Source Browser

     __________________________________________________________________

           Title: NPNF1-01. The Confessions and Letters of St. Augustine, with a
                  Sketch of his Life and Work
      Creator(s):
                  Schaff, Philip (1819-1893) (Editor)
     Print Basis: New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1886
          Rights: Public Domain
   CCEL Subjects: All; Proofed;Early Church;Classic;
      LC Call no: BR60
     LC Subjects:

                  Christianity

                  Early Christian Literature. Fathers of the Church, etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   A SELECT LIBRARY

   OF THE

   NICENE AND

   POST-NICENE FATHERS

   OF

   THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

   EDITED BY

   PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D., LL.D.,

   PROFESSOR IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK,

   IN CONNECTION WITH A NUMBER OF PATRISTIC SCHOLARS OF EUROPE AND
   AMERICA.

   VOLUME I

   THE CONFESSIONS AND LETTERS OF ST. AUGUSTIN,

   WITH A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND WORK

   T&T CLARK

   EDINBURGH

   __________________________________________________

   WM. B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

   GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface

   ------------------------

   Encouraged by the assured co-operation of competent Patristic scholars
   of Great Britain and the United States, I have undertaken the general
   editorship of a Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of
   the Christian Church. It is to embrace in about twenty-five large
   volumes the most important works of the Greek Fathers from Eusebius to
   Photius, and of the Latin Fathers from Ambrose to Gregory the Great.

   The series opens with St. Augustin, the greatest and most influential
   of all the Christian Fathers. Protestants and Catholics are equally
   interested in his writings, and most of all in his Confessions, which
   are contained in this volume. They will be followed by the works of St.
   Chrysostom, and the Church History of Eusebius.

   A few words are necessary to define the object of this Library, and its
   relation to similar collections.

   My purpose is to furnish ministers and intelligent laymen who have no
   access to the original texts, or are not sufficiently familiar with
   ecclesiastical Greek and Latin, with a complete apparatus for the study
   of ancient Christianity. Whatever may be the estimate we put upon the
   opinions of the Fathers, their historical value is beyond all dispute.
   They are to this day and will continue to be the chief authorities for
   the doctrines and usages of the Greek and Roman Churches, and the
   sources for the knowledge of ancient Christianity down to the age of
   Charlemagne. But very few can afford to buy, or are able to use such
   collections as Migne's Greek Patrology, which embraces 167 quarto
   volumes, and Migne's Latin Patrology which embraces 222 volumes.

   The three leaders of the now historic Anglo-Catholic movement of
   Oxford, Drs. Pusey, Newman, and Keble, began, in 1837, the publication
   of "A Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church, anterior to the
   Division of the East and West. Translated by Members of the English
   Church," Oxford (John Henry Parker) and London (J. G. F. & J.
   Rivington). It is dedicated to "William Lord Archbishop of Canterbury,
   Primate of all England." The editors were aided by a number of able
   classical and ecclesiastical scholars. Dr. Pusey, the chief editor and
   proprietor, and Dr. Keble died in the communion of the church of their
   fathers to which they were loyally attached; Dr. Newman alone remains,
   though no more an Anglican, but a Cardinal of the Church of Rome. His
   connection with the enterprise ceased with his secession (1845).

   The Oxford Library was undertaken not so much for an historical, as for
   an apologetic and dogmatic purpose. It was to furnish authentic proof
   for the supposed or real agreement of the Anglo-Catholic school with
   the faith and practice of the ancient church before the Greek schism.
   The selection was made accordingly. The series embraces 48 vols. It is
   very valuable as far as it goes, but incomplete and unequal. Volume
   followed volume as it happened to get ready. An undue proportion is
   given to exegetical works; six volumes are taken up with Augustin's
   Commentary on the Psalms, six with Gregory's Commentary on Job, sixteen
   with Commentaries of Chrysostom; while many of the most important
   doctrinal, ethical, and historical works of the Fathers, as Eusebius,
   Basil, the two Gregorys, Theodoret, Maximus Confessor, John of
   Damascus, Hilary, Jerome, Leo the Great, were never reached.

   In 1866, Mr. T. Clark, Lord Provost of Edinburgh, and an Elder in the
   Free Church of Scotland, who has done more than any publisher for the
   introduction of German and other foreign theological literature to the
   English reading community, began to issue the valuable "Ante-Nicene
   Christian Library", edited by Rev. Alexander Roberts, D. D., and James
   Donaldson, LL. D., which was completed in 1872 in 24 volumes, and is
   now being republished, by arrangement with Mr. Clark, in America in 8
   volumes under the editorship of Bishop A. Cleveland Coxe, D. D.
   (1884-1886). Mr. Clark, in 1871, undertook also the publication of a
   translation of select works of St. Augustin under the editorial care of
   Rev. Marcus Dods, D. D., of Glasgow, which was completed in 15 volumes.
   The projected translation of Chrysostom was abandoned from want of
   encouragement.

   Thus Episcopal divines of England, and Presbyterian divines of Scotland
   have prepared the way for our American enterprise, and made it
   possible.

   We must also briefly mention a similar collection which was prepared by
   Roman Catholic scholars of Germany in the interest of their Church,
   namely the Bibliothek der Kirchenväter. Auswahl der vorzüglichsten
   patristichen Werke in deutscher Uebersetzung, herausgegeben unter der
   Oberleitung von Dr. Valentin Thalhofer (Domdekan und Prof. der Theol.
   in Eichstätt, formerly Professor in Munich). Kempten., Köselsche
   Buchhandlung. 1869-1886. Published in over 400 small numbers, three or
   four of which make a volume. An alphabetical Index vol. is now in
   course of preparation by Ulrich Uhle (Nos. 405 sqq.). The series was
   begun in 1869 by Dr. Fr. X. Reithmayr, Prof. of Theol. in Munich, who
   died in 1872. It embraces select writings of most of the Fathers. Seven
   volumes are devoted to Letters of the Popes from Linus to Pelagius II.
   (a.d. 67-590).

   "The Christian Literature Company," who republish Clark's "Ante-Nicene
   Library," asked me to undertake the editorship of a Nicene and
   Post-Nicene Library to complete the scheme. Satisfactory arrangements
   have been made with Mr. Clark and with Mr. Walter Smith, representing
   Dr. Pusey's heirs, for the use of their translations, as far as our
   plan will permit. Without such a preliminary arrangement I would not
   have considered the proposal for a moment.

   I have invited surviving authors of older translations to revise and
   edit their work for the American series, and I am happy to state that I
   received favorable replies. Some of them are among the list of
   contributors, others (including Cardinal Newman) have, at least,
   expressed a kindly interest in the enterprise, and wish it success.

   The Nicene and Post-Nicene Library will be more complete and more
   systematic as well as much cheaper than any which has yet appeared in
   the English language. By omitting the voluminous Patristic commentaries
   on the Old Testament we shall gain room for more important and
   interesting works not embraced in the Oxford or Edinburgh series; and
   by condensing three or more of these volumes into one, and counting
   upon a large number of subscribers, the publishers think themselves
   justified in offering the Library on terms which are exceedingly
   liberal, considering the great expense and risk. It will be published
   in the same handsome style as their Ante-Nicene Library.

   May the blessing of the Great Head of the Church accompany and crown
   this work.

   Philip Schaff.

   New York, October, 1886.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Contents.

   __________

   I.      Prolegomena: St. Augustin's Life and Work

   By Philip Schaff, D.D.

