Church declares itself to be at present both;
   and this because the good fish and the bad are for the time mixed up in
   the one net. [1901]   For the tents of Kedar pertain to Ishmael, who
   "shall not be heir with the son of the free woman." [1902]   And in the
   same way, when God says of the good part of the Church, "I will bring
   the blind by a way that they knew not; I will lead them in paths that
   they have not known; I will make darkness light before them, and
   crooked things straight:  these things will I do unto them, and not
   forsake them;" [1903] He immediately adds in regard to the other part,
   the bad that is mixed with the good, "They shall be turned back."  Now
   these words refer to a set of persons altogether different from the
   former; but as the two sets are for the present united in one body, He
   speaks as if there were no change in the subject of the sentence.  They
   will not, however, always be in one body; for one of them is that
   wicked servant of whom we are told in the gospel, whose lord, when he
   comes, "shall cut him asunder and appoint him his portion with the
   hypocrites." [1904]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1900] Cant. i. 5.

   [1901] Matt. xiii. 47, 48.

   [1902] Gal. iv. 30.

   [1903] Isa. xlii. 16.

   [1904] Matt. xxiv. 50, 51.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 33.--The Third Rule of Tichonius.

   46.  The third rule relates to the promises and the law, and may be
   designated in other terms as relating to the spirit and the letter,
   which is the name I made use of when writing a book on this subject.
   It may be also named, of grace and the law.  This, however, seems to me
   to be a great question in itself, rather than a rule to be applied to
   the solution of other questions.  It was the want of clear views on
   this question that originated, or at least greatly aggravated, the
   Pelagian heresy.  And the efforts of Tichonius to clear up this point
   were good, but not complete.  For, in discussing the question about
   faith and works, he said that works were given us by God as the reward
   of faith, but that faith itself was so far our own that it did not come
   to us from God; not keeping in mind the saying of the apostle:  "Peace
   be to the brethren, and love with faith, from God the Father and the
   Lord Jesus Christ." [1905]   But he had not come into contact with this
   heresy, which has arisen in our time, and has given us much labor and
   trouble in defending against it the grace of God which is through our
   Lord Jesus Christ, and which (according to the saying of the apostle,
   "There must be also heresies among you, that they which are approved
   may be made manifest among you" [1906] ) has made us much more watchful
   and diligent to discover in Scripture what escaped Tichonius, who,
   having no enemy to guard against, was less attentive and anxious on
   this point, namely, that even faith itself is the gift of Him who "hath
   dealt to every man the measure of faith." [1907]   Whence it is said to
   certain believers:  "Unto you it is given, in the behalf of Christ, not
   only to believe on Him, but also to suffer for His sake." [1908]   Who,
   then, can doubt that each of these is the gift of God, when he learns
   from this passage, and believes, that each of them is given?  There are
   many other testimonies besides which prove this.  But I am not now
   treating of this doctrine.  I have, however, dealt with it, one place
   or another, very frequently.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1905] Eph. vi. 23.

   [1906] 1 Cor. xi. 19.

   [1907] Rom. xii. 3.

   [1908] Phil. i. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 34.--The Fourth Rule of Tichonius.

   47.  The fourth rule of Tichonius is about species and genus.  For so
   he calls it, intending that by species should be understood a part, by
   genus the whole of which that which he calls species is a part:  as,
   for example, every single city is a part of the great society of
   nations:  the city he calls a species, all nations constitute the
   genus.  There is no necessity for here applying that subtilty of
   distinction which is in use among logicians, who discuss with great
   acuteness the difference between a part and a species.  The rule is of
   course the same, if anything of the kind referred to is found in
   Scripture, not in regard to a single city, but in regard to a single
   province, or tribe, or kingdom.  Not only, for example, about
   Jerusalem, or some of the cities of the Gentiles, such as Tyre or
   Babylon, are things said in Scripture whose significance oversteps the
   limits of the city, and which are more suitable when applied to all
   nations; but in regard to Judea also, and Egypt, and Assyria, or any
   other nation you choose to take which contains numerous cities, but
   still is not the whole world, but only a part of it, things are said
   which pass over the limits of that particular country, and apply more
   fitly to the whole of which this is a part; or, as our author terms it,
   to the genus of which this is a species.  And hence these words have
   come to be commonly known, so that even uneducated people understand
   what is laid down specially, and what generally, in any given Imperial
   command.  The same thing occurs in the case of men:  things are said of
   Solomon, for example, the scope of which reaches far beyond him, and
   which are only properly understood when applied to Christ and His
   Church, of which Solomon is a part. [1909]

   48.  Now the species is not always overstepped, for things are often
   said of such a kind as evidently apply to it also, or perhaps even to
   it exclusively.  But when Scripture, having up to a certain point been
   speaking about the species, makes a transition at that point from the
   species to the genus, the reader must then be carefully on his guard
   against seeking in the species what he can find much better and more
   surely in the genus.  Take, for example, what the prophet Ezekiel
   says:  "When the house of Israel dwelt in their own land, they defiled
   it by their own way, and by their doings:  their way was before me as
   the uncleanness of a removed woman.  Wherefore I poured my fury upon
   them for the blood that they had shed upon the land, and for their
   idols wherewith they had polluted it:  and I scattered them among the
   heathen, and they were dispersed through the countries:  according to
   their way, and according to their doings, I judged them." [1910]   Now
   it is easy to understand that this applies to that house of Israel of
   which the apostle says, "Behold Israel after the flesh;" [1911] because
   the people of Israel after the flesh did both perform and endure all
   that is here referred to.  What immediately follows, too, may be
   understood as applying to the same people.  But when the prophet begins
   to say, "And I will sanctify my great name, which was profaned among
   the heathen, which ye have profaned in the midst of them; and the
   heathen shall know that I am the Lord," [1912] the reader ought now
   carefully to observe the way in which the species is overstepped and
   the genus taken in.  For he goes on to say:  "And I shall be sanctified
   in you before their eyes.  For I will take you from among the heathen,
   and gather you out of all countries, and will bring you into your own
   land.  Then will I sprinkle clean water upon you, and ye shall be
   clean:  from all your filthiness, and from all your idols, will I
   cleanse you.  A new heart also will I give you, and a new spirit will I
   put within you; and I will take away the stony heart out of your flesh
   and I will give you a heart of flesh.  And I will put my Spirit within
   you, and cause you to walk in my statutes, and ye shall keep my
   commandments, and do them.  And ye shall dwell in the land that I gave
   to your fathers; and ye shall be my people, and I will be your God.  I
   will also save you from all your uncleannesses." [1913]   Now that this
   is a prophecy of the New Testament, to which pertain not only the
   remnant of that one nation of which it is elsewhere said, "For though
   the number of the children of Israel be as the sand of the sea, yet a
   remnant of them shall be saved," [1914] but also the other nations
   which were promised to their fathers and our fathers; and that there is
   here a promise of that washing of regeneration which, as we see, is now
   imparted to all nations, no one who looks into the matter can doubt.
   And that saying of the apostle, when he is commending the grace of the
   New Testament and its excellence in comparison with the Old, "Ye are
   our epistle . . . written not with ink, but with the Spirit of the
   living God; not in tables of stone, but in fleshy tables of the heart,"
   [1915] has an evident reference to this place where the prophet says,
   "A new heart also will I give you, and a new spirit will I put within
   you; and I will take away the stony heart out of your flesh, and I will
   give you an heart of flesh." [1916]   Now the heart of flesh from which
   the apostle's expression, "the fleshy tables of the heart," is drawn,
   the prophet intended to point out as distinguished from the stony heart
   by the possession of sentient life; and by sentient he understood
   intelligent life.  And thus the spiritual Israel is made up, not of one
   nation, but of all the nations which were promised to the fathers in
   their seed, that is, in Christ.

   49.  This spiritual Israel, therefore, is distinguished from the carnal
   Israel which is of one nation, by newness of grace, not by nobility of
   descent, in feeling, not in race; but the prophet, in his depth of
   meaning, while speaking of the carnal Israel, passes on, without
   indicating the transition, to speak of the spiritual, and although now
   speaking of the latter, seems to be still speaking of the former; not
   that he grudges us the clear apprehension of Scripture, as if we were
   enemies, but that he deals with us as a physician, giving us a
   wholesome exercise for our spirit.  And therefore we ought to take this
   saying, "And I will bring you into your own land," and what he says
   shortly afterwards, as if repeating himself, "And ye shall dwell in the
   land that I gave to your fathers," not literally, as if they referred
   to Israel after the flesh, but spiritually, as referring to the
   spiritual Israel.  For the Church, without spot or wrinkle, gathered
   out of all nations, and destined to reign for ever with Christ, is
   itself the land of the blessed, the land of the living; and we are to
   understand that this was given to the fathers when it was promised to
   them for what the fathers believed would be given in its own time was
   to them, on account of the unchangeableness of the promise and purpose,
   the same as if it were already given; just as the apostle, writing to
   Timothy, speaks of the grace which is given to the saints:  "Not
   according to our works, but according to His own purpose and grace,
   which was given us in Christ Jesus before the world began; but is now
   made manifest by the appearing of our Saviour." [1917]   He speaks of
   the grace as given at a time when those to whom it was to be given were
   not yet in existence; because he looks upon that as having been already
   done in the arrangement and purpose of God, which was to take place in
   its own time, and he himself speaks of it as now made manifest.  It is
   possible, however, that these words may refer to the land of the age to
   come, when there will be a new heaven and a new earth, wherein the
   unrighteous shall be unable to dwell.  And so it is truly said to the
   righteous, that the land itself is theirs, no part of which will belong
   to the unrighteous; because it is the same as if it were itself given,
   when it is firmly settled that it shall be given.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1909] 2 Sam. vii. 14-16.

   [1910] Ezek. xxxvi. 17-19.

   [1911] 1 Cor. x. 18.

   [1912] Ezek. xxxvi. 23.

   [1913] Ezek. xxxvi. 23-29.

   [1914] Isa. x. 22.

   [1915] 2 Cor. iii. 2, 3.

   [1916] Ezek. xxxviii. 26.

   [1917] 2 Tim. i. 9, 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 35.--The Fifth Rule of Tichonius.

   50.  The fifth rule Tichonius lays down is one he designates of
   times,--a rule by which we can frequently discover or conjecture
   quantities of time which are not expressly mentioned in Scripture.  And
   he says that this rule applies in two ways:  either to the figure of
   speech called synecdoche, or to legitimate numbers.  The figure
   synecdoche either puts the part for the whole, or the whole for the
   part.  As, for example, in reference to the time when, in the presence
   of only three of His disciples, our Lord was transfigured on the mount,
   so that His face shone as the sun, and His raiment was white as snow,
   one evangelist says that this event occurred "after eight days," [1918]
   while another says that it occurred "after six days." [1919]   Now both
   of these statements about the number of days cannot be true, unless we
   suppose that the writer who says "after eight days," counted the latter
   part of the day on which Christ uttered the prediction and the first
   part of the day on which he showed its fulfillment as two whole days;
   while the writer who says "after six days," counted only the whole
   unbroken days between these two.  This figure of speech, which puts the
   part for the whole, explains also the great question about the
   resurrection of Christ.  For unless to the latter part of the day on
   which He suffered we join the previous night, and count it as a whole
   day, and to the latter part of the night in which He arose we join the
   Lord's day which was just dawning, and count it also a whole day, we
   cannot make out the three days and three nights during which He
   foretold that He would be in the heart of the earth. [1920]

   51.  In the next place, our author calls those numbers legitimate which
   Holy Scripture more highly favors such as seven, or ten, or twelve, or
   any of the other numbers which the diligent reader of Scripture soon
   comes to know.  Now numbers of this sort are often put for time
   universal; as for example, "Seven times in the day do I praise Thee,"
   means just the same as "His praise shall continually be in my mouth."
   [1921]   And their force is exactly the same, either when multiplied by
   ten, as seventy and seven hundred (whence the seventy years mentioned
   in Jeremiah may be taken in a spiritual sense for the whole time during
   which the Church is a sojourner among aliens); [1922] or when
   multiplied into themselves, as ten into ten gives one hundred, and
   twelve into twelve gives one hundred and forty-four, which last number
   is used in the Apocalypse to signify the whole body of the saints.
   [1923]   Hence it appears that it is not merely questions about times
   that are to be settled by these numbers, but that their significance is
   of much wider application, and extends to many subjects.  That number
   in the Apocalypse, for example, mentioned above, has not reference to
   times, but to men.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1918] Luke ix. 28.

   [1919] Matt. xvii. 1; Mark ix. 2.

   [1920] Matt. xii. 40.

   [1921] Comp. Ps. cxix. 164 with xxxiv. 2.

   [1922] Jer. xxv. 11.

   [1923] Rev. vii. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 36.--The Sixth Rule of Tichonius.

   52.  The sixth rule Tichonius calls the recapitulation, which, with
   sufficient watchfulness, is discovered in difficult parts of
   Scripture.  For certain occurrences are so related, that the narrative
   appears to be following the order of time, or the continuity of events,
   when it really goes back without mentioning it to previous occurrences,
   which had been passed over in their proper place.  And we make mistakes
   if we do not understand this, from applying the rule here spoken of.
   For example, in the book of Genesis we read, "And the Lord God planted
   a garden eastward in Eden; and there He put the man whom He had
   formed.  And out of the ground made the Lord God to grow every tree
   that is pleasant to the sight, and good for food." [1924]   Now here it
   seems to be indicated that the events last mentioned took place after
   God had formed man and put him in the garden; whereas the fact is, that
   the two events having been briefly mentioned, viz., that God planted a
   garden, and there put the man whom He had formed, the narrative goes
   back, by way of recapitulation, to tell what had before been omitted,
   the way in which the garden was planted:  that out of the ground God
   made to grow every tree that is pleasant to the sight, and good for
   food.  Here there follows, "The tree of life also was in the midst of
   the garden, and the tree of knowledge of good and evil."  Next the
   river is mentioned which watered the garden, and which was parted into
   four heads, the sources of four streams; and all this has reference to
   the arrangements of the garden.  And when this is finished, there is a
   repetition of the fact which had been already told, but which in the
   strict order of events came after all this:  "And the Lord God took the
   man, and put him into the garden of Eden." [1925]   For it was after
   all these other things were done that man was put in the garden, as now
   appears from the order of the narrative itself:  it was not after man
   was put there that the other things were done, as the previous
   statement might be thought to imply, did we not accurately mark and
   understand the recapitulation by which the narrative reverts to what
   had previously been passed over.

   53.  In the same book, again, when the generations of the sons of Noah
   are recounted, it is said:  "These are the sons of Ham, after their
   families, after their tongues, in their countries, and in their
   nations." [1926]   And, again, when the sons of Shem are enumerated:
   "These are the sons of Shem, after their families, after their tongues,
   in their lands, after their nations." [1927]   And it is added in
   reference to them all:  "These are the families of the sons of Noah,
   after their generations, in their nations; and by these were the
   nations divided in the earth after the flood.  And the whole earth was
   of one language and of one speech." [1928]   Now the addition of this
   sentence, "And the whole earth was of one language and of one speech,"
   seems to indicate that at the time when the nations were scattered over
   the earth they had all one language in common; but this is evidently
   inconsistent with the previous words, "in their families, after their
   tongues."  For each family or nation could not be said to have its own
   language if all had one language in common.  And so it is by way of
   recapitulation it is added, "And the whole earth was of one language
   and of one speech," the narrative here going back, without indicating
   the change, to tell how it was, that from having one language in
   common, the nations were divided into a multitude of tongues.  And,
   accordingly, we are forthwith told of the building of the tower, and of
   this punishment being there laid upon them as the judgment of God upon
   their arrogance; and it was after this that they were scattered over
   the earth according to their tongues.

   54.  This recapitulation is found in a still more obscure form; as, for
   example, our Lord says in the gospel:  "The same day that Lot went out
   of Sodom it rained fire from heaven, and destroyed them all.  Even thus
   shall it be in the day when the Son of man is revealed.  In that day,
   he which shall be upon the house-top, and his stuff in the house, let
   him not come down to take it away; and he that is in the field, let him
   likewise not return back.  Remember Lot's wife." [1929]   Is it when
   our Lord shall have been revealed that men are to give heed to these
   sayings, and not to look behind them, that is, not to long after the
   past life which they have renounced?  Is not the present rather the
   time to give heed to them, that when the Lord shall have been revealed
   every man may receive his reward according to the things he has given
   heed to or despised?  And yet because Scripture says, "In that day,"
   the time of the revelation of the Lord will be thought the time for
   giving heed to these sayings, unless the reader be watchful and
   intelligent so as to understand the recapitulation, in which he will be
   assisted by that other passage of Scripture which even in the time of
   the apostles proclaimed:  "Little children, it is the last time."
   [1930]   The very time then when the gospel is preached, up to the time
   that the Lord shall be revealed, is the day in which men ought to give
   heed to these sayings:  for to the same day, which shall be brought to
   a close by a day of judgment, belongs that very revelation of the Lord
   here spoken of. [1931]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1924] Gen. ii. 8, 9.

   [1925] Gen. ii. 15.

   [1926] Gen. x. 20.

   [1927] Gen. x. 31.

   [1928] Gen. x. 32; xi. 1.

   [1929] Luke xvii. 29-32.

   [1930] 1 John ii. 18.

   [1931] Comp. Rom. ii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 37.--The Seventh Rule of Tichonius.

   55.  The seventh rule of Tichonius and the last, is about the devil and
   his body.  For he is the head of the wicked, who are in a sense his
   body, and destined to go with him into the punishment of everlasting
   fire, just as Christ is the head of the Church, which is His body,
   destined to be with Him in His eternal kingdom and glory.  Accordingly,
   as the first rule, which is called of the Lord and His body, directs
   us, when Scripture speaks of one and the same person, to take pains to
   understand which part of the statement applies to the head and which to
   the body; so this last rule shows us that statements are sometimes made
   about the devil, whose truth is not so evident in regard to himself as
   in regard to his body; and his body is made up not only of those who
   are manifestly out of the way, but of those also who, though they
   really belong to him, are for a time mixed up with the Church, until
   they depart from this life, or until the chaff is separated from the
   wheat at the last great winnowing.  For example, what is said in
   Isaiah, "How he is fallen from heaven, Lucifer, son of the morning!"
   [1932] and the other statements of the context which, under the figure
   of the king of Babylon, are made about the same person, are of course
   to be understood of the devil; and yet the statement which is made in
   the same place, "He is ground down on the earth, who sendeth to all
   nations," [1933] does not altogether fitly apply to the head himself.
   For, although the devil sends his angels to all nations, yet it is his
   body, not himself, that is ground down on the each, except that he
   himself is in his body, which is beaten small like the dust which the
   wind blows from the face of the earth.

   56.  Now all these rules, except the one about the promises and the
   law, make one meaning to be understood where another is expressed,
   which is the peculiarity of figurative diction; and this kind of
   diction, it seems to me, is too widely spread to be comprehended in its
   full extent by any one.  For, wherever one thing is said with the
   intention that another should be understood we have a figurative
   expression, even though the name of the trope is not to be found in the
   art of rhetoric.  And when an expression of this sort occurs where it
   is customary to find it, there is no trouble in understanding it; when
   it occurs, however, where it is not customary, it costs labor to
   understand it, from some more, from some less, just as men have got
   more or less from God of the gifts of intellect, or as they have access
   to more or fewer external helps.  And, as in the case of proper words
   which I discussed above, and in which things are to be understood just
   as they are expressed, so in the case of figurative words, in which one
   thing is expressed and another is to be understood, and which I have
   just finished speaking of as much as I thought enough, students of
   these venerable documents ought to be counselled not only to make
   themselves acquainted with the forms of expression ordinarily used in
   Scripture, to observe them carefully, and to remember them accurately,
   but also, what is especially and before all things necessary, to pray
   that they may understand them.  For in these very books on the study of
   which they are intent, they read, "The Lord giveth wisdom:  out of His
   mouth cometh knowledge and understanding;" [1934] and it is from Him
   they have received their very desire for knowledge, if it is wedded to
   piety.  But about signs, so far as relates to words, I have now said
   enough.  It remains to discuss, in the following book, so far as God
   has given me light, the means of communicating our thoughts to others.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1932] Isa. xiv. 12 (LXX.).  "How art thou fallen from heaven, O
   Lucifer, son of the morning!" (A.V.).

   [1933] Isa. xiv. 12 (LXX.).  "How art thou cut down to the ground,
   which didst weaken the nations!" (A.V.).

   [1934] Prov. ii. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book IV.

   ------------------------

   Argument--Passing to the second part of his work, that which treats of
   expression, the author premises that it is no part of his intention to
   write a treatise on the laws of rhetoric.  These can be learned
   elsewhere, and ought not to be neglected, being indeed specially
   necessary for the Christian teacher, whom it behoves to excel in
   eloquence and power of speech.  After detailing with much care and
   minuteness the various qualities of an orator, he recommends the
   authors of the Holy Scriptures as the best models of eloquence, far
   excelling all others in the combination of eloquence with wisdom.  He
   points out that perspicuity is the most essential quality of style, and
   ought to be cultivated with especial care by the teacher, as it is the
   main requisite for instruction, although other qualities are required
   for delighting and persuading the hearer.  All these gifts are to be
   sought in earnest prayer from God, though we are not to forget to be
   zealous and diligent in study.  He shows that there are three species
   of style, the subdued, the elegant, and the majestic; the first serving
   for instruction, the second for praise, and the third for exhortation:
   and of each of these he gives examples, selected both from scripture
   and from early teachers of the church, Cyprian and Ambrose.  He shows
   that these various styles may be mingled, and when and for what
   purposes they are mingled; and that they all have the same end in view,
   to bring home the truth to the hearer, so that he may understand it,
   hear it with gladness, and practise it in his life.  Finally, he
   exhorts the Christian teacher himself, pointing out the dignity and
   responsibility of the office he holds to lead a life in harmony with
   his own teaching, and to show a good example to all.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 1.--This Work Not Intended as a Treatise on Rhetoric.

   1.  This work of mine, which is entitled On Christian Doctrine, was at
   the commencement divided into two parts.  For, after a preface, in
   which I answered by anticipation those who were likely to take
   exception to the work, I said, "There are two things on which all
   interpretation of Scripture depends:  the mode of ascertaining the
   proper meaning, and the mode of making known the meaning when it is
   ascertained.  I shall treat first of the mode of ascertaining, next of
   the mode of making known, the meaning." [1935]   As, then, I have
   already said a great deal about the mode of ascertaining the meaning,
   and have given three books to this one part of the subject, I shall
   only say a few things about the mode of making known the meaning, in
   order if possible to bring them all within the compass of one book, and
   so finish the whole work in four books.

   2.  In the first place, then, I wish by this preamble to put a stop to
   the expectations of readers who may think that I am about to lay down
   rules of rhetoric such as I have learnt, and taught too, in the secular
   schools, and to warn them that they need not look for any such from
   me.  Not that I think such rules of no use, but that whatever use they
   have is to be learnt elsewhere; and if any good man should happen to
   have leisure for learning them, he is not to ask me to teach them
   either in this work or any other.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1935] Book i. chap.1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 2.--It is Lawful for a Christian Teacher to Use the Art of
   Rhetoric.

   3.  Now, the art of rhetoric being available for the enforcing either
   of truth or falsehood, who will dare to say that truth in the person of
   its defenders is to take its stand unarmed against falsehood?  For
   example, that those who are trying to persuade men of what is false are
   to know how to introduce their subject, so as to put the hearer into a
   friendly, or attentive, or teachable frame of mind, while the defenders
   of the truth shall be ignorant of that art?  That the former are to
   tell their falsehoods briefly, clearly, and plausibly, while the latter
   shall tell the truth in such a way that it is tedious to listen to,
   hard to understand, and, in fine, not easy to believe it?  That the
   former are to oppose the truth and defend falshood with sophistical
   arguments, while the latter shall be unable either to defend what it
   true, or to refute what is false?  That the former, while imbuing the
   minds of their hearers with erroneous opinions, are by their power of
   speech to awe, to melt, to enliven, and to rouse them, while the latter
   shall in defence of the truth be sluggish, and frigid, and somnolent?
   Who is such a fool as to think this wisdom?  Since, then, the faculty
   of eloquence is available for both sides, and is of very great service
   in the enforcing either of wrong or right, why do not good men study to
   engage it on the side of truth, when bad men use it to obtain the
   triumph of wicked and worthless causes, and to further injustice and
   error?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 3.--The Proper Age and the Proper Means for Acquiring
   Rhetorical Skill.

   4.  But the theories and rules on this subject (to which, when you add
   a tongue thoroughly skilled by exercise and habit in the use of many
   words and many ornaments of speech, you have what is called eloquence
   or oratory) may be learnt apart from these writings of mine, if a
   suitable space of time be set aside for the purpose at a fit and proper
   age.  But only by those who can learn them quickly; for the masters of
   Roman eloquence  themselves did not shrink from saying that any one who
   cannot learn this art quickly can never thoroughly learn it at all.
   [1936]   Whether this be true or not, why need we inquire?  For even if
   this art can occasionally be in the end mastered by men of slower
   intellect, I do not think it of so much importance as to wish men who
   have arrived at mature age to spend time in learning it.  It is enough
   that boys should give attention to it; and even of these, not all who
   are to be fitted for usefulness in the Church, but only those who are
   not yet engaged in any occupation of more urgent necessity, or which
   ought evidently to take precedence of it.  For men of quick intellect
   and glowing temperament find it easier to become eloquent by reading
   and listening to eloquent speakers than by following rules for
   eloquence.  And even outside the canon, which to our great advantage is
   fixed in a place of secure authority, there is no want of
   ecclesiastical writings, in reading which a man of ability will acquire
   a tinge of the eloquence with which they are written, even though he
   does not aim at this, but is solely intent on the matters treated of;
   especially, of course, if in addition he practise himself in writing,
   or dictating, and at last also in speaking, the opinions he has formed
   on grounds of piety and faith.  If, however, such ability be wanting,
   the rules of rhetoric are either not understood, or if, after great
   labor has been spent in enforcing them, they come to be in some small
   measure understood, they prove of no service.  For even those who have
   learnt them, and who speak with fluency and elegance, cannot always
   think of them when they are speaking so as to speak in accordance with
   them, unless they are discussing the rules themselves.  Indeed, I think
   there are scarcely any who can do both things--that is, speak well,
   and, in order to do this, think of the rules of speaking while they are
   speaking.  For we must be careful that what we have got to say does not
   escape us whilst we are thinking about saying it according to the rules
   of art. Nevertheless, in the speeches of eloquent men, we find rules of
   eloquence carried out which the speakers did not think of as aids to
   eloquence at the time when they were speaking, whether they had ever
   learnt them, or whether they had never even met with them.  For it is
   because they are eloquent that they exemplify these rules; it is not
   that they use them in order to be eloquent.

   5.  And, therefore, as infants cannot learn to speak except by learning
   words and phrases from those who do speak, why should not men become
   eloquent without being taught any art of speech, simply by reading and
   learning the speeches of eloquent men, and by imitating them as far as
   they can?  And what do we find from the examples themselves to be the
   case in this respect?  We know numbers who, without acquaintance with
   rhetorical rules, are more eloquent than many who have learnt these;
   but we know no one who is eloquent without having read and listened to
   the speeches and debates of eloquent men.  For even the art of grammar,
   which teaches correctness of speech, need not be learnt by boys, if
   they have the advantage of growing up and living among men who speak
   correctly.  For without knowing the names of any of the faults, they
   will, from being accustomed to correct speech, lay hold upon whatever
   is faulty in the speech of any one they listen to, and avoid it; just
   as city-bred men, even when illiterate, seize upon the faults of
   rustics.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1936] Cicero de Oratore, iii. 31; Quinctil, Inst. Orat. i. 1, 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 4.--The Duty of the Christian Teacher.

   6.  It is the duty, then, of the interpreter and teacher of Holy
   Scripture, the defender of the true faith and the opponent of error,
   both to teach what is right and to refute what is wrong, and in the
   performance of this task to conciliate the hostile, to rouse the
   careless, and to tell the ignorant both what is occurring at present
   and what is probable in the future.  But once that his hearers are
   friendly, attentive, and ready to learn, whether he has found them so,
   or has himself made them so, the remaining objects are to be carried
   out in whatever way the case requires.  If the hearers need teaching,
   the matter treated of must be made fully known by means of narrative.
   On the other hand, to clear up points that are doubtful requires
   reasoning and the exhibition of proof.  If, however, the hearers
   require to be roused rather than instructed, in order that they may be
   diligent to do what they already know, and to bring their feelings into
   harmony with the truths they admit, greater vigor of speech is needed.
   Here entreaties and reproaches, exhortations and upbraidings, and all
   the other means of rousing the emotions, are necessary.

   7.  And all the methods I have mentioned are constantly used by nearly
   every one in cases where speech is the agency employed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 5.--Wisdom of More Importance Than Eloquence to the Christian
   Teacher.

   But as some men employ these coarsely, inelegantly, and frigidly, while
   others use them with acuteness, elegance, and spirit, the work that I
   am speaking of ought to be undertaken by one who can argue and speak
   with wisdom, if not with eloquence, and with profit to his hearers,
   even though he profit them less than he would if he could speak with
   eloquence too.  But we must beware of the man who abounds in eloquent
   nonsense, and so much the more if the hearer is pleased with what is
   not worth listening to, and thinks that because the speaker is eloquent
   what he says must be true.  And this opinion is held even by those who
   think that the art of rhetoric should be taught; for they confess that
   "though wisdom without eloquence is of little service to states, yet
   eloquence without wisdom is frequently a positive injury, and is of
   service never." [1937]   If, then, the men who teach the principles of
   eloquence have been forced by truth to confess this in the very books
   which treat of eloquence, though they were ignorant of the true, that
   is, the heavenly wisdom which comes down from the Father of Lights, how
   much more ought we to feel it who are the sons and the ministers of
   this higher wisdom!  Now a man speaks with more or less wisdom just as
   he has made more or less progress in the knowledge of Scripture; I do
   not mean by reading them much and committing them to memory, but by
   understanding them aright and carefully searching into their meaning.
   For there are who read and yet neglect them; they read to remember the
   words, but are careless about knowing the meaning.  It is plain we must
   set far above these the men who are not so retentive of the words, but
   see with the eyes of the heart into the heart of Scripture.  Better
   than either of these, however, is the man who, when he wishes, can
   repeat the words, and at the same time correctly apprehends their
   meaning.

   8.  Now it is especially necessary for the man who is bound to speak
   wisely, even though he cannot speak eloquently, to retain in memory the
   words of Scripture.  For the more he discerns the poverty of his own
   speech, the more he ought to draw on the riches of Scripture, so that
   what he says in his own words he may prove by the words of Scripture;
   and he himself, though small and weak in his own words, may gain
   strength and power from the confirming testimony of great men.  For his
   proof gives pleasure when he cannot please by his mode of speech.  But
   if a man desire to speak not only with wisdom, but with eloquence also
   (and assuredly he will prove of greater service if he can do both), I
   would rather send him to read, and listen to, and exercise himself in
   imitating, eloquent men, than advise him to spend time with the
   teachers of rhetoric; especially if the men he reads and listens to are
   justly praised as having spoken, or as being accustomed to speak, not
   only with eloquence, but with wisdom also.  For eloquent speakers are
   heard with pleasure; wise speakers with profit.  And, therefore,
   Scripture does not say that the multitude of the eloquent, but "the
   multitude of the wise is the welfare of the world." [1938]   And as we
   must often swallow wholesome bitters, so we must always avoid
   unwholesome sweets.  But what is better than wholesome sweetness or
   sweet wholesomeness?  For the sweeter we try to make such things, the
   easier it is to make their wholesomeness serviceable.  And so there are
   writers of the Church who have expounded the Holy Scriptures, not only
   with wisdom, but with eloquence as well; and there is not more time for
   the reading of these than is sufficient for those who are studious and
   at leisure to exhaust them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1937] Cicero, de Inventione Rhetorica i. 1.

   [1938] Wisd. vi. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 6.--The Sacred Writers Unite Eloquence with Wisdom.