   Chapter I.--Literature

   Chapter II.--Sketch of the Life of St. Augustin

   Chapter III.--Estimate of St. Augustin

   Chapter IV.--Writings of St. Augustin

   Chapter V.--The Influence of St. Augustin upon Posterity and his
   Relation to Catholicism and Protestantism

   Chief Events in the Life of St. Augustin

   II.   The Confessions of St. Augustin:

   Translated by J.G. Pilkington, M.A.

   Translator's Preface

   St. Augustin's Opinion on his Confessions

   The Confessions

   III. The Letters of St. Augustin:

   Translated by J.G. Cunningham, M.A.

   Translator's Preface

   The Letters
     __________________________________________________________________

   Prolegomena.

   ------------

   St. Augustin's Life and Work

   From Schaff's Church History, Revised Edition.

   New York 1884. Vol. III. 988-1028.

   Revised and enlarged with additions to literature till 1886.
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER I.--Literature.
     __________________________________________________________________

   I. sources.

   Augustin's Works. S. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis episcopi
   Opera...Post Lovaniensium theologorum recensionem [which appeared at
   Antwerp in 1577 in 11 vols.], castigatus [referring to tomus primus,
   etc.] denuo ad MSS. codd. Gallicanos, etc. Opera et studio monachorum
   ordinis S. Benedicti e congregatione S. Mauri [Fr. Delfau, Th. Blampin,
   P. Coustant, and Cl. Guesnié]. Paris, 1679-1700, 11 tom. in 8 fol.
   vols. The same edition reprinted, with additions, at Antwerp,
   1700-1703, 12 parts in 9 fol.; and at Venice, 1729-'34, in 11 tom. in 8
   fol. (this edition is not to be confounded with another Venice edition
   of 1756-'69 in 18 vols. 4to, which is full of printing errors); also at
   Bassano, 1807, in 18 vols.; by Gaume fratres, Paris, 1836-'39, in 11
   tom. in 22 parts (a very elegant edition); and lastly by J. P. Migne,
   Petit-Montrouge, 1841-'49, in 12 tom. ("Patrol. Lat." tom.
   xxxii.-xlvii.). Migne's edition gives, in a supplementary volume (tom.
   xii.), the valuable Notitia literaria de vita, scriptis et editionibus
   Aug. from Schönemann's "Bibliotheca historico-literaria Patrum Lat."
   vol. ii. Lips. 1794, the Vindiciæ Augustinianæ of Cardinal Noris
   (Norisius), and the writings of Augustin first published by Fontanini
   and Angelo Mai. So far the most complete and convenient edition.

   But a thoroughly reliable critical edition of Augustin is still a
   desideratum and will be issued before long by a number of scholars
   under the direction of the Imperial Academy of Vienna in the "Corpus
   Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum."

   On the controversies relating to the merits of the Bened. edition,
   which was sharply criticized by Richard Simon, and the Jesuits, but is
   still the best and defended by the Benedictines, see the supplementary
   volume of Migne, xxi. p. 40 sqq., and Thuillier: Histoire de la
   nouvelle éd. de S. Aug. par les PP. Bénédictins, Par. 1736.

   The first printed edition of Augustin appeared at Basle, 1489-'95;
   another, in 1509, in 11 vols.; then the edition of Erasmus published by
   Frobenius, Bas. 1528-'29, in 10 vols., fol.; the Editio Lovaniensis, of
   sixteen divines of Louvain, Antw. 1577, in 11 vols. and often reprinted
   at Paris, Geneva, and Cologne.

   Several works of Augustin have been often separately edited, especially
   the Confessions and the City of God. Compare a full list of the
   editions down to 1794 in Schönemann's Bibliotheca, vol. ii. p. 73 sqq.;
   for later editions see Brunet, Manuel du libraire, Paris 1860, tom. I.
   vol. 557-567. Since then William Bright (Prof. of Ecclesiast. Hist. at
   Oxford) has published the Latin text of Select Anti-Pelagian Treatises
   of St. Aug. and the Acts of the Second Council of Orange. Oxford
   (Clarendon Press) 1880. With a valuable Introduction of 68 pages.

   English translations of select works of Augustin are found in the
   "Oxford Library of the Fathers," ed. by Drs. Pusey, Keble, and Newman,
   viz.: The Confessions, vol. I., 1838, 4th ed., 1853; Sermons on the N.
   T., vol. xvi., 1844, and vol. xx. 1845; Short Treatises, vol. xxii.,
   1847; Exposition of the Psalms, vols. xxiv., xxv., xxx., xxxii.,
   xxxvii., xxxix., 1847, 1849, 1850, 1853, 1854; Homilies on John, vols.
   xxvi. and xxix., 1848 and 1849. Another translation by Marcus Dods and
   others, Edinb. (T. & T. Clark), 1871-'76, 15 vols., containing the City
   of God, the Anti-Donatist, the Anti-Pelagian, the Anti-Manichæan
   writings, Letters, On the Trinity, On Christian Doctrine, the
   Enchiridion, On Catechising, On Faith and the Creed, Commentaries on
   the Sermon on the Mount, and the Harmony of the Gospels, Lectures on
   John, and Confessions. There are several separate translations and
   editions of the Confessions: the first by Sir Tobias Matthews (a Roman
   Catholic) 1624, said, by Dr. Pusey, to be very inaccurate and
   subservient to Romanism; a second by Rev. W. Watts, D.D., 1631, 1650; a
   third by Abr. Woodhead (only the first 9 books). Dr. Pusey, in the
   first vol. of the Oxford Library of the Fathers, 1838 (new ed. 1883),
   republished the translation of Watts, with improvements and explanatory
   notes, mostly borrowed from Dubois's Latin ed. Dr. Shedd's edition,
   Andover, 1860, is a reprint of Watts (as republished in Boston in
   1843), preceded by a thoughtful introduction, pp. v.-xxxvi. H. de
   Romestin translated minor doctrinal tracts in Saint Augustin. Oxford
   1885.

   German translations of select writings of Aug. in the Kempten
   Bibliothek der Kirchenväter, 1871-79, 8 vols. There are also separate
   translations and editions of the Confessions (by Silbert, 5th ed.,
   Vienna, 1861; by Kautz, Arnsberg, 1840; by Gröninger, 4th ed., Münster,
   1859; by Wilden, Schaffhausen, 1865; by Rapp, 7th ed., Gotha, 1878), of
   the Enchiridion, the Meditations, and the City of God (Die Stadt
   Gottes, by Silbert, Vienna, 1827, 2 vols.).

   French translations: Les Confessions, by Dubois, Paris, 1688, 1715,
   1758, 1776; and by Janet, Paris, 1857; a new translation with a preface
   by Abbé de la Mennais, Paris, 1822, 2 vols.; another by L. Moreau,
   Paris, 1854. La Cité de Dieu, by Emile Saisset, Paris, 1855, with
   introd. and notes, 4 vols.; older translations by Raoul de Præsles,
   Abbeville, 1486; Savetier, Par. 1531; P. Lombert, Par. 1675, and 1701;
   Abbé Goujet, Par. 1736 and 1764, reprinted at Bourges 1818; L. Moreau,
   with the Latin text, Par. 1846, 3 vols. Les Soliloques, by Pélissier,
   Paris, 1853. Les Lettres, by Poujoulat, Paris, 1858, 4 vols. Le Manuel,
   by d'Avenel, Rennes, 1861.
     __________________________________________________________________

   II. BIOGRAPHIES.

   Possidius (Calamensis episcopus, a pupil and friend of Aug.): Vita
   Augustini (brief, but authentic, written 432, two years after his
   death, in tom. x. Append. 257-280, ed. Bened., and in nearly all other
   editions).