   9.  Here, perhaps, some one inquires whether the authors whose
   divinely-inspired writings constitute the canon, which carries with it
   a most wholesome authority, are to be considered wise only, or eloquent
   as well.  A question which to me, and to those who think with me, is
   very easily settled.  For where I understand these writers, it seems to
   me not only that nothing can be wiser, but also that nothing can be
   more eloquent.  And I venture to affirm that all who truly understand
   what these writers say, perceive at the same time that it could not
   have been properly said in any other way.  For as there is a kind of
   eloquence that is more becoming in youth, and a kind that is more
   becoming in old age, and nothing can be called eloquence if it be not
   suitable to the person of the speaker, so there is a kind of eloquence
   that is becoming in men who justly claim the highest authority, and who
   are evidently inspired of God.  With this eloquence they spoke; no
   other would have been suitable for them; and this itself would be
   unsuitable in any other, for it is in keeping with their character,
   while it mounts as far above that of others (not from empty inflation,
   but from solid merit) as it seems to fall below them.  Where, however,
   I do not understand these writers, though their eloquence is then less
   apparent, I have no doubt but that it is of the same kind as that I do
   understand.  The very obscurity, too, of these divine and wholesome
   words was a necessary element in eloquence of a kind that was designed
   to profit our understandings, not only by the discovery of truth, but
   also by the exercise of their powers.

   10.  I could, however, if I had time, show those men who cry up their
   own form of language as superior to that of our authors (not because of
   its majesty, but because of its inflation), that all those powers and
   beauties of eloquence which they make their boast, are to be found in
   the sacred writings which God in His goodness has provided to mould our
   characters, and to guide us from this world of wickedness to the
   blessed world above.  But it is not the qualities which these writers
   have in common with the heathen orators and poets that give me such
   unspeakable delight in their eloquence; I am more struck with
   admiration at the way in which, by an eloquence peculiarly their own,
   they so use this eloquence of ours that it is not conspicuous either by
   its presence or its absence:  for it did not become them either to
   condemn it or to make an ostentatious display of it; and if they had
   shunned it, they would have done the former; if they had made it
   prominent, they might have appeared to be doing the latter.  And in
   those passages where the learned do note its presence, the matters
   spoken of are such, that the words in which they are put seem not so
   much to be sought out by the speaker as spontaneously to suggest
   themselves; as if wisdom were walking out of its house,--that is, the
   breast of the wise man, and eloquence, like an inseparable attendant,
   followed it without being called for. [1939]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1939] Cf. Cicero, Orator. 21:  "Sed est eloquentiæ, sicut reliquarum
   rerum, fundamentum sapientia."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 7.--Examples of True Eloquence Drawn from the Epistles of Paul
   and the Prophecies of Amos.

   11.  For who would not see what the apostle meant to say, and how
   wisely he has said it, in the following passage:  "We glory in
   tribulations also:  knowing that tribulation worketh patience; and
   patience, experience; and experience, hope:  and hope maketh not
   ashamed; because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the
   Holy Ghost which is given unto us"? [1940]   Now were any man
   unlearnedly learned (if I may use the expression) to contend that the
   apostle had here followed the rules of rhetoric, would not every
   Christian, learned or unlearned, laugh at him?  And yet here we find
   the figure which is called in Greek klimaz (climax,) and by some in
   Latin gradatio, for they do not care to call it scala (a ladder), when
   the words and ideas have a connection of dependency the one upon the
   other, as we see here that patience arises out of tribulation,
   experience out of patience, and hope out of experience.  Another
   ornament, too, is found here; for after certain statements finished in
   a single tone of voice, which we call clauses and sections (membra et
   cæsa), but the Greeks kola and kommata, [1941] there follows a rounded
   sentence (ambitus sive circuitus) which the Greeks call periodos,
   [1942] the clauses of which are suspended on the voice of the speaker
   till the whole is completed by the last clause.  For of the statements
   which precede the period, this is the first clause, "knowing that
   tribulation worketh patience;" the second, "and patience, experience;"
   the third, "and experience, hope."  Then the period which is subjoined
   is completed in three clauses, of which the first is, "and hope maketh
   not ashamed;" the second, "because the love of God is shed abroad in
   our hearts;" the third, "by the Holy Ghost which is given unto us."
   But these and other matters of the same kind are taught in the art of
   elocution.  As then I do not affirm that the apostle was guided by the
   rules of eloquence, so I do not deny that his wisdom naturally
   produced, and was accompanied by, eloquence.

   12.  In the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, again, he refutes
   certain false apostles who had gone out from the Jews, and had been
   trying to injure his character; and being compelled to speak of
   himself, though he ascribes this as folly to himself, how wisely and
   how eloquently he speaks!  But wisdom is his guide, eloquence his
   attendant; he follows the first, the second follows him, and yet he
   does not spurn it when it comes after him.  "I say again," he says,
   "Let no man think me a fool:  if otherwise, yet as a fool receive me,
   that I may boast myself a little.  That which I speak, I speak it not
   after the Lord, but as it were foolishly, in this confidence of
   boasting.  Seeing that many glory after the flesh, I will glory also.
   For ye suffer fools gladly, seeing ye yourselves are wise.  For ye
   suffer, if a man bring you into bondage, if a man devour you, if a man
   take of you, if a man exalt himself, if a man smite you on the face.  I
   speak as concerning reproach, as though we had been weak.  Howbeit,
   whereinsoever any is bold (I speak foolishly), I am bold also.  Are
   they Hebrews? so am I.  Are they Israelites? so am I.  Are they the
   seed of Abraham? so am I.  Are they ministers of Christ? (I speak as a
   fool), I am more:  in labors more abundant, in stripes above measure,
   in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft.  Of the Jews five times
   received I forty stripes save one, thrice was I beaten with rods, once
   was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have
   been in the deep; in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils
   of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the heathen,
   in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the
   sea, in perils among false brethren; in weariness and painfulness, in
   watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and
   nakedness.  Besides those things which are without, that which cometh
   upon me daily, the care of all the churches.  Who is weak, and I am not
   weak? who is offended, and I burn not?  If I must needs glory, I will
   glory of the things which concern my infirmities." [1943]   The
   thoughtful and attentive perceive how much wisdom there is in these
   words.  And even a man sound asleep must notice what a stream of
   eloquence flows through them.

   13.  Further still, the educated man observes that those sections which
   the Greeks call kommata, and the clauses and periods of which I spoke a
   short time ago, being intermingled in the most beautiful variety, make
   up the whole form and features (so to speak) of that diction by which
   even the unlearned are delighted and affected.  For, from the place
   where I commenced to quote, the passage consists of periods:  the first
   the smallest possible, consisting of two members; for a period cannot
   have less than two members, though it may have more:  "I say again, let
   no man think me a fool."  The next has three members:  "if otherwise,
   yet as a fool receive me, that I may boast myself a little."  The third
   has four members:  "That which I speak, I speak it not after the Lord,
   but as it were foolishly, in this confidence of boasting."  The fourth
   has two:  "Seeing that many glory after the flesh, I will glory also."
   And the fifth has two:  "For ye suffer fools gladly, seeing ye
   yourselves are wise."  The sixth again has two members:  "for ye
   suffer, if a man bring you into bondage."  Then follow three sections
   (cæsa):  "if a man devour you, if a man take of you, if a man exalt
   himself."  Next three clauses (membra):  if "a man smite you on the
   face.  I speak as concerning reproach, as though we had been weak."
   Then is subjoined a period of three members:  "Howbeit, whereinsoever
   any is bold (I speak foolishly), I am bold also."  After this, certain
   separate sections being put in the interrogatory form, separate
   sections are also given as answers, three to three:  "Are they Hebrews?
   so am I.  Are they Israelites? so am I.  Are they the seed of Abraham?
   so am I."  But a fourth section being put likewise in the interrogatory
   form, the answer is given not in another section (cæsum) but in a
   clause (membrum): [1944]   "Are they the ministers of Christ? (I speak
   as a fool.)  I am more."  Then the next four sections are given
   continuously, the interrogatory form being most elegantly suppressed:
   "in labors more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more
   frequent, in deaths oft."  Next is interposed a short period; for, by a
   suspension of the voice, "of the Jews five times" is to be marked off
   as constituting one member, to which is joined the second, "received I
   forty stripes save one."  Then he returns to sections, and three are
   set down:  "Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I
   suffered shipwreck."  Next comes a clause:  "a night and a day I have
   been in the deep."  Next fourteen sections burst forth with a vehemence
   which is most appropriate:  "In journeyings often, in perils of waters,
   in perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by
   the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in
   perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren, in weariness and
   painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings
   often, in cold and nakedness."  After this comes in a period of three
   members:  "Besides those things which are without, that which cometh
   upon me daily, the care of all the churches."  And to this he adds two
   clauses in a tone of inquiry:  "Who is weak, and I am not weak? who is
   offended, and I burn not?"  In fine, this whole passage, as if panting
   for breath, winds up with a period of two members:  "If I must needs
   glory, I will glory of the things which concern mine infirmities."  And
   I cannot sufficiently express how beautiful and delightful it is when
   after this outburst he rests himself, and gives the hearer rest, by
   interposing a slight narrative.  For he goes on to say:  "The God and
   Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which is blessed for evermore, knoweth
   that I lie not."  And then he tells, very briefly the danger he had
   been in, and the way he escaped it.

   14.  It would be tedious to pursue the matter further, or to point out
   the same facts in regard to other passages of Holy Scripture.  Suppose
   I had taken the further trouble, at least in regard to the passages I
   have quoted from the apostle's writings, to point out figures of speech
   which are taught in the art of rhetoric?  Is it not more likely that
   serious men would think I had gone too far, than that any of the
   studious would think I had done enough?  All these things when taught
   by masters are reckoned of great value; great prices are paid for them,
   and the vendors puff them magniloquently.  And I fear lest I too should
   smack of that puffery while thus descanting on matters of this kind.
   It was necessary, however, to reply to the ill-taught men who think our
   authors contemptible; not because they do not possess, but because they
   do not display, the eloquence which these men value so highly.

   15.  But perhaps some one is thinking that I have selected the Apostle
   Paul because he is our great orator.  For when he says, "Though I be
   rude in speech, yet not in knowledge," [1945] he seems to speak as if
   granting so much to his detractors, not as confessing that he
   recognized its truth.  If he had said, "I am indeed rude in speech, but
   not in knowledge," we could not in any way have put another meaning
   upon it.  He did not hesitate plainly to assert his knowledge, because
   without it he could not have been the teacher of the Gentiles.  And
   certainly if we bring forward anything of his as a model of eloquence,
   we take it from those epistles which even his very detractors, who
   thought his bodily presence weak and his speech contemptible, confessed
   to be weighty and powerful. [1946]

   I see, then, that I must say something about the eloquence of the
   prophets also, where many things are concealed under a metaphorical
   style, which the more completely they seem buried under figures of
   speech, give the greater pleasure when brought to light.  In this
   place, however, it is my duty to select a passage of such a kind that I
   shall not be compelled to explain the matter, but only to commend the
   style.  And I shall do so, quoting principally from the book of that
   prophet who says that he was a shepherd or herdsman, and was called by
   God from that occupation, and sent to prophesy to the people of God.
   [1947]   I shall not, however, follow the Septuagint translators, who,
   being themselves under the guidance of the Holy Spirit in their
   translation, seem to have altered some passages with the view of
   directing the reader's attention more particularly to the investigation
   of the spiritual sense; (and hence some passages are more obscure,
   because more figurative, in their translation;) but I shall follow the
   translation made from the Hebrew into Latin by the presbyter Jerome, a
   man thoroughly acquainted with both tongues.

   16.  When, then, this rustic, or quondam rustic prophet, was denouncing
   the godless, the proud, the luxurious, and therefore the most
   neglectful of brotherly love, he called aloud, saying:  "Woe to you who
   are at ease in Zion, and trust in the mountain of Samaria, who are
   heads and chiefs of the people, entering with pomp into the house of
   Israel!  Pass ye unto Calneh, and see; and from thence go ye to Hamath
   the great; then go down to Gath of the Philistines, and to all the best
   kingdoms of these:  is their border greater than your border?  Ye that
   are set apart for the day of evil, and that come near to the seat of
   oppression; that lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch yourselves upon
   couches that eat the lamb of the flock, and the calves out of the midst
   of the herd; that chant to the sound of the viol.  They thought that
   they had instruments of music like David; drinking wine in bowls, and
   anointing themselves with the costliest ointment:  and they were not
   grieved for the affliction of Joseph." [1948]   Suppose those men who,
   assuming to be themselves learned and eloquent, despise our prophets as
   untaught and unskillful of speech, had been obliged to deliver a
   message like this, and to men such as these, would they have chosen to
   express themselves in any respect differently--those of them, at least,
   who would have shrunk from raving like madmen?

   17.  For what is there that sober ears could wish changed in this
   speech?  In the first place, the invective itself; with what vehemence
   it throws itself upon the drowsy senses to startle them into
   wakefulness:  "Woe to you who are at ease in Zion, and trust in the
   mountains of Samaria, who are heads and chiefs of the people, entering
   with pomp into the house of Israel!"  Next, that he may use the favors
   of God, who has bestowed upon them ample territory, to show their
   ingratitude in trusting to the mountain of Samaria, where idols were
   worshipped:  "Pass ye unto Calneh," he says, "and see; and from thence
   go ye to Hamath the great; then go down to Gath of the Philistines, and
   to all the best kingdoms of these:  is their border greater than your
   border?"  At the same time also that these things are spoken of, the
   style is adorned with names of places as with lamps, such as "Zion,"
   "Samaria," "Calneh," "Hamath the great," and "Gath of the
   Philistines."  Then the words joined to these places are most
   appropriately varied:  "ye are at ease," "ye trust," "pass on," "go,"
   "descend."

   18.  And then the future captivity under an oppressive king is
   announced as approaching, when it is added:  "Ye that are set apart for
   the day of evil, and come near to the seat of oppression."  Then are
   subjoined the evils of luxury:  "ye that lie upon beds of ivory, and
   stretch yourselves upon couches; that eat the lamb from the flock, and
   the calves out of the midst of the herd."  These six clauses form three
   periods of two members each.  For he does not say:  Ye who are set
   apart for the day of evil, who come near to the seat of oppression, who
   sleep upon beds of ivory, who stretch yourselves upon couches, who eat
   the lamb from the flock, and calves out of the herd.  If he had so
   expressed it, this would have had its beauty:  six separate clauses
   running on, the same pronoun being repeated each time, and each clause
   finished by a single effort of the speaker's voice.  But it is more
   beautiful as it is, the clauses being joined in pairs under the same
   pronoun, and forming three sentences, one referring to the prophecy of
   the captivity:  "Ye that are set apart for the day of evil, and come
   near the seat of oppression;" the second to lasciviousness:  "ye that
   lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch yourselves upon couches;" the third
   to gluttony:  "who eat the lamb from the flock, and the calves out of
   the midst of the herd."  So that it is at the discretion of the speaker
   whether he finish each clause separately and make six altogether, or
   whether he suspend his voice at the first, the third, and the fifth,
   and by joining the second to the first, the fourth to the third, and
   the sixth to the fifth, make three most elegant periods of two members
   each:  one describing the imminent catastrophe; another, the lascivious
   couch; and the third, the luxurious table.

   19.  Next he reproaches them with their luxury in seeking pleasure for
   the sense of hearing.  And here, when he had said, "Ye who chant to the
   sound of the viol," seeing that wise men may practise music wisely, he,
   with wonderful skill of speech, checks the flow of his invective, and
   not now speaking to, but of, these men, and to show us that we must
   distinguish the music of the wise from the music of the voluptuary, he
   does not say, "Ye who chant to the sound of the viol, and think that ye
   have instruments of music like David;" but he first addresses to
   themselves what it is right the voluptuaries should hear, "Ye who chant
   to the sound of the viol;" and then, turning to others, he intimates
   that these men have not even skill in their art:  "they thought that
   they had instruments of music like David; drinking wine in bowls, and
   anointing themselves with the costliest ointment."  These three clauses
   are best pronounced when the voice is suspended on the first two
   members of the period, and comes to a pause on the third.

   20.  But now as to the sentence which follows all these:  "and they
   were not grieved for the affliction of Joseph."  Whether this be
   pronounced continuously as one clause, or whether with more elegance we
   hold the words, "and they were not grieved," suspended on the voice,
   and then add, "for the affliction of Joseph," so as to make a period of
   two members; in any case, it is a touch of marvelous beauty not to say,
   "and they were not grieved for the affliction of their brother;" but to
   put Joseph for brother, so as to indicate brothers in general by the
   proper name of him who stands out illustrious from among his brethren,
   both in regard to the injuries he suffered and the good return he
   made.  And, indeed, I do not know whether this figure of speech, by
   which Joseph is put for brothers in general, is one of those laid down
   in that art which I learnt and used to teach.  But how beautiful it is,
   and how it comes home to the intelligent reader, it is useless to tell
   any one who does not himself feel it.

   21.  And a number of other points bearing on the laws of eloquence
   could be found in this passage which I have chosen as an example.  But
   an intelligent reader will not be so much instructed by carefully
   analysing it as kindled by reciting it with spirit.  Nor was it
   composed by man's art and care, but it flowed forth in wisdom and
   eloquence from the Divine mind; wisdom not aiming at eloquence, yet
   eloquence not shrinking from wisdom.  For if, as certain very eloquent
   and acute men have perceived and said, the rules which are laid down in
   the art of oratory could not have been observed, and noted, and reduced
   to system, if they had not first had their birth in the genius of
   orators, is it wonderful that they should be found in the messengers of
   Him who is the author of all genius?  Therefore let us acknowledge that
   the canonical writers are not only wise but eloquent also, with an
   eloquence suited to a character and position like theirs.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1940] Rom. v. 3-5.

   [1941] Cf. Cicero, Orator. 62:  "Quæ nescio cur, cum Græci khommata et
   kola nominent, nos non recte incisa et membra dicamus."

   [1942] Cf. Cicero, de Claris Oratoribus, 44:  "Comprehensio et ambitus
   ille verborum (si sic periodum appellari placet)."

   [1943] 2 Cor. xi. 16-30.

   [1944] The only apparent difference between membrum and cæsum is, that
   the former is the longer of the two.  It is impossible to express the
   difference in English.

   [1945] 2 Cor. xi. 6.

   [1946] 2 Cor. x. 10.

   [1947] Amos. i. 1; vii. 14.

   [1948] Amos vi. 1-6.  The version given above, which is a literal
   translation of Jerome's Latin, as quoted by Augustin, differs slightly
   from the English authorized version.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 8.--The Obscurity of the Sacred Writers, Though Compatible with
   Eloquence, Not to Be Imitated by Christian Teachers.

   22.  But although I take some examples of eloquence from those writings
   of theirs which there is no difficulty in understanding, we are not by
   any means to suppose that it is our duty to imitate them in those
   passages where, with a view to exercise and train the minds of their
   readers, and to break in upon the satiety and stimulate the zeal of
   those who are willing to learn, and with a view also to throw a veil
   over the minds of the godless either that they may be converted to
   piety or shut out from a knowledge of the mysteries, from one or other
   of these reasons they have expressed themselves with a useful and
   wholesome obscurity.  They have indeed expressed themselves in such a
   way that those who in after ages understood and explained them aright
   have in the Church of God obtained an esteem, not indeed equal to that
   with which they are themselves regarded, but coming next to it.  The
   expositors of these writers, then, ought not to express themselves in
   the same way, as if putting forward their expositions as of the same
   authority; but they ought in all their deliverances to make it their
   first and chief aim to be understood, using as far as possible such
   clearness of speech that either he will be very dull who does not
   understand them, or that if what they say should not be very easily or
   quickly understood, the reason will lie not in their manner of
   expression, but in the difficulty and subtilty of the matter they are
   trying to explain.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 9.--How, and with Whom, Difficult Passages are to Be Discussed.

   23.  For there are some passages which are not understood in their
   proper force, or are understood with great difficulty, at whatever
   length, however clearly, or with whatever eloquence the speaker may
   expound them; and these should never be brought before the people at
   all, or only on rare occasions when there is some urgent reason.  In
   books, however, which are written in such a style that, if understood,
   they, so to speak, draw their own readers, and if not understood, give
   no trouble to those who do not care to read them and in private
   conversations, we must not shrink from the duty of bringing the truth
   which we ourselves have reached within the comprehension of others,
   however difficult it may be to understand it, and whatever labor in the
   way of argument it may cost us.  Only two conditions are to be insisted
   upon, that our hearer or companion should have an earnest desire to
   learn the truth, and should have capacity of mind to receive it in
   whatever form it may be communicated, the teacher not being so anxious
   about the eloquence as about the clearness of his teaching.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 10.--The Necessity for Perspicuity of Style.

   24.  Now a strong desire for clearness sometimes leads to neglect of
   the more polished forms of speech, and indifference about what sounds
   well, compared with what clearly expresses and conveys the meaning
   intended.  Whence a certain author, when dealing with speech of this
   kind, says that there is in it "a kind of careful negligence." [1949]
   Yet while taking away ornament, it does not bring in vulgarity of
   speech; though good teachers have, or ought to have, so great an
   anxiety about teaching that they will employ a word which cannot be
   made pure Latin without becoming obscure or ambiguous, but which when
   used according to the vulgar idiom is neither ambiguous nor obscure,
   not in the way the learned, but rather in the way the unlearned employ
   it.  For if our translators did not shrink from saying, "Non congregabo
   conventicula eorum de sanguinibus," [1950] because they felt that it
   was important for the sense to put a word here in the plural which in
   Latin is only used in the singular; why should a teacher of godliness
   who is addressing an unlearned audience shrink from using ossum instead
   of os, if he fear that the latter might be taken not as the singular of
   ossa, but as the singular of ora, seeing that African ears have no
   quick perception of the shortness or length of vowels?  And what
   advantage is there in purity of speech which does not lead to
   understanding in the hearer, seeing that there is no use at all in
   speaking, if they do not understand us for whose sake we speak?  He,
   therefore, who teaches will avoid all words that do not teach; and if
   instead of them he can find words which are at once pure and
   intelligible, he will take these by preference; if, however, he cannot,
   either because there are no such words, or because they do not at the
   time occur to him, he will use words that are not quite pure, if only
   the substance of his thought be conveyed and apprehended in its
   integrity.

   25.  And this must be insisted on as necessary to our being understood,
   not only in conversations, whether with one person or with several, but
   much more in the case of a speech delivered in public:  for in
   conversation any one has the power of asking a question; but when all
   are silent that one may be heard, and all faces are turned attentively
   upon him, it is neither customary nor decorous for a person to ask a
   question about what he does not understand; and on this account the
   speaker ought to be especially careful to give assistance to those who
   cannot ask it.  Now a crowd anxious for instruction generally shows by
   its movements if it understands what is said; and until some indication
   of this sort be given, the subject discussed ought to be turned over
   and over, and put in every shape and form and variety of expression, a
   thing which cannot be done by men who are repeating words prepared
   beforehand and committed to memory.  As soon, however, as the speaker
   has ascertained that what he says is understood, he ought either to
   bring his address to a close, or pass on to another point.  For if a
   man gives pleasure when he throws light upon points on which people
   wish for instruction, he becomes wearisome when he dwells at length
   upon things that are already well known, especially when men's
   expectation was fixed on having the difficulties of the passage
   removed.  For even things that are very well known are told for the
   sake of the pleasure they give, if the attention be directed not to the
   things themselves, but to the way in which they are told.  Nay, even
   when the style itself is already well known, if it be pleasing to the
   hearers, it is almost a matter of indifference whether he who speaks be
   a speaker or a reader.  For things that are gracefully written are
   often not only read with delight by those who are making their first
   acquaintance with them, but re-read with delight by those who have
   already made acquaintance with them, and have not yet forgotten them;
   nay, both these classes will derive pleasure even from hearing another
   man repeat them.  And if a man has forgotten anything, when he is
   reminded of it he is taught.  But I am not now treating of the mode of
   giving pleasure.  I am speaking of the mode in which men who desire to
   learn ought to be taught.  And the best mode is that which secures that
   he who hears shall hear the truth, and that what he hears he shall
   understand.  And when this point has been reached, no further labor
   need be spent on the truth itself, as if it required further
   explanation; but perhaps some trouble may be taken to enforce it so as
   to bring it home to the heart.  If it appear right to do this, it ought
   to be done so moderately as not to lead to weariness and impatience.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1949] Cicero, Orator. 23:  "Quædam etiam negligentia est diligens."

   [1950] "I shall not assemble their assemblies of blood," Ps. xvi. 4.
   (Vulgate.)  "Their drink-offerings of blood will I not offer." (A.V.)
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 11.--The Christian Teacher Must Speak Clearly, But Not
   Inelegantly.

   26.  For teaching, of course, true eloquence consists, not in making
   people like what they disliked, nor in making them do what they shrank
   from, but in making clear what was obscure; yet if this be done without
   grace of style, the benefit does not extend beyond the few eager
   students who are anxious to know whatever is to be learnt, however rude
   and unpolished the form in which it is put; and who, when they have
   succeeded in their object, find the plain truth pleasant food enough.
   And it is one of the distinctive features of good intellects not to
   love words, but the truth in words.  For of what service is a golden
   key, if it cannot open what we want it to open?  Or what objection is
   there to a wooden one if it can, seeing that to open what is shut is
   all we want?  But as there is a certain analogy between learning and
   eating, the very food without which it is impossible to live must be
   flavored to meet the tastes of the majority.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 12.--The Aim of the Orator, According to Cicero, is to Teach,
   to Delight, and to Move.  Of These, Teaching is the Most Essential.

   27.  Accordingly a great orator has truly said that "an eloquent man
   must speak so as to teach, to delight, and to persuade." [1951]   Then
   he adds:  "To teach is a necessity, to delight is a beauty, to persuade
   is a triumph." [1952]   Now of these three, the one first mentioned,
   the teaching, which is a matter of necessity, depends on what we say;
   the other two on the way we say it.  He, then, who speaks with the
   purpose of teaching should not suppose that he has said what he has to
   say as long as he is not understood; for although what he has said be
   intelligible to himself it is not said at all to the man who does not
   understand it.  If, however, he is understood, he has said his say,
   whatever may have been his manner of saying it.  But if he wishes to
   delight or persuade his hearer as well, he will not accomplish that end
   by putting his thought in any shape no matter what, but for that
   purpose the style of speaking is a matter of importance.  And as the
   hearer must be pleased in order to secure his attention, so he must be
   persuaded in order to move him to action.  And as he is pleased if you
   speak with sweetness and elegance, so he is persuaded if he be drawn by
   your promises, and awed by your threats; if he reject what you condemn,
   and embrace what you commend; if he grieve when you heap up objects for
   grief, and rejoice when you point out an object for joy; if he pity
   those whom you present to him as objects of pity, and shrink from those
   whom you set before him as men to be feared and shunned.  I need not go
   over all the other things that can be done by powerful eloquence to
   move the minds of the hearers, not telling them what they ought to do,
   but urging them to do what they already know ought to be done.

   28.  If, however, they do not yet know this, they must of course be
   instructed before they can be moved.  And perhaps the mere knowledge of
   their duty will have such an effect that there will be no need to move
   them with greater strength of eloquence.  Yet when this is needful, it
   ought to be done.  And it is needful when people, knowing what they
   ought to do, do it not.  Therefore, to teach is a necessity.  For what
   men know, it is in their own hands either to do or not to do.  But who
   would say that it is their duty to do what they do not know?  On the
   same principle, to persuade is not a necessity:  for it is not always
   called for; as, for example, when the hearer yields his assent to one
   who simply teaches or gives pleasure.  For this reason also to persuade
   is a triumph, because it is possible that a man may be taught and
   delighted, and yet not give his consent.  And what will be the use of
   gaining the first two ends if we fail in the third?  Neither is it a
   necessity to give pleasure; for when, in the course of an address, the
   truth is clearly pointed out (and this is the true function of
   teaching), it is not the fact, nor is it the intention, that the style
   of speech should make the truth pleasing, or that the style should of
   itself give pleasure; but the truth itself, when exhibited in its naked
   simplicity, gives pleasure, because it is the truth.  And hence even
   falsities are frequently a source of pleasure when they are brought to
   light and exposed.  It is not, of course, their falsity that gives
   pleasure; but as it is true that they are false, the speech which shows
   this to be true gives pleasure.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1951] Cicero, Orator. 21:  "Est igitur eloquens qui ita dicet, ut
   probei, ut delectet, ut flectat."  Not quoted accurately by Augustin.

   [1952] "Probare, necessitatis est; delectare, suavitatis; flectere,
   victoriæ."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 13.--The Hearer Must Be Moved as Well as Instructed.

   29.  But for the sake of those who are so fastidious that they do not
   care for truth unless it is put in the form of a pleasing discourse, no
   small place has been assigned in eloquence to the art of pleasing.  And
   yet even this is not enough for those stubborn-minded men who both
   understand and are pleased with the teacher's discourse, without
   deriving any profit from it.  For what does it profit a man that he
   both confesses the truth and praises the eloquence, if he does not
   yield his consent, when it is only for the sake of securing his consent
   that the speaker in urging the truth gives careful attention to what he
   says?  If the truths taught are such that to believe or to know them is
   enough, to give one's assent implies nothing more than to confess that
   they are true.  When, however, the truth taught is one that must be
   carried into practice, and that is taught for the very purpose of being
   practiced, it is useless to be persuaded of the truth of what is said,
   it is useless to be pleased with the manner in which it is said, if it
   be not so learnt as to be practiced.  The eloquent divine, then, when
   he is urging a practical truth, must not only teach so as to give
   instruction, and please so as to keep up the attention, but he must
   also sway the mind so as to subdue the will.  For if a man be not moved
   by the force of truth, though it is demonstrated to his own confession,
   and clothed in beauty of style, nothing remains but to subdue him by
   the power of eloquence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 14.--Beauty of Diction to Be in Keeping with the Matter.

   30.  And so much labor has been spent by men on the beauty of
   expression here spoken of, that not only is it not our duty to do, but
   it is our duty to shun and abhor, many and heinous deeds of wickedness
   and baseness which wicked and base men have with great eloquence
   recommended, not with a view to gaining assent, but merely for the sake
   of being read with pleasure.  But may God avert from His Church what
   the prophet Jeremiah says of the synagogue of the Jews:  "A wonderful
   and horrible thing is committed in the land:  the prophets prophesy
   falsely, and the priests applaud them with their hands; [1953] and my
   people love to have it so:  and what will ye do in the end thereof?"
   [1954]   O eloquence, which is the more terrible from its purity, and
   the more crushing from its solidity!  Assuredly it is "a hammer that
   breaketh the rock in pieces."  For to this God Himself has by the same
   prophet compared His own word spoken through His holy prophets. [1955]
     God forbid, then, God forbid that with us the priest should applaud
   the false prophet, and that God's people should love to have it so.
   God forbid, I say, that with us there should be such terrible madness!
   For what shall we do in the end thereof?  And assuredly it is
   preferable, even though what is said should be less intelligible, less
   pleasing, and less persuasive, that truth be spoken, and that what is
   just, not what is iniquitous, be listened to with pleasure.  But this,
   of course, cannot be, unless what is true and just be expressed with
   elegance.

   31.  In a serious assembly, moreover, such as is spoken of when it is
   said, "I will praise Thee among much people," [1956] no pleasure is
   derived from that species of eloquence which indeed says nothing that
   is false, but which buries small and unimportant truths under a frothy
   mass of ornamental words, such as would not be graceful or dignified
   even if used to adorn great and fundamental truths.  And something of
   this sort occurs in a letter of the blessed Cyprian, which, I think,
   came there by accident, or else was inserted designedly with this view,
   that posterity might see how the wholesome discipline of Christian
   teaching had cured him of that redundancy of language, and confined him
   to a more dignified and modest form of eloquence, such as we find in
   his subsequent letters, a style which is admired without effort, is
   sought after with eagerness, but is not attained without great
   difficulty.  He says, then, in one place, "Let us seek this abode:  the
   neighboring solitudes afford a retreat where, whilst the spreading
   shoots of the vine trees, pendulous and intertwined, creep amongst the
   supporting reeds, the leafy covering has made a portico of vine."
   [1957]   There is wonderful fluency and exuberance of language here;
   but it is too florid to be pleasing to serious minds.  But people who
   are fond of this style are apt to think that men who do not use it, but
   employ a more chastened style, do so because they cannot attain the
   former, not because their judgment teaches them to avoid it.  Wherefore
   this holy man shows both that he can speak in that style, for he has
   done so once, and that he does not choose, for he never uses it again.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1953] "And the priests bear rule by their means." (A.V.)

   [1954] Jer. v. 30, 31 (LXX.).

   [1955] Jer. xxiii. 29.

   [1956] Ps. xxxv. 18.

   [1957] Cyprian, ad Donat. Ep. i.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 15.--The Christian Teacher Should Pray Before Preaching.