   Benedictini Editores: Vita Augustini ex ejus potissimum scriptis
   concinnata, in 8 books (very elaborate and extensive), in tom. xi.
   1-492, ed. Bened. (in Migne's reprint, tom. i. col. 66-578).

   The biographies of Aug. by Tillemont (Mém. tom. xiii.); Ellies Dupin
   (in "Nouvelle bibliothèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques," tom. ii. and
   iii.); P. Bayle (in his "Dictionnaire historique et critique," art.
   Augustin); Remi Ceillier (in "Histoire générale des auteurs sacrés et
   ecclés.," vol. xi. and xii.); Cave (in "Lives of the Fathers," vol.
   ii.); Kloth (Der heil Aug., Aachen, 1840, 2 vols.); Böhringer
   (Kirchengeschichte in Biographien, vol. i. P. iii. p. 99 sqq., revised
   ed. Leipzig, 1877-'78, 2 parts); Poujoulat (Histoire de S. Aug. Par.
   1843 and 1852, 2 vols.; the same in German by Fr. Hurter, Schaff h.
   1847, 2 vols.); Eisenbarth (Stuttg. 1853); C. Bindemann (Der heil. Aug.
   Berlin, 1844, 55, 69, 3 vols., the best work in German); Edw. L. Cutts
   (St. Augustin, London, 1880); E. de Pressensé (in Smith and Wace,
   "Dictionary of Christ. Biogr." I. 216-225); Ph. Schaff (St. Augustin,
   Berlin, 1854; English ed. New York and London, 1854, revised and
   enlarged in St. Augustin, Melanchthon and Neander; three biographies,
   New York and London, 1886, pp. 1-106). On Monnica see Braune: Monnica
   and Augustin. Grimma, 1846.
     __________________________________________________________________

   III. special treatises on the system of augustin.

   (1) The Theology of Augustin. The Church Histories of Neander, Baur,
   Hase (his large work, 1885, vol. I. 514 sqq.), and the Doctrine
   Histories of Neander, Gieseler, Baur, Hagenbach, Shedd, Nitzsch,
   Schwane, Bach, Harnack (in preparation, first vol., 1886).

   The voluminous literature on the Pelagian controversy embraces works of
   G. J. Voss, Garnier, Jansen (died 1638; Augustinus, 1640, 3 vols.; he
   read Aug. twenty times and revived his system in the R. Cath. Church,
   but was condemned by the Pope), Cardinal Noris (Historia Pelagiana,
   Florence, 1673), Walch (Ketzergeschichte, vols. IV. and V., 1768 and
   1770), Wiggers (Augustinismus und Pelagianismus, 1821 and 1833), Bersot
   (Doctr. de St. Aug. sur la liberté et la Providence, Paris, 1843),
   Jacobi (Lehre des Pelagius, 1842), Jul. Müller (Lehre von der Sünde,
   5th ed. 1866, Engl. transl. by Urwick, 1868), Mozley (Augustinian
   Doctrine of Predestination, London, 1855, very able), W. Bright
   (Introduction to his ed. of the Anti-Pelag. writings of Aug. Oxford
   1880), and others. See Schaff, vol III. 783-785.

   Van Goens: De Aur. August. apologeta, sec. 1 de Civitate Dei. Amstel.
   1838.

   Nirschl (Rom. Cath.). Ursprung und Wesen des Bösen nach der Lehre des
   heil. Augustin. 1854.

   F. Ribbeck: Donatus und Augustinus, oder der erste entscheidende Kampf
   zwischen Separatismus und Kirche. Elberfeld, 1858, 2 vols.

   Fr. Nitzsch: Augustin's Lehre vom Wunder. Berlin, 1865.

   Gangauf: Des heil. August. Lehre von Gott dem dreieinigen. Augsburg,
   1866. Emil Feuerlein: Ueber die Stellung Augustin's in der Kirchen=und
   Kulturgeschichte, in Sybel's "Histor. Zeitschrift" for 1869, vol. XI.
   270-313. Naville: Saint Augustin, Etude sur le développement de sa
   pensée. Genève, 1872. Ernst: Die Werke und Tugenden der Ungläubigen
   nach Augustin. Freiburg, 1872. Aug. Dorner (son of Is. A. D.):
   Augustinus, sein theol. System und seine religionsphilosophische
   Anschauung. Berlin, 1873 (comp. his art. in Herzog's "Encycl." 2d ed.
   I. 781-795, abridged in Schaff-Herzog I. 174 sqq.). Ch. H. Collett: St.
   Aug., a Sketch of his Life and Writings as affecting the controversy
   with Rome. London, 1883. H. Reuter (Prof. of Church History in
   Göttingen): Augustinische Studien, in Brieger's "Zeitschrift für
   Kirchengeschichte," for 1880-'86 (several articles on Aug.'s doctrine
   of the church, of predestination, the kingdom of God, etc.,--very
   valuable).

   (2) The Philosophy of Augustin is discussed in the larger Histories of
   Philosophy by Brucker, Tennemann, Rixner, H. Ritter (vol. vi. pp.
   153-443), Erdmann (Grundriss der Gesch. der Philos. I. 231 sqq.),
   Ueberweg (Hist. of Philos., transl. by Morris, New York, vol. I.
   333-346); Prantl (Geschichte der Logik im Abendlande, Leipzig, 1853, I.
   665-672); Huber (Philosophie der Kirchenväter, München, 1859), and in
   the following special works:

   Theod. Gangauf: Metaphysische Psychologie des heil. Augustinus. 1ste
   Abtheilung, Augsburg, 1852. T. Théry: Le génie philosophique et
   littéraire de saint Augustin. Par. 1861. Abbé Flottes: Études sur saint
   Aug., son génie, son âme, sa philosophie. Montpèllier, 1861.
   Nourrisson: La philosophie de saint Augustin (ouvrage couronné par
   l'Institut de France), deuxiéme éd. Par. 1866, 2 vols. Reinkens:
   Geschichtsphilosophie des Aug. Schaffhausen, 1866. Ferraz: De la
   psychologie de S. Augustin, 2d ed. Paris, 1869. Schütz: Augustinum non
   esse ontologum. Monast. 1867. A. F. Hewitt: The Problems of the Age,
   with Studies in St. Augustin. New York, 1868. G. Loesche: De Augustino
   Plotinizante. Jenae, 1880 (68 pages).

   (3) On Aug. as a Latin author see Bähr: Geschichte der röm Literatur,
   Suppl. II. Ebert: Geschichte der latein. Literatur (Leipzig, 1874, I.
   203 sqq.). Villemain: Tableau de l'éloquence chrétienne au IV^e siècle
   (Paris, 1849).
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER II.--A Sketch of the Life of St. Augustin.

   It is a venturesome and delicate undertaking to write one's own life,
   even though that life be a masterpiece of nature and the grace of God,
   and therefore most worthy to be described. Of all autobiographies none
   has so happily avoided the reef of vanity and self-praise, and none has
   won so much esteem and love through its honesty and humility as that of
   St. Augustin.