   32.  And so our Christian orator, while he says what is just, and holy,
   and good (and he ought never to say anything else), does all he can to
   be heard with intelligence, with pleasure, and with obedience; and he
   need not doubt that if he succeed in this object, and so far as he
   succeeds, he will succeed more by piety in prayer than by gifts of
   oratory; and so he ought to pray for himself, and for those he is about
   to address, before he attempts to speak.  And when the hour is come
   that he must speak, he ought, before he opens his mouth, to lift up his
   thirsty soul to God, to drink in what he is about to pour forth, and to
   be himself filled with what he is about to distribute.  For, as in
   regard to every matter of faith and love there are many things that may
   be said, and many ways of saying them, who knows what it is expedient
   at a given moment for us to say, or to be heard saying, except God who
   knows the hearts of all?  And who can make us say what we ought, and in
   the way we ought, except Him in whose hand both we and our speeches
   are?  Accordingly, he who is anxious both to know and to teach should
   learn all that is to be taught, and acquire such a faculty of speech as
   is suitable for a divine.  But when the hour for speech arrives, let
   him reflect upon that saying of our Lord's as better suited to the
   wants of a pious mind:  "Take no thought how or what ye shall speak;
   for it shall be given you in that same hour what ye shall speak.  For
   it is not ye that speak, but the Spirit of your Father which speaketh
   in you." [1958]   The Holy Spirit, then, speaks thus in those who for
   Christ's sake are delivered to the persecutors; why not also in those
   who deliver Christ's message to those who are willing to learn?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1958] Matt. x. 19, 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 16.--Human Directions Not to Be Despised, Though God Makes the
   True Teacher.

   33.  Now if any one says that we need not direct men how or what they
   should teach, since the Holy Spirit makes them teachers, he may as well
   say that we need not pray, since our Lord says, "Your Father knoweth
   what things ye have need of before ye ask Him;" [1959] or that the
   Apostle Paul should not have given directions to Timothy and Titus as
   to how or what they should teach others.  And these three apostolic
   epistles ought to be constantly before the eyes of every one who has
   obtained the position of a teacher in the Church.  In the First Epistle
   to Timothy do we not read:  "These things command and teach?" [1960]
   What these things are, has been told previously.  Do we not read
   there:  "Rebuke not an elder, but entreat him as a father?" [1961]   Is
   it not said in the Second Epistle:  "Hold fast the form of sound words,
   which thou hast heard of me?" [1962]   And is he not be ashamed,
   rightly dividing the word of truth?" [1963]   And in the same place:
   "Preach the word; be instant in season, out of season; reprove, rebuke,
   exhort, with all long-suffering and doctrine." [1964]   And so in the
   Epistle to Titus, does he not say that a bishop ought to "hold fast the
   faithful word as he hath been taught, that he may be able by sound
   doctrine both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers?" [1965]
   There, too, he says:  "But speak thou the things which become sound
   doctrine:  that the aged men be sober," and so on. [1966]   And there,
   too:  "These things speak, and exhort, and rebuke with all authority.
   Let no man despise thee.  Put them in mind to be subject to
   principalities and powers," [1967] and so on.  What then are we to
   think?  Does the apostle in any way contradict himself, when, though he
   says that men are made teachers by the operation of the Holy Spirit, he
   yet himself gives them directions how and what they should teach?  Or
   are we to understand, that though the duty of men to teach even the
   teachers does not cease when the Holy Spirit is given, yet that neither
   is he who planteth anything, nor he who watereth, but God who giveth
   the increase? [1968]   Wherefore though holy men be our helpers, or
   even holy angels assist us, no one learns aright the things that
   pertain to life with God, until God makes him ready to learn from
   Himself, that God who is thus addressed in the psalm:  "Teach me to do
   Thy will; for Thou art my God." [1969]   And so the same apostle says
   to Timothy himself, speaking, of course, as teacher to disciple:  "But
   continue thou in the things which thou hast learned, and hast been
   assured of, knowing of whom thou hast learned them." [1970]   For as
   the medicines which men apply to the bodies of their fellow-men are of
   no avail except God gives them virtue (who can heal without their aid,
   though they cannot without His), and yet they are applied; and if it be
   done from a sense of duty, it is esteemed a work of mercy or
   benevolence; so the aids of teaching, applied through the
   instrumentality of man, are of advantage to the soul only when God
   works to make them of advantage, who could give the gospel to man even
   without the help or agency of men.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1959] Matt. vi. 8.

   [1960] 1 Tim. iv. 11.

   [1961] 1 Tim. v. 1.

   [1962] 2 Tim. i. 13.

   [1963] 2 Tim. ii. 15.

   [1964] 2 Tim. iv. 2.

   [1965] Tit. i. 9.

   [1966] Tit. ii. 1, 2.

   [1967] Tit. ii. 15, iii. 1.

   [1968] 1 Cor. iii. 7.

   [1969] Ps. cxliii. 10.

   [1970] 2 Tim. iii. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 17.--Threefold Division of The Various Styles of Speech.

   34.  He then who, in speaking, aims at enforcing what is good, should
   not despise any of those three objects, either to teach, or to give
   pleasure, or to move, and should pray and strive, as we have said
   above, to be heard with intelligence, with pleasure, and with ready
   compliance.  And when he does this with elegance and propriety, he may
   justly be called eloquent, even though he do not carry with him the
   assent of his hearer.  For it is these three ends, viz., teaching,
   giving pleasure, and moving, that the great master of Roman eloquence
   himself seems to have intended that the following three directions
   should subserve:  "He, then, shall be eloquent, who can say little
   things in a subdued style, moderate things in a temperate style, and
   great things in a majestic style:" [1971]   as if he had taken in also
   the three ends mentioned above, and had embraced the whole in one
   sentence thus:  "He, then, shall be eloquent, who can say little things
   in a subdued style, in order to give instruction, moderate things in a
   temperate style, in order to give pleasure, and great things in a
   majestic style, in order to sway the mind."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1971] Cicero, Orator. 29:  "Is igitur erit eloquens, qui poterit parva
   summisse, modica temperate, magna granditer dicere."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 18.--The Christian Orator is Constantly Dealing with Great
   Matters.

   35.  Now the author I have quoted could have exemplified these three
   directions, as laid down by himself, in regard to legal questions:  he
   could not, however, have done so in regard to ecclesiastical
   questions,--the only ones that an address such as I wish to give shape
   to is concerned with.  For of legal questions those are called small
   which have reference to pecuniary transactions; those great where a
   matter relating to man's life or liberty comes up.  Cases, again, which
   have to do with neither of these, and where the intention is not to get
   the hearer to do, or to pronounce judgment upon anything, but only to
   give him pleasure, occupy as it were a middle place between the former
   two, and are on that account called middling, or moderate.  For
   moderate things get their name from modus (a measure); and it is an
   abuse, not a proper use of the word moderate, to put it for little.  In
   questions like ours, however, where all things, and especially those
   addressed to the people from the place of authority, ought to have
   reference to men's salvation, and that not their temporal but their
   eternal salvation, and where also the thing to be guarded against is
   eternal ruin, everything that we say is important; so much so, that
   even what the preacher says about pecuniary matters, whether it have
   reference to loss or gain, whether the amount be great or small, should
   not seem unimportant.  For justice is never unimportant, and justice
   ought assuredly to be observed, even in small affairs of money, as our
   Lord says:  "He that is faithful in that which is least, is faithful
   also in much." [1972]   That which is least, then, is very little; but
   to be faithful in that which is least is great.  For as the nature of
   the circle, viz., that all lines drawn from the centre to the
   circumference are equal, is the same in a great disk that it is in the
   smallest coin; so the greatness of justice is in no degree lessened,
   though the matters to which justice is applied be small.

   36.  And when the apostle spoke about trials in regard to secular
   affairs (and what were these but matters of money?), he says:  "Dare
   any of you, having a matter against another, go to law before the
   unjust, and not before the saints?  Do ye not know that the saints
   shall judge the world? and if the world shall be judged by you, are ye
   unworthy to judge the smallest matters?  Know ye not that we shall
   judge angels? how much more things that pertain to this life?  If,
   then, ye have judgments of things pertaining to this life, set them to
   judge who are least esteemed in the Church.  I speak to your shame.  Is
   it so, that there is not a wise man among you? no, not one that shall
   be able to judge between his brethren?  But brother goeth to law with
   brother, and that before the unbelievers.  Now therefore there is
   utterly a fault among you, because ye go to law one with another:  why
   do ye not rather take wrong? why do ye not rather suffer yourselves to
   be defrauded?  Nay, ye do wrong, and defraud, and that your brethren.
   Know ye not that the unrighteous shall not inherit the kingdom of God?"
   [1973]   Why is it that the apostle is so indignant, and that he thus
   accuses, and upbraids, and chides, and threatens?  Why is it that the
   changes in his tone, so frequent and so abrupt, testify to the depth of
   his emotion?  Why is it, in fine, that he speaks in a tone so exalted
   about matters so very trifling?  Did secular matters deserve so much at
   his hands?  God forbid.  No; but all this is done for the sake of
   justice, charity, and piety, which in the judgment of every sober mind
   are great, even when applied to matters the very least.

   37.  Of course, if we were giving men ad vice as to how they ought to
   conduct secular cases, either for themselves or for their connections,
   before the church courts, we would rightly advise them to conduct them
   quietly as matters of little moment.  But we are treating of the manner
   of speech of the man who is to be a teacher of the truths which deliver
   us from eternal misery and bring us to eternal happiness; and wherever
   these truths are spoken of, whether in public or private, whether to
   one or many, whether to friends or enemies, whether in a continuous
   discourse or in conversation, whether in tracts, or in books, or in
   letters long or short, they are of great importance.  Unless indeed we
   are prepared to say that, because a cup of cold water is a very
   trifling and common thing, the saying of our Lord that he who gives a
   cup of cold water to one of His disciples shall in no wise lose his
   reward, [1974] is very trivial and unimportant.  Or that when a
   preacher takes this saying as his text, he should think his subject
   very unimportant, and therefore speak without either eloquence or
   power, but in a subdued and humble style.  Is it not the case that when
   we happen to speak on this subject to the people, and the presence of
   God is with us, so that what we say is not altogether unworthy of the
   subject, a tongue of fire springs up out of that cold water which
   inflames even the cold hearts of men with a zeal for doing works of
   mercy in hope of an eternal reward?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1972] Luke xvi. 10.

   [1973] 1 Cor. vi. 1-9.

   [1974] Matt. x. 42.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 19.--The Christian Teacher Must Use Different Styles on
   Different Occasions.

   38.  And yet, while our teacher ought to speak of great matters, he
   ought not always to be speaking of them in a majestic tone, but in a
   subdued tone when he is teaching, temperately when he is giving praise
   or blame.  When, however, something is to be done, and we are speaking
   to those who ought, but are not willing, to do it, then great matters
   must be spoken of with power, and in a manner calculated to sway the
   mind.  And sometimes the same important matter is treated in all these
   ways at different times, quietly when it is being taught, temperately
   when its importance is being urged, and powerfully when we are forcing
   a mind that is averse to the truth to turn and embrace it.  For is
   there anything greater than God Himself?  Is nothing, then, to be
   learnt about Him?  Or ought he who is teaching the Trinity in unity to
   speak of it otherwise than in the method of calm discussion, so that in
   regard to a subject which it is not easy to comprehend, we may
   understand as much as it is given us to understand?  Are we in this
   case to seek out ornaments instead of proofs?  Or is the hearer to be
   moved to do something instead of being instructed so that he may learn
   something?  But when we come to praise God, either in Himself, or in
   His works, what a field for beauty and splendor of language opens up
   before man, who can task his powers to the utmost in praising Him whom
   no one can adequately praise, though there is no one who does not
   praise Him in some measure!  But if He be not worshipped, or if idols,
   whether they be demons or any created being whatever, be worshipped
   with Him or in preference to Him, then we ought to speak out with power
   and impressiveness, show how great a wickedness this is, and urge men
   to flee from it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 20.--Examples of the Various Styles Drawn from Scripture.

   39.  But now to come to something more definite.  We have an example of
   the calm, subdued style in the Apostle Paul, where he says:  "Tell me,
   ye that desire to be under the law, do ye not hear the law?  For it is
   written, that Abraham had two sons; the one by a bond maid, the other
   by a free woman.  But he who was of the bond woman was born after the
   flesh; but he of the free woman was by promise.  Which things are an
   allegory:  for these are the two covenants; the one from the Mount
   Sinai, which gendereth to bondage, which is Hagar.  For this Hagar is
   Mount Sinai in Arabia, and answereth to Jerusalem which now is, and is
   in bondage with her children.  But Jerusalem which is above is free,
   which is the mother of us all;" [1975] and so on.  And in the same way
   where he reasons thus:  "Brethren, I speak after the manner of men:
   Though it be but a man's covenant, yet if it be confirmed, no man
   disannulleth, or addeth thereto.  Now to Abraham and his seed were the
   promises made.  He saith not, And to seeds, as of many; but as of one,
   And to thy seed, which is Christ.  And this I say, that the covenant,
   that was confirmed before of God in Christ, the law, which was four
   hundred and thirty years after, cannot disannul, that it should make
   the promise of none effect.  For if the inheritance be of the law, it
   is no more of promise:  but God gave it to Abraham by promise." [1976]
     And because it might possibly occur to the hearer to ask, If there is
   no inheritance by the law, why then was the law given? he himself
   anticipates this objection and asks, "Wherefore then serveth the law?"
   And the answer is given:  "It was added because of transgressions, till
   the seed should come to whom the promise was made; and it was ordained
   by angels in the hand of a mediator.  Now a mediator is not a mediator
   of one; but God is one."  And here an objection occurs which he himself
   has stated:  "Is the law then against the promises of God?"  He
   answers:  "God forbid."  And he also states the reason in these words:
   "For if there had been a law given which could have given life, verily
   righteousness should have been by the law.  But the Scripture hath
   concluded all under sin, that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ
   might be given to them that believe." [1977]   It is part, then, of the
   duty of the teacher not only to interpret what is obscure, and to
   unravel the difficulties of questions, but also, while doing this, to
   meet other questions which may chance to suggest themselves, lest these
   should cast doubt or discredit on what we say.  If, however, the
   solution of these questions suggest itself as soon as the questions
   themselves arise, it is useless to disturb what we cannot remove.  And
   besides, when out of one question other questions arise, and out of
   these again still others; if these be all discussed and solved, the
   reasoning is extended to such a length, that unless the memory be
   exceedingly powerful and active the reasoner finds it impossible to
   return to the original question from which he set out.  It is, however,
   exceedingly desirable that whatever occurs to the mind as an objection
   that might be urged should be stated and refuted, lest it turn up at a
   time when no one will be present to answer it, or lest, if it should
   occur to a man who is present but says nothing about it, it might never
   be thoroughly removed.

   40.  In the following words of the apostle we have the temperate
   style:  "Rebuke not an elder, but entreat him as a father; and the
   younger men as brethren; the elder women as mothers, the younger as
   sisters." [1978]   And also in these:  "I beseech you, therefore,
   brethren, by the mercies of God, that ye present your bodies a living
   sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, which is you reasonable service."
   [1979]   And almost the whole of this hortatory passage is in the
   temperate style of eloquence; and those parts of it are the most
   beautiful in which, as if paying what was due, things that belong to
   each other are gracefully brought together.  For example:  "Having then
   gifts, differing according to the grace that is given to us, whether
   prophecy, let us prophesy according to the proportion of faith; or
   ministry, let us wait on our ministering; or he that teacheth, on
   teaching; or he that exhorteth, on exhortation:  he that giveth, let
   him do it with simplicity; he that ruleth, with diligence; he that
   showeth mercy, with cheerfulness.  Let love be without dissimulation.
   Abhor that which is evil, cleave to that which is good.  Be kindly
   affectioned one to another with brotherly love; in honor preferring one
   another; not slothful in business; fervent in spirit; serving the Lord;
   rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation; continuing instant in
   prayer; distributing to the necessity of saints; given to hospitality.
   Bless them which persecute you:  bless, and curse not.  Rejoice with
   them that do rejoice, and weep with them that weep.  Be of the same
   mind one toward another." [1980]   And how gracefully all this is
   brought to a close in a period of two members:  "Mind not high things,
   but condescend to men of low estate!"  And a little afterwards:
   "Render therefore to all their dues:  tribute to whom tribute is due;
   custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honor to whom honor." [1981]
     And these also, though expressed in single clauses, are terminated by
   a period of two members:  "Owe no man anything, but to love one
   another."  And a little farther on:  "The night is far spent, the day
   is at hand:  let us therefore cast off the works of darkness, and let
   us put on the armor of light.  Let us walk honestly, as in the day; not
   in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in
   strife and envying:  but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not
   provision for the flesh, to fulfill the lusts thereof." [1982]   Now if
   the passage were translated thus, "et carnis providentiam ne in
   concupiscentiis feceritis," [1983] the ear would no doubt be gratified
   with a more harmonious ending; but our translator, with more
   strictness, preferred to retain even the order of the words.  And how
   this sounds in the Greek language, in which the apostle spoke, those
   who are better skilled in that tongue may determine.  My opinion,
   however, is, that what has been translated to us in the same order of
   words does not run very harmoniously even in the original tongue.

   41.  And, indeed, I must confess that our authors are very defective in
   that grace of speech which consists in harmonious endings.  Whether
   this be the fault of the translators, or whether, as I am more inclined
   to believe, the authors designedly avoided such ornament, I dare not
   affirm; for I confess I do not know.  This I know, however, that if any
   one who is skilled in this species of harmony would take the closing
   sentences of these writers and arrange them according to the law of
   harmony (which he could very easily do by changing some words for words
   of equivalent meaning, or by retaining the words he finds and altering
   their arrangement), he will learn that these divinely-inspired men are
   not defective in any of those points which he has been taught in the
   schools of the grammarians and rhetoricians to consider of importance;
   and he will find in them many kinds of speech of great
   beauty,--beautiful even in our language, but especially beautiful in
   the original,--none of which can be found in those writings of which
   they boast so much.  But care must be taken that, while adding harmony,
   we take away none of the weight from these divine and authoritative
   utterances.  Now our prophets were so far from being deficient in the
   musical training from which this harmony we speak of is most fully
   learnt, that Jerome, a very learned man, describes even the metres
   employed by some of them, [1984] in the Hebrew language at least;
   though, in order to give an accurate rendering of the words, he has not
   preserved these in his translation.  I, however (to speak of my own
   feeling, which is better known to me than it is to others, and than
   that of others is to me), while I do not in my own speech, however
   modestly I think it done, neglect these harmonious endings, am just as
   well pleased to find them in the sacred authors very rarely.

   42.  The majestic style of speech differs from the temperate style just
   spoken of, chiefly in that it is not so much decked out with verbal
   ornaments as exalted into vehemence by mental emotion.  It uses,
   indeed, nearly all the ornaments that the other does; but if they do
   not happen to be at hand, it does not seek for them.  For it is borne
   on by its own vehemence; and the force of the thought, not the desire
   for ornament, makes it seize upon any beauty of expression that comes
   in its way.  It is enough for its object that warmth of feeling should
   suggest the fitting words; they need not be selected by careful
   elaboration of speech.  If a brave man be armed with weapons adorned
   with gold and jewels, he works feats of valor with those arms in the
   heat of battle, not because they are costly, but because they are arms;
   and yet the same man does great execution, even when anger furnishes
   him with a weapon that he digs out of the ground. [1985]   The apostle
   in the following passage is urging that, for the sake of the ministry
   of the gospel, and sustained by the consolations of God's grace, we
   should bear with patience all the evils of this life.  It is a great
   subject, and is treated with power, and the ornaments of speech are not
   wanting:  "Behold," he says, "now is the accepted time; behold, now is
   the day of salvation.  Giving no offence in anything, that the ministry
   not blamed:  but in all things approving ourselves as the ministers of
   God, in much patience, in afflictions, in necessities, in distresses,
   in strifes, in imprisonments, in tumults, in labors, in watchings, in
   fastings; by pureness, by knowledge, by long-suffering, by kindness, by
   the Holy Ghost, by love unfeigned, by the word of truth, by the power
   of God, by the armor of righteousness on the right hand and on the
   left, by honor and dishonor, by evil report and good report:  as
   deceivers, and yet true; as unknown, and yet well known; as dying, and,
   behold, we live; as chastened, and not killed; as sorrowful, yet alway
   rejoicing; as poor, yet making many rich; as having nothing, and yet
   possessing all things." [1986]   See him still burning:  "O ye
   Corinthians, our mouth is opened unto you, our heart is enlarged," and
   so on; it would be tedious to go through it all.

   43.  And in the same way, writing to the Romans, he urges that the
   persecutions of this world should be overcome by charity, in assured
   reliance on the help of God.  And he treats this subject with both
   power and beauty:  "We know," he says, "that all things work together
   for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to
   His purpose.  For whom He did foreknow, He also did predestinate to be
   conformed to the image of His Son, that He might be the first-born
   among many brethren.  Moreover, whom He did predestinate, them He also
   called; and whom He called, them He also justified; and whom He
   justified, them He also glorified.  What shall we then say to these
   things?  If God be for us, who can be against us?  He that spared not
   His own Son, but delivered Him up for us all, how shall He not with Him
   also freely give us all things?  Who shall lay anything to the charge
   of God's elect?  It is God that justifieth; who is he that condemneth?
   It is Christ that died, yea, rather, that is risen again, who is even
   at the right hand of God, who also maketh intercession for us.  Who
   shall separate us from the love of Christ? shall tribulation, or
   distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword?
   (As it is written, For Thy sake we are killed all the day long; we are
   accounted as sheep for the slaughter.)  Nay, in all these things we are
   more than conquerors, through Him that loved us.  For I am persuaded,
   that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor
   powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth,
   nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us from the love of
   God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord." [1987]

   44.  Again, in writing to the Galatians, although the whole epistle is
   written in the subdued style, except at the end, where it rises into a
   temperate eloquence, yet he interposes one passage of so much feeling
   that, notwithstanding the absence of any ornaments such as appear in
   the passages just quoted, it cannot be called anything but powerful:
   "Ye observe days, and months, and times, and years.  I am afraid of
   you, lest I have bestowed upon you labor in vain.  Brethren, I beseech
   you, be as I am; for I am as ye are:  ye have not injured me at all.
   Ye know how, through infirmity of the flesh, I preached the gospel unto
   you at the first.  And my temptation which was in my flesh ye despised
   not, nor rejected; but received me as an angel of God, even as Christ
   Jesus.  Where is then the blessedness ye spake of? for I bear you
   record, that, if it had been possible, ye would have plucked out your
   own eyes, and have given them to me.  Am I therefore become your enemy,
   because I tell you the truth?  They zealously affect you, but not well;
   yea, they would exclude you, that ye might affect them.  But it is good
   to be zealously affected always in a good thing, and not only when I am
   present with you.  My little children, of whom I travail in birth again
   until Christ be formed in you, I desire to be present with you now, and
   to change my voice; for I stand in doubt of you." [1988]   Is there
   anything here of contrasted words arranged antithetically, or of words
   rising gradually to a climax, or of sonorous clauses, and sections, and
   periods?  Yet, notwithstanding, there is a glow of strong emotion that
   makes us feel the fervor of eloquence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1975] Gal. iv. 21-26.

   [1976] Gal. iii. 15-18.

   [1977] Gal. iii. 19-22.

   [1978] 1 Tim. v. 1, 2.

   [1979] Rom. xii. 1.

   [1980] Rom. xii. 6-16.

   [1981] Rom. xiii. 7.

   [1982] Rom. xiii. 12-14.

   [1983] Instead of "ne feceritis in concupiscentiis," which is the
   translation as quoted by Augustin.

   [1984] In his preface to Job.

   [1985] An allusion to Virgil's Æneid, vii. 508:  "Quod cuique repertum
   Rimanti, telum ira fecit."

   [1986] 2 Cor. vi. 2-10.

   [1987] Rom. viii. 28-39.

   [1988] Gal. iv. 10-20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 21.--Examples of the Various Styles, Drawn from the Teachers of
   the Church, Especially Ambrose and Cyprian.

   45.  But these writings of the apostles, though clear, are yet
   profound, and are so written that one who is not content with a
   superficial acquaintance, but desires to know them thoroughly, must not
   only read and hear them, but must have an expositor.  Let us, then,
   study these various modes of speech as they are exemplified in the
   writings of men who, by reading the Scriptures, have attained to the
   knowledge of divine and saving truth, and have ministered it to the
   Church.  Cyprian of blessed memory writes in the subdued style in his
   treatise on the sacrament of the cup.  In this book he resolves the
   question, whether the cup of the Lord ought to contain water only, or
   water mingled with wine.  But we must quote a passage by way of
   illustration.  After the customary introduction, he proceeds to the
   discussion of the point in question.  "Observe" he says, "that we are
   instructed, in presenting the cup, to maintain the custom handed down
   to us from the Lord, and to do nothing that our Lord has not first done
   for us:  so that the cup which is offered in remembrance of Him should
   be mixed with wine.  For, as Christ says, I am the true vine,' [1989]
   it follows that the blood of Christ is wine, not water; and the cup
   cannot appear to contain His blood by which we are redeemed and
   quickened, if the wine be absent; for by the wine is the blood of
   Christ typified, that blood which is foreshadowed and proclaimed in all
   the types and declarations of Scripture.  For we find that in the book
   of Genesis this very circumstance in regard to the sacrament is
   foreshadowed, and our Lord's sufferings typically set forth, in the
   case of Noah, when he drank wine, and was drunken, and was uncovered
   within his tent, and his nakedness was exposed by his second son, and
   was carefully hidden by his elder and his younger sons. [1990]   It is
   not necessary to mention the other circumstances in detail, as it is
   only necessary to observe this point, that Noah, foreshadowing the
   future reality, drank, not water, but wine, and thus showed forth our
   Lord's passion.  In the same way we see the sacrament of the Lord's
   supper prefigured in the case of Melchizedek the priest, according to
   the testimony of the Holy Scriptures, where it says:  And Melchizedek
   king of Salem brought forth bread and wine:  and he was the priest of
   the most high God.  And he blessed Abraham.' [1991]   Now, that
   Melchizedek was a type of Christ, the Holy Spirit declares in the
   Psalms, where the Father addressing the Son says, Thou art a priest for
   ever after the order of Melchizedek.' [1992] " [1993]   In this
   passage, and in all of the letter that follows, the subdued style is
   maintained, as the reader may easily satisfy himself.

   46.  St. Ambrose also, though dealing with a question of very great
   importance, the equality of the Holy Spirit with the Father and the
   Son, employs the subdued style, because the object he has in view
   demands, not beauty of diction, nor the swaying of the mind by the stir
   of emotion, but facts and proofs.  Accordingly, in the introduction to
   his work, we find the following passage among others:  "When Gideon was
   startled by the message he had heard from God, that, though thousands
   of the people failed, yet through one man God would deliver His people
   from their enemies, he brought forth a kid of the goats, and by
   direction of the angel laid it with unleavened cakes upon a rock, and
   poured the broth over it; and as soon as the angel of God touched it
   with the end of the staff that was in his hand, there rose up fire out
   of the rock and consumed the offering. [1994]   Now this sign seems to
   indicate that the rock was a type of the body of Christ, for it is
   written, They drank of that spiritual rock that followed them, and that
   rock was Christ;' [1995] this, of course, referring not to Christ's
   divine nature but to His flesh, whose ever-flowing fountain of blood
   has ever satisfied the hearts of His thirsting people.  And so it was
   at that time declared in a mystery that the Lord Jesus, when crucified,
   should abolish in His flesh the sins of the whole world, and not their
   guilty acts merely, but the evil lusts of their hearts.  For the kid's
   flesh refers to the guilt of the outward act, the broth to the
   allurement of lust within, as it is written, And the mixed multitude
   that was among them fell a lusting; and the children of Israel also
   wept again and again and said, Who shall give us flesh to eat?' [1996]
     When the angel, then, stretched out his staff and touched the rock,
   and fire rose out of it, this was a sign that our Lord's flesh, filled
   with the Spirit of God, should burn up all the sins of the human race.
   Whence also the Lord says I am come to send fire on the earth.'" [1997]
     And in the same style he pursues the subject, devoting himself
   chiefly to proving and enforcing his point. [1998]

   47.  An example of the temperate style is the celebrated encomium on
   virginity from Cyprian:  "Now our discourse addresses itself to the
   virgins, who, as they are the objects of higher honor, are also the
   objects of greater care.  These are the flowers on the tree of the
   Church, the glory and ornament of spiritual grace, the joy of honor and
   praise, a work unbroken and unblemished, the image of God answering to
   the holiness of the Lord, the brighter portion of the flock of Christ.
   The glorious fruitfulness of their mother the Church rejoices in them,
   and in them flourishes more abundantly; and in proportion as bright
   virginity adds to her numbers, in the same proportion does the mother's
   joy increase. [1999]   And at another place in the end of the epistle,
   As we have borne,' he says, the image of the earthly, we shall also
   bear the image of the heavenly.' [2000]   Virginity bears this image,
   integrity bears it, holiness and truth bear it; they bear it who are
   mindful of the chastening of the Lord, who observe justice and piety,
   who are strong in faith, humble in fear, steadfast in the endurance of
   suffering, meek in the endurance of injury, ready to pity, of one mind
   and of one heart in brotherly peace.  And every one of these things
   ought ye, holy virgins, to observe, to cherish, and fulfill, who having
   hearts at leisure for God and for Christ, and having chosen the greater
   and better part, lead and point the way to the Lord, to whom you have
   pledged your vows.  Ye who are advanced in age, exercise control over
   the younger.  Ye who are younger, wait upon the elders, and encourage
   your equals; stir up one another by mutual exhortations; provoke one
   another to glory by emulous examples of virtue; endure bravely, advance
   in spirituality, finish your course with joy; only be mindful of us
   when your virginity shall begin to reap its reward of honor." [2001]

   48.  Ambrose also uses the temperate and ornamented style when he is
   holding up before virgins who have made their profession a model for
   their imitation, and says:  "She was a virgin not in body only, but
   also in mind; not mingling the purity of her affection with any dross
   of hypocrisy; serious in speech; prudent in disposition; sparing of
   words; delighting in study; not placing her confidence in uncertain
   riches, but in the prayer of the poor; diligent in labor; reverent in
   word; accustomed to look to God, not man, as the guide of her
   conscience; injuring no one, wishing well to all; dutiful to her
   elders, not envious of her equals; avoiding boastfulness, following
   reason, loving virtue.  When did she wound her parents even by a look?
   When did she quarrel with her neighbors?  When did she spurn the
   humble, laugh at the weak, or shun the indigent?  She is accustomed to
   visit only those haunts of men that pity would not blush for, nor
   modesty pass by.  There is nothing haughty in her eyes, nothing bold in
   her words, nothing wanton in her gestures:  her bearing is not
   voluptuous, nor her gait too free, nor her voice petulant; so that her
   outward appearance is an image of her mind, and a picture of purity.
   For a good house ought to be known for such at the very thres hold, and
   show at the very entrance that there is no dark recess within, as the
   light of a lamp set inside sheds its radiance on the outside.  Why need
   I detail her sparingness in food, her superabundance in duty,--the one
   falling beneath the demands of nature, the other rising above its
   powers?  The latter has no intervals of intermission, the former
   doubles the days by fasting; and when the desire for refreshment does
   arise, it is satisfied with food such as will support life, but not
   minister to appetite." [2002]   Now I have cited these latter passages
   as examples of the temperate style, because their purpose is not to
   induce those who have not yet devoted themselves to take the vows of
   virginity, but to show of what character those who have taken vows
   ought to be.  To prevail on any one to take a step of such a nature and
   of so great importance, requires that the mind should be excited and
   set on fire by the majestic style.  Cyprian the martyr, however, did
   not write about the duty of taking up the profession of virginity, but
   about the dress and deportment of virgins.  Yet that great bishop urges
   them to their duty even in these respects by the power of a majestic
   eloquence.

   49.  But I shall select examples of the majestic style from their
   treatment of a subject which both of them have touched.  Both have
   denounced the women who color, or rather discolor, their faces with
   paint.  And the first, in dealing with this topic, says:  "Suppose a
   painter should depict in colors that rival nature's the features and
   form and complexion of some man, and that, when the portrait had been
   finished with consummate art, another painter should put his hand over
   it, as if to improve by his superior skill the painting already
   completed; surely the first artist would feel deeply insulted, and his
   indignation would be justly roused.  Dost thou, then, think that thou
   wilt carry off with impunity so audacious an act of wickedness, such an
   insult to God the great artificer?  For, granting that thou art not
   immodest in thy behavior towards men, and that thou art not polluted in
   mind by these meretricious deceits, yet, in corrupting and violating
   what is God's, thou provest thyself worse than an adulteress.  The fact
   that thou considerest thyself adorned and beautified by such arts is an
   impeachment of God's handiwork, and a violation of truth.  Listen to
   the warning voice of the apostle:  Purge out the old leaven, that ye
   may be a new lump, as ye are unleavened.  For even Christ our Passover
   is sacrificed for us:  therefore let us keep the feast, not with old
   leaven, neither with the leaven of malice and wickedness; but with the
   unleavened bread of sincerity and truth.' [2003]   Now can sincerity
   and truth continue to exist when what is sincere is polluted, and what
   is true is changed by meretricious coloring and the deceptions of
   quackery into a lie?  Thy Lord says, Thou canst not make one hair white
   or black;' [2004] and dost thou wish to have greater power so as to
   bring to nought the words of thy Lord?  With rash and sacrilegious hand
   thou wouldst fain change the color of thy hair:  I would that, with a
   prophetic look to the future, thou shouldst dye it the color of flame."
   [2005]   It would be too long to quote all that follows.

   50.  Ambrose again, inveighing against such practices, says:  "Hence
   arise these incentives to vice, that women, in their fear that they may
   not prove attractive to men, paint their faces with carefully-chosen
   colors, and then from stains on their features go on to stains on their
   chastity.  What folly it is to change the features of nature into those
   of painting, and from fear of incurring their husband's disapproval, to
   proclaim openly that they have incurred their own!  For the woman who
   desires to alter her natural appearance pronounces condemnation on
   herself; and her eager endeavors to please another prove that she has
   first been displeasing to herself.  And what testimony to thine
   ugliness can we find, O woman, that is more unquestionable than thine
   own, when thou art afraid to show thyself?  If thou art comely why dost
   thou hide thy comeliness?  If thou art plain, why dost thou lyingly
   pretend to be beautiful, when thou canst not enjoy the pleasure of the
   lie either in thine own consciousness or in that of another?  For he
   loves another woman, thou desirest to please another man; and thou art
   angry if he love another, though he is taught adultery in thee.  Thou
   art the evil promptress of thine own injury.  For even the woman who
   has been the victim of a pander shrinks from acting the pander's part,
   and though she be vile, it is herself she sins against and not
   another.  The crime of adultery is almost more tolerable than thine;
   for adultery tampers with modesty, but thou with nature." [2006]   It
   is sufficiently clear, I think, that this eloquence calls passionately
   upon women to avoid tampering with their appearance by deceitful arts,
   and to cultivate modesty and fear.  Accordingly, we notice that the
   style is neither subdued nor temperate, but majestic throughout.  Now
   in these two authors whom I have selected as specimens of the rest, and
   in other ecclesiastical writers who both speak the truth and speak it
   well,--speak it, that is, judiciously, pointedly, and with beauty and
   power of expression,--many examples may be found of the three styles of
   speech, scattered through their various writings and discourses; and
   the diligent student may by assiduous reading, intermingled with
   practice on his own part, become thoroughly imbued with them all.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1989] John xv. 1.

   [1990] Gen. ix. 20-24.

   [1991] Gen. xiv. 18, 19.

   [1992] Ps. cx. 4.

   [1993] Ad. Cæcilium, Ep. 63, 1, 2.

   [1994] Judges vi. 14-21.

   [1995] 1 Cor. x. 4.

   [1996] Num. xi. 4.

   [1997] Luke xii. 49.

   [1998] De Spiritu Sancto, lib. i. Prol.

   [1999] De habitu Virginum, chap. vii.

   [2000] 1 Cor. xv. 49.

   [2001] De habitu Virginum, chap. xviii.

   [2002] De Virginibus, lib. ii. chap. i.

   [2003] 1 Cor. v. 7, 8.

   [2004] Matt. v. 36.

   [2005] Cyprian, de habitu Virginum, chap. xii.

   [2006] Ambrose, de Virginibus, lib. ii.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 22.--The Necessity of Variety in Style.

   51.  But we are not to suppose that it is against rule to mingle these
   various styles:  on the contrary, every variety of style should be
   introduced so far as is consistent with good taste.  For when we keep
   monotonously to one style, we fail to retain the hearer's attention;
   but when we pass from one style to another, the discourse goes off more
   gracefully, even though it extend to greater length.  Each separate
   style, again, has varieties of its own which prevent the hearer's
   attention from cooling or becoming languid.  We can bear the subdued
   style, however, longer without variety than the majestic style.  For
   the mental emotion which it is necessary to stir up in order to carry
   the hearer's feelings with us, when once it has been sufficiently
   excited, the higher the pitch to which it is raised, can be maintained
   the shorter time.  And therefore we must be on our guard, lest, in
   striving to carry to a higher point the emotion we have excited, we
   rather lose what we have already gained.  But after the interposition
   of matter that we have to treat in a quieter style, we can return with
   good effect to that which must be treated forcibly, thus making the
   tide of eloquence to ebb and flow like the sea.  It follows from this,
   that the majestic style, if it is to be long continued, ought not to be
   unvaried, but should alternate at intervals with the other styles; the
   speech or writing as a whole, however, being referred to that style
   which is the prevailing one.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 23.--How the Various Styles Should Be Mingled.

   52.  Now it is a matter of importance to determine what style should be
   alternated with what other, and the places where it is necessary that
   any particular style should be used.  In the majestic style, for
   instance, it is always, or almost always, desirable that the
   introduction should be temperate.  And the speaker has it in his
   discretion to use the subdued style even where the majestic would be
   allowable, in order that the majestic when it is used may be the more
   majestic by comparison, and may as it were shine out with greater
   brilliance from the dark background.  Again, whatever may be the style
   of the speech or writing, when knotty questions turn up for solution,
   accuracy of distinction is required, and this naturally demands the
   subdued style.  And accordingly this style must be used in alternation
   with the other two styles whenever questions of that sort turn up; just
   as we must use the temperate style, no matter what may be the general
   tone of the discourse, whenever praise or blame is to be given without
   any ulterior reference to the condemnation or acquittal of any one, or
   to obtaining the concurrence of any one in a course of action.  In the
   majestic style, then, and in the quiet likewise, both the other two
   styles occasionally find place.  The temperate style, on the other
   hand, not indeed always, but occasionally, needs the quiet style; for
   example, when, as I have said, a knotty question comes up to be
   settled, or when some points that are susceptible of ornament are left
   unadorned and expressed in the quiet style, in order to give greater
   effect to certain exuberances (as they may be called) of ornament.  But
   the temperate style never needs the aid of the majestic; for its object
   is to gratify, never to excite, the mind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 24.--The Effects Produced by the Majestic Style.

   53.  If frequent and vehement applause follows a speaker, we are not to
   suppose on that account that he is speaking in the majestic style; for
   this effect is often produced both by the accurate distinctions of the
   quiet style, and by the beauties of the temperate.  The majestic style,
   on the other hand, frequently silences the audience by its
   impressiveness, but calls forth their tears.  For example, when at
   Cæsarea in Mauritania I was dissuading the people from that civil, or
   worse than civil, war which they called Caterva (for it was not
   fellow-citizens merely, but neighbors, brothers, fathers and sons even,
   who, divided into two factions and armed with stones, fought annually
   at a certain season of the year for several days continuously, every
   one killing whomsoever he could), I strove with all the vehemence of
   speech that I could command to root out and drive from their hearts and
   lives an evil so cruel and inveterate; it was not, however, when I
   heard their applause, but when I saw their tears, that I thought I had
   produced an effect.  For the applause showed that they were instructed
   and de lighted, but the tears that they were subdued.  And when I saw
   their tears I was confident even before the event proved it, that this
   horrible and barbarous custom (which had been handed down to them from
   their fathers and their ancestors of generations long gone by and which
   like an enemy was besieging their hearts, or rather had complete
   possession of them) was overthrown; and immediately that my sermon was
   finished I called upon them with heart and voice to give praise and
   thanks to God.  And, lo, with the blessing of Christ, it is now eight
   years or more since anything of the sort was attempted there.  In many
   other cases besides I have observed that men show the effect made on
   them by the powerful eloquence of a wise man, not by clamorous applause
   so much as by groans, sometimes even by tears, finally by change of
   life.

   54.  The quiet style, too, has made a change in many; but it was to
   teach them what they were ignorant of, or to persuade them of what they
   thought incredible, not to make them do what they knew they ought to do
   but were unwilling to do.  To break down hardness of this sort, speech
   needs to be vehement.  Praise and censure, too, when they are
   eloquently expressed, even in the temperate style, produce such an
   effect on some, that they are not only pleased with the eloquence of
   the encomiums and censures, but are led to live so as themselves to
   deserve praise, and to avoid living so as to incur blame.  But no one
   would say that all who are thus delighted change their habits in
   consequence, whereas all who are moved by the majestic style act
   accordingly, and all who are taught by the quiet style know or believe
   a truth which they were previously ignorant of.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 25.--How the Temperate Style is to Be Used.

   55.  From all this we may conclude, that the end arrived at by the two
   styles last mentioned is the one which it is most essential for those
   who aspire to speak with wisdom and eloquence to secure.  On the other
   hand, what the temperate style properly aims at, viz., to please by
   beauty of expression, is not in itself an adequate end; but when what
   we have to say is good and useful, and when the hearers are both
   acquainted with it and favorably disposed towards it, so that it is not
   necessary either to instruct or persuade them, beauty of style may have
   its influence in securing their prompter compliance, or in making them
   adhere to it more tenaciously.  For as the function of all eloquence,
   whichever of these three forms it may assume, is to speak persuasively,
   and its object is to persuade, an eloquent man will speak persuasively,
   whatever style he may adopt; but unless he succeeds in persuading, his
   eloquence has not secured its object.  Now in the subdued style, he
   persuades his hearers that what he says is true; in the majestic style,
   he persuades them to do what they are aware they ought to do, but do
   not; in the temperate style, he persuades them that his speech is
   elegant and ornate.  But what use is there in attaining such an object
   as this last?  They may desire it who are vain of their eloquence and
   make a boast of panegyrics, and such-like performances, where the
   object is not to instruct the hearer, or to persuade him to any course
   of action, but merely to give him pleasure.  We, however, ought to make
   that end subordinate to another, viz., the effecting by this style of
   eloquence what we aim at effecting when we use the majestic style.  For
   we may by the use of this style persuade men to cultivate good habits
   and give up evil ones, if they are not so hardened as to need the
   vehement style; or if they have already begun a good course, we may
   induce them to pursue it more zealously, and to persevere in it with
   constancy.  Accordingly, even in the temperate style we must use beauty
   of expression not for ostentation, but for wise ends; not contenting
   ourselves merely with pleasing the hearer, but rather seeking to aid
   him in the pursuit of the good end which we hold out before him.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 26.--In Every Style the Orator Should Aim at Perspicuity,
   Beauty, and Persuasiveness.

   55.  Now in regard to the three conditions I laid down a little while
   ago [2007] as necessary to be fulfilled by any one who wishes to speak
   with wisdom and eloquence, viz., perspicuity, beauty of style, and
   persuasive power, we are not to understand that these three qualities
   attach themselves respectively to the three several styles of speech,
   one to each, so that perspicuity is a merit peculiar to the subdued
   style, beauty to the temperate, and persuasive power to the majestic.
   On the contrary, all speech, whatever its style, ought constantly to
   aim at, and as far as possible to display, all these three merits.  For
   we do not like even what we say in the subdued style to pall upon the
   hearer; and therefore we would be listened to, not with intelligence
   merely, but with pleasure as well.  Again, why do we enforce what we
   teach by divine testimony, except that we wish to carry the hearer with
   us, that is, to com pel his assent by calling in the assistance of Him
   of whom it is said, "Thy testimonies are very sure"? [2008]   And when
   any one narrates a story, even in the subdued style, what does he wish
   but to be believed?  But who will listen to him if he do not arrest
   attention by some beauty of style?  And if he be not intelligible, is
   it not plain that he can neither give pleasure nor enforce conviction?
   The subdued style, again, in its own naked simplicity, when it unravels
   questions of very great difficulty, and throws an unexpected light upon
   them; when it worms out and brings to light some very acute
   observations from a quarter whence nothing was expected; when it seizes
   upon and exposes the falsity of an opposing opinion, which seemed at
   its first statement to be unassailable; especially when all this is
   accompanied by a natural, unsought grace of expression, and by a rhythm
   and balance of style which is not ostentatiously obtruded, but seems
   rather to be called forth by the nature of the subject: this style, so
   used, frequently calls forth applause so great that one can hardly
   believe it to be the subdued style.  For the fact that it comes forth
   without either ornament or defense, and offers battle in its own naked
   simplicity, does not hinder it from crushing its adversary by weight of
   nerve and muscle, and overwhelming and destroying the falsehood that
   opposes it by the mere strength of its own right arm.  How explain the
   frequent and vehement applause that waits upon men who speak thus,
   except by the pleasure that truth so irresistibly established, and so
   victoriously defended, naturally affords?  Wherefore the Christian
   teacher and speaker ought, when he uses the subdued style, to endeavor
   not only to be clear and intelligible, but to give pleasure and to
   bring home conviction to the hearer.

   57.  Eloquence of the temperate style, also, must, in the case of the
   Christian orator, be neither altogether without ornament, nor
   unsuitably adorned, nor is it to make the giving of pleasure its sole
   aim, which is all it professes to accomplish in the hands of others;
   but in its encomiums and censures it should aim at inducing the hearer
   to strive after or avoid or renounce what it condemns.  On the other
   hand, without perspicuity this style cannot give pleasure.  And so the
   three qualities, perspicuity, beauty, and persuasiveness, are to be
   sought in this style also; beauty, of course, being its primary object.

   58.  Again, when it becomes necessary to stir and sway the hearer's
   mind by the majestic style (and this is always necessary when he admits
   that what you say is both true and agreeable, and yet is unwilling to
   act accordingly), you must, of course, speak in the majestic style.
   But who can be moved if he does not understand what is said? and who
   will stay to listen if he receives no pleasure?  Wherefore, in this
   style, too, when an obdurate heart is to be persuaded to obedience, you
   must speak so as to be both intelligible and pleasing, if you would be
   heard with a submissive mind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2007] Chaps. xv. and xvii.

   [2008] Ps. xciii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 27.--The Man Whose Life is in Harmony with His Teaching Will
   Teach with Greater Effect.

   59.  But whatever may be the majesty of the style, the life of the
   speaker will count for more in securing the hearer's compliance.  The
   man who speaks wisely and eloquently, but lives wickedly, may, it is
   true, instruct many who are anxious to learn; though, as it is written,
   he "is unprofitable to himself." [2009]   Wherefore, also, the apostle
   says:  "Whether in pretence or in truth Christ is preached." [2010]
   Now Christ is the truth; yet we see that the truth can be preached,
   though not in truth,--that is, what is right and true in itself may be
   preached by a man of perverse and deceitful mind.  And thus it is that
   Jesus Christ is preached by those that seek their own, and not the
   things that are Jesus Christ's.  But since true believers obey the
   voice, not of any man, but of the Lord Himself, who says, "All
   therefore whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do:  but do
   not ye after their works; for they say and do not;" [2011] therefore it
   is that men who themselves lead unprofitable lives are heard with
   profit by others.  For though they seek their own objects, they do not
   dare to teach their own doctrines, sitting as they do in the high
   places of ecclesiastical authority, which is established on sound
   doctrine.  Wherefore our Lord Himself, before saying what I have just
   quoted about men of this stamp, made this observation:  "The scribes
   and the Pharisees sit in Moses' seat." [2012]   The seat they occupied,
   then, which was not theirs but Moses', compelled them to say what was
   good, though they did what was evil.  And so they followed their own
   course in their lives, but were prevented by the seat they occupied,
   which belonged to another, from preaching their own doctrines.

   60.  Now these men do good to many by preaching what they themselves do
   not perform; but they would do good to very many more if they lived as
   they preach.  For there are numbers who seek an excuse for their own
   evil lives in comparing the teaching with the conduct of their
   instructors, and who say in their hearts, or even go a little further,
   and say with their lips:  Why do you not do yourself what you bid me
   do?  And thus they cease to listen with submission to a man who does
   not listen to himself, and in despising the preacher they learn to
   despise the word that is preached.  Wherefore the apostle, writing to
   Timothy, after telling him, "Let no man despise thy youth," adds
   immediately the course by which he would avoid contempt:  "but be thou
   an example of the believers, in word, in conversation, in charity, in
   spirit, in faith, in purity." [2013]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2009] Ecclus. xxxvii. 19.

   [2010] Phil. i. 18.

   [2011] Matt. xxiii. 3.

   [2012] Matt. xxiii. 2.

   [2013] 1 Tim. iv. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 28.--Truth is More Important Than Expression.  What is Meant by
   Strife About Words.

   61.  Such a teacher as is here described may, to secure compliance,
   speak not only quietly and temperately, but even vehemently, without
   any breach of modesty, because his life protects him against contempt.
   For while he pursues an upright life, he takes care to maintain a good
   reputation as well, providing things honest in the sight of God and
   men, [2014] fearing God, and caring for men.  In his very speech even
   he prefers to please by matter rather than by words; thinks that a
   thing is well said in proportion as it is true in fact, and that a
   teacher should govern his words, not let the words govern him.  This is
   what the apostle says:  "Not with wisdom of words, lest the cross of
   Christ should be made of none effect." [2015]   To the same effect also
   is what he says to Timothy:  "Charging them before the Lord that they
   strive not about words to no profit, but to the subverting of the
   hearers." [2016]   Now this does not mean that, when adversaries oppose
   the truth, we are to say nothing in defence of the truth.  For where,
   then, would be what he says when he is describing the sort of man a
   bishop ought to be:  "that he may be able by sound doctrine both to
   exhort and convince the gainsayers?" [2017]   To strive about words is
   not to be careful about the way to overcome error by truth, but to be
   anxious that your mode of expression should be preferred to that of
   another.  The man who does not strive about words, whether he speak
   quietly, temperately, or vehemently, uses words with no other purpose
   than to make the truth plain, pleasing, and effective; for not even
   love itself, which is the end of the commandment and the fulfilling of
   the law, [2018] can be rightly exercised unless the objects of love are
   true and not false.  For as a man with a comely body but an
   ill-conditioned mind is a more painful object than if his body too were
   deformed, so men who teach lies are the more pitiable if they happen to
   be eloquent in speech.  To speak eloquently, then, and wisely as well,
   is just to express truths which it is expedient to teach in fit and
   proper words,--words which in the subdued style are adequate, in the
   temperate, elegant, and in the majestic, forcible.  But the man who
   cannot speak both eloquently and wisely should speak wisely without
   eloquence, rather than eloquently without wisdom.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2014] 2 Cor. viii. 21.

   [2015] 1 Cor. ii. 17.

   [2016] 2 Tim. ii. 14.

   [2017] Tit. i. 9.

   [2018] 1 Tim. i. 5 and Rom. xiii. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 29.--It is Permissible for a Preacher to Deliver to the People
   What Has Been Written by a More Eloquent Man Than Himself.

   If, however, he cannot do even this, let his life be such as shall not
   only secure a reward for himself, but afford an example to others; and
   let his manner of living be an eloquent sermon in itself.

   63.  There are, indeed, some men who have a good delivery, but cannot
   compose anything to deliver.  Now, if such men take what has been
   written with wisdom and eloquence by others, and commit it to memory,
   and deliver it to the people, they cannot be blamed, supposing them to
   do it without deception.  For in this way many become preachers of the
   truth (which is certainly desirable), and yet not many teachers; for
   all deliver the discourse which one real teacher has composed, and
   there are no divisions among them.  Nor are such men to be alarmed by
   the words of Jeremiah the prophet, through whom God denounces those who
   steal His words every one from his neighbor. [2019]   For those who
   steal take what does not belong to them, but the word of God belongs to
   all who obey it; and it is the man who speaks well, but lives badly,
   who really takes the words that belong to another.  For the good things
   he says seem to be the result of his own thought, and yet they have
   nothing in common with his manner of life.  And so God has said that
   they steal His words who would appear good by speaking God's words, but
   are in fact bad, as they follow their own ways.  And if you look
   closely into the matter, it is not really themselves who say the good
   things they say.  For how can they say in words what they deny in
   deeds?  It is not for nothing that the apostle says of such men:  "They
   profess that they know God, but in works they deny Him." [2020]   In
   one sense, then, they do say the things, and in another sense they do
   not say them; for both these statements must be true, both being made
   by Him who is the Truth.  Speaking of such men, in one place He says,
   "Whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do; but do not ye
   after their works;"--that is to say, what ye hear from their lips, that
   do; what ye see in their lives, that do ye not;--"for they say and do
   not." [2021]   And so, though they do not, yet they say.  But in
   another place, upbraiding such men, He says, "O generation of vipers,
   how can ye, being evil, speak good things?" [2022]   And from this it
   would appear that even what they say, when they say what is good, it is
   not themselves who say, for in will and in deed they deny what they
   say.  Hence it happens that a wicked man who is eloquent may compose a
   discourse in which the truth is set forth to be delivered by a good man
   who is not eloquent; and when this takes place, the former draws from
   himself what does not belong to him, and the latter receives from
   another what really belongs to himself.  But when true believers render
   this service to true believers, both parties speak what is their own,
   for God is theirs, to whom belongs all that they say; and even those
   who could not compose what they say make it their own by composing
   their lives in harmony with it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2019] Jer. xxiii. 30.

   [2020] Tit. i. 16.

   [2021] Matt. xxiii. 3.

   [2022] Matt. xii. 34.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 30.--The Preacher Should Commence His Discourse with Prayer to
   God.

   63.  But whether a man is going to address the people or to dictate
   what others will deliver or read to the people, he ought to pray God to
   put into his mouth a suitable discourse.  For if Queen Esther prayed,
   when she was about to speak to the king touching the temporal welfare
   of her race, that God would put fit words into her mouth, [2023] how
   much more ought he to pray for the same blessing who labors in word and
   doctrine for the eternal welfare of men?  Those, again, who are to
   deliver what others compose for them ought, before they receive their
   discourse, to pray for those who are preparing it; and when they have
   received it, they ought to pray both that they themselves may deliver
   it well, and that those to whom they address it may give ear; and when
   the discourse has a happy issue, they ought to render thanks to Him
   from whom they know such blessings come, so that all the praise may be
   His "in whose hand are both we and our words." [2024]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2023] Esth. iv. 16 (LXX.).

   [2024] Wisd. vii. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter 31.--Apology for the Length of the Work.

   64.  This book has extended to a greater length than I expected or
   desired.  But the reader or hearer who finds pleasure in it will not
   think it long.  He who thinks it long, but is anxious to know its
   contents, may read it in part.  He who does not care to be acquainted
   with it need not complain of its length.  I, however, give thanks to
   God that with what little ability I possess I have in these four books
   striven to depict, not the sort of man I am myself (for my defects are
   very many), but the sort of man he ought to be who desires to labor in
   sound, that is, in Christian doctrine, not for his own instruction
   only, but for that of others also.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

THE CITY OF GOD.

  INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

   Abel, the relation of, to Christ, [1]299. See Cain.

   Abraham, the era in the life of, from which a new succession begins,
   [2]318; time of the migration of, [3]319, etc.; the order and nature of
   God's promises to, [4]320, etc.; the three great kingdoms existing at
   the time of the birth of, [5]321; the repeated promises of the land of
   Canaan made to, and to his seed, [6]321; his denial of his wife in
   Egypt, [7]322; the parting of Lot and, [8]322; the third promise of the
   land to, [9]322; his victory over the kings, [10]323; the promise made
   to, of a large posterity, [11]323; the sacrifices offered by, when the
   covenant was renewed with, [12]324; the seed of, to be in bondage
   [13]400 years, [14]325; Sarah gives Hagar to, [15]325; the promise of a
   son given to,--receives the seal of circumcision, [16]326; change of
   the name of, [17]327; visit of three angels to, [18]327; his denial of
   his wife in Gerar, [19]328; birth of his son Isaac, [20]328; his
   offering up of Isaac, [21]329; death of his wife Sarah, [22]330; what
   is meant by marrying Keturah after Sarah's death? [23]330; the time of
   the fulfillment of the promise made to, respecting Canaan, [24]337.

   Abyss, casting Satan into the, [25]427.

   Achior, his answer to Holofernes' inquiry respecting the Jews, [26]319.

   Adam forsook God before God forsook him, [27]251; in Paradise; his
   temptation and fall, [28]271, etc.; nature of his first sin, [29]272;
   an evil will preceded his evil act, [30]273; the pride involved in the
   sin of, [31]274; the justice of the punishment of, [32]274, etc.; the
   nakedness of, seen after his base sin, [33]276; the fearful
   consequences of the sin of, [34]241, [35]245, [36]260.

   Æneas, [37]45; time of the arrival of, in Italy, [38]371.

   Æsculanus, the god, [39]75.

   Æsculapius, sent for to Epidaurus by the Romans, [40]54; a deified man,
   [41]104.

   Affections of the soul, right or wrong according to their direction,
   [42]266, [43]267, [44]268.

   Africa, a fearful visitation of, by locusts, [45]62.

   Ages of ages, [46]238, etc.

   Aionun, [47]326.

   Albans, the wickedness of the war waged by the Romans against, [48]49.

   Alcimus, [49]388.

   Alexander the Great, the apt reply of a pirate to, [50]66; and Leo, an
   Egyptian priest,--a letter of, to his mother Olympias, [51]147,
   [52]165; invades Judea, [53]388.

   Alexandra, queen of the Jews, [54]388.

   Alms-deeds, of those who think that they will free evil-doers from
   damnation in the day of judgment, [55]468, [56]475.

   Altor, [57]136.

   Alypius, [58]485.

   Amor and dilectio, how used in Scripture, [59]266.

   Amulius and Numitor, [60]371, [61]372.

   Anaxagoras, [62]145, [63]385.

   Anaximander, [64]145.

   Anaximenes, [65]145.

   "Ancient compassions, Thine," sworn unto David, [66]351, etc.

   Andromache, [67]49.

   Anebo, Porphyry's letter to, [68]187, etc.

   Angels, the holy things common to men and, [69]163, etc.; not
   mediators, [70]174; the difference between the knowledge of, and that
   of demons, [71]177; the love of, which prompts them to desire that we
   should worship God alone, [72]184; miracles wrought by the ministry of,
   for the confirmation of the faith, [73]185, etc., [74]188, etc.; the
   ministry of, to fulfill the providence of God, [75]190; those who seek
   worship for themselves, and those who seek honor for God which to be
   trusted about life eternal, [76]190; rather to be imitated than
   invoked, [77]196; the creation of, [78]209, etc.; whether those who
   fell partook of the blessedness of the unfallen, [79]211; were those
   who fell aware that they would fall? [80]212; were the unfallen assured
   of their own perseverance? [81]212; the separation of the unfallen from
   the fallen, meant by the separation of the light from the darkness,
   [82]215; approbation of the good, signified by the words, " God saw the
   light that it was good," [83]215; the knowledge by which they know God
   in His essence, and perceive the causes of His works, [84]222; of the
   opinion that they were created before the world, [85]223; the two
   different and dissimilar communities of, [86]224, etc.; the idea that
   angels are meant by the separation of the waters by the firmament,
   [87]225; the nature of good and bad, one and the same, [88]226; the
   cause of the blessedness of the good, and of the misery of the bad,
   .[89]229; did they receive their good-will as well as their nature from
   God? [90]230; whether they can be said to be creators of any creatures,
   [91]242; the opinion of the Platonists that man's body was created by,
   [92]243;the wickedness of those who sinned did not disturb the order of
   God's providence, [93]282; the " sons of God " of the 6th chapter of
   Genesis not, [94]303, etc.; what we are to understand by God's speaking
   to, [95]313; the three, which appeared to Abraham, [96]327; Lot
   delivered by, [97]328; the creation of, [98]479.

   Anger of God, the, [99]306, etc., [100]471.

   Animals, the dispersion of those preserved in the ark, after the
   deluge, [101]314, etc.

   Animals, rational, are they part of God? [102]71.

   Antediluvians the long life and great stature of, [103]291, etc.; the
   different computation of the ages of, given by the Hebrew and other
   MSS. of the Old Testament, [104]291, etc.; the opinion of those who
   believe they did not live so long as is stated, considered, [105]292;
   was the age of puberty later among, than it is now? [106]296, etc.

   Antichrist, the time of the last persecution by, hidden, [107]394,
   etc.: whether the time of the persecution by, is included in the
   thousand years, [108]433; the manifestation of, preceding the day of
   the Lord, [109]437, etc.; Daniel's predictions respecting the
   persecution caused by, [110]443, etc.

   Antiochus of Syria, [111]388.

   Antipater, [112]388.

   Antipodes, the idea of, absurd, [113]315.

   Antiquities, Varro's book respecting human and divine, [114]111.

   Antiquity of the world, the alleged, [115]232, etc.

   Antisthenes, [116]385.

   Antithesis, [117]214.

   Antoninus, quoted, 9.

   Antony, [118]62.

   Apis, and Serapis, the alleged change of name, worshipped, [119]363.

   Apocryphal Scriptures, [120]305.

   Apollo and Diana, [121]131.

   Apollo, the weeping statue of, [122]47.

   Apostles, the, whence chosen, [123]391.

   Apples of Sodom, the, [124]456.

   Apuleius, referred to, or quoted, [125]26, [126]65, [127]152; his book
   concerning the God of Socrates, [128]153; his definition of man,
   [129]155; what he attributes to demons, to whom he ascribes no virtue,
   [130]166, [131]167; on the passions which agitate demons, [132]169;
   maintains that the poets wrong the gods, [133]169; his definition of
   gods and men, [134]170; the error of, in respect to demons, [135]197,
   etc.

   Aquila, the translator, [136]304, and note.

   Archelaus, [137]145.

   Areopagus, the, [138]365.

   Argos, the kings of, [139]363, [140]364; the fall of the kingdom of,
   [141]368.

   Argus, King, [142]363, [143]364.

   Aristippus, [144]385.

   Aristobulus, [145]388.

   Aristotle, and Plato, [146]152.

   Ark, the, of Noah, a figure of Christ and of His Church, [147]306,
   etc.; and the deluge, the literal and allegorical interpretation of,
   [148]307; the capacity of, [149]307; what sort of creatures entered,
   [150]307; how the creatures entered, [151]308; the food required by the
   creatures in, [152]308; whether the remotest islands received their
   fauna from the animals preserved in, [153]314, etc.

   Ark of the covenant, the, [154]191.

   Art of making gods, the invention of the, [155]161.

   Asbestos, [156]456.

   Assyrian empire, the, [157]362; close of, [158]371*

   Athenians, the, [159]362.

   Athens, the founding of, and reason of the name, [160]365.

   Atlas, [161]364.

   Atys, the interpretation of the mutilation of, [162]137.

   Audians, [163]225, and note.

   Augury, the influence of, [164]77, [165]79, [166]80.

   Augustus Cæsar, [167]62.

   Aulus Gellius, the story he relates in the Noctes Atticæ of the Stoic
   philosopher in a storm at sea, [168]167, [169]168.

   Aurelius, Bishop, [170]486.

   Aventinus, king of Latium, deified, [171]371. [172]372.

   Babylon, the founding of, [173]312, etc.; meaning of the word,
   [174]313, [175]385.

   Bacchanalia, the, [176]368.

   Baptism, the confession of Christ has the same efficacy as, [177]248,
   [178]255; of those who think that Catholic, will free from damnation,
   [179]467, etc., [180]472, etc.; other references to, [181]487.

   Barbarians, the, in the sack of Rome, spared those who had taken refuge
   in Christian churches, 2.

   " Barren, the, hath born seven," [182]341.

   Bassus, the daughter of, restored to life by a dress from the shrine of
   St. Stephen, [183]489.

   Bathanarius, count of Africa, and his magnet, [184]455.

   Beast, the, and his image, [185]431.

   Beatific vision, the nature of, considered, [186]507-[187]509.

   Beauty of the universe, the, [188]214.

   " Beginning, in the," [189]223.

   Berecynthia, [190]25, and note.

   Binding the devil, [191]426.

   Birds, the, offered by Abraham, not to be divided, --import of this,
   [192]324.

   Birds, the, of Diomede, [193]369, [194]370.

   Blessed life, the, not to be obtained by the intercession of demons,
   but of Christ alone, [195]175.

   Blessedness, the, of the righteous in this life compared with that of
   our first parents in Paradise, [196]212; of good angels, --its cause,
   [197]229, etc.; the true, [198]281; eternal, the promise of, [199]480.

   Blessings, the, with which the Creator has filled this life, although
   it is obnoxious to the curse, [200]502-[201]504.

   Boasting, Christians ought to be free from, [202]99.