   The "Confessions," which he wrote in the forty-fourth year of his life,
   still burning in the ardor of his first love, are full of the fire and
   unction of the Holy Spirit. They are a sublime composition, in which
   Augustin, like David in the fifty-first Psalm, confesses to God, in
   view of his own and of succeeding generations, without reserve the sins
   of his youth; and they are at the same time a hymn of praise to the
   grace of God, which led him out of darkness into light, and called him
   to service in the kingdom of Christ. [1] Here we see the great church
   teacher of all times "prostrate in the dust, conversing with God,
   basking in his love; his readers hovering before him only as a shadow."
   He puts away from himself all honor, all greatness, all merit, and lays
   them gratefully at the feet of the All-merciful. The reader feels on
   every hand that Christianity is no dream nor illusion, but truth and
   life, and he is carried along in adoration of the wonderful grace of
   God.

   Aurelius Augustinus, born on the 13th of November, 354, [2] at Tagaste,
   an unimportant village of the fertile province of Numidia in North
   Africa, not far from Hippo Regius, inherited from his heathen father,
   Patricius, [3] a passionate sensibility, from his Christian mother,
   Monnica (one of the noblest women in the history of Christianity, of a
   highly intellectual and spiritual cast, of fervent piety, most tender
   affection, and all-conquering love), the deep yearning towards God so
   grandly expressed in his sentence: "Thou hast made us for Thyself, and
   our heart is restless till it rests in Thee." [4] This yearning, and
   his reverence for the sweet and holy name of Jesus, though crowded into
   the background, attended him in his studies at the schools of Madaura
   and Carthage, on his journeys to Rome and Milan, and on his tedious
   wanderings through the labyrinth of carnal pleasures, Manichæan
   mock-wisdom, Academic skepticism, and Platonic idealism; till at last
   the prayers of his mother, the sermons of Ambrose, the biography of St.
   Anthony, and above all, the Epistles of Paul, as so many instruments in
   the hand of the Holy Spirit, wrought in the man of three and thirty
   years that wonderful change which made him an incalculable blessing to
   the whole Christian world, and brought even the sins and errors of his
   youth into the service of the truth. [5]

   A son of so many prayers and tears could not be lost, and the faithful
   mother who travailed with him in spirit with greater pain than her body
   had in bringing him into the world, [6] was permitted, for the
   encouragement of future mothers, to receive shortly before her death an
   answer to her prayers and expectations, and was able to leave this
   world with joy without revisiting her earthly home. For Monnica died on
   a homeward journey, in Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber, in her
   fifty-sixth year, in the arms of her son, after enjoying with him a
   glorious conversation that soared above the confines of space and time,
   and was a foretaste of the eternal Sabbath-rest of the saints. If those
   moments, he says, could be prolonged for ever, they would more than
   suffice for his happiness in heaven. She regretted not to die in a
   foreign land, because she was not far from God, who would raise her up
   at the last day. "Bury my body anywhere, "was her last request, "and
   trouble not yourselves for it; only this one thing I ask, that you
   remember me at the altar of my God, wherever you may be." [7] Augustin,
   in his Confessions, has erected to Monnica a noble monument that can
   never perish.

   If ever there was a thorough and fruitful conversion, next to that of
   Paul on the way to Damascus, it was that of Augustin, when, in a garden
   of the Villa Cassiciacum, not far from Milan, in September of the year
   386, amidst the most violent struggles of mind and heart--the
   birth-throes of the new life--he heard that divine voice of a child:
   "Take, read!" and he "put on the Lord Jesus Christ" (Rom. xiii. 14). It
   is a touching lamentation of his: "I have loved Thee late, Thou Beauty,
   so old and so new; I have loved Thee late! And lo! Thou wast within,
   but I was without, and was seeking Thee there. And into Thy fair
   creation I plunged myself in my ugliness; for Thou was with me, and I
   was not with Thee! Those things kept me away from Thee, which had not
   been, except they had been in Thee! Thou didst call, and didst cry
   aloud, and break through my deafness. Thou didst glimmer, Thou didst
   shine, and didst drive away my blindness. Thou didst breathe, and I
   drew breath, and breathed in Thee. I tasted Thee, and I hunger and
   thirst. Thou didst touch me, and I burn for Thy peace. If I, with all
   that is within me, may once live in Thee, then shall pain and trouble
   forsake me; entirely filled with Thee, all shall be life to me."

   He received baptism from Ambrose in Milan on Easter Sunday, 387, in
   company with his friend and fellow-convert Alypius, and his natural son
   Adeodatus (given by God). It impressed the divine seal upon the inward
   transformation. He broke radically with the world; abandoned the
   brilliant and lucrative vocation of a teacher of rhetoric, which he had
   followed in Rome and Milan; sold his goods for the benefit of the poor;
   and thenceforth devoted his rare gifts exclusively to the service of
   Christ, and to that service he continued faithful to his latest breath.
   After the death of his mother, whom he revered and loved with the most
   tender affection, he went a second time to Rome for several months, and
   wrote books in defence of true Christianity against false philosophy
   and against the Manichæan heresy. Returning to Africa, he spent three
   years, with his friends Alypius and Evodius, on an estate in his native
   Tagaste, in contemplative and literary retirement.

   Then, in 391, he was chosen presbyter against his will, by the voice of
   the people, which, as in the similar cases of Cyprian and Ambrose,
   proved to be the voice of God, in the Numidian maritime city of Hippo
   Regius (now Bona); and in 395 he was elected bishop in the same city.
   For eight and thirty years, until his death, he labored in this place,
   and made it the intellectual centre of Western Christendom. [8]

   His outward mode of life was extremely simple, and mildly ascetic. He
   lived with his clergy in one house in an apostolic community of goods,
   and made this house a seminary of theology, out of which ten bishops
   and many lower clergy went forth. Females, even his sister, were
   excluded from his house, and could see him only in the presence of
   others. But he founded religious societies of women; and over one of
   these his sister, a saintly widow, presided. [9] He once said in a
   sermon, that he had nowhere found better men, and he had nowhere found
   worse, than in monasteries. Combining, as he did, the clerical life
   with the monastic, he became unwittingly the founder of the Augustinian
   order, which gave the reformer Luther to the world. He wore the black
   dress of the Easter coenobites, with a cowl and a leathern girdle. He
   lived almost entirely on vegetables, and seasoned the common meal with
   reading or free conversation, in which it was a rule that the character
   of an absent person should never be touched. He had this couplet
   engraved on the table:

   "Quisquis amat dictis absentum rodere vitam,

   Hanc mensam vetitam noverit esse sibi."

   He often preached five days in succession, sometimes twice a day, and
   set it as the object of his preaching, that all might live with him,
   and he with all, in Christ. Wherever he went in Africa, he was begged
   to preach the world of salvation. [10] He faithfully administered the
   external affairs connected with his office, though he found his chief
   delight in contemplation. He was specially devoted to the poor, and,
   like Ambrose, upon exigency, caused the church vessels to be melted
   down to redeem prisoners. But he refused legacies by which injustice
   was done to natural heirs, and commended the bishop Aurelius of
   Carthage for giving back unasked some property which a man has
   bequeathed to the church, when his wife unexpectedly bore him children.

   Augustin's labors extended far beyond his little diocese. He was the
   intellectual head of the North African and the entire Western church of
   his time. He took active interest in all theological and ecclesiastical
   questions. He was the champion of the orthodox doctrine against
   Manichæan, Donatist, and Pelagian. In him was concentrated the whole
   polemic power of the catholic church of the time against heresy and
   schism; and in him it won the victory over them.