   Bodies, earthly, refutation of those who affirm that they cannot be
   made incorruptible and eternal, [203]253; refutation of those who hold
   that they cannot be in heavenly places, [204]254, etc.; of the saints,
   after the resurrection, in what sense spiritual, [205]255; the animal
   and spiritual, [206]257, [207]258; can they last forever in burning
   fire? [208]452-[209]454; against the wise men who deny that they can be
   transferred to heavenly habitations, [210]481; the Platonists refuted,
   who argue that they cannot inhabit heaven, [211]492; all blemishes
   shall be removed from the resurrection bodies, the substance of,
   remaining, [212]493; the substance of, however they may have been
   disintegrated, shall in the resurrection be reunited, [213]498; the
   opinion of Porphyry, that souls must be wholly released from, in order
   to be happy, exploded by Plato, [214]505.

   Body, the, sanctity of, not polluted by the violence done to it by
   another's lust, [215]12, [216]13; the Platonic and Manichæan idea of,
   [217]265, etc.; the new spiritual, [218]499; obviously meant to be the
   habitation of a reasonable soul, [219]503.

   Body, the, of Christ, against those who think that the participation
   of, will save from damnation, [220]467, [221]468.

   Body of Christ, the Church the, [222]496

   Books opened; the, [223]434*

   Bread, they that were full of, --who? [224]341.

   Breathing, the, of God, when man was made a living soul, distinguished
   from the breathing of Christ on His disciples, [225]259.

   Brutus, Junius, his unjust treatment of Tarquinius Collatinus, [226]32,
   [227]52, [228]53; kills his own son, [229]99.

   Bull, the sacred, of Egypt, [230]364.

   Burial, the denial of, to Christians, no hurt to them, 9; the reason
   of, in the case of Christians, [231]10, etc.

   Busiris, [232]367.

   Cæsar, Augustus, [233]62.

   Cæsar, Julius, the statement of, respecting an enemy when sacking a
   city, 4, etc.; claims to be descended from Venus, [234]44;
   assassination of, [235]62.

   Cain, and Abel, belonged respectively to the two cities, the earthly
   and the heavenly, [236]285; the fratricidal act of the former
   corresponding with the crime of the founder of Rome, [237]286, etc.;
   cause of the crime. of, --God's expostulation with,--exposition of the
   viciousness of his offering, [238]288, [239]289; his reason for
   building a city so early in the history of the human race, [240]289,
   etc.; and Seth, the heads of the two cities, the earthly and heavenly,
   [241]298; why the line of, terminates in the eighth generation from
   Adam, [242]299?[243]302; why the genealogy of, is continued to the
   deluge, while after the mention of Enos the narrative returns to the
   creation, [244]302, etc.

   Cakus (kakds), the giant, [245]408.

   Camillus, Furius, the vile treatment of, by the Romans, [246]32,
   [247]54, [248]99.

   Canaan, the land of, the time of the fulfillment of God's promise of,
   to Abraham, [249]338.

   Canaan, and Noah, [250]310.

   Candelabrum, a particular, in a temple of Venus, [251]456, [252]457.

   Cannæ, the battle of, [253]56.

   Canon, the ecclesiastical, has excluded certain writings, on account of
   their great antiquity, [254]383.

   Canonical Scriptures, the, [255]206, [256]382; the concord of, in
   contrast with the discordance of philosophical opinion, [257]384,
   [258]385.

   Cappadocia, the mares of, [259]456.

   Captivity of the Jews, the, the end of, [260]374.

   Captivity, the, of the saints, consolation in, [261]10.

   Carnal life, the, [262]262, etc.

   Carthaginians, the, their treatment of Regulus, [263]11.

   Cataline, [264]37.

   Catholic truth, the, confirmed by the dissensions of heretics,
   [265]392.

   Cato, what are we to think of his conduct in committing suicide?
   [266]16; excelled by Regulus, [267]16; his virtue, [268]95; was his
   suicide fortitude or weakness? [269]402.

   Catosus, the cook, [270]488.

   Cecrops, [271]364, [272]365.

   Ceres, [273]131, [274]133; the rites of, [275]131.

   Chæremon, cited by Porphyry in relation to the mysteries of Isis and
   Osiris, [276]188.

   Chaldæan, a certain, quoted by Porphyry as complaining of the obstacles
   experienced from another man's influence with the gods to his efforts
   at self-purification, [277]186.

   Charcoal, the peculiar properties, of, [278]454.

   Chariots, the, of God, [279]441.

   Charity, the efficacy of, [280]476.

   Chickens, the sacred, and the treaty of Numantia, [281]58.

   Children of the flesh, and children of promise, [282]285.

   Chiliasts, the, [283]426.

   Christ, the preserving power of the name of, in the sack of Rome, 1,
   etc., 5, etc.; the mystery of the redemption of, at no past time
   awanting, but declared in various forms, [284]140, etc.; the
   incarnation of, [285]195: faith in the incarnation of, alone justifies,
   [286]195; the true Wisdom, but Porphyry fails to recognize, [287]198;
   the Platonists blush to acknowledge the incarnation of, [288]199, etc.;
   the grace of, opens a way for the soul's deliverance, [289]202, etc.;
   the knowledge of God, attained only through, [290]205, etc.; possessed
   true human emotions, [291]269, etc.; the passion of, typified by Noah's
   nakedness, [292]310; described in the [293]45th Psalm, [294]353.
   [295]354;the priesthood and passion of, described in the [296]110th and
   [297]22d Psalms, [298]355; the resurrection of, predicted in the
   Psalms, [299]355; the passion of, foretold in the Book of Wisdom,
   [300]356; the birth of, [301]389; the birth and death of, [302]394.
   [303]395; Porphyry's account of the responses of the oracles
   respecting, [304]415, etc.; the world to be judged by, [305]449, etc.;
   the one Son of God by nature, [306]465; the Foundation, [307]473; the
   world's belief in, the result of divine power, [308]484; the measure of
   the stature of, [309]495; the Perfect Man, and His Body, [310]496; the
   body of, after His resurrection, [311]498; the grace of, alone delivers
   us from the misery caused by the first sin, [312]500, [313]501.

   Christian faith, the certainty of, [314]413.

   Christian religion, the, health-giving, [315]41; alone, revealed the
   malignity of evil spirits, [316]141; the length it is to last foolishly
   and lyingly fixed by the heathen, [317]394-[318]396.

   Christianity, the calamities of Rome attributed to, by the heathen,
   [319]11, [320]24; the effrontery of such an imputation to, [321]62.

   Christians, why they are permitted to suffer evils from their enemies,
   [322]18; the reply of, to those who reproach them with suffering,
   [323]19; ought to be far from boasting, [324]99; the God whom they
   serve, the true God, to whom alone sacrifice ought to be offered,
   [325]415, etc.

   Chronology, the enormously long, of heathen writers, [326]232,
   [327]233; the discrepancy in that of the Hebrew and other MSS. in
   relation to the lives of the antediluvians, [328]291, etc.

   Church, the sons of the, often hidden among the wicked, and false
   Christians within the, [329]21; the indiscriminate increase of,
   [330]391, the endless glory of, [331]436, etc.; the body of Christ,
   [332]397, etc.

   Cicero, his opinion of the Roman republic, [333]35; on the miseries of
   this life, [334]401; his definition of a republic, --was there ever a
   Roman republic answering to it? [335]155, [336]156; variously quoted,
   [337]27, [338]29, [339]30, [340]41, [341]51, [342]55, [343]60, [344]61,
   [345]78, [346]80, [347]81, [348]96, [349]121, [350]239, [351]483.

   Cincinnatus, Quintus, [352]100.

   Circe, [353]369, [354]370.

   Circumcision, instituted, [355]326; the punishment of the male who had
   not received, [356]327.

   City, the celestial, [357]97.

   City of God, the, [358]196; the origin of, and of the opposing city,
   [359]205; nature of, and of the earthly, [360]284; Abel the founder of,
   and Cain of the earthly, [361]285; the citizens of, and of the earthly,
   [362]285; the weakness of the citizens of, during their earthly
   pilgrimage, [363]287, and the earthly compared and contrasted,
   [364]396; what produces peace, and what discord, between, and the
   earthly, [365]412, etc.; the eternal felicity of, [366]509-[367]511.

   Claudian, the poet, quoted, [368]106.

   Coelestis, [369]25 and note; the mysteries of, [370]40.

   Collatinus, Tarquinius, the vile treatment of, by Junius Brutus,
   [371]32, [372]52, etc.

   Concord, the temple of, erected, [373]59: the wars which followed the
   building of, [374]60, etc.

   Confession of Christ, the efficacy of, for the remission of sins,
   [375]248.

   Conflagration of the world, the, [376]435; where shall the saints be
   during? [377]437.

   Confusion of tongues, the, [378]312, etc.; God's coming down to cause,
   [379]313, etc.

   Conjugal union, the, as instituted and blessed by God, [380]278.

   Constantine, [381]103, etc.; the prosperity granted to, by God,
   [382]105, etc.

   Consuls, the first Roman, their fate, [383]52, etc.

   Corn, the gods which were supposed to preside over, at the various
   stages of its growth, gathering in, etc., [384]68.

   Creation, [385]206, [386]208; the reason and cause of, [387]216,
   [388]217; the beauty and goodness of, [389]380.

   Creation, the, of angels, [390]209; of the human race in time,
   [391]234; of both angels and men, [392]479, etc.

   Creator, the, is distinguished from His works by piety, [393]140, etc.;
   sin had not its origin in, [394]214.

   Creatures, the, to be estimated by their utility, [395]214.

   Cumæan Sibyl, the, [396]198.

   Curiatii and Horatii, the, [397]50.

   Curtius leaps into the gulf in the Forum, [398]99.

   Curubis, a comedian, miraculously healed, [399]487.

   Cybele, [400]25; the priests of, [401]26.

   Cycles of time maintained by some, [402]234, [403]237, etc., [404]240,
   [405]241.

   Cynics, the foolish beastliness of the, [406]277; further referred to,
   [407]399.

   Cynocephalus, [408]31.

   Damned, the punishment of the,

   Danäe, [409]368.                       [[410]460.

   Darkness, the, when the Lord was crucified, [411]51.

   David, the promise made to, in his Son, [412]348, etc.; Nathan's
   message to, [413]349, etc.?, God's "ancient compassions" sworn to,
   [414]351, etc., [415]352; his concern in writing the Psalms, [416]352;
   his reign and merit, [417]357.

   Day, the seventh, the meaning of God's resting on, [418]209.

   Days, the first, [419]208.

   Days, lucky and unlucky, [420]88, [421]89.

   "Days of the tree of life," the, [422]447.

   Dead, the, given up to judgment by the sea, death, and hell, [423]434.

   Dead, prayers for the, [424]470.

   Dead men, the religion of the pagans has reference to, [425]163.

   Death, caused by the fall of man [426]245; that which can affect an
   immortal soul, and that to which the body is subject, [427]245; is it
   the punishment of sin, even in case of the good? [428]246; why, if it
   is the punishment of sin, is it not withheld from the regenerate?
   [429]246; although an evil, yet made a good to the good, [430]247; the
   evil of, as the separation of soul and body, [431]247; that which the
   unbaptized suffer for the confession of Christ, [432]248, etc.; the
   saints, by suffering the first, are freed from the second, [433]248;
   the moment of, when it actually occurs, [434]248, [435]249; the life,
   which mortals claim may be fitly called, [436]249; whether one can be
   living and yet in the state of, at the same time, [437]250; what kind
   of, involved in the threatenings addressed to our first parents,
   [438]250; concerning those philosophers who think it is not penal,
   [439]252; the second, [440]420, etc.

   Death, when it may be inflicted without committing murder, [441]15.

   Deborah, [442]368.

   "Debts, forgive us our," [443]476, [444]477.

   Decii, the, [445]358.

   Deliverance, the way of the soul's, which grace throws open, [446]202.

   Demænetus, [447]369.

   Demon of Socrates, the, Apuleius on, [448]153, [449]154.

   Demoniacal possessions, [450]401.

   Demonolatry, illicit acts connected with, [451]185.

   Demons, the vicissitudes of life, not dependent on, [452]37; look after
   their own ends only, [453]38; incite to crime by the pretence of divine
   authority, [454]39; give certain obscure instructions in morals, while
   their own solemnities publicly inculcate wickedness, [455]40, etc.;
   what they are, [456]153; not better than men because of their having
   aerial bodies, [457]154, etc.; what Apuleius thought concerning the
   manners and actions of, [458]155, etc.; is it proper to worship?
   [459]156, etc.; ought the advocacy of, with the gods, to be employed?
   [460]156, [461]157; are the good gods more willing to have intercourse
   with, than with men? [462]157; do the gods use them as messengers, or
   interpreters, or are they deceived by? [463]158, etc.; we must reject
   the worship of, [464]159; are there any good, to whom the guardianship
   of the soul may be committed? [465]166; what Apuleius attributes to,
   [466]167; the passions which agitate, [467]169; does the intercession
   of, obtain for men the favor of the celestial gods? [468]171; men,
   according to Plotinus, less wretched than, [469]171; the opinion of the
   Platonists that the souls of men become, [470]172; the three opposite
   qualities by which the Platonists distinguish between the nature of
   man, and that of, [471]172; how can they mediate between gods and men,
   having nothing in common with either? [472]172; the Platonist idea of
   the necessity of the mediation of, [473]174; mean by their
   intercession, to turn man from the path of truth, [474]176; the name
   has never a good signification, [475]176; the kind of knowledge which
   puffs up the, [476]176; to what extent the Lord was pleased to make
   Himself known to, [477]177; the difference between the knowledge
   possessed by, and that of the holy angels, [478]177; the power
   delegated to, for the trial of the saints, [479]193; where the saints
   obtain power against, [480]194; seek to be worshipped, [481]196; error
   of Apuleius in regard to, [482]197, etc.; strange transformations of
   men, said to have been wrought by, [483]369, [484]371; the friendship
   of good angels in this life, rendered insecure by the deception of,
   [485]406, etc.; various other references to, [486]82, [487]104,
   [488]105, [489]132, [490]135, [491]141, [492]142 [493]143, [494]147,
   [495]153, [496]154, [497]162, [498]174, [499]193, [500]197 [501]364,
   [502]394, [503]422.

   "Desired One, the," of all nations, [504]388.

   Deucalion's flood, [505]365.

   Devil, the, how he abode not in the truth, [506]213; how is it said
   that he sinned from the beginning? [507]214; the reason of the fall of
   (the wicked angel), [508]282; stirs up persecution, [509]392; the
   nature of, as nature, not evil, [510]409, [511]410; the binding of,
   [512]426; cast into the abyss, [513]427; seducing the nations,
   [514]427; the binding and loosing of, [515]428, etc.; stirs up Gog and
   Magog against the Church,[516]432,, etc.; the damnation of, [517]434;
   of those who deny the eternal punishment of, [518]468.

   Devil, a young man freed from a, at the monument of Protasius and
   Gervasius, [519]487; a young woman freed from a, by anointing,
   [520]488.

   Devils, marvels wrought by, [521]457.

   Diamond, the, the peculiar properties of, [522]455.

   Diana, and Apollo, [523]131.

   Dictator, the first, [524]54.

   Diomede and his companions, who were changed into birds, [525]369,
   [526]370.

   Dis, [527]131, [528]135, [529]139.

   Discord, why not a goddess as well as Concord? [530]59.

   Divination, [531]142.

   Doctor, a gouty, of Carthage, miraculously healed, [532]487.

   Duration and space, infinite, not to be comprehended, [533]207.

   Earth, the, affirmed by Varro to be a goddess, --reason of his opinion
   [534]134.

   "Earth, in the midst of the," [535]342, [536]343.

   Earth, holy, from Jerusalem, the efficacy of, [537]487.

   Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, the Books of, [538]357.

   Eclipses, [539]51.

   Education, the divine, of mankind, [540]189.

   Egeria, the nymph, and Numa, [541]142.

   Egypt, a fig-tree of, a peculiar kind found in, [542]456.

   Egyptians, the mendacity of, in ascribing an extravagant antiquity to
   their science, [543]384.

   Eleusinian rites of Ceres, the, [544]133.

   Eleven, the significance of the number, [545]301.

   Eli, the message of the man of God to, [546]343-[547]345.

   Elias, the coming of, before the judgment, [548]448.

   Elisha and Gehazi, [549]507, [550]508.

   Emotions, mental, opinions of the Peripatetics and Stoics respecting,
   [551]167, [552]168.

   Emotions and affections, good and bad, [553]266, [554]267, [555]268.

   Emperors, the Christian, the happiness of, [556]104, etc.

   Empire, a great, acquired by war, --is it to be reckoned among good
   things? [557]65; should good men wish to rule an extensive? [558]72,
   [559]73.

   Empire, the Roman. See Roman Empire.

   Enemies of God, the, are not so by nature, but by will, [560]227.

   Enlightenment from above, Plotinus respecting, [561]181.

   Enoch, the seventh from Adam, the significance of the translation of,
   [562]39; left some divine writings, [563]45.

   Enoch, the son of Cain, [564]298.

   Enos, the son of Seth, [565]298; a type of Christ, [566]299.

   Entity, none contrary to the divine, [567]227.

   Epictetus, quoted on mental emotions, [568]168.

   Ericthonius, [569]367.

   Errors, the, of the human judgment, when the truth is hidden, [570]357.

   Erythræan Sibyl, the, her predictions of Christ, [571]372.

   Esau and Jacob, the dissimilarity of the character and actions of,
   [572]86; the things mystically prefigured by, [573]331, etc.

   Esdras and Maccabees, the Books of, [574]382.

   Eternal life, the gift of God, [575]121; the promise of, uttered before
   eternal times, [576]236.

   Eternal punishment, [577]461. See Punishment.

   Eucharius, a Spanish bishop, cured of stone by the relics of St.
   Stephen, [578]488.

   Eudemons, [579]171, [580]173.

   Eusebeia, [581]181.

   Evil, no natural, [582]216.

   Evil will, a, no efficient cause of, [583]230.

   Existence, and knowledge of it, and love of both, [584]220, etc.,
   [585]221, etc.

   Eye, the, of the resurrection body, the power of, [586]508.

   Fables invented by the heathen in the times of the judges of Israel,
   [587]367.

   Fabricius and Pyrrhus, [588]100.

   Faith, justification by, [589]195, etc.

   Faith and Virtue, honored by the Romans with temples, [590]73, [591]74.

   Fall of Man, the, and its results, foreknown by God, [592]241;
   mortality contracted by, [593]245; the second death results from,
   [594]262; the nature of, [595]271, etc., [596]272, etc.

   Fate, [597]82; the name misapplied by some when they use it of the
   divine will, [598]89.

   Fathers, the two, of the two cities, sprung from one progenitor,
   [599]298.

   Fear and Dread, made gods,, [600]76.

   Felicity, the gift of God, [601]121; the eternal, of the city of God,
   [602]509, [603]511.

   Felicity, the goddess of, [604]73; the Romans ought to have been
   content with Virtue and, [605]74, [606]75; for a long time not
   worshipped by the Romans; her deserts, [607]76, [608]77.

   Fever, worshipped as a deity, [609]31 and note, [610]48.

   Fig-tree, a singular, of Egypt, [611]456.

   Fimbria, the destruction of Ilium by, [612]45. [613]46.

   Fire, the peculiar properties of, [614]454.

   Fire, the, whirlwind, and the sword, [615]441.

   Fire, saved so as by, [616]473.

   Fire, the, which comes down from heaven to consume the enemies of the
   holy city, [617]432.

   Fire, the, and the worm that dieth not, [618]461; of hell, --is it
   material? and if it be so, can it burn wicked spirits? [619]462, etc.

   First man (our first parents), the, the plentitude of the human race
   contained in, [620]243; the fall of, [621]245; what was the first
   punishment of? [622]251; the state in which he was made, and that into
   which he fell, [623]251; forsook God, before God forsook him, [624]251;
   effects of the sin of, --the second death, [625]262, etc.; was he,
   before the fall, free from perturbations of soul? [626]271; the
   temptation and fall of, [627]271, [628]272; nature of the first sin of,
   [629]273; the pride of the sin of, [630]274; justice of the punishment
   of, [631]274, [632]275; the nakedness of, [633]276; the transgression
   of, did not abolish the blessing of fecundity, [634]278; begat
   offspring in Paradise without blushing, [635]281, [636]282.

   First parents, our. See First Man.

   First principles of all things, the, according to the ancient
   philosophy, [637]148.

   First sin, the nature of the, [638]273.

   Flaccianus, [639]372.

   Flesh, the, of believers, the resurrection of, [640]255; the world at
   large believes in the resurrection of [see Resurrection], [641]481; of
   a dead man, which has become the flesh of a living man, whose shall it
   be in the resurrection? [642]498.

   Flesh, living after the, [643]263, etc., [644]264, etc.; children of
   the, and of the promise, [645]285.

   Florentius, the tailor, how he prayed for a coat, and got it, [646]488.

   Foreknowledge, the, of God, and the free-will of man, [647]90, etc.

   Forgiveness of debts, prayed for, [648]476, [649]477.

   Fortitude, [650]402, [651]403.

   Fortune, the goddess of, [652]73, [653]124.

   Foundation, the, the opinion of those who think that even depraved
   Catholics will be saved from damnation on account of, considered,
   [654]467, etc., [655]473, etc.; who has Christ for? [656]473, [657]474.

   Fountain, the singular, of the Garamantæ, [658]456.

   Free-will of man, the, and the foreknowledge of God, [659]90, etc.

   Free-will, in the state of perfect felicity, [660]510.

   Friendship, the, of good men, anxieties connected with, [661]405; of
   good angels, rendered insecure by the deceit of demons, [662]406, etc.

   Fruit, [663]219.

   Fugalia, the, [664]26.

   Furnace, a smoking, and a lamp of fire passing between the pieces of
   Abraham's sacrifice, the import of, [665]325.

   Galli, the, [666]26, and note, [667]136.

   Games, restored in Rome during the first Punic war, [668]55.

   Ganymede, [669]368.

   Garamantæ, the singular fountain of the, [670]368.

   Gauls, the, Rome invaded by, [671]54.

   Gehazi and Elisha, [672]507, [673]508.

   Generation, would there have been, in Paradise if man had not sinned?
   [674]279, etc., [675]280, etc.

   Genius, and Saturn, both shown to be really Jupiter, [676]129, etc.

   Giants, the offspring of the sons of God and daughters of men, --and
   other, [677]304, etc., [678]305.

   Glory, the difference between, and the desire of dominion, [679]101;
   shameful to make the virtues serve human, [680]102; the, of the latter
   house, [681]390; the endless, of the Church, [682]436, etc.

   God, the vicissitudes of life dependent on the will of, [683]37, etc.;
   not the soul of the world, [684]71; rational animals not parts of,
   [685]71; THE ONE, to be worshipped, although His name is unknown, the
   giver of felicity, [686]77, [687]78; the times of kings and kingdoms
   ordered by, [688]82; the kingdom of the Jews founded by, [689]82; the
   foreknowledge of, and the free-will of man, [690]90, etc.; the
   providence of, [691]93, etc., [692]190; all the glory of the righteous
   is in, [693]96; what He gives to the followers of truth to .enjoy above
   His general bounties, [694]140, the worship of, [695]180, [696]181,
   [697]182; the sacrifices due to Him only, [698]182, etc.; the
   sacrifices not required, but enjoined by, for the exhibition of truth,
   [699]183; the true and perfect sacrifice due to, [700]183, etc.;
   invisible, yet has often made Himself visible, [701]189, etc.; our
   dependence for temporal good, [702]189; angels fulfill the providence
   of, [703]190; sin had not its origin in, [704]214; the eternal
   knowledge, will, and design of, [705]216, etc.; has He been always
   sovereign Lord, and has He always had creatures over whom He exercised
   His sovereignty? [706]235, etc.; His promise of eternal life uttered
   before eternal times, [707]236; the unchangeable counsel and will of,
   defended against objections, [708]237; refutation of the opinion that
   His knowledge cannot comprehend things infinite, [709]238; the fall of
   man foreknown by, [710]241; the Creator of every kind of creature,
   [711]242; the providence of, not disturbed by the wickedness of angels
   or of men, [712]282; the anger of, [713]306, etc., [714]470; the coming
   down of, to confound the language of the builders of Babel, [715]313,
   etc.; whether the, of the Christians is the true, to whom alone
   sacrifice ought to be paid, [716]415, etc.; the will of, unchangeable
   and eternal, [717]480.

   Gods, the, cities never spared on account of, 2, etc.; folly of the
   Romans in trusting, 3, etc.; the worshippers of, never received healthy
   precepts from, --the impurity of the worship of, [718]24; obscenities
   practised in honor of the Mother of the, [719]25; never inculcated
   holiness of life, [720]26; the shameful actions of, as displayed in
   theatrical exhibitions, [721]27; the reason why they suffered false or
   real crimes to be attributed to them, [722]28; the Romans showed a more
   delicate regard for themselves than for the, [723]29; the Romans should
   have considered those who desired to be worshipped in a licentious
   manner as unworthy of being honored as, [724]29; Plato better than,
   [725]30; if they had any regard for Rome, the Romans should have
   received good laws from them, [726]31; took no means to prevent the
   republic from being ruined by immorality, [727]36; etc.; the
   vicissitudes of life not dependent on, [728]37, etc.; incite to evil
   actions, [729]39, etc.; give secret and obscure instructions in morals,
   while their solemnities publicly incite to wickedness, [730]40; the
   obscenities of the plays consecrated to, contributed to overthrow the
   republic, [731]41;the evils which alone the pagans feared, not averted
   by, [732]43, etc.; were they justified in permitting the destruction of
   Troy? [733]43; could not be offended at the adultery of Paris, the
   crime being so common among themselves, [734]44; Varro's opinion of the
   utility of men feigning themselves to be the offspring of, [735]44; not
   likely they were offended at the adultery of Paris, as they were not at
   the adultery of the mother of Romulus, [736]45; exacted no penalty for
   the fratricidal conduct of Romulus, [737]45; is it credible that the
   peace of Numa's reign was owing to? [738]46; new, introduced by Numa,
   [739]48; the Romans added many to those of Numa, [740]48; Rome not
   defended by, [741]53, etc.; which of the, can the Romans suppose
   presided over the rise and welfare of the empire? [742]68, etc.; the
   silly and absurd multiplication of, for places and things, [743]68;
   divers set over divers parts of the world, [744]69; the many, who are
   asserted by pagan doctors to be the one Jove, [745]70, etc.; the
   knowledge and worship of the, which Varro glories in having conferred
   on the Romans, [746]75; the reasons by which the pagans defended their
   worshipping the divine gifts themselves among the, [747]77, etc.; the
   scenic plays which they have exacted from their worshippers, [748]77;
   the three kinds of, discovered by Scævola, [749]78, etc.; whether the
   worship of, has been of service to the Romans, [750]79; what their
   worshippers have owned they have thought about, [751]80; the opinions
   of Varro about, [752]81; of those who profess to worship them on
   account of eternal advantages, [753]108, etc.; Varro's thoughts about
   the, of the nations, [754]110, etc.; the worshippers of, regard human
   things more than divine, [755]111, etc.; Varro's distribution of, into
   fabulous, natural, and civil, [756]112, etc.; the mythical and civil,
   [757]113; natural explanations of, [758]116, etc.; the special officers
   of, [759]117; those presiding over the marriage chamber, [760]117,
   [761]118; the popular worship of, vehemently censured by Seneca,
   [762]119, [763]120; unable to bestow eternal life, [764]121; the
   select, [765]122; no reason can be assigned for forming the select
   class of, [766]123; those which preside over births, [767]123; the
   inferior and the select compared, [768]171; the secret doctrine of the
   pagans concerning the physical interpretation of, [769]125; Varro
   pronounces his own opinions concerning uncertain, [770]132; Varro's
   doctrine concerning, not self-consistent, [771]139, etc.; distinguished
   from men and demons, [772]153; do they use the demons as messengers?
   [773]158; Hermes laments the error of his forefathers in inventing the
   art of making, [774]161; scarcely any of, who were not dead men,
   [775]163; the Platonists maintain that the poets wrong the, [776]169;
   Apuleius' definition of, [777]170; does the intercession of demons
   secure the favor of, for men? [778]171; according to the Platonists,
   they decline intercourse with men,, [779]174, etc.; the name falsely
   given to those of the nations, yet given in Scripture to angels and
   men, [780]178, etc.; threats employed towards, [781]188; philosophers
   assigned to each of, different functions, [782]412.

   Gods, the multitudes of, for every place and thing, [783]68, etc.,
   [784]74, [785]75, [786]117, [787]118, [788]122, [789]123.

   Gods, the invention of the art of making, [790]161.

   Gog and Magog, [791]432.

   Good, no nature in which there is not some, [792]409.

   Good, the chief, [793]347; various opinions of the philosophers
   respecting, [794]397; the three leading views of, which to be chosen,
   [795]400, etc.; the Christian view of, [796]401, etc.

   Good men, and wicked, the advantages and disadvantages indiscriminately
   occurring to, 5; reasons for administering correction to both together,
   6, etc.; what Solomon says of things happening alike to both, [797]163.

   Goods, the loss of, no loss to the saints, 7, etc.

   Gospel, the, made more famous by the sufferings of its preachers,
   [798]391.

   Gracchi, the civil dissensions occasioned by, [799]59.

   Grace of God, the, the operation of, in relation to believers,
   [800]464; pertains to every epoch of life, [801]465; delivers from the
   miseries occasioned by the first sin, [802]500, [803]501.

   Great Mother, the, the abominable sacred rites of, [804]137, [805]138.

   Greeks, the conduct of the, on the sack of Troy, 3, 4.

   Habakkuk, the prophecy and prayer of, [806]377.

   Hagar, the relation of, to Sarah and Abraham, [807]325.

   Haggai's prophecy respecting the glory of the latter house, [808]390.

   Hadrian yields up portions of the Roman empire, [809]70, [810]80.

   Ham, the conduct of, towards his father, [811]309; the sons of,
   [812]311.

   Hannah's prophetic song, an exposition of, [813]339-[814]343.

   Hannibal, his invasion of Italy, and victories over the Romans,
   [815]56; his destruction of Saguntum, [816]56, [817]57.

   Happiness, the gift of God, [818]121; of the saints in the future life,
   [819]406, [820]407.

   Happiness, the, desired by those who reject the Christian religion,
   [821]34, etc.

   Happy man, the, described by contrast, [822]66.

   Heaven, God shall call to, [823]445.

   Hebrew Bible, the, and the Septuagint, --which to be followed in
   computing the years of the antediluvians, [824]293, etc.

   Hebrew language, the original, [825]317, etc.; written character of,
   [826]383.

   Hebrews, the Epistle to the, [827]323.

   Hecate, the reply of, when questioned respecting Christ, [828]416.

   Heifer, goat, and ram, three years old, in Abraham's sacrifice, --the
   import of, [829]324.

   Hell, [830]460; is the fire of, material? and if so, can it burn wicked
   spirits? [831]461.

   Hercules, [832]365, [833]367; the story of the sacristan of, [834]115.

   Here, [835]193.

   Heretics, the Catholic faith confirmed by the dissensions of, [836]133,
   [837]134.

   Hermes, the god, [838]164.

   Hermes Trismegistus, respecting idolatry and the abolition of the
   superstitions of the Egyptians, [839]159, etc.; openly confesses the
   error of his forefathers, the destruction of which he yet deplores,
   [840]161, etc.

   Herod, [841]393; a persecutor, [842]388, [843]389.

   Heroes of the Church, the, [844]451.

   Hesperius, miraculously delivered from evil spirits, [845]487.

   Hippocrates quoted in relation to twins, [846]85.

   Histriones, [847]30, note.

   Holofernes, his inquiry respecting the Israelites, and Achior's answer,
   [848]319.

   Holy Ghost, the, [849]259.

   Homer, quoted, [850]43, [851]90.

   Hope, the influence of, [852]403; the saints now blessed in, [853]414.

   Horace, quoted, 3, [854]96.

   Horatii and Curiatii, the, [855]49, [856]50.

   Hortensius, the first dictator, [857]54.

   Hosea, his prophecies respecting the things of the gospel, [858]375,
   [859]376.

   Human race, the, the creation of, in time, [860]234; created at first
   in one individual, [861]241; the plenitude of, contained in the first
   man, [862]243.

   Hydromancy, [863]142.

   Hyrcanus, [864]388.

   Ilium, modern, destroyed by Fimbria, [865]45, [866]46.

   Image of the beast, the, [867]431.

   Image of God, the human soul created in the, [868]241.