   In his last years he took a critical review of his literary
   productions, and gave them a thorough sifting in his Retractations. His
   latest controversial works, against the Semi-Pelagians, written in a
   gentle spirit, date from the same period. He bore the duties of his
   office alone till his seventy-second year, when his people unanimously
   elected his friend Heraclius to be his assistant.

   The evening of his life was troubled by increasing infirmities of body
   and by the unspeakable wretchedness which the barbarian Vandals spread
   over his country in their victorious invasion, destroying cities,
   villages, and churches, without mercy, and even besieging the fortified
   city of Hippo. [11] Yet he faithfully persevered in his work. The last
   ten days of his life he spent in close retirement, in prayers and tears
   and repeated reading of the penitential Psalms, which he can caused to
   be written on the wall over his bed, that he might have them always
   before his eyes. Thus with an act of penitence he closed his life. In
   the midst of the terrors of the siege and the despair of his people he
   could not suspect what abundant seed he had sown for the future.

   In the third month of the siege of Hippo, on the 28th of August, 430,
   in the seventy-sixth year of his age, in full possession of his
   faculties, and in the presence of many friends and pupils, he past
   gently and peacefully into that eternity to which he had so long
   aspired. "O how wonderful," wrote he in his Meditations, [12] "how
   beautiful and lovely are the dwellings of Thy house, Almighty God! I
   burn with longing to behold Thy beauty in Thy bridal-chamber....O
   Jerusalem, holy city of God, dear bride of Christ, my heart loves thee,
   my soul has already long sighed for thy beauty!...The King of kings
   Himself is in the midst of thee, and His children are within thy walls.
   There are the hymning choirs of angels, the fellowship of heavenly
   citizens. There is the wedding-feast of all who from this sad earthly
   pilgrimage have reached thy joys. There is the far-seeing choir of the
   prophets; there the company of the twelve apostles; there the
   triumphant army of innumerable martyrs and holy confessors. Full and
   perfect love there reigns, for God is all in all. They love and praise,
   they praise and love Him evermore....Blessed, perfectly and forever
   blessed, shall I too be, if, when my poor body shall be dissolved,... I
   may stand before my King and God, and see Him in His glory, as He
   Himself hath deigned to promise: Father, I will that they also whom
   Thou hast given Me be with Me where I am; that they may behold My glory
   which I had with Thee before the world was.'" This aspiration after the
   heavenly Jerusalem found grand expression in the hymn De gloria et
   gaudiis Paradisi:

   "Ad perennis vitæ fontem mens sativit arida."

   It is incorporated in the Meditations of Augustin, and the ideas
   originated in part with him, but were not brought into poetical form
   till long afterwards by Peter Damiani. [13]

   He left no will, for in his voluntary poverty he had no earthly
   property to dispose of, except his library; this he bequeathed to the
   church, and it was fortunately preserved from the depredations of the
   Arian barbarians. [14]

   Soon after his death Hippo was taken and destroyed by the Vandals. [15]
   Africa was lost to the Romans. A few decades later the whole West-Roman
   empire fell in ruins. The culmination of the African church was the
   beginning of its decline. But the work of Augustin could not perish.
   His ideas fell like living seed into the soil of Europe, and produced
   abundant fruits in nations and countries of which he had never heard.
   [16]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1] Augustin himself says of his Confessions: "Confessionum mearum
   libri tredecim et de malis et de bonis meis Deum laudant justum et
   bonum, atque in eum excitant humanum intellectum et affectum." Retract.
   1. ii. c. 6. He refers to his Confessions also in his Epistola ad
   Darium, Ep. CCXXXI. cap. 5; and in his De dono perseverantiæ, cap. 20
   (53).

   [2] He died, according to the Chronicle of his friend and pupil Prosper
   Aquitanus, the 28th of August, 430 (in the third month of the siege of
   Hippo by the Vandals); according to his biographer Possidius he lived
   seventy-six years. The day of his birth Augustin states himself, De
   vita beata, § 6 (tom. i. 300): "Idibus Novemoris mihi natalis dies
   erat."

   [3] He received baptism shortly before his death.

   [4] Conf. i. 1: "Fecisti nos ad Te, et inquietum est cor nostrum, donec
   requiescat in Te." In all his aberrations, which we would hardly know,
   if it were not from his own free confession, he never sunk to anything
   mean, but remained, like Paul in his Jewish fanaticism, a noble
   intellect and an honorable character, with burning love for the true
   and the good.

   [5] For particulars respecting the course of Augustin's life, see my
   work above cited, and other monographs. Comp. also the fine remarks of
   Dr. Baur in his posthumous Lectures on Doctrine-History (1866), vol. i.
   Part ii. p. 26 sqq. He compares the development of Augustin with the
   course of Christianity from the beginning to his time, and draws a
   parallel between Augustin and Origen.

   [6] Conf. ix. c. 8: "Quæ me parturivit et carne, ut in hanc temporalem,
   et carde, ut in æternam lucem nascerer." L. v. 9: "Non enim satis
   eloquor, quid erga me habebat anima, et quanto majore sollicitudine nie
   partur iebat spiritu, quam carne pepererat." In De dono persev. c. 20,
   he ascribes his conversion under God "to the faithful and daily tears"
   of his mother.

   [7] Conf. l. ix. c. 11: "Tantum illud vos rogo, ut ad Domini altare
   memineritis mei, ubs fuertis." This must be explained from the already
   prevailing custom of offering prayers for the dead, which, however, had
   rather the form of thanksgiving for the mercy of God shown to them,
   than the later form of intercession for them.

   [8] He is still known among the inhabitants of the place as "the great
   Christian" (Rumi Kebir). Gibbon (ch. xxxiii. ad ann. 430) thus
   describes the place which became so famous through Augustin: "The
   maritime colony of Hippo, about two hundred miles westward of Carthage,
   had formerly acquired the distinguishing epithet of Regius, from the
   residence of the Numidian kings; and some remains of trade and
   populousness still adhere to the modern city, which is known in Europe
   by the corrupted name of Bona." Sallust mentions Hippo once in his
   history of the Jugurthine War. A part of the wealth with which Sallust
   built and beautified his splendid mansion and gardens in Rome, was
   extorted from this and other towns of North Africa while governor of
   Numidia. Since the French conquest of Algiers Hippo Regius was rebuilt
   under the name of Bona and is now one of the finest towns in North
   Africa, numbering over 10,000 inhabitants, French, Moors, and Jews.

   [9] He mentions a sister, "soror mea, sancta proposita" [monasterii],
   without naming her, Epist. 211, n. 4 (ed. Bened.), alias Ep. 109. He
   also had a brother by the name of Navigius.

   [10] Possidius says, in his Vita Aug.: "Cæterum episcopatu suscepto
   multo instantius ac ferventius, majore auctoritate, non in una tantum
   regione, sed ubicunque rogatus venisset, verbum satutis alacriter, ac
   suaviter pullulante atque crescente Domini ecclesia, prædicavit."

   [11] Possidius, c. 28, gives a vivid picture of the ravages of the
   Vandals, which have become proverbial. Comp. also Gibbon, ch. xxxiii.

   [12] I freely combine several passages.