   Images of the gods, not used by the ancient Romans, [869]81.

   Imitation of the gods, [870]27.

   Immortality, the portion of man, had he not sinned, [871]245, [872]254.

   Incarnation of Christ, the, [873]195, [874]389; faith in, alone
   justifies, [875]453, etc.; the Platonists, in their impiety, blush to
   acknowledge, [876]199, etc.

   Innocentia, of Carthage, miraculously cured of cancer, [877]486.

   Innocentius, of Carthage, miraculously cured of fistula, [878]485,
   [879]486.

   Ino, [880]368.

   Intercession of the saints, --Of those who think that, on account of,
   no man shall be damned in the last judgment, [881]466, etc., [882]469,
   etc.

   Io, daughter of, [883]363.

   Ionic school of philosophy, the founder of the, [884]145.

   Irenæus, a tax-gatherer, the son of, restored to life by means of the
   oil of St. Stephen, [885]489.

   Isaac, and Ishmael, [886]285; a type, [887]286; the birth of, and
   import of his name, [888]328, [889]329; the offering up of, [890]329;
   Rebecca, the wife of, [891]330; the oracle and blessing received by,
   just as his father died, [892]331.

   Isaiah, the predictions of, respecting Christ, [893]376.

   Isis and Osiris, [894]164, [895]165, [896]186, [897]363, [898]364,
   [899]383, [900]384.

   Israel, the name given to Jacob, --the import of, [901]333.

   Israel, the nation of, its increase in, and deliverance from Egypt,
   [902]335, [903]336; were there any outside of, before Christ, who
   belonged to the fellowship of the holy city? [904]390, etc.

   Italic school of philosophy, the, [905]145.

   Jacob, and Esau, the things mysteriously prefigured by, [906]331, etc.;
   his mission to Mesopotamia, [907]332; his dream, [908]333; his wives,
   [909]333; why called Israel, [910]333; how said to have gone into Egypt
   with seventy-five souls, [911]334; his blessing on Judah, [912]334; his
   blessing the sons of Joseph, [913]335; the times of, and of Joseph,
   [914]363, etc.

   Janus, the temple of, [915]46; the relation of, to births, [916]123;
   nothing infamous related of, [917]125; is it reasonable to separate
   Terminus and? [918]126; why two faces, and sometimes four, given to the
   image of? [919]127; compared with Jupiter, [920]127; why he has
   received no star, [921]131.

   Japheth, [922]309.

   Jeroboam, [923]359

   Jerome, his labors as a translator of Scripture, [924]386; his
   commentary on Daniel referred to, [925]443.

   Jerusalem, the new, coming down from heaven, [926]435, etc.

   Jews, the, the kingdom of, founded by God, [927]82; what Seneca thought
   of, [928]120, [929]121; their unbelief, foretold in the Psalms,
   [930]356; end of the captivity of, --their prophets, [931]374, etc.;
   the many adversities endured by, [932]388, etc.; the dispersion of,
   predicted, [933]389; whether, before Christ, there were any outside of,
   who belonged to the heavenly city, [934]389.

   Joseph, the sons of, blessed by Jacob, [935]335; the times of,
   [936]363; the elevation of, to be ruler of Egypt, [937]363; who were
   kings at the period of the death of? [938]364.

   Joshua, [939]77; who were kings at the time of the death of? [940]366;
   the sun stayed in its course by, [941]459; the Jordan divided by,
   [942]459.

   Jove, are the many gods of the pagans one and the same Jove? [943]70;
   the enlargement of kingdoms improperly ascribed to, [944]72; Mars,
   Terminus, and Juventas, refuse to yield to, [945]76, [946]80. See
   Jupiter.

   Judah, Jacob's blessing on, [947]334, etc.

   Judgment, ever going on, --the last, [948]421; ever present, although
   it cannot be discerned, [949]422; proofs of the last, from the New
   Testament and the Old, [950]423, etc.; words of Jesus respecting,
   [951]423, [952]424. [953]425, [954]426; what Peter says of, [955]437;
   predictions respecting, [956]441, etc., [957]443, etc., [958]445, etc.;
   separation of the good and bad in the, [959]447; to be effected in the
   person of Christ, [960]449, etc.

   Julian, the apostate, [961]103; a persecutor, [962]393.

   Juno, [963]69, [964]70, [965]123.

   Jupiter, the power of, compared with Janus, [966]127, etc.; is the
   distinction made between, and Janus, a proper one? [967]128; the
   surnames of, [968]129; called "Pecunia," --why? [969]130; scandalous
   amours of, [970]368.

   Justinus, the historian, quoted respecting Ninus's lust of empire,
   [971]67.

   Juventas, [972]76, [973]79.

   Keturah, what is meant by Abraham's marrying, after the death of Sarah?
   [974]330.

   "Killeth and maketh alive, the Lord," [975]341.

   Killing, when allowable, [976]15.

   Kingdom, the, of Israel, under Saul, a shadow, [977]346; the
   description of [978]343; promises of God respecting, [979]348, etc.,
   [980]350, etc.; varying character of, till the captivity, and finally,
   till the people passed under the power of the Romans, [981]359.
   [982]360.

   Kingdom of Christ, the [983]430.

   Kingdoms, without justice, [984]66; have any been aided or deserted by
   the gods? [985]67; the enlargement of, unsuitably attributed to Jove,
   [986]72; the times of, ordained by the true God, [987]82; not
   fortuitous, nor influenced by the stars, [988]84, [989]85; the three
   great, when Abraham was born, [990]321.

   Kings, of Israel, the times of the, [991]336; after Solomon, [992]358;
   after the judges, [993]371; of the earthly city which synchronize with
   the times of the saints, reckoning from Abraham, [994]362, etc.; of
   Argos, [995]364; of Latium, [996]371.

   Knowledge, the eternal and unchangeable, of God, [997]206, etc.; of our
   own existence, [998]220, etc.; by which the holy angels know God,
   [999]221, etc.

   Labeo, cited, [1000]31, [1001]59, [1002]153, [1003]506.

   Lactantius, quotations made by, from a certain Sibyl, [1004]373.

   Language, the origin of the diversity of, [1005]312, etc.; the
   original, [1006]317, etc.; diversities of, how they operate to prevent
   human intercourse, [1007]405

   Larentina, the harlot, [1008]115.

   Latinius, Titus, the trick of, to secure the re-enactment of the games,
   [1009]78.

   Latium, the kings of, [1010]371.

   Latreia and Douleia, [1011]181, [1012]182.

   Laurentum, the kingdom of, [1013]368.

   Laver of regeneration, the, [1014]464.

   Law, the, confirmed by miraculous signs, [1015]191, etc.; of Moses must
   be spiritually understood, to cut off the murmurs of carnal
   interpreters, [1016]447, [1017]448.

   Lethe, the river, [1018]201.

   Lex Voconia, the, [1019]75.

   Liber, the god, [1020]109; and Libera, [1021]11I7, [1022]123,
   [1023]124, [1024]368.

   Liberty, the, which is proper to man's nature, [1025]411, etc.

   Life, the end of, whether it is material that it be long delayed, 9;
   the vicissitudes of, not dependent on the favor of the gods; but on the
   will of the true God, [1026]37.

   Life, eternal, the gift of God, [1027]121; the promise of, uttered
   before the eternal times, [1028]236.

   Light, the, the division of, from the darkness, --the significance of
   this [1029]215; pronounced "good"--meaning of this, [1030]216.

   Lime, the peculiar properties of, [1031]454, [1032]455.

   Livy, quoted, [1033]78.

   Loadstone, the, [1034]455.

   Locusts, a fearful invasion of Africa by, [1035]62.

   Lot, the parting of Abraham and, [1036]322; the deliverance of, from
   captivity, by Abraham, [1037]323.

   Lot's wife, [1038]328.

   Love and regard used in Scripture indifferently of good and evil
   affections, [1039]266.

   Lucan's Pharsalia, quoted, [1040]10, [1041]48, [1042]60.

   Lucillus, bishop of Sinita, cured of a fistula by the relics of St.
   Stephen, [1043]488.

   Lucina, the goddess, [1044]70, [1045]123.

   Lucretia, her chastity and suicide, [1046]13.

   Lucretius, quoted, [1047]455.

   Lust, the evil of, [1048]275; and anger, to be bridled, [1049]277,
   etc.; the bondage of, worse than bondage to men, [1050]134.

   Lying-in woman, the, her god-protectors, [1051]117.

   Maccabæus, Judas, [1052]388.

   Maccabees, the Books of, [1053]382.

   Madness, the strange, which once seized upon all the domestic animals
   of the Romans, [1054]59.

   Magic art, the impiety of, [1055]15; the marvels wrought by, [1056]457.

   Magicians of Egypt, the, [1057]185.

   Magnets, two, an image suspended between, in mid air, [1058]457.

   Malachi, [1059]445.

   "Mammon of unrighteousness," [1060]477, [1061]478.

   Man, though mortal, can enjoy true happiness, [1062]173; recentness of
   the creation of, [1063]233, etc.; the first, [1064]243, etc.; the fall
   of the first, [1065]245; the death with which he first was threatened,
   [1066]250; in what state made, and into what state he fell, [1067]251;
   forsook God before God forsook him, [1068]251; effects of the sin of
   the first, [1069]262, etc.; what it is to live according to, [1070]264,
   etc. See First Man.

   Manichæans, the, references to, [1071]217; their view of the body,
   [1072]265, etc.

   Manlius, Cneius, [1073]58.

   Manturnæ, the goddess, [1074]117, [1075]118.

   Marcellus, Marcus, destroys Syracuse, and bewails its ruin, 4.

   Mares, the, of Cappadocia, [1076]456.

   Marica, the Minturnian goddess, [1077]38.

   Marius, [1078]37. [1079]38; the war between, and Sylla, [1080]60,
   [1081]61.

   Marriage, as originally instituted by God, [1082]278; among blood
   relations in primitive times, [1083]297; between blood relations, now
   abhorred, [1084]298.

   Marriage bed-chamber, the, the gods which preside over, [1085]117,
   [1086]118.

   Mars, Terminus, and Juventas, refuse to yield to Jove, [1087]77,
   [1088]80; and Mercury, the offices of, [1089]130.

   Martial, a nobleman, converted by means of flowers brought from the
   shrine of St. Stephen, [1090]488.

   Martyrs, the honor paid to, by Christians, [1091]164, etc.; the heroes
   of the Church, [1092]193; miracles wrought by, [1093]491, [1094]492.

   Marvels related in history, [1095]454, [1096]455. [1097]458; wrought by
   magic, [1098]457.

   Massephat, [1099]347.

   Mathematicians, the, convicted of professing a vain science, [1100]87.

   Mediator, Christ the, between God and man, [1101]173; the necessity of
   having Christ as, to obtain the blessed life, [1102]176; the sacrifice
   effected by, [1103]193, etc.

   Melchizedek, blesses Abraham, [1104]323.

   Melicertes, [1105]368.

   Men, the primitive, immortal, had they never sinned, [1106]254; the
   creation of, and of angels, [1107]479, [1108]480.

   Mercury, and Mars, [1109]130; the fame of, [1110]365.

   Metellus, rescues the sacred things from the fire in the temple of
   Vesta, [1111]56.

   Methuselah, the great age of, [1112]292.

   Millennium, the, and note, [1113]426.

   Mind, the capacity and powers of, [1114]502.

   Minerva, [1115]69, [1116]124, [1117]131, [1118]139, [1119]365.

   Miracles, wrought by the ministry of angels, [1120]185, etc.,
   [1121]188, etc., [1122]190; the, ascribed to the gods, [1123]191; the,
   by which God authenticated the law, [1124]191, etc.; against such as
   deny the, recorded in Scripture, [1125]192, etc.; the ultimate reason
   for believing, [1126]200, [1127]201; wrought in more recent times,
   [1128]227-[1129]234; wrought by the martyrs in the name of Christ,
   [1130]234, etc.

   Miseries, the, of this life, Cicero on, [1131]401; of the human race
   through the first sin, [1132]499-[1133]501; deliverance from, through
   the grace of Christ, [1134]501; which attach peculiarly to the toil of
   good men, [1135]501, etc.

   Mithridates, the edict of, enjoining the slaughter of all Roman
   citizens found in Asia, [1136]58.

   Monstrous races, --are they derived from the stock of Adam, or from
   Noah's sons? [1137]54. [1138]55.

   Moses, miracles wrought by, [1139]185; the time of, [1140]335,
   [1141]336. who were kings at the period of the birth of? [1142]364; the
   time he led Israel out of Egypt, [1143]366; the antiquity of the
   writings of, [1144]383.

   Mother of the gods, the obscenities of the worship of, [1145]25, etc.;
   whence she came, [1146]48.

   Mucius, and king Porsenna, [1147]99.

   Mysteries, the Eleusinian, [1148]125; the Samothracian, [1149]133.

   Mystery, the, of Christ's redemption often made known by signs, etc.,
   [1150]140.

   Mystery of iniquity, the, [1151]437, [1152]438.

   Nahor, [1153]318.

   Nakedness of our first parents, the, [1154]276.

   Nathan, his message to David, [1155]348;: the resemblance of Psalm
   lxxxix. to the prophecy of, [1156]349, etc.

   Natural history, curious facts in: --the salamander, [1157]454; the
   flesh of the peacock, [1158]454; fire, [1159]454; charcoal, [1160]454;
   lime, [1161]454 the diamond, [1162]455; the loadstone, [1163]455; the
   salt of Agrigentum, [1164]456; the fountain of the Garamantæ, and of
   Epirus, [1165]456; asbestos, [1166]456; the wood of the Egyptian
   fig-tree, [1167]456; the apples of Sodom, [1168]456; the stone pyrites,
   [1169]456; the stone selenite, [1170]456; the Cappadocian mares,
   [1171]456; the island Tilon, [1172]456; the star Venus, [1173]459.

   Nature, not contrary to God, but good, [1174]227; of irrational and
   lifeless creatures, [1175]228; none in which there is not good,
   [1176]409, [1177]410.

   Natures, God glorified in all, [1178]228.

   Necessity, is the will of man ruled by? [1179]92.

   Necromancy, [1180]142.

   Neptune, [1181]131, [1182]139, and Salacia, and Venilia, [1183]134.

   Nero, the first to reach the citadel of vice, [1184]101; curious
   opinions entertained of him after his death, [1185]438.

   New Academy, the uncertainty of, contrasted with the Christian faith,
   [1186]413.

   New heavens, and new earth, the, [1187]434, [1188]435, etc.

   Nigidius, cited in reference to the birth of twins, [1189]86.

   Nimrod, [1190]311, [1191]312, [1192]317.

   Nineveh, [1193]311; curious discrepancy between the Hebrew and
   Septuagint as to the time fixed for the overthrow of, in Jonah's
   prophecy, [1194]387; spared, [1195]467; how the prediction against, was
   fulfilled, [1196]471.

   Ninus, [1197]362.

   Noah, commanded by God to build an ark, [1198]306; whether after, till
   Abraham, any family can be found who lived according to God, [1199]309;
   what was prophetically signified by the sons of? [1200]309; the
   nakedness of, revealed by Ham, but covered by Shem and Japheth, its
   typical significance, [1201]310; the generation of the sons of,
   [1202]311, etc.

   Noctes Atticæ, the, of Aulus Gellius, quoted, [1203]167, [1204]168.

   Numa Pompilius, the peace that existed during the reign of, is it
   attributable to the gods? [1205]46; introduces new gods, [1206]47,
   etc.; the Romans add new gods to' those introduced by, [1207]48; the
   story of finding the books of, respecting the gods, and the burning of
   the same by the senate, [1208]141, etc.; befooled by hydromancy,
   [1209]142.

   Numantia, [1210]58.

   Numitor and Amulius, [1211]371, [1212]372.

   Ogyges, [1213]365.

   Old Testament Scriptures, caused by Ptolemy Philadelphus to be
   translated out of Hebrew into Greek, [1214]385, [1215]386.

   Opimius, Lucius, and the Gracchi, [1216]59.

   Oracles of the gods, responses of, respecting Christ, as related by
   Porphyry, [1217]415, etc.

   Order and law, the, which obtain in heaven, and on earth, [1218]410.

   Origen, the errors of, [1219]217, [1220]218.

   Orme, [1221]402.

   Orpheus, [1222]368.

   Pagan error, the probable cause of the rise of, [1223]132, [1224]133,
   [1225]163.

   Paradise, man in, [1226]272; would there have been generation in, had
   man not sinned? [1227]279-[1228]281; Malachi's reference to man's state
   in, [1229]446.

   Paris, the gods had no reason to be offended with, [1230]44.

   Passions, the, which assail Christian souls, [1231]169, etc.; which
   agitate demons, [1232]169.

   Paterfamilias, [1233]411.

   Patricians and Plebs, the dissensions between, [1234]32, [1235]33,
   [1236]53.

   Paulinus, 8.

   Paulus and Palladia, members of a household cursed by a mother-in-law,
   miraculously healed at the shrine of St. Stephen, [1237]490, [1238]491.

   Peace, the eternal, of the saints, [1239]406, [1240]407; the fierceness
   of war, and the disquietude of men make towards, [1241]407-[1242]409;
   the universal, which the law of nature. preserves, [1243]409, etc.;
   the, between the heavenly and earthly cities, [1244]412, etc.; the, of
   those alienated from God, and the use made of it by God's people,
   [1245]419; of those who serve God in this mortal life, cannot be
   apprehended in its perfection, [1246]419; of God, which passeth all
   understanding, [1247]507.

   Peacock, the antiseptic properties of the flesh of, [1248]454.

   Pecunia, [1249]125; Jupiter so named, [1250]129.

   Peleg, [1251]317, [1252]318.

   Peripatetic sect, the, [1253]152.

   Peripatetics, and Stoics, the opinion of, about mental emotions, --an
   illustrative story, [1254]167, [1255]168.

   "Perish," or, "Vanquish," [1256]385.

   Periurgists, [1257]190.

   Persecution, all Christians must suffer, [1258]392; the benefits
   derived from, [1259]392; the " ten persecutions," [1260]393; the time
   of the final, hidden, [1261]394.

   Persius, quoted, [1262]26, [1263]27.

   Perturbations, the three, of the souls of the wise, as admitted by the
   Stoics, [1264]267; in the souls of the righteous, [1265]268, etc.; were
   our first parents before the fall free from? [1266]371.

   Peter, ridiculously feigned by the heathen to have brought about by
   enchantment the worship of Christ, [1267]394; heals the cripple at the
   temple gate, [1268]395.

   Petronia, a woman of rank, miraculously cured, [1269]489.

   Philosopher, origin of the name, [1270]145.

   Philosophers, the secret of the weakness of the moral precepts of,
   [1271]26; the Italic and Ionic schools of, [1272]145, etc.; of some who
   think the separation of soul and body not penal, [1273]252; the discord
   of the opinions of, contrasted with the concord of the canonical
   Scriptures, [1274]384, [1275]385.

   Philosophy, Varro's enumeration of the multitudinous sects of,
   [1276]397-[1277]399.

   Phoroneus, [1278]363.

   Picus, king of Argos, [1279]368.

   " Piety," [1280]181.

   Pirate, the apt reply of a, to Alexander the Great, [1281]66.

   Plato, would exclude the poets from his ideal republic, [1282]30, etc.;
   his threefold division of philosophy, [1283]146, etc.; how he was able
   to approach so near Christian knowledge, [1284]151, etc.; his
   definition of the gods, [1285]152; the opinion of, as to the
   transmigration of souls, [1286]200; the opinion of, that almost all
   animals were created by. inferior gods, [1287]243; declared that the
   gods made by the Supreme have immortal bodies, [1288]252, [1289]505;
   the apparently conflicting views of, and of Porphyry, if united, might
   have led to the truth, [1290]506.

   Platonists, the opinions of, preferable to those of other philosophers,
   [1291]147, etc.; their views of physical philosophy, [1292]148, etc.;
   how far they excel other philosophers in logic, or rational philosophy,
   [1293]149; hold the first rank in moral philosophy, [1294]149; their
   philosophy has come nearest to the Christian faith, [1295]150; the
   Christian religion above all their science, [1296]150; thought that
   sacred rites were to be performed to many gods, [1297]152; the opinion
   of, that the souls of men become demons, [1298]171; the three qualities
   by which they distinguish between the nature of men and of demons,
   [1299]172, etc.; their idea of the non-intercourse of celestial gods
   with men, and the need of the intercourse of demons, [1300]174, etc.;
   hold that God alone can bestow happiness, [1301]180; have misunderstood
   the true worship of God, [1302]182; the principles which, according to,
   regulate the purification of the soul, [1303]194; blush to acknowledge
   the incarnation of Christ, [1304]199; refutation of the notion of, that
   the soul is co-eternal with God, [1305]201, [1306]202; opinion of, that
   angels created man's body, [1307]243; refutation of the opinion of,
   that earthly bodies cannot inherit heaven, [1308]492, etc.

   Players, excluded by the Romans from offices of state, [1309]28,
   [1310]29.

   Plays, scenic, which the gods have exacted from their worshippers,
   [1311]78.

   Pleasure, bodily, graphically described, [1312]102.

   Plebs, the dissensions between, and the Patricians, [1313]32, [1314]33,
   [1315]52; the secession of, [1316]53.

   Plotinus, men, according to, less wretched than demons, [1317]171;
   regarding enlightenment from above, [1318]181.

   Plutarch, his Life of Cato quoted, [1319]16; his Life of Numa,
   [1320]81.

   Pluto, [1321]139.

   Pneuma, [1322]259, [1323]260.

   Poetical license, allowed by the Greeks, restrained by the Romans,
   [1324]27, [1325]29.

   Poets, the, Plato would exclude from his ideal republic, [1326]30,
   etc., [1327]153; the theological, [1328]368.

   Pontius, Lucius, announces Sylla's victory; [1329]38.

   "Poor, He raiseth the, out of the dunghill," [1330]341.

   Porphyry, his views of theurgy, [1331]185, etc., [1332]186, etc.;
   epistle of, to Anebo, [1333]187, etc.; as to how the soul is purified,
   [1334]194; refused to recognize Christ, [1335]195; vacillation of,
   between the confession of the true God and the worship of demons
   [1336]196; the impiety of, [1337]197; so blind as not to recognize the
   true wisdom, [1338]198; his emendations of Platonism, [1339]200, etc;
   his ignorance of the universal way of the soul's deliverance,
   [1340]202, etc.; abjured the opinion that souls constantly pass away
   and return in cycles, [1341]240; his notion that the soul must be
   separated from the body in order to be happy, demolished by Plato,
   [1342]249, etc.; the conflicting opinions of Plato and, if united,
   might have led to the truth, [1343]250; his account of the responses of
   the oracles of the gods concerning Christ, [1344]415-[1345]418.

   Portents, strange, [1346]62; meaning of the word, [1347]459.

   Possidonius, the story of [1348]85.

   Postumius, the augur, and Sylla, [1349]38, [1350]39.

   Præstantius, the strange story related by, respecting his father,
   [1351]370.

   Praise, the love of, why reckoned a virtue? [1352]96; of the
   eradication of the love of human, [1353]97.

   Prayer for the dead, [1354]470.

   Predictions of Scripture, [1355]203.

   Priest, the faithful, [1356]344.

   Priesthood; the, the promise to establish it for ever, how to be
   understood, [1357]345; of Christ, described in the Psalms, [1358]355.

   Proclus, Julius, [1359]51.

   Projectus, Bishop, and the miraculous cure of blind women, [1360]488.

   Proletarii, the [1361]54.

   Prometheus, [1362]364.

   Promises, the, made to Abraham, [1363]320, -[1364]322.

   Prophetic age, the, [1365]337.

   Prophetic records, the, [1366]336.

   Prophecies, the threefold meaning of the, [1367]338, [1368]339;
   respecting Christ and His gospel, [1369]375, [1370]376. [1371]377,
   [1372]379, [1373]380.

   Prophets, the later, [1374]360; of the time when the Roman kingdom
   began. [1375]375.

   Proscription, the, of Sylla, [1376]61.

   Proserpine, [1377]133, [1378]135.

   Protasius and Gervasius, martyrs, a blind man healed by the bodies of,
   at Milan, [1379]485; a young man freed from a devil by, [1380]487.

   Providence of God, the, [1381]93, [1382]447; not disturbed by the
   wickedness of angels or men, [1383]282.

   Prudence, [1384]402.

   Psalms, the, David's concern in writing, [1385]352.

   Ptolemy, Philadelphus, causes the Hebrew Scriptures to be translated
   into Greek, [1386]385. [1387]386.

   Puberty, was it later among the antediluvians than it is now?
   [1388]296, etc.

   Pulvillus, Mafcus, [1389]100:

   Punic wars; the; the disasters suffered by the Romans in, [1390]55; the
   second of these, its deplorable effects, [1391]56, etc.

   Punishment, eternal, [1392]452; whether it is possible for bodies to
   last forever in burning fire, [1393]452; whether bodily sufferings
   necessarily terminate in the destruction of the flesh, [1394]452,
   [1395]453; examples from nature to show that bodies may remain
   unconsumed and alive in fire, [1396]454; the nature of, [1397]460,
   etc.; is it just that it should last longer than the sins themselves
   lasted? [1398]462, etc.; the greatness of the first transgression on
   account of which it is due to all not within the pale of the Saviour's
   grace, [1399]463, etc.; of the wicked after death, not purgatorial,
   [1400]463, [1401]464; proportioned to the deserts of the wicked,
   [1402]465; of certain persons, who deny, [1403]466; of those who think
   that the intercession of saints will deliver from, [1404]466, and note;
   of those who think that participation of the body of Christ will save
   from, [1405]467; of those who think that Catholic baptism will deliver
   from, [1406]467; of the opinion that building on the "Foundation" will
   save from, [1407]468; of the opinion , that alms-giving will deliver
   from, [1408]468; of those who think that the devil will not suffer,
   [1409]468; replies to all those who deny, [1410]469, [1411]472, etc.,
   [1412]473.

   Punishments, the temporary, of this life.; [1413]464; the object of,
   [1414]465.

   Purgatorial punishments, [1415]445, [1416]446, [1417]470.

   Purification of heart, the, whence obtained by the saints, [1418]194;
   the principles which, according to the Platonists, regulate, [1419]194;
   the one true principle which alone can effect, [1420]195.

   Purifying punishment, the, spoken of by Malachi, [1421]445.

   Pyrites, the Persian stone so called, [1422]456.

   Pyrrhus, invades Italy, --response of the oracle of Apollo to,
   [1423]54; cannot tempt Fabricius, [1424]100.

   Pythagoras, the founder of the Italic school of philosophy, [1425]145.

   Queen, the, the Church, [1426]354.

   Quiet, the temple of, [1427]72.

   Radagaisus, king of the Goths, the war with, [1428]104.

   Rain, portentous, [1429]62.

   Rape of the Sabine women, the, [1430]48; [1431]49.

   Rebecca, wife of Isaac, [1432]330; the divine answer respecting the
   twins in the womb of, [1433]330.

   Recentness of man's creation, an answer to those who complain of,
   [1434]233.

   Regeneration, the laver, or font of, [1435]487.

   Regulus. as an example, of heroism, and voluntary endurance for
   religion's sake, [1436]10, etc:; the virtue of, far excelled that of
   Cato, [1437]16.

   Reign of the saints with Christ for a thousand .years, [1438]382, etc.

   Religion, [1439]181; no true, without true virtues, [1440]418.

   Religions, false, kept up on policy, [1441]341.

   Republic, Cicero's definition of a, --was there ever a Roman, answering
   to? [1442]414, [1443]415; according to what definition could the Romans
   or others assume the title of a? [1444]418.

   Resting on the seventh day, God's, the meaning of, [1445]209.

   Restitutus, presbyter of the Calamensian Church, a curious account of,
   [1446]280, [1447]281.

   Resurrection, the, of the flesh of believers, to a perfection not
   enjoyed by our first parent's, [1448]255, [1449]256; [1450]257; the
   first and the second, [1451]425, [1452]426, [1453]427; Paul's testimony
   on, [1454]439; utterances of Isaiah respecting, [1455]440, etc.; some
   refuse to believe, while the world at large believes, [1456]481;
   vindicated against ridicule thrown on it, [1457]493; etc.; whether
   abortions shall have part in, [1458]494; whether infants shall have
   that body in, which they would have had if they had grown up,
   [1459]494; whether in the, the dead shall rise the same size as the
   Lord's body, [1460]495; the saints shall be conformed to the image of
   Christ in the, [1461]495; whether women shall retain their sex in,
   [1462]496; all bodily blemishes shall be removed in, [1463]497; the
   substance of our bodies, however disintegrated, shall be entirely
   reunited, [1464]498; the new spiritual body of, [1465]499; the
   obstinacy of those who impugn, while the world believes, [1466]504,
   etc.

   Resurrection of Christ; the, referred to in the Psalms; [1467]255,
   [1468]256.

   Reward, the, of the saints, after the trials of this life, [1469]406.

   Rhea, or Ilia, mother of Romulus and Remus, [1470]371.

   Rich man, the, in hell, [1471]462.

   Righteous, the glory of the, is in God, [1472]97.

   Righteous man, the, the sufferings of, described in the Book of Wisdom,
   [1473]357, etc.

   Rites, sacred, of the gods, [1474]116.

   Rituals of false gods, instituted by kings of Greece, from the exodus
   of Israel downward, [1475]366, [1476]367.

   Roman empire, the, which of the gods presided over? [1477]68; whether
   the great extent and duration of, should be attributed to Jove,
   [1478]78; whether the worship of the gods has been of service in
   extending, [1479]79; the cause of, not fortuitous, nor attributable to
   the position of the stars, [1480]84, etc.; by what virtues the
   enlargement of, was merited, [1481]93, etc.

   Roman kings, what manner of life and death they had, [1482]51, etc.

   Roman republic, was there ever one answering to Cicero's definition?
   [1483]156, [1484]157, [1485]159, [1486]160.

   Romans, the, the folly of, in trusting gods which could not defend
   Troy, 3, etc.; by what steps the passion of governing increased among,
   [1487]20; the vices of, not corrected by the overthrow of their city,
   [1488]21; the calamities suffered by, before Christ, [1489]24, etc.,
   [1490]31, etc.; poetical license restrained by, [1491]27, etc.;
   excluded players from offices of state and restrained the license of
   players, [1492]28, [1493]29; the gods never took any steps to prevent
   the republic of, from being ruined by immorality, [1494]36, etc.; the
   obscenities of their plays consecrated to the service of their gods,
   contributed to overthrow their republic, [1495]41, etc.; exhorted to
   forsake paganism, [1496]41; was it desirable that the empire of, should
   be increased by a succession of furious wars? [1497]47; by what right
   they obtained their first wives, [1498]48; the wickedness of the wars
   waged by, against the Albans, [1499]49, [1500]50; the first consuls of,
   [1501]52, etc.; the disasters which befell in the Punic wars, [1502]55,
   [1503]56, etc.; the ingratitude of to Scipio, the conqueror of
   Hannibal, [1504]57; the internal disasters which vexed the republic,
   [1505]58, etc.; multiplied gods for small and ignoble purposes,
   [1506]68; to what profits they carried on war, and how far to the
   well-being of the conquered, [1507]98; dominion granted to, by the
   providence of God, [1508]102.

   Rome, the sack of, by the Barbarians, 1; the evils inflicted on the
   Christians in the sack of, --why permitted, [1509]18; the iniquities
   practised in the palmiest days of, [1510]32, etc.; the corruption which
   has grown up in, before Christianity, [1511]33, etc.; Cicero's opinion
   of the republic of, [1512]35; frost and snow incredibly severe at,
   [1513]55; calamities which befell, in the Punic wars, [1514]55, etc.,
   [1515]56, etc.; Asiatic luxury introduced to, [1516]57; when founded,
   [1517]372; the founder of, made a god, [1518]482.

   Romulus, the alleged parentage of, [1519]44, [1520]45; no penalty
   exacted for his fratricidal act, [1521]45, etc.; the death of,
   [1522]51; suckled by a wolf, [1523]372; made a god by Rome, [1524]482.

   Rule, equitable, [1525]411.

   Rulers serve the society which they rule, [1526]410, [1527]411.

   Sabbath, the perpetual, [1528]511.

   Sabine women, the rape of the, [1529]31, [1530]48, [1531]49.

   Sack of Rome, the, by the Barbarians, 1, etc.; of Troy, 3, etc.

   Sacrifice, that due to the true God only, [1532]182; the true and
   perfect, [1533]183; the reasonableness of offering a visible, to God,
   [1534]192; the supreme and true, of the Mediator, [1535]193; of
   Abraham, when he believed, --its meaning [1536]324.