   [13] Comp. Opera, tom. vi. p. 117 (Append.); Daniel: Thesaurus hymnol.
   i. 116 sqq., and iv. 203 sq., and Mone: Lat. Hymner, i. 422 sqq. Mone
   ascribes the poem to an unknown writer of the sixth century, but Trench
   (Sacred Latin Poetry, 2d ed., 315) and others attribute it to Cardinal
   Peter Damiani, the friend of Pope Hildebrand (d. 1072). Augustin wrote
   his poetry in prose.

   [14] Possidius says, Vita, c. 31: "Testamentum nullum fecit, guia unde
   faceret, pauper Dei non habuit. Ecclesiæ bibliothecam omnesgue codices
   diligenter posteris custodiendos semper jubebat."

   [15] The inhabitants escaped to the sea. There appears no bishop of
   Hippo after Augustin. In the seventh century the old city was utterly
   destroyed by the Arabians, but two miles from it Bona was built of its
   ruins. Comp. Tillemont, xiii. 945, and Gibbon, ch. xxxiii. Gibbon says,
   that Bona, "in the sixteenth century, contained about three hundred
   families of industrious, but turbulent manufacturers. The adjacent
   territory is renowned for a pure air, a fertile soil, and plenty of
   exquisite fruits." Since the French conquest of Algiers, Bona was
   rebuilt in 1832, and is gradually assuming a French aspect. It is now
   one of the finest towns in Algeria, the key to the province of
   Constantine, has a public garden, several schools, considerable
   commerce, and a population of over ten thousand of French, Moors, and
   Jews, the great majority of whom are foreigners. The relics of St.
   Augustin have been recently transferred from Pavia to Bona. See the
   letters of abbé Sibour to Poujoulat sur la translation de ia relique de
   saint Augustin de Pavie à Hippone, in Poujoulat's Histoire de saint
   Augustin, tom. i. p. 413 sqq.

   [16] Even in Africa Augustin's spirit reappeared from time to time
   notwithstanding the barbarian confusion, as a light in darkness, first
   in Vigilius, bishop of Thapsus, who, at the close of the fifth century,
   ably defended the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity and the person of
   Christ, and to whom the authorship of the so-called Athanasian Creed
   has sometimes been ascribed; in Fulgentius, bishop of Ruspe, one of the
   chief opponents of Semi-Pelagianism, and the later Arianism, who with
   sixty catholic bishops of Africa was banished for several years by the
   Arian Vandals to the island of Sardinia, and who was called the
   Augustin of the sixth century (died 533); and in Facundus of Hermiane
   (died 570), and Fulgentius Ferrandus, and Liberatus, two deacons of
   Carthage, who took a prominent part in the Three Chapter controversy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER III.--Estimate of St. Augustin.

   Augustin, the man with upturned eye, with pen in the left hand, and a
   burning heart in the right (as he is usually represented), is a
   philosophical and theological genius of the first order, towering like
   a pyramid above his age, and looking down commandingly upon succeeding
   centuries. He had a mind uncommonly fertile and deep, bold and soaring;
   and with it, what is better, a heart full of Christian love and
   humility. He stands of right by the side of the greatest philosophers
   of antiquity and of modern times. We meet him alike on the broad
   highways and the narrow footpaths, on the giddy Alpine heights and in
   the awful depths of speculation, wherever philosophical thinkers before
   him or after him have trod. As a theologian he is facile princeps, at
   least surpassed by no church father, schoolman, or reformer. With royal
   munificence he scattered ideas in passing, which have set in mighty
   motion other lands and later times. He combined the creative power of
   Tertullian with the churchly spirit of Cyprian, the speculative
   intellect of the Greek church with the practical tact of the Latin. He
   was a Christian philosopher and a philosophical theologian to the full.
   It was his need and his delight to wrestle again and again with the
   hardest problems of thought, and to comprehend to the utmost the
   divinely revealed matter of the faith. [17] He always asserted, indeed,
   the primacy of faith, according to his maxim: Fides præcedit
   intellectum; appealing, with theologians before him, to the well known
   passage of Isaiah vii. 9 (in the LXX.): "Nisi credideritis, non
   intelligetis." [18] But to him faith itself was an acting of reason,
   and from faith to knowledge, therefore, there was a necessary
   transition. [19] He constantly looked below the surface to the hidden
   motives of actions and to the universal laws of diverse events. The
   Metaphysician and the Christian believer coalesced in him. His
   meditatio passes with the utmost ease into oratio, and his oratio into
   meditatio. With profundity he combined an equal clearness and sharpness
   of thought. He was an extremely skilful and a successful dialectician,
   inexhaustible in arguments and in answers to the objections of his
   adversaries.

   He has enriched Latin literature with a greater store of beautiful,
   original, and pregnant proverbial sayings, than any classic author, or
   any other teacher of the church. [20]

   He had a creative and decisive hand in almost every dogma of the Latin
   church, completing some, and advancing others. The centre of his system
   is the free redeeming grace of God in Christ, operating through the
   actual, historical church. He is evangelical or Pauline in his doctrine
   of sin and grace, but catholic (that is, old-catholic, not Roman
   Catholic) in his doctrine of the church. The Pauline element comes
   forward mainly in the Pelagian controversy, the catholic-churchly in
   the Donatist; but each is modified by the other.

   Dr. Baur incorrectly makes freedom the fundamental idea of the
   Augustinian system. But this much better suits the Pelagian; while
   Augustin started (like Calvin and Schleiermacher) from the idea of the
   absolute dependence of man upon God. He changed his idea of freedom
   during the Pelagian controversy. Baur draws an ingenious and suggestive
   comparison between Augustin and Origen, the two greatest intellects
   among the church fathers. "There is no church teacher of the ancient
   period," says he, [21] "who, in intellect and in grandeur and
   consistency of view, can more justly be placed by the side of Origen
   than Augustin; none who, with all the difference in individuality and
   in mode of thought, so closely resembles him. How far both towered
   above their times, is most clearly manifest in the very fact that they
   alone, of all the theologians of the first six centuries, became the
   creators of distinct systems, each proceeding from a definite idea, and
   each completely carried out; and this fact proves also how much the one
   system has that is analogous to the other. The one system, like the
   other, is founded upon the idea of freedom; in both there is a specific
   act, by which the entire development of human life is determined; and
   in both this is an act which lies far outside of the temporal
   consciousness of the individual; with this difference alone, that in
   one system the act belongs to each separate individual himself, and
   only falls outside of his temporal life and consciousness; in the
   other, it lies within the sphere of the temporal history of man, but is
   only the act of one individual. If in the system of Origen nothing
   gives greater offence than the idea of the pre-existence and fall of
   souls, which seems to adopt heathen ideas into the Christian faith,
   there is in the system of Augustin the same overleaping of individual
   life and consciousness, in order to explain from an act in the past the
   present sinful condition of man; but the pagan Platonic point of view
   is exchanged for one taken from the Old Testament....What therefore
   essentially distinguishes the system of Augustin from that of Origen,
   is only this: the fall of Adam is substituted for the pre-temporal fall
   of souls, and what in Origen still wears a heathen garb, puts on in
   Augustin a purely Old Testament form."