   Sacrifices, those not required by God, but enjoined for the exhibition
   of the truth, [1537]183.

   Sacrifices of righteousness, [1538]446.

   Sacristan of Hercules, a, the story of, [1539]115.

   Sages, the seven, [1540]374.

   Saguntum, the destruction of, [1541]56, [1542]57.

   Saints, the, lose nothing in losing their temporal goods, 7, etc.;
   their consolations in captivity, [1543]10; cases in which the examples
   of, are not to be followed, [1544]17; why the enemy was permitted to
   indulge his lust on the bodies of, [1545]18; the reply of, to
   unbelievers, who taunted them with Christ's not having rescued them
   from the fury of their enemies, [1546]19, etc.; the reward of, after
   the trials of this life, [1547]406; the happiness of the eternal peace
   which constitutes the perfection of, [1548]407; in this life, blessed
   in hope, [1549]414.

   Salacia, [1550]134.

   Salamander, the, [1551]454.

   Sallust, quoted, 4, [1552]31, [1553]32, [1554]44, [1555]47, [1556]50,
   [1557]53, [1558]94, [1559]95, [1560]124, [1561]362.

   Salt, the, of Agrigentum, the peculiar qualities of, [1562]455.

   Samnites, the, defeated by the Romans, [1563]53.

   Samothracians, the mysteries of the, [1564]139.

   Samuel, the address of, to Saul on his disobedience, [1565]346, etc.;
   sets up a stone of memorial, [1566]347.

   Saul, spared by David, [1567]345, [1568]346; forfeits the kingdom,
   [1569]346, [1570]347.

   Sanctity, the, of the body, not violated by the violence of another's
   lust, [1571]12, [1572]13.

   Sancus, or Sangus, a Sabine god, [1573]371.

   Sarah, and Hagar, and their sons, --the typical significance of,
   [1574]285.

   Sarah's barrenness, [1575]286; preservation of the chastity of, in
   Egypt, and in Gerar, [1576]276, [1577]328; change of the name of,
   [1578]327; the death of, [1579]330.

   Satan, transforms himself into an angel of light, [1580]406. See Devil.

   Saturn, [1581]69, [1582]123, [1583]125; and Genius, thought to be
   really Jupiter, [1584]129, [1585]130, etc.; interpretations of the
   reasons for worshipping, [1586]133; and Picus, [1587]368.

   Saved by fire, [1588]473.

   Scævola, the pontiff, slain in the Marian wars, [1589]60, [1590]61;
   distinguishes three kinds of gods, [1591]78, [1592]79.

   Scenic representations, the establishment of, opposed by Scipio Nasica,
   [1593]20; the obscenities of, contributed to the overthrow of the
   republic, [1594]39, etc.

   Schools of philosophers, [1595]145, etc.

   Scipio Nasica, Rome's "best man," opposes the destruction of Carthage,
   [1596]19, [1597]20; opposes scenic representations, [1598]68.

   Scripture, the obscurity of, --its advantages, [1599]215.

   Scriptures, the canonical, the authority of, [1600]206; of the Old
   Testament, translated into Greek, [1601]385, [1602]386.

   Sea, the, gives up the dead which are in it, [1603]434; no more,
   [1604]436.

   Sects of philosophy, the number of, according to Varro,
   [1605]397-[1606]399.

   Selenite, the stone so called, [1607]456.

   Semiramis, [1608]362.

   Seneca, Annæus, recognizes the guiding will of the Supreme, [1609]89;
   censures the popular worship of the gods, and the popular theology,
   [1610]119, [1611]120; what he thought of the Jews, [1612]120,
   [1613]121.

   Septuagint, --is it or the Hebrew text to be followed in computing
   years? [1614]293, etc.; origin of the, [1615]385, [1616]386; authority
   of in relation to the Hebrew original, [1617]386, [1618]387; difference
   between, and the Hebrew text as to the days fixed by Jonah for the
   destruction of Nineveh, [1619]387, [1620]388.

   Servitude introduced by sin, [1621]411.

   Servius Tullius, the foul murder of, [1622]52.

   Seth and Cain, heads of two lines of descendants, [1623]298; relation
   of the former to Christ, [1624]299.

   Seven, the number, [1625]223, [1626]341.

   Seventh day, the, [1627]223.

   Severus, bishop of Milevis, [1628]455.

   Sex, shall it be restored in the resurrection? [1629]239.

   Sexual intercourse, [1630]276; in the antediluvian age, [1631]296, etc.

   Shem, [1632]309; the sons of, [1633]311; the genealogy of, [1634]316,
   etc.

   Sibyl, the Cumæan, [1635]197; the Erythræan, [1636]198, and note,
   [1637]373.

   Sybilline books, the, [1638]55, and note, [1639]372.

   Sicyon, the kingdom and kings of, [1640]362, [1641]363, [1642]371.

   Silvanus, the god, [1643]117.

   Silvii, [1644]371.

   Simplicianus, bishop of Milan, his reminiscence of the saying of a
   certain Platonist, [1645]200.

   Sin, should not be sought to be obviated by sin, [1646]17; should not
   be sought to be shunned by a voluntary death, [1647]18; had not its
   origin in God, but in the will of the creature, [1648]214; not caused
   by the flesh, but by the soul, [1649]263; servitude introduced by,
   [1650]411.

   Sins, how cleansed, [1651]194.

   Six, the perfection of the number, [1652]222.

   Slave, when the word, first occurs in Scripture; its meaning,
   [1653]411.

   Social life, disturbed by many distresses, [1654]403, etc.

   Socrates, a sketch of, --his philosophy, [1655]145, [1656]146; the god
   or demon of, the book of Apuleius concerning, [1657]153, [1658]154.

   Sodom, the region of, [1659]460.

   Solomon, books written by, and the prophecies they contain, [1660]357.
   etc.; the kings after, both of Israel and Judah, [1661]358.

   Son of God, but one by nature, [1662]464.

   Sons of God, the, and daughters of men, [1663]302, etc.; not angels,
   [1664]303, etc.

   Soranus, Valerius, [1665]130.

   Soul, the immortal, [1666]121; the way of its deliverance, [1667]202;
   created in the image of God, [1668]241; Porphyry's notion that its
   blessedness requires separation from the body, demolished by Plato,
   [1669]249; the separation of, and the body, considered by some not to
   be penal, [1670]252.

   Soul of the world, God not the, [1671]71; Varro's opinion of, examined,
   [1672]126.

   Souls, rational, the opinion that there are three kinds of, [1673]153,
   [1674]154; the, of men, according to the Platonists, become demons,
   [1675]171; views of the transmigration of, [1676]200, [1677]201; not
   co-eternal with God, [1678]201; do not return from blessedness to labor
   and misery, after certain periodic revolutions, [1679]239.

   Sophrosuue, [1680]402.

   Speusippus, [1681]152.

   Spirit, [1682]259, [1683]260.

   Spiritual body, the, of the saints, in the resurrection, [1684]499.

   Stars, the supposed influence of, on kingdoms, births, etc., [1685]84,
   [1686]85, [1687]86; some, called by the names of gods, [1688]130, etc.

   Stephen, St., miracles wrought by the relics of, and at the shrine of,
   [1689]488, [1690]489, [1691]490.

   Stoics, opinions of, about mental emotions, [1692]167, etc.; the three
   perturbations admitted by, in the soul of the wise man, [1693]267,
   etc.; the belief of, as to the gods, [1694]384; suicide permitted by,
   [1695]402, [1696]403.

   Strong man, the, [1697]426.

   Substance, the, of the people of God, [1698]350.

   Suicide, committed through fear of dishonor or of punishment, [1699]12;
   Christians have no authority for committing, under any circumstances,
   [1700]14; can never be prompted to, by magnanimity, [1701]15; the
   example of Cato in relation to, [1702]16; should it be resorted to, to
   avoid sin? [1703]18; permitted by the Stoics, [1704]402, [1705]403.

   Sun, the, stayed in its course by Joshua, [1706]459.

   Superstition, [1707]80.

   Sylla, the deeds of, [1708]38, [1709]39; and Marius, the war between,
   [1710]60.

   Sylva, [1711]45.

   Symmachus, [1712]24, and note.

   Tarquinius, Priscus, or Superbus, his barbarous murder of his
   father-in-law, [1713]51; the expulsion of, from Rome, [1714]52.

   Tatius, Titus, introduces new gods, [1715]76.

   Tellus, [1716]69; the surnames of, and their significance, [1717]136.

   Temperance, [1718]402.

   Ten kings, the, [1719]443.

   Terah, the emigration of, from Ur of the Chaldees, [1720]318; the years
   of, [1721]319.

   Terence, quoted, [1722]27.

   Terentius, a certain, finds the books of Numa Pompilius, [1723]141.

   Terminus, [1724]77, [1725]80; and Janus, [1726]126.

   Thales, the founder of the Ionic school of philosophy, [1727]145.

   Theatrical exhibitions, publish the shame of the gods, [1728]27; the
   obscenities of, contributed to overthrow the republic, [1729]41.

   Theodorus, the Cyrenian philosopher, his reply to Lysimachus, 9, note.

   Theodosius, the faith and piety of, [1730]105, etc.

   Theological poets, [1731]368.

   Theology, Varro's threefold division of, [1732]112-[1733]115.

   Theosebeia, [1734]181.

   Theurgy, [1735]185, etc., [1736]186, etc.

   Thousand years, the, of the Book of Revelation, [1737]426; the reign of
   the saints with Christ during, [1738]429, etc.

   Threats employed against the gods to compel their aid, [1739]188.

   Threskeia, [1740]181.

   Tilon, the island of, [1741]456.

   Time, [1742]208.

   Time, times, and a half time, [1743]443.

   Times and seasons, the hidden, [1744]394.

   Titus, Latinius, [1745]153.

   Torquatus, slays his victorious son, [1746]99.

   Transformations, strange, of men, [1747]369; what we should believe
   respecting, [1748]370.

   Transgression, the first, the greatness of, [1749]422.

   Transmigration of souls, the Platonic views of, emended by Porphyry,
   [1750]200, [1751]201.

   "Tree of life, the, the days of," [1752]447.

   Trinity, the, [1753]195; further explained, [1754]210, [1755]211;
   further statements of, --indications of, scattered everywhere among the
   works of God, [1756]218; indications of, in philosophy, [1757]219,
   [1758]220; the image of, in human nature, [1759]220.

   Troy, the gods unable to afford an asylum during the sack of, 3; were
   the gods justified in permitting the destruction of? [1760]44, etc.

   Truth, the sad results where it is hidden, [1761]404, etc.

   Tullus Hostilius, [1762]51, [1763]52.

   Twelve thrones, [1764]424.

   Twenty Martyrs, the, how a tailor got a new coat by praying at the
   shrine of, [1765]488.

   Twins, on the difference of the health, etc., of, [1766]85; of
   different sexes, [1767]88.

   Unbaptized, the, saved through the confession of Christ, [1768]248.

   Unbelief of the Jews, the, foretold, [1769]356.

   Unity, the, of the human race, [1770]241, etc.

   Universe, the beauty of the, [1771]214.

   Valens, a persecutor, [1772]393.

   Valentinian, protected by Theodosius, [1773]105, a confessor,
   [1774]393.

   Valerius, Marcus, [1775]100.

   Varro, his opinion of the utility of men feigning themselves to be the
   offspring of gods, [1776]44; boasts of having conferred the knowledge
   of the worship of the gods on the Romans, [1777]75; what he thought of
   the gods of the nations, [1778]110; his book concerning the antiquities
   of divine and human things, [1779]111, etc.; his threefold division of
   theology into fabulous, natural, and civil, [1780]112, etc.; the
   opinion of, that God is the soul of the world, [1781]126, [1782]128;
   pronounces his own opinions respecting the gods uncertain, [1783]132;
   holds the earth to be a goddess, [1784]134, etc.; his doctrine of the
   gods not self-consistent, [1785]139; assigns the reason why Athens was
   so called, [1786]365; the opinion of, about the name of Areopagus,
   [1787]365, [1788]366; what he relates of the strange transformations of
   men, [1789]369, etc.; on the number of philosophical sects,
   [1790]397-[1791]400, etc; in reference to a celestial portent,
   [1792]459; his story of the Vestal virgin falsely accused, [1793]493;
   his work on The Origin of the Roman People, quoted in relation to the
   Palingenesy, [1794]506.

   Vaticanus, [1795]70.

   Venilia, [1796]134.

   Venus, a peculiar candelabrum in a temple of, [1797]456, [1798]457.

   Venus, the planet, a strange prodigy that occurred to, [1799]459.

   Vesta, [1800]69, [1801]70, [1802]131.

   Vestal virgin, a, to prove her innocence, carries water in a seive from
   the Tiber, [1803]493.

   Vestal virgins, the punishment of those caught in adultery, [1804]45.

   Vice, not nature, contrary to God, and hurtful, [1805]227.

   Vicissitudes of life, the, on what dependent, [1806]37, etc.

   Victoria, the goddess, [1807]72; ought she to be worshipped as well as
   Jove? [1808]73.

   Virgil, quoted, 1, 2, 3, 4, [1809]13, [1810]37, [1811]42, [1812]44,
   [1813]48. [1814]50, [1815]94, [1816]127, [1817]128, [1818]138,
   [1819]156, [1820]157, [1821]181, [1822]193, [1823]198, [1824]201,
   [1825]264, [1826]368, [1827]444, [1828]457, [1829]463, [1830]471.

   Virgin Mary, the, [1831]354.

   Virgins, the violation of, by force, does not contaminate, [1832]12.

   Virtue and Faith, honored by the Romans with temples, [1833]73,
   [1834]74; the Romans ought to have been content with, and Felicity,
   [1835]74; the war waged by, [1836]354.

   Virtues, as disgraceful to make them serve human glory as to serve
   bodily pleasure, [1837]102; true, necessary to true religion,
   [1838]418, [1839]419.

   Virtumnus and Sentinus, [1840]123.

   Virtus, the goddess, [1841]124, [1842]125.

   Vision, the beatific, [1843]507-[1844]509.

   Vulcan, [1845]131.

   Warfare, the Christian, [1846]465.

   Wars, against the Albans, [1847]49; with Pyrrhus, [1848]54; the Punic,
   [1849]55, etc., [1850]56, etc.; the civil, of the Gracchi, [1851]59;
   the civil, between Marius and Sylla, [1852]60, etc.; the Gothic and
   Gallic, [1853]61; severe and frequent, before the advent of Christ,
   [1854]61; the duration of various, [1855]103; with Radagaisus,
   [1856]104; the miseries of, [1857]405.

   Waters, the separation of the, [1858]225.

   Wicked, the, the ills which alone are feared by, [1859]43; God makes a
   good use of, [1860]392; going out to see the punishment of, [1861]442;
   the end of, [1862]420; and the good, one event befalls, 5, [1863]422;
   the connection of, and the good together, 6.

   Wickedness, not a flaw of nature, [1864]471.

   Will, the consent of, to an evil deed, makes the deed evil, [1865]12;
   is it ruled by necessity? [1866]92; the enemies of God are so by,
   [1867]227, [1868]229; no efficient cause of an evil, [1869]230; the
   misdirected love by which it fell away from the immutable to the
   mutable good, [1870]230; whether the angels received their good, from
   God, [1871]231; the character of, makes the affections of the soul
   right or wrong, [1872]266, etc.; free in the state of perfect felicity,
   [1873]510.

   Will of God, the eternal and unchangeable, [1874]480.

   Wisdom, described in the Book of Proverbs, [1875]358.

   Wisdom, the Book of, a prophecy of Christ in, [1876]357.

   Wives, how the Romans obtained their first, [1877]48.

   Woman, shall she retain her sex in the resurrection? [1878]495; the
   formation of, from a rib of sleeping Adam, a type, [1879]496.

   World, the, not eternal, [1880]206; the infinite ages before, not to be
   comprehended, [1881]207; and time, had both one beginning [1882]208;
   falseness of the history which ascribes many thousand years to the past
   existence of, [1883]232; of those who hold a plurality of worlds,
   [1884]233; predictions respecting the end of, [1885]444, etc.

   Worlds without end, or ages of ages, [1886]238, etc.

   Wonders, lying, [1887]484

   Worm, the, that dieth not, [1888]443, [1889]461.

   Worship of God, distinction between latria and dulia, [1890]180,
   [1891]181, [1892]182, etc.

   Xenocrates, [1893]152.

   Years, in the time of the antediluvians, [1894]292, etc., [1895]295,
   etc.; in the words, "their days shall be an hundred and twenty years,"
   [1896]305, etc.; the thousand, of the Book of Revelation, [1897]426;
   the three and a half, of the Book of Revelation, [1898]443.

   Zoroaster, [1899]464.
     __________________________________________________________________

ON CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE.

  INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

   Absolute right and wrong, treated of, [1900]562.

   Affections, change of, the way to heaven, [1901]527.

   Aids to interpreting Scripture history, [1902]549; mechanical arts and
   dialectics as, [1903]550.

   Ambiguity, rules for removing, [1904]557, [1905]558.

   Ambrose, examples of style from, [1906]590, etc.

   Amos, examples of eloquence from, [1907]580.

   Antony, a monk who committed the Scriptures to memory, [1908]519.

   Astrologers, superstition of, [1909]545.

   Body, love of one's, [1910]528; the resurrection, wholly subject to the
   spirit, [1911]529.

   Bondage, to the letter, [1912]559, etc.; to signs, [1913]560.

   Canonical Books, list of, [1914]538.

   Circumstantial considerations, [1915]564.

   Charms to be avoided by Christians, [1916]550.

   Child of grace, mature, [1917]534.

   Christ, purges the Church by affliction, [1918]526; opens the way to
   our home, [1919]527; is the first way to God, [1920]532.

   Christian teacher, duty of, [1921]576, [1922]581.

   Church, the, purged by afflictions, [1923]526; the keys given to,
   [1924]527.

   Cicero, on rhetoric, [1925]576, [1926]577; on style, [1927]583,
   [1928]586; on the aim of an orator, [1929]583.

   Claudian's description of Neptune, [1930]559.

   Commands, rules for interpreting, [1931]563.

   Crime as distinguished from vice, [1932]561.

   David, not lustful though he fell into adultery, [1933]565.

   Death, not destruction but change, [1934]527.

   Definition, the science of, not false, but may be applied to falsities,
   [1935]552.

   Devils arrange the language of omens, [1936]547.

   Dialectics, use of, in interpreting Scripture, [1937]550.

   Difficult passages, how and with whom to discuss, [1938]581.

   Discourses of others, when they may be preached, [1939]596.

   Divination, why we reject acts of, [1940]546.

   Egyptians, spoiling of the, typical import of, [1941]554.

   Eloquence, the rules of, are true, though sometimes used to persuade
   men of what is false, [1942]552; of the sacred writers is united with
   wisdom, [1943]577.

   Enjoyment, distinction between, and use, [1944]523; of man, [1945]532.

   Faith, strengthened by the resurrection and ascension of Christ, and
   stimulated by his coming to judgment, [1946]526.

   Figurative expressions not to be taken literally, [1947]559; how to
   discern whether a phrase is figurative, [1948]560; interpretation of,
   [1949]561, etc.; variation of figure, [1950]566.

   Flesh, no man hates his own, expounded, [1951]528, etc.

   Gentiles, useless bondage of the, to the letter, [1952]559.

   God, in what sense ineffable, and what all men understand by the term,
   [1953]524; is unchangeable wisdom, [1954]524; is alone to be loved for
   his own sake, [1955]528; uses rather than enjoys man, [1956]531.

   God, wisdom of, how He came to us and healed man, [1957]525, [1958]526.

   Hearers, to be moved as well as instructed, [1959]583.

   History, to what extent an aid in interpreting Scripture, [1960]549.

   Holy life, power of, in a teacher, [1961]595.

   Hope, a buttress of faith, [1962]526. See Faith.

   Human institutions, superstitious nature of, [1963]545; of those not
   superstitious, some convenient and necessary, [1964]548.

   Humility essential to the study of Scripture, [1965]555.

   Idioms, how to attain a knowledge of, [1966]542.

   Ineffable, in what sense God is, [1967]524.

   Inference, logical, how valid, [1968]551.

   Interpretation of Scripture, rules for, [1969]519-[1970]521; depends on
   two things, understanding and making known its meaning, [1971]522;
   dangers of mistaken, [1972]533; a diversity of, useful, [1973]540; how
   faulty, can be emended, [1974]541; figures, [1975]561, etc.; sayings
   and doings ascribed to God and the saints, [1976]562; commands and
   prohibitions, [1977]563; sins of great men, [1978]565; obscure passages
   to be interpreted by clearer, [1979]566; passages susceptible of
   various interpretations, [1980]567; rules of Tichonius the Donatist,
   [1981]568-[1982]573.

   Israel, the spiritual, [1983]571.

   Itala, the, to be preferred to other Latin versions, [1984]542.

   Jews, bondage of, to the letter, and how liberated therefrom,
   [1985]559, etc.

   Keys, the, given to the Church, [1986]527.

   Knowledge, a step to wisdom, [1987]537; from a profane source, not to
   be despised, [1988]544.

   Languages, knowledge of, useful, [1989]539, [1990]543.

   Learning, what branches of, are useful to a Christian, [1991]553.

   Letter, the, killeth, expounded, [1992]559, etc.

   Logical sequence, valid, not devised, but only observed by man,
   [1993]551.

   Lot, the, for deciding whom to aid, [1994]530.

   Love to God and our neighbor, includes love to ourselves, [1995]529;
   the order of, [1996]530; never faileth, [1997]533; its import,
   [1998]561.

   Lucus-quod minime luceat, [1999]567.

   Mechanical arts contributory to exegetics, [2000]550.

   Men, ministry of, employed for teaching and administering sacraments,
   [2001]520.

   Muses, the nine, legend of their origin, [2002]544.

   Natural science, an exegetical aid, [2003]549.

   Neighbor, who is our, [2004]530; love to our, [2005]533.

   Neptune, described by Claudian, [2006]560.

   Number, the science of, not created but only discovered by man,
   [2007]553.

   Numbers, the mystical, [2008]543, [2009]571.

   Omens, how far of force, and the part devils have in them, [2010]547.

   Orator, aim of the, [2011]583, [2012]594.

   Paul, example of eloquence from, [2013]577, etc.

   Perspicuity, [2014]582.

   Persuasiveness, [2015]594.

   Philosophers, heathen, what they have said rightly to be appropriated
   to our uses, [2016]554.

   Plato, was in Egypt when Jeremiah was there, [2017]549.

   Prayer, ability to read granted in answer to, [2018]520; to be engaged
   in before preaching, [2019]584, [2020]597.

   Preaching the discourses of others, when permissible, [2021]596.

   Prohibitions, rules for interpreting, [2022]563.

   Pronunciation, how it serves to remove ambiguity, [2023]557.

   Punctuation, ambiguities of, [2024]556.

   Purification of soul, necessary in order to see God, [2025]525.

   Pythagoras, not prior to the Hebrew Scriptures, [2026]549.

   Rhetoric, use of, [2027]552; what use a Christian is to make of the
   art, [2028]575, etc.; it is better to listen to and imitate eloquent
   men than attend teachers of, [2029]576.

   Scripture, rules for interpretation of, [2030]519, [2031]539,
   [2032]567, [2033]568; its fulfillment and end is the love of God and
   our neighbor, [2034]532; use of the obscurities in, [2035]537; in what
   spirit. to be studied, [2036]539, [2037]553, [2038]555; compared with
   profane authors, [2039]555; what it enjoins and asserts, [2040]561; See
   Interpretations.

   Septuagint, the authority of, [2041]542, etc.

   Signs, as distinguished from things, [2042]523; nature and variety of,
   [2043]535, etc.; when unknown and ambiguous, they prevent Scripture
   from being understood, [2044]539; knowledge of languages, especially of
   Greek and Hebrew, necessary to remove ignorance of, [2045]540, etc.;
   conventional, [2046]536, [2047]547.

   Solecism, what it is, [2048]541.

   Solomon, gave way to lust, [2049]565.

   Stars, folly of observing the, in order to predict the events of a
   life, [2050]546.

   Style, necessity for perspicuity of, [2051]582, etc.; threefold
   division of--majestic, quiet, temperate, [2052]586; to be different on
   different occasions, [2053]587; examples of, from Scripture, [2054]588;
   from Ambrose or Cvprian, [2055]590; necessity of variety in, [2056]593;
   effects of the different styles, [2057]593, etc.

   Superstitious nature of human institutions, [2058]545, etc.

   Teacher, the true, made by God, yet human directions for, are not to be
   despised, [2059]585; power of a holy life in, [2060]595.

   Terence, quoted, [2061]553.

   Thing, what a, is, [2062]523.

   Tichonius the Donatist, rules of, for interpreting Scripture,
   [2063]568-[2064]573.

   Translations, usefulness of comparing, [2065]540; preference among, to
   be given to the Latin, Itala, and the Greek Septuagint, [2066]542.

   Trinity, the, true object of enjoyment, [2067]524.

   Tropes, knowledge of, necessary, [2068]567.

   Truth, [2069]552, [2070]596.

   Use, different from enjoyment, [2071]523; what, God makes of us,
   [2072]531.

   Varro, on the nine Muses, [2073]544.

   Vice, as distinguished from crime, [2074]561

   Wicked men, judge others by themselves, [2075]564.

   Wisdom, unchangeable, [2076]524; steps to, [2077]537, [2078]576.

   Word, the, made flesh, [2079]526. See Christ.

   Words, hold the chief place among signs, [2080]536; have special
   meanings, [2081]566; strife about, expounded, [2082]596.

   Writing, origin of, [2083]536.
     __________________________________________________________________

                                    Indexes
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References

   Genesis

   [2084]1:1   [2085]1:1   [2086]1:1-2   [2087]1:6   [2088]1:14
   [2089]1:14-18   [2090]1:24   [2091]1:24   [2092]1:26   [2093]1:26
   [2094]1:27-28   [2095]1:28   [2096]1:28   [2097]1:28   [2098]1:31
   [2099]2:2-3   [2100]2:6   [2101]2:7   [2102]2:7   [2103]2:8-9
   [2104]2:15   [2105]2:17   [2106]2:17   [2107]2:17   [2108]2:17
   [2109]2:22   [2110]2:25   [2111]3:5   [2112]3:5   [2113]3:6
   [2114]3:7   [2115]3:7   [2116]3:9   [2117]3:12   [2118]3:12-13
   [2119]3:16   [2120]3:19   [2121]3:19   [2122]3:19   [2123]4:1
   [2124]4:6-7   [2125]4:17   [2126]4:17   [2127]4:18-22   [2128]4:25
   [2129]4:25   [2130]4:26   [2131]5:1   [2132]5:2   [2133]5:6
   [2134]5:8   [2135]6:1-4   [2136]6:3   [2137]6:5-7   [2138]6:6
   [2139]6:19-20   [2140]7:10-11   [2141]8:4-5   [2142]8:11
   [2143]9:20-24   [2144]9:25   [2145]9:26-27   [2146]10:20
   [2147]10:21   [2148]10:25   [2149]10:25   [2150]10:31   [2151]10:32
   [2152]11   [2153]11:1   [2154]11:1   [2155]11:1-9   [2156]11:6
   [2157]11:27-29   [2158]11:31   [2159]11:32   [2160]11:32   [2161]12:1
   [2162]12:1   [2163]12:1   [2164]12:1-2   [2165]12:1-3   [2166]12:3
   [2167]12:4   [2168]12:7   [2169]13:8-9   [2170]13:14-17
   [2171]14:18-19   [2172]15:4   [2173]15:6   [2174]15:7   [2175]15:9-21
   [2176]15:17   [2177]16:3   [2178]16:6   [2179]17:1-22   [2180]17:5
   [2181]17:5-6   [2182]17:14   [2183]17:16   [2184]17:17   [2185]18
   [2186]18:2-3   [2187]18:18   [2188]18:18   [2189]19:2
   [2190]19:16-19   [2191]19:21   [2192]20:12   [2193]21:6   [2194]21:10
   [2195]21:12   [2196]21:12-13   [2197]22:10-12   [2198]22:13
   [2199]22:14   [2200]22:15-18   [2201]22:18   [2202]22:18
   [2203]22:18   [2204]22:18   [2205]24:2-3   [2206]24:10   [2207]25:1
   [2208]25:5-6   [2209]25:7   [2210]25:9   [2211]25:23   [2212]25:23
   [2213]25:24   [2214]25:27   [2215]26:1-5   [2216]26:24
   [2217]27:27-29   [2218]27:33   [2219]28:1-4   [2220]28:10-19
   [2221]28:11   [2222]32:28   [2223]32:28-30   [2224]35:29   [2225]46:8
   [2226]46:20   [2227]46:27   [2228]47:29   [2229]48:19   [2230]49:8-12
   [2231]49:10   [2232]49:10   [2233]49:12   [2234]50:22-23
   [2235]50:22-23   [2236]50:23   [2237]50:24

   Exodus

   [2238]3:14   [2239]3:14   [2240]3:14   [2241]3:21-22   [2242]10
   [2243]12:22   [2244]12:35-36   [2245]12:37   [2246]15:25   [2247]17:6
   [2248]18:13   [2249]20:12   [2250]20:13-15   [2251]21:24
   [2252]22:20   [2253]22:20   [2254]22:20   [2255]22:20   [2256]24:18
   [2257]33:13

   Leviticus

   [2258]19:18   [2259]26:12

   Numbers

   [2260]11:4   [2261]13:19

   Deuteronomy

   [2262]5:14   [2263]6:5   [2264]13:1-3

   Joshua

   [2265]24:2

   Judges

   [2266]3:30   [2267]6:14-21

   1 Samuel

   [2268]2:1-10   [2269]2:27-36   [2270]7:9-12   [2271]13:13-14
   [2272]15:11   [2273]15:23   [2274]15:26-29   [2275]24:5-6   [2276]28
   [2277]28:7

   2 Samuel

   [2278]7:2   [2279]7:8   [2280]7:8-16   [2281]7:10-11   [2282]7:10-11
   [2283]7:14-15   [2284]7:14-16   [2285]7:19   [2286]12:1-6
   [2287]12:19-23   [2288]16:22   [2289]18:5   [2290]19:1

   1 Kings

   [2291]11:1-3   [2292]13:2   [2293]19:8   [2294]19:10   [2295]19:14
   [2296]19:15

   2 Kings

   [2297]2:11   [2298]5:26   [2299]23:15-17

   2 Chronicles

   [2300]1:10-12   [2301]30:9

   Esther

   [2302]4:16

   Job

   [2303]1:21   [2304]7:1   [2305]7:1   [2306]7:1   [2307]14:4
   [2308]15:13   [2309]19:26   [2310]34:30   [2311]38:7   [2312]40:14
   [2313]40:14   [2314]42:5-6