   The learning of Augustin was not equal to his genius, nor as extensive
   as that of Origen and Eusebius, but still considerable for his time,
   and superior to that of any of the Latin fathers, with the single
   exception of Jerome. He had received in the schools of Madaura and
   Carthage the usual philosophical and rhetorical preparation for the
   forum, which stood him in good stead also in theology. He was familiar
   with Latin literature, and was by no means blind to the excellencies of
   the classics, though he placed them far below the higher beauty of the
   Holy Scriptures. The Hortensius of Cicero (a lost work) inspired him
   during his university course with enthusiasm for philosophy and for the
   knowledge of truth for its own sake; the study of Platonic and
   Neo-Platonic works (in the Latin version of the rhetorician Victorinus)
   kindled in him an incredible fire [22] ; though in both he missed the
   holy name of Jesus and the cardinal virtues of love and humility, and
   found in them only beautiful ideals without power to conform him to
   them. His City of God, his book on heresies, and other writings, show
   an extensive knowledge of ancient philosophy, poetry, and history,
   sacred and secular. He refers to the most distinguished persons of
   Greece and Rome; he often alludes to Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle,
   Plotin, Porphyry, Cicero, Seneca, Horace, Vergil, to the earlier Greek
   and Latin fathers, to Eastern and Western heretics. But his knowledge
   of Greek literature was mostly derived from Latin translations. With
   the Greek language, as he himself frankly and modestly confesses, he
   had, in comparison with Jerome, but a superficial acquaintance. [23]
   Hebrew he did not understand at all. Hence, with all his extraordinary
   familiarity with the Latin Bible, he made many mistakes in exposition.
   He was rather a thinker than a scholar, and depended mainly on his own
   resources, which were always abundant.

   Notes.--We note some of the most intelligent and appreciative estimates
   of Augustin. Erasmus (Ep. dedicat. ad Alfons. archiep. Tolet. 1529)
   says, with an ingenious play upon the name Aurelius Augustinus: "Quid
   habet orbis christianus hoc scriptore magis aureum vel augustius? ut
   ipsa vocabula nequaquam fortuito, sed numinis providentia videantur
   indita viro. Auro sapientiæ nihil pretiosius: fulgore eloquentiæ cum
   sapientia conjunctæ nihil mirabilius....Non arbitror alium esse
   doctorem, in quem opulentus ille ac benignus Spiritus dotes suas omnes
   largius effuderit, quam in Augustinum." The great philosopher Leibnitz
   (Præfat. ad Theodic. §34) calls him "virum sane magnum et ingenii
   stupendi," and "vastissimo ingenio præditum." Dr. Baur, without
   sympathy with his views, speaks enthusiastically of the man and his
   genius. Among other things he says (Vorlesungen über Dogmengeschichte,
   i. i. p. 61): "There is scarcely another theological author so fertile
   and withal so able as Augustin. His scholarship was not equal to his
   intellect; yet even that is sometimes set too low, when it is asserted
   that he had no acquaintance at all with the Greek language; for this is
   incorrect, though he had attained no great proficiency in Greek." C.
   Bindemann (a Lutheran divine) begins his thorough monograph (vol. i.
   preface) with the well-deserved eulogium: "St. Augustin is one of the
   greatest personages in the church. He is second in importance to none
   of the teachers who have wrought most in the church since the apostolic
   times; and it can well be said that among the church fathers the first
   place is due to him, and in the time of the Reformation a Luther alone,
   for fulness and depth of thought and grandeur of character, may stand
   by his side. He is the summit of the development of the mediæval
   Western church; from him descended the mysticism, no less than the
   scholasticism, of the middle age; he was one of the strongest pillars
   of the Roman Catholicism, and from his works, next to the Holy
   Scriptures, especially the Epistles of Paul, the leader of the
   Reformation drew most of that conviction by which a new age was
   introduced." Staudenmaier, a Roman Catholic theologian, counts Augustin
   among those minds in which an hundred others dwell (Scotus Erigena, i.
   p. 274). The Roman Catholic philosophers A. Günther and Th. Gangauf,
   put him on an equality with the greatest philosophers, and discern in
   him a providential personage endowed by the Spirit of God for the
   instruction of all ages. A striking characterization is that of the Old
   Catholic Dr. Huber (in his instructive work: Die Philosophie der
   Kirchenväter, Munich, 1859, p. 312 sq.): "Augustin is a unique
   phenomenon in Christian history. No one of the other fathers has left
   so luminous traces of his existence. Though we find among them many
   rich and powerful minds, yet we find in none the forces of personal
   character, mind, heart, and will, so largely developed and so
   harmoniously working. No one surpasses him in wealth of perceptions and
   dialectical sharpness of thoughts, in depth and fervour of religious
   sensibility, in greatness of aims and energy of action. He therefore
   also marks the culmination of the patristic age, and has been elevated
   by the acknowledgment of succeeding times as the first and the
   universal church father.--His whole character reminds us in many
   respects of Paul, with whom he has also in common the experience of
   being called from manifold errors to the service of the gospel, and
   like whom he could boast that he had laboured in it more abundantly
   than all the others. And as Paul among the Apostles pre-eminently
   determined the development of Christianity, and became, more than all
   the others, the expression of the Christian mind, to which men ever
   afterwards return, as often as in the life of the church that mind
   becomes turbid, to draw from him, as the purest fountain, a fresh
   understanding of the gospel doctrine,--so has Augustin turned the
   Christian nations since his time for the most part into his paths, and
   become pre-eminently their trainer and teacher, in the study of whom
   they always gain a renewal and deepening of their Christian
   consciousness. Not the middle age alone, but the Reformation also, was
   ruled by him, and whatever to this day boasts of the Christian spirit,
   is connected at least in part with Augustin." Villemain, in his able
   and eloquent, "Tableau de l'éloquence Chrétienne au IV^e siècle"
   (Paris, 1849, p. 373), commences his sketch of Augustin as follows:
   "Nous arrivons a l'homme le plus êtonnant de l'Eglise latine, à celui
   qui portat le plus d'imagination dans la théologie, le plus d'éloquence
   et même sensibilité dans la scholastique; ce fut saint Augustin.
   Donnez-lui un autre siècle, placez-le dans meillêure civilisation; et
   jamais homme n'aura paru doué d'un génie plus vaste et plus facile.
   Métaphysique, histoire, antiquités, science des moers, connaissance des
   arts, Augustin avait tout embrassé. Il écrit sur la musique comme sur
   le libre arbitre; il explique le phénomène intellectual la de mémoire,
   comme il raisonne sur la décadence de l'empire romain. Son esprit
   subtil et vigoureux a souvent consumé dans des problèmes mystiques une
   force de sagacité qui suffirait aux plus sublimes conceptions."
   Frédéric Ozanam, in his "La civilisation au cinquième siècle"
   (translated by A. C. Glyn, 1868, Vol. I. p. 272), counts Augustin among
   the three or four great metaphysicians of modern times, and says that
   his task was "to clear the two roads open to Christian philosophy and
   to inaugurate its two methods of mysticism and dogmatism." Nourrisson,
   whose work on Augustin is clothed with the authority of the Institute
   of France, assigns to him the first rank among the masters of human
   thought, alongside of Plato and Leibnitz, Thomas Aquinas and Bossuet.
   "Si une critique toujours respectueuse, mais d'une inviolable
   sincérité, est une des formes les plus hautes de l'admiration,
   j'estime, au contraire, n'avoir fait qu'exalter ce grand coeur, ce
   psychologue consolant et ému, ce métaphysicien subtil et sublime, en un
   mot, cet attachant et poétique génie, dont la place reste marquée, au
   premier rang, parmi les maîtres de la pensée humaine, á côté de Platon
   et de Descartes, d'Aristote et de saint Thomas, de Leibnitz et de
   Bossuet." (La philosophie de saint Augustin, Par. 1866, tom. i. p.
   vii.) Pressensé (in art. Aug., in Smith & Wace, Dict. of Christ.
   Biography, I. 222): "Aug. still claims the honour of having brought out
   in all its light the fundamental doctrine of Christianity; despite the
   errors of his system, he has opened to the church the path of every
   progress and of every reform, by stating with the utmost vigour the
   scheme of free salvation which he had learnt in the school of St.
   Paul." Among English and American writers, Dr. Shedd, in the
   Introduction to his edition of the Confessions (1860), has furnished a
   truthful and forcible description of the mind and heart of St.
   Augustin. I add the striking judgment of the octogenarian historian Dr.
   Karl Hase (Kirschengeschichte auf der Grundlage akademischer
   Vorlesungen, Leipzig 1885, vol. I. 522): "The full significance of
   Augustin as an author can be measured only from the consideration of
   the fact that in the middle ages both scholasticism and mysticism lived
   of his riches, and that afterwards Luther and Calvin drew out of his
   fulness. We find in him both the sharp understanding which makes
   salvation depend on the clearly defined dogma of the church, and the
   loving absorption of the heart in God which scarcely needs any more the
   aid of the church. His writings reflect all kinds of Christian
   thoughts, which lie a thousand years apart and appear to be
   contradictions. How were they possible in so systematic a thinker? Just
   as much as they were possible in Christianity, of which he was a
   microcosmus. From the dogmatic abyss of his hardest and most illiberal
   doctrines arise such liberal sentences as these: Him I shall not
   condemn in whom I find any thing of Christ;' Let us not forget that in
   the very enemies are concealed the future citizens.'"
     __________________________________________________________________