   Psalms

   [2315]3:3   [2316]3:5   [2317]4:7   [2318]5:12   [2319]6:2
   [2320]6:5   [2321]6:6   [2322]9:18   [2323]10:3   [2324]10:5
   [2325]11:5   [2326]12:6   [2327]12:7   [2328]13:1   [2329]14:1
   [2330]14:3-4   [2331]16:2   [2332]16:2   [2333]16:2   [2334]16:4
   [2335]16:9-10   [2336]16:10   [2337]16:11   [2338]17:6   [2339]17:8
   [2340]17:15   [2341]18:1   [2342]18:43   [2343]18:43   [2344]18:45
   [2345]19:9   [2346]19:12   [2347]22:16-17   [2348]22:18-19
   [2349]25:10   [2350]25:17   [2351]26:2   [2352]26:8   [2353]31:19
   [2354]31:19   [2355]32:1   [2356]32:11   [2357]33:2   [2358]34:1
   [2359]34:2   [2360]34:5   [2361]34:8   [2362]35:2   [2363]35:14
   [2364]35:18   [2365]37:31   [2366]38:9   [2367]39:2   [2368]40:2
   [2369]40:2-3   [2370]40:4   [2371]40:4   [2372]40:4   [2373]40:5
   [2374]40:6   [2375]40:6   [2376]41:5   [2377]41:5-8   [2378]41:9
   [2379]41:10   [2380]42:3   [2381]42:6   [2382]42:10   [2383]45:1-9
   [2384]45:7   [2385]45:9-17   [2386]45:16   [2387]46:4   [2388]46:8
   [2389]46:10   [2390]48:1   [2391]48:1   [2392]48:2   [2393]48:2
   [2394]48:8   [2395]49:11   [2396]49:12   [2397]49:20   [2398]50:1
   [2399]50:3-5   [2400]50:12-13   [2401]50:14-15   [2402]51:3
   [2403]51:7   [2404]51:7-8   [2405]51:16-17   [2406]52:8
   [2407]53:3-4   [2408]57:5   [2409]57:11   [2410]59:9   [2411]62:11-12
   [2412]67:1-2   [2413]68:20   [2414]69:6   [2415]69:9   [2416]69:10-11
   [2417]69:20   [2418]69:21   [2419]69:22-23   [2420]69:22-23
   [2421]72:8   [2422]72:8   [2423]73   [2424]73:18   [2425]73:20
   [2426]73:28   [2427]73:28   [2428]73:28   [2429]73:28   [2430]73:28
   [2431]74:12   [2432]75:8   [2433]77:9   [2434]77:9   [2435]77:10
   [2436]79:2-3   [2437]82:6   [2438]82:6   [2439]82:6   [2440]83:16
   [2441]84:2   [2442]84:4   [2443]84:10   [2444]87:3   [2445]87:3
   [2446]87:3   [2447]87:5   [2448]89   [2449]89:3-4   [2450]89:19-29
   [2451]89:30-33   [2452]89:32   [2453]89:34-35   [2454]89:36-37
   [2455]89:38   [2456]89:38   [2457]89:39-45   [2458]89:46
   [2459]89:46-47   [2460]89:47   [2461]89:48   [2462]89:49-51
   [2463]90:10   [2464]93:5   [2465]94:4   [2466]94:11   [2467]94:11
   [2468]94:11   [2469]94:15   [2470]94:19   [2471]94:19   [2472]95:3
   [2473]95:5   [2474]95:6   [2475]96:1   [2476]96:1-5   [2477]96:4-5
   [2478]96:5   [2479]96:5-6   [2480]101:1   [2481]102:25-27
   [2482]104:1   [2483]104:4   [2484]104:24   [2485]104:26
   [2486]104:26   [2487]105:8   [2488]105:15   [2489]110:1   [2490]110:1
   [2491]110:1   [2492]110:2   [2493]110:4   [2494]110:4   [2495]110:4
   [2496]110:4   [2497]111:2   [2498]111:10   [2499]112:1   [2500]115:5
   [2501]116:10   [2502]116:15   [2503]116:15   [2504]116:16
   [2505]119:20   [2506]119:119   [2507]119:164   [2508]119:164
   [2509]123:2   [2510]127:1   [2511]132:18   [2512]136:2   [2513]138:3
   [2514]139:16   [2515]143:10   [2516]144:4   [2517]144:4   [2518]144:4
   [2519]144:4   [2520]144:15   [2521]147:5   [2522]147:12-14
   [2523]148:1-5   [2524]148:2   [2525]148:4   [2526]148:8

   Proverbs

   [2527]1:11-13   [2528]2:6   [2529]3:18   [2530]3:18   [2531]6:26
   [2532]8:15   [2533]8:22   [2534]8:27   [2535]9:1   [2536]9:1-5
   [2537]9:6   [2538]9:17   [2539]10:5   [2540]18:12   [2541]24:16
   [2542]25:21-22

   Ecclesiastes

   [2543]1:2-3   [2544]1:9-10   [2545]2:13-14   [2546]2:24   [2547]3:5
   [2548]3:13   [2549]3:21   [2550]5:18   [2551]7:2   [2552]7:4
   [2553]7:29   [2554]8:14   [2555]8:15   [2556]10:13   [2557]10:16-17
   [2558]11:13   [2559]12:13-14

   Song of Solomon

   [2560]1:3   [2561]1:4   [2562]1:5   [2563]2:4   [2564]2:5   [2565]4:2
   [2566]4:13   [2567]7:6

   Isaiah

   [2568]1:1   [2569]2:2-3   [2570]2:3   [2571]2:3   [2572]4:4
   [2573]5:7   [2574]7:9   [2575]7:14   [2576]7:16   [2577]10:21
   [2578]10:22   [2579]10:22   [2580]10:22   [2581]11:2   [2582]11:4
   [2583]14:12   [2584]14:12   [2585]14:12   [2586]19:1   [2587]26:11
   [2588]26:19   [2589]26:19   [2590]29:14   [2591]38:22   [2592]40:26
   [2593]42:1-4   [2594]42:16   [2595]45:8   [2596]48:12-16
   [2597]48:20   [2598]51:8   [2599]52:13   [2600]53:7   [2601]53:7
   [2602]53:13   [2603]54:1-5   [2604]56:5   [2605]57:21   [2606]58:7
   [2607]61:10   [2608]65:17-19   [2609]65:17-19   [2610]65:22
   [2611]66:12   [2612]66:16   [2613]66:18   [2614]66:22-24
   [2615]66:24   [2616]66:24

   Jeremiah

   [2617]1:5   [2618]1:10   [2619]5:30-31   [2620]9:23-24   [2621]16:10
   [2622]16:19   [2623]16:20   [2624]17:5   [2625]17:5   [2626]17:9
   [2627]23:5-6   [2628]23:24   [2629]23:24   [2630]23:29   [2631]23:30
   [2632]25:11   [2633]29:7   [2634]31:31

   Lamentations

   [2635]4:20

   Ezekiel

   [2636]20:12   [2637]28:13   [2638]33:6   [2639]34:23   [2640]36:17-19
   [2641]36:23   [2642]36:23-29   [2643]37:22-24   [2644]38:26

   Daniel

   [2645]3   [2646]7:13-14   [2647]7:15-28   [2648]7:18   [2649]7:27
   [2650]9   [2651]12:1-2   [2652]12:1-3   [2653]12:13

   Hosea

   [2654]1:1   [2655]1:2   [2656]1:10   [2657]1:11   [2658]3:4
   [2659]3:5   [2660]6:2   [2661]6:6   [2662]6:6

   Joel

   [2663]2:13   [2664]2:28-29

   Amos

   [2665]1:1   [2666]1:1   [2667]4:12-13   [2668]6:1-6   [2669]7:14
   [2670]9:11-12

   Obadiah

   [2671]1:17   [2672]1:21

   Jonah

   [2673]1   [2674]3:4

   Micah

   [2675]1:1   [2676]4:1-3   [2677]5:2-4   [2678]6:6-8

   Nahum

   [2679]1:14   [2680]2:1

   Habakkuk

   [2681]2:2-3   [2682]2:4   [2683]2:4   [2684]2:4   [2685]3:2
   [2686]3:3   [2687]3:4

   Zephaniah

   [2688]2:11   [2689]3:8   [2690]3:9-12

   Haggai

   [2691]2:6   [2692]2:7   [2693]2:7   [2694]2:9   [2695]2:9   [2696]2:9

   Zechariah

   [2697]2:8-9   [2698]9:9-10   [2699]9:11   [2700]12:9-10   [2701]13:2

   Malachi

   [2702]1:10-11   [2703]2:5-7   [2704]2:7   [2705]2:17   [2706]2:17
   [2707]3:1-2   [2708]3:1-6   [2709]3:13-16   [2710]3:14
   [2711]3:14-15   [2712]3:17   [2713]3:17   [2714]4:3   [2715]4:3
   [2716]4:4   [2717]4:5-6

   Matthew

   [2718]1   [2719]1:1   [2720]1:18   [2721]1:21   [2722]1:23
   [2723]3:2   [2724]3:8   [2725]4:2   [2726]4:3-11   [2727]4:9
   [2728]4:17   [2729]4:19   [2730]5:4   [2731]5:8   [2732]5:8
   [2733]5:8   [2734]5:16   [2735]5:19   [2736]5:20   [2737]5:20
   [2738]5:23-24   [2739]5:28   [2740]5:36   [2741]5:44   [2742]5:45
   [2743]5:45   [2744]5:45   [2745]6:1   [2746]6:2   [2747]6:8
   [2748]6:12   [2749]6:12   [2750]6:12   [2751]6:12   [2752]6:12
   [2753]6:14   [2754]6:14-15   [2755]6:15   [2756]6:19-21
   [2757]6:28-30   [2758]7:7-8   [2759]7:12   [2760]7:12   [2761]7:13
   [2762]7:18   [2763]7:20   [2764]8:22   [2765]8:22   [2766]8:22
   [2767]8:29   [2768]8:29   [2769]9:20   [2770]10:16   [2771]10:16
   [2772]10:19-20   [2773]10:22   [2774]10:27   [2775]10:28
   [2776]10:28   [2777]10:28   [2778]10:28   [2779]10:30   [2780]10:32
   [2781]10:33   [2782]10:34   [2783]10:36   [2784]10:37   [2785]10:39
   [2786]10:41   [2787]10:42   [2788]11:13   [2789]11:22   [2790]11:24
   [2791]11:28-30   [2792]12:27   [2793]12:29   [2794]12:32
   [2795]12:32   [2796]12:34   [2797]12:40   [2798]12:41-42
   [2799]13:12   [2800]13:37-43   [2801]13:39-41   [2802]13:41-43
   [2803]13:43   [2804]13:47-48   [2805]13:47-50   [2806]13:52
   [2807]14:17   [2808]15:24   [2809]16:6   [2810]16:16   [2811]16:19
   [2812]16:25   [2813]17:1   [2814]17:1-2   [2815]17:7   [2816]18:10
   [2817]18:10   [2818]18:10   [2819]18:15   [2820]18:18   [2821]18:18
   [2822]18:23   [2823]18:35   [2824]19:4-5   [2825]19:27-28
   [2826]19:28   [2827]19:29   [2828]20:22   [2829]20:34   [2830]21:38
   [2831]22:11-14   [2832]22:14   [2833]22:29   [2834]22:30
   [2835]22:30   [2836]22:37-39   [2837]22:37-40   [2838]22:37-40
   [2839]22:37-40   [2840]22:39   [2841]22:40   [2842]22:44   [2843]23:2
   [2844]23:3   [2845]23:3   [2846]23:3   [2847]23:26   [2848]24:12
   [2849]24:12   [2850]24:12   [2851]24:13   [2852]24:13   [2853]24:15
   [2854]24:21   [2855]24:29   [2856]24:35   [2857]24:50-51
   [2858]25:26-27   [2859]25:30   [2860]25:33   [2861]25:34
   [2862]25:34   [2863]25:34   [2864]25:34   [2865]25:34-41
   [2866]25:35   [2867]25:40   [2868]25:41   [2869]25:41   [2870]25:41
   [2871]25:41   [2872]25:41   [2873]25:41   [2874]25:41   [2875]25:45
   [2876]25:46   [2877]25:46   [2878]25:46   [2879]25:46   [2880]25:46
   [2881]25:46   [2882]26:10-13   [2883]26:38   [2884]26:39
   [2885]26:63   [2886]26:75   [2887]27:34   [2888]27:48   [2889]28:19
   [2890]28:20

   Mark

   [2891]1:2   [2892]1:24   [2893]3:5   [2894]3:27   [2895]9:2
   [2896]9:43-48   [2897]10:19   [2898]14:8

   Luke

   [2899]1:27   [2900]1:33   [2901]1:34   [2902]1:35   [2903]2:14
   [2904]2:25-30   [2905]2:29-30   [2906]3:6   [2907]3:23   [2908]5:10
   [2909]6:13   [2910]6:38   [2911]9:28   [2912]10:29   [2913]12:1
   [2914]12:4   [2915]12:7   [2916]12:49   [2917]12:49   [2918]13:21
   [2919]15:16   [2920]16:9   [2921]16:9   [2922]16:10   [2923]16:24
   [2924]16:24   [2925]17:29-32   [2926]19:10   [2927]20:34
   [2928]20:34   [2929]20:35-36   [2930]21:18   [2931]21:18
   [2932]22:15   [2933]23:34   [2934]24:44-47   [2935]24:45-47
   [2936]24:47

   John

   [2937]1:1-2   [2938]1:1-5   [2939]1:6-9   [2940]1:9   [2941]1:10
   [2942]1:14   [2943]1:14   [2944]1:14   [2945]1:14   [2946]1:16
   [2947]1:32   [2948]1:47   [2949]1:47   [2950]1:51   [2951]2:19
   [2952]2:19   [2953]2:19   [2954]2:20   [2955]3:5   [2956]3:5
   [2957]3:17   [2958]4:24   [2959]5:17   [2960]5:22   [2961]5:22-24
   [2962]5:25-26   [2963]5:28   [2964]5:28-29   [2965]5:29   [2966]5:44
   [2967]5:46   [2968]6:50-51   [2969]6:50-51   [2970]6:51   [2971]6:51
   [2972]6:53   [2973]6:56   [2974]6:60-64   [2975]6:70   [2976]7:38
   [2977]7:39   [2978]8:17   [2979]8:25   [2980]8:25   [2981]8:34
   [2982]8:44   [2983]8:44   [2984]9:7   [2985]10:9   [2986]10:18
   [2987]10:18   [2988]11:15   [2989]11:35   [2990]12:3   [2991]12:3-7
   [2992]12:25   [2993]12:43   [2994]14:6   [2995]14:6   [2996]14:6
   [2997]14:6   [2998]15:1   [2999]16:13   [3000]19:30   [3001]19:38
   [3002]20:13   [3003]20:22   [3004]21:11   [3005]21:15-17

   Acts

   [3006]1:6-7   [3007]1:7   [3008]1:7-8   [3009]1:17   [3010]2:3
   [3011]2:27   [3012]2:31   [3013]2:45   [3014]4:34-35   [3015]7:2
   [3016]7:2-3   [3017]7:4   [3018]7:22   [3019]7:22   [3020]7:22
   [3021]7:53   [3022]8:26   [3023]9:3   [3024]9:4   [3025]10
   [3026]10:42   [3027]13:46   [3028]15:15-17   [3029]16:16-18
   [3030]17:28   [3031]17:30-31

   Romans

   [3032]1:3   [3033]1:3   [3034]1:3   [3035]1:11-13   [3036]1:17
   [3037]1:19-20   [3038]1:19-20   [3039]1:20   [3040]1:20   [3041]1:20
   [3042]1:21   [3043]1:21   [3044]1:21-23   [3045]1:21-23
   [3046]1:21-25   [3047]1:25   [3048]1:26   [3049]1:31   [3050]2:4
   [3051]2:5   [3052]2:5-9   [3053]2:15-16   [3054]3:2   [3055]3:7
   [3056]3:15   [3057]3:20   [3058]3:20   [3059]3:20-22   [3060]3:23
   [3061]3:26   [3062]3:28-29   [3063]4:3   [3064]4:15   [3065]5:3-5
   [3066]5:5   [3067]5:5   [3068]5:12   [3069]5:12   [3070]5:19
   [3071]6:4   [3072]6:9   [3073]6:9   [3074]6:12-13   [3075]6:13
   [3076]6:13   [3077]6:22   [3078]7:12-13   [3079]7:17   [3080]8:6
   [3081]8:10   [3082]8:10-11   [3083]8:13   [3084]8:14   [3085]8:15
   [3086]8:18   [3087]8:23   [3088]8:23   [3089]8:24   [3090]8:24
   [3091]8:24   [3092]8:24-25   [3093]8:25   [3094]8:28   [3095]8:28
   [3096]8:28-29   [3097]8:28-39   [3098]8:29   [3099]8:29   [3100]8:29
   [3101]8:29   [3102]8:32   [3103]8:32   [3104]8:32   [3105]8:33-34
   [3106]8:37   [3107]9:2   [3108]9:2   [3109]9:5   [3110]9:7-8
   [3111]9:7-8   [3112]9:10-13   [3113]9:14   [3114]9:21   [3115]9:22-23
   [3116]9:27   [3117]9:27-28   [3118]9:28   [3119]9:30   [3120]10:3
   [3121]10:3   [3122]10:3   [3123]10:3   [3124]10:5   [3125]10:13
   [3126]11:5   [3127]11:9-10   [3128]11:11   [3129]11:14   [3130]11:20
   [3131]11:32   [3132]11:32   [3133]11:33   [3134]11:33   [3135]11:36
   [3136]12:1   [3137]12:1   [3138]12:1   [3139]12:2   [3140]12:2
   [3141]12:3   [3142]12:3   [3143]12:3-6   [3144]12:5   [3145]12:6-16
   [3146]12:12   [3147]12:12   [3148]12:15   [3149]12:20   [3150]13:7
   [3151]13:9-10   [3152]13:10   [3153]13:10   [3154]13:12-14
   [3155]14:4   [3156]14:9

   1 Corinthians

   [3157]1:13   [3158]1:19-25   [3159]1:21   [3160]1:25   [3161]1:25
   [3162]1:25   [3163]1:27   [3164]1:30-31   [3165]1:31   [3166]2:11
   [3167]2:11   [3168]2:11-14   [3169]2:17   [3170]3:1   [3171]3:1
   [3172]3:2   [3173]3:3   [3174]3:7   [3175]3:7   [3176]3:7   [3177]3:7
   [3178]3:9   [3179]3:11-15   [3180]3:13   [3181]3:13   [3182]3:14-15
   [3183]3:15   [3184]3:15   [3185]3:17   [3186]3:17   [3187]3:20
   [3188]3:20   [3189]4:5   [3190]4:7   [3191]4:7   [3192]4:9
   [3193]5:7   [3194]5:7-8   [3195]5:12   [3196]6:1-9   [3197]6:3
   [3198]7:1-2   [3199]7:4   [3200]7:9   [3201]7:25   [3202]7:31
   [3203]7:31-32   [3204]7:32   [3205]7:33   [3206]7:34   [3207]8:1
   [3208]8:1   [3209]8:1   [3210]8:5-6   [3211]9:9   [3212]10:4
   [3213]10:4   [3214]10:4   [3215]10:12   [3216]10:12   [3217]10:17
   [3218]10:17   [3219]10:17   [3220]10:17   [3221]10:18
   [3222]10:19-20   [3223]10:19-20   [3224]11:1-3   [3225]11:19
   [3226]11:19   [3227]12:12   [3228]12:12   [3229]12:27   [3230]13:8
   [3231]13:9   [3232]13:9-10   [3233]13:9-10   [3234]13:10
   [3235]13:11-12   [3236]13:12   [3237]13:12   [3238]13:12
   [3239]13:13   [3240]15:10   [3241]15:13-14   [3242]15:21-22
   [3243]15:22   [3244]15:28   [3245]15:28   [3246]15:28   [3247]15:31
   [3248]15:36   [3249]15:38   [3250]15:39   [3251]15:42
   [3252]15:42-45   [3253]15:44   [3254]15:44-49   [3255]15:46
   [3256]15:46-47   [3257]15:47-49   [3258]15:49   [3259]15:50-53
   [3260]15:51   [3261]15:54   [3262]15:55   [3263]15:56   [3264]15:57

   2 Corinthians

   [3265]1:12   [3266]3:2-3   [3267]3:6   [3268]3:15-16   [3269]3:18
   [3270]4:16   [3271]4:16   [3272]5:1-4   [3273]5:4   [3274]5:6
   [3275]5:7   [3276]5:7   [3277]5:7   [3278]5:10   [3279]5:14-15
   [3280]5:16   [3281]6:2-10   [3282]6:7-10   [3283]6:10   [3284]6:14
   [3285]7:1-2   [3286]7:5   [3287]7:8-11   [3288]8:9   [3289]8:21
   [3290]9:7   [3291]10:10   [3292]10:12   [3293]11:3   [3294]11:3
   [3295]11:6   [3296]11:14   [3297]11:14   [3298]11:14   [3299]11:16-30
   [3300]11:29   [3301]12:2-4   [3302]12:21   [3303]13:4

   Galatians

   [3304]2:14-20   [3305]3:11   [3306]3:15-18   [3307]3:17   [3308]3:19
   [3309]3:19-22   [3310]3:24   [3311]3:27   [3312]3:29   [3313]4:9
   [3314]4:10-20   [3315]4:21-26   [3316]4:21-31   [3317]4:22-31
   [3318]4:24   [3319]4:24-26   [3320]4:25   [3321]4:26   [3322]4:26
   [3323]4:30   [3324]5:6   [3325]5:6   [3326]5:17   [3327]5:17
   [3328]5:17   [3329]5:17   [3330]5:17   [3331]5:17   [3332]5:17
   [3333]5:19-21   [3334]5:19-21   [3335]5:21   [3336]5:24   [3337]6:1
   [3338]6:1   [3339]6:2   [3340]6:3   [3341]6:4

   Ephesians

   [3342]1:4   [3343]1:4   [3344]1:18   [3345]1:22-23   [3346]1:23
   [3347]3:17-18   [3348]3:19   [3349]4:9-10   [3350]4:10-16
   [3351]4:12   [3352]4:13   [3353]4:13   [3354]4:22   [3355]4:26
   [3356]5:8   [3357]5:14   [3358]5:25   [3359]5:28-29   [3360]5:29
   [3361]5:29   [3362]6:5   [3363]6:16   [3364]6:20   [3365]6:23

   Philippians

   [3366]1:18   [3367]1:18   [3368]1:22-24   [3369]1:23   [3370]1:23
   [3371]1:29   [3372]2:7   [3373]2:8   [3374]2:12   [3375]2:13
   [3376]2:21   [3377]3:7-8   [3378]3:13   [3379]3:14   [3380]3:19
   [3381]3:20   [3382]4:7

   Colossians

   [3383]1:13   [3384]1:13   [3385]1:24   [3386]2:8   [3387]3:1
   [3388]3:1   [3389]3:1-2   [3390]3:1-3   [3391]3:3

   1 Thessalonians

   [3392]3:7   [3393]4:4   [3394]4:13-16   [3395]4:16   [3396]4:17
   [3397]5:5   [3398]5:5   [3399]5:8   [3400]5:14-15

   2 Thessalonians

   [3401]1:9   [3402]2:1-11   [3403]2:8

   1 Timothy

   [3404]1:5   [3405]1:5   [3406]1:5   [3407]2:2   [3408]2:5   [3409]2:5
   [3410]2:5   [3411]2:5   [3412]2:5   [3413]2:14   [3414]3:1
   [3415]4:11   [3416]4:12   [3417]5:1   [3418]5:1-2   [3419]5:8
   [3420]5:20   [3421]6:6-10   [3422]6:17-19

   2 Timothy

   [3423]1:9-10   [3424]1:13   [3425]2:9   [3426]2:14   [3427]2:15
   [3428]2:19   [3429]2:19   [3430]2:19   [3431]2:25-26   [3432]3:2
   [3433]3:7   [3434]3:12   [3435]3:14   [3436]3:16   [3437]4:1
   [3438]4:2

   Titus

   [3439]1:2-3   [3440]1:8   [3441]1:9   [3442]1:9   [3443]1:16
   [3444]2:1-2   [3445]2:15   [3446]3:1

   Philemon

   [3447]1:20

   Hebrews

   [3448]2:4   [3449]4:12   [3450]7:11   [3451]7:27   [3452]8:8-10
   [3453]9:15   [3454]11:7   [3455]11:10   [3456]11:11   [3457]11:12
   [3458]11:13   [3459]11:16   [3460]11:16   [3461]11:17-19
   [3462]12:14   [3463]12:22   [3464]13:2   [3465]13:16

   James

   [3466]1:2   [3467]1:17   [3468]2:13   [3469]2:13   [3470]2:13
   [3471]2:13   [3472]2:14   [3473]2:17   [3474]4:6   [3475]4:6
   [3476]4:6   [3477]4:6   [3478]4:6

   1 Peter

   [3479]2:2   [3480]2:9   [3481]2:9   [3482]3:4   [3483]3:20-21
   [3484]5:5   [3485]5:5   [3486]5:5   [3487]5:6   [3488]5:8

   2 Peter

   [3489]2:4   [3490]2:4   [3491]2:4   [3492]2:19   [3493]2:19
   [3494]3:3-13   [3495]3:6   [3496]3:8   [3497]3:10-11   [3498]4:5

   1 John

   [3499]1:8   [3500]1:8   [3501]1:8   [3502]1:8   [3503]2:15
   [3504]2:17   [3505]2:18   [3506]2:18-19   [3507]2:19   [3508]3:2
   [3509]3:8   [3510]3:8   [3511]3:9   [3512]3:12   [3513]3:12
   [3514]4:7   [3515]4:18   [3516]4:18   [3517]8:36

   Jude

   [3518]1:14

   Revelation

   [3519]1:4   [3520]3:1   [3521]3:12   [3522]3:14   [3523]3:16
   [3524]5:5   [3525]7:4   [3526]14:13   [3527]15:2   [3528]17:15
   [3529]19:7   [3530]19:10   [3531]20:1-6   [3532]20:4   [3533]20:9-10
   [3534]20:10   [3535]20:10   [3536]20:10   [3537]21:1   [3538]21:2
   [3539]21:2-5   [3540]21:9   [3541]22:14   [3542]22:19

   Tobit

   [3543]4:15   [3544]4:17   [3545]8:5-7   [3546]12:12   [3547]12:19

   Judith

   [3548]5:5-9   [3549]7:20

   Wisdom of Solomon

   [3550]1:9   [3551]2:12-21   [3552]4:3   [3553]6:20   [3554]6:24
   [3555]7:16   [3556]7:22   [3557]7:24-27   [3558]8:1   [3559]8:1
   [3560]9:13-15   [3561]9:14   [3562]9:15   [3563]9:15   [3564]9:15
   [3565]9:15   [3566]11:20   [3567]11:20   [3568]13:9

   Baruch

   [3569]3:26-28   [3570]3:35-37

   Bel and the Dragon

   [3571]1:120

   1 Esdras

   [3572]3

   Sirach

   [3573]2:7   [3574]3:27   [3575]7:13   [3576]7:17   [3577]7:27
   [3578]10:13   [3579]11:28   [3580]12:4   [3581]15:17   [3582]21:1
   [3583]24:3   [3584]27:5   [3585]30:12   [3586]30:24   [3587]30:24
   [3588]33:15   [3589]36:1-5   [3590]37:19   [3591]37:20   [3592]40:1
   [3593]46:20
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

     * aorasia: [3594]1
     * episkopein: [3595]1
     * daimon: [3596]1
     * latreia: [3597]1 [3598]2
     * skopein: [3599]1
     * agennesia: [3600]1
     * apatheia: [3601]1
     * arete: [3602]1
     * angelos: [3603]1
     * alastos: [3604]1
     * Ares: [3605]1
     * AAres: [3606]1
     * engastrimuthos: [3607]1
     * ek logion philosophias: [3608]1
     * ekporeusis: [3609]1
     * enantion: [3610]1
     * epi: [3611]1
     * episkopein: [3612]1
     * eti: [3613]1
     * hermeneia: [3614]1
     * ennoiai: [3615]1
     * eplasen: [3616]1
     * eris: [3617]1
     * ethike: [3618]1
     * idiotes: [3619]1
     * ichdus: [3620]1
     * idion: [3621]1
     * hozus: [3622]1
     * horme: [3623]1
     * hosteon: [3624]1
     * 'Athene: [3625]1
     * 'Iesous Christos Theou uios soter: [3626]1
     * 'Iesous Christos Theou uios soter: [3627]1
     * Ermes: [3628]1
     * E: [3629]1 [3630]2
     * E: [3631]1 [3632]2
     * Th: [3633]1
     * I: [3634]1 [3635]2 [3636]3
     * Kakos: [3637]1
     * Kronos: [3638]1
     * Latreia: [3639]1
     * O: [3640]1 [3641]2 [3642]3 [3643]4
     * Plouton: [3644]1
     * Pneuma: [3645]1
     * R: [3646]1 [3647]2
     * S: [3648]1 [3649]2 [3650]3 [3651]4 [3652]5 [3653]6
     * Sophoi: [3654]1
     * T: [3655]1 [3656]2
     * U: [3657]1 [3658]2 [3659]3 [3660]4 [3661]5
     * Ch: [3662]1
     * Chronos: [3663]1
     * O: [3664]1
     * aio;n: [3665]1
     * aio;nion: [3666]1
     * aio;nion: [3667]1
     * apatheia: [3668]1
     * gennesia: [3669]1
     * grammata: [3670]1
     * grammateisagogeis: [3671]1
     * daemon: [3672]1
     * douleia: [3673]1
     * eudaimones: [3674]1
     * eupatheiai: [3675]1 [3676]2
     * eusebeia: [3677]1 [3678]2 [3679]3
     * eusebein: [3680]1
     * theotes: [3681]1
     * theosebeia: [3682]1 [3683]2
     * threskeia: [3684]1 [3685]2
     * khommata: [3686]1
     * kommata: [3687]1 [3688]2
     * kosmos: [3689]1
     * kola: [3690]1 [3691]2
     * klimaz: [3692]1
     * latreia: [3693]1 [3694]2 [3695]3 [3696]4 [3697]5
     * lukos: [3698]1
     * moschos: [3699]1
     * muthos: [3700]1
     * moscheumata: [3701]1
     * nike: [3702]1 [3703]2
     * neikos: [3704]1
     * nekromanteian: [3705]1
     * ouranos: [3706]1
     * ousia: [3707]1
     * pagos: [3708]1
     * pathe: [3709]1
     * pathos: [3710]1
     * polis theou: [3711]1
     * pathe: [3712]1
     * pathos: [3713]1
     * paidagogos: [3714]1
     * patrikos nous: [3715]1
     * peri archon: [3716]1
     * periodos: [3717]1
     * pneuma: [3718]1 [3719]2 [3720]3 [3721]4 [3722]5 [3723]6 [3724]7
     * pnoe: [3725]1 [3726]2 [3727]3 [3728]4 [3729]5 [3730]6
     * prota kata phusin: [3731]1
     * pugme: [3732]1
     * skopos: [3733]1
     * soros: [3734]1
     * stoma: [3735]1
     * sophrosune: [3736]1
     * to nikos: [3737]1
     * chthon: [3738]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of German Words and Phrases

     * (Des heiligen Kirchenvaters Augustinus zwei und zwanzig Bücher über
       den Gottesstaat: [3739]1
     * (Vier Bücher über die christliche Lehre: [3740]1
     * ,: [3741]1
     * Geschichte der jüd.  Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu: [3742]1
     * Ueber Entstehung, Inhalt und Werth der sibyll.  Bücher: [3743]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of French Words and Phrases

     * æ: [3744]1 [3745]2 [3746]3 [3747]4 [3748]5 [3749]6
     * ær: [3750]1
     * Augustinus præsertim in: [3751]1
     * Civitate Dei: [3752]1
     * Plus on examine la Cité de Dieu, plus on reste convaincu que cet
       ouvrage dût exercea tres-peu d'influence sur l'esprit des paiens:
       [3753]1
     * comme l'encyclopédie du cinquième siècle.: [3754]1
     * plus ingenieux que solides,: [3755]1
     * un amas confus d'excellents materiaux; c'est de l'or en barre et en
       lingots.: [3756]1
     * virtutem Christianæ sapientiæ, qua parte necessitudinem habet cum
       republica, tanto in lumine collocavit, ut non tam pro Christianis
       sui temporis dixisse caussam quam de criminibus falsis perpetuum
       triumphum egisse videatur: [3757]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

   [3758]i  [3759]iii  [3760]v  [3761]vi  [3762]vii  [3763]ix  [3764]xi
   [3765]xii  [3766]xiii  [3767]xiv  [3768]2  [3769]3  [3770]4  [3771]5
   [3772]6  [3773]7  [3774]8  [3775]9  [3776]10  [3777]11  [3778]12
   [3779]13  [3780]14  [3781]15  [3782]16  [3783]17  [3784]18  [3785]19
   [3786]20  [3787]21  [3788]22  [3789]23  [3790]24  [3791]25  [3792]26
   [3793]27  [3794]28  [3795]29  [3796]30  [3797]31  [3798]32  [3799]33
   [3800]34  [3801]35  [3802]36  [3803]37  [3804]38  [3805]39  [3806]40
   [3807]41  [3808]42  [3809]43  [3810]44  [3811]45  [3812]46  [3813]47
   [3814]48  [3815]49  [3816]50  [3817]51  [3818]52  [3819]53  [3820]54
   [3821]55  [3822]56  [3823]57  [3824]58  [3825]59  [3826]60  [3827]61
   [3828]62  [3829]63  [3830]64  [3831]65  [3832]66  [3833]67  [3834]68
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   [3899]133  [3900]134  [3901]135  [3902]136  [3903]137  [3904]138
   [3905]139  [3906]140  [3907]141  [3908]142  [3909]143  [3910]144
   [3911]145  [3912]146  [3913]147  [3914]148  [3915]149  [3916]150
   [3917]151  [3918]152  [3919]153  [3920]154  [3921]155  [3922]156
   [3923]157  [3924]158  [3925]159  [3926]160  [3927]161  [3928]162
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   [3989]223  [3990]224  [3991]225  [3992]226  [3993]227  [3994]228
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            This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal
               Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org,
                   generated on demand from ThML source.

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