   [17] Or, as he wrote to a friend about the year 410, Epist. 120, C. 1,
   § 2 (tom. ii. p. 347, ed. Bened. Venet.; in older ed., Ep. 122): "Ut
   quod credis intelligas...non ut fidem resinas, sed ea quæ fidei
   firmitate jam tenes, etiam rationis luce conspicias." He continues,
   ibid. c. 3: "Absit namque, ut hoc in nobis Deus oderit, in quo nos
   reliquis animalibus exccellentiores creavit. Absit, inquam, ut ideo
   credamus, ne rationem accipiamus vel quæramus; cum etiam credere non
   possemns, nisi rationales animas haberemus." In one of his earliest
   works, Contra Academ. l. iii. c. 20, § 43, he says of himself: "Ita sum
   affectus, ut quid sit verum non credendo solum, sed etiam intelligendo
   apprehendere impatienter desiderem."

   [18] Ean me pisteusete, oude me sunete. But the proper translation of
   the Hebrew is: "If ye will not believe [in me, by for ky], surely ye
   shall not be established (or, not remain)."

   [19] Comp. De præd. sanct. cap. 2, § 5 (tom. x. p. 792): "Ipsum credere
   nihil aliud est quam cum assensione cogiitare. Nom enim omnis qui
   cogitat, credit, cum ideo cogitant, plerique ne credant: sed cogitat
   omnis qui credit, et credendo cogitat et cogitando credit. Fides si non
   cogitetur, nulia est." Ep. 120, cap. 1, § 3 (tom. ii. 347), and Ep.
   137, c. 4, § 15 (tom. ii. 408): "Intellectui fides aditum aperit,
   infidelitas claudit." Augustin's view of faith and knowledge is
   discussed at large by Gangauf, Metaphysische Psychologie des heil.
   Augustinus, i. pp. 31-76, and by Nourrisson, La phliosophie de saint
   Augustin, tom. ii. 282-290.

   [20] Prosper Aquitanus collected in the year 450 or 451 from the works
   of Augustin 392 sentences (see the Appendix to the tenth vol. of the
   Bened. ed. p. 223 sqq., and in Migne's ed. of Prosper Aquitanus, col.
   427-496), with reference to theological purport and the Pelagian
   controversies. We recall some of the best which he has omitted: "Novum
   Testamentum in Vetere latet, Vetus in Novo pates." "Distingue tempora,
   et concordabit Scriptura." "Cor nostrum inquietum est, donec requiescat
   in Te." "Da quod jubes, et jube quod vis." "Non vincit nisi veritas,
   victoria veritatis est caritas." "Ubi amor, ibi trinitas." "Fides
   præcedit intellectum." "Deo servire vera libertas est." "Nulia
   infelicitas frangit, quem felicitas nulla corrumpit." The famous maxim
   of ecclesiastical harmony: "In necessarlis unitas, in dublis (or, non
   ccessarlis) libertas, in omnibus (in utrisque) caritas,"--which is
   often ascribed to Augustin, dates in this form not from him, but from a
   much later period. Dr. Lucke (in a special treatise on the antiquity of
   the author, the original form, etc., of this sentence, Göttingen, 1850)
   traces the authorship to Rupert Meldenius, an irenical German
   theologian of the seventeenth century. Baxter, also, who lived during
   the intense conflict of English Puritanism and Episcopacy, and grew
   weary of the "fury of theologians," adopted a similar sentiment. The
   sentence is held by many who differ widely in the definition of what is
   "necessary" and what is "doubtful." The meaning of "charity in all
   things" is above doubt, and a moral duty of every Christian, though
   practically violated by too many in all denominations.

   [21] Vorlesungen über die christl. Dogmengeschichte, vol. 1. P. 11. p.
   30 sq.

   [22] Adv. Academicos, 1. ii. c. 2, § 5: "Etiam mihi ipsi de me
   incredibile incendium concitarunt." And in several passages of the
   Civitas Dei (viii. 3-12 xxii. 27) he speaks very favourably of Plato,
   and also of Aristotle, and thus broke the way for the high authority of
   the Aristotelian philosophy with the scholastics of the middle age.

   [23] It is sometimes asserted that he had no knowledge at all of the
   Greek. So Gibbon, for example, says (ch. xxxiii.): "The superficial
   learning of Augustin was confined to the Latin language." But this is a
   mistake. In his youth he had a great aversion to the glorious language
   of Hellas because he had a bad teacher and was forced to it (Conf. i.
   14). He read the writings of Plato in a Latin translation (vii. 9). But
   after his baptism, during his second residence in Rome, he resumed the
   study of Greek with greater zest, for the sake of his biblical studies.
   In Hippo he had, while presbyter, good opportunity to advance in it,
   since his bishop, Aurelius, a native Greek, understood his mother
   tongue much better than the Latin. In his books he occasionally makes
   reference to the Greek. In his work Contra Jul. i. c. 6 § 21 (tom. x.
   510), he corrects the Pelagian Julian in a translation from Chrysostom,
   quoting the original. "Ego ipsa verba Græca quæ a Joanne dicta sunt
   ponam: dia touto kai ta paidia baptizomen, kaitoi ?martemata ouk
   echonta, quod est Latine: Ideo et infantes baptizamus, quamvis peccata
   non habentes." Julian had freely rendered this: "cum non sint
   coinquinati peccato," and had drawn the inference: "Sanctus Joannes
   Constantinopolitanus [John Chrysostom] negat esse in parvulis originale
   peccatum." Augustin helps himself out of the pinch by arbitrarily
   supplying propria to hamartemata, so that the idea of sin inherited
   from another is not excluded. The Greek fathers, however, did not
   consider hereditary corruption to be proper sin or guilt at all, but
   only defect, weakness, or disease. In the City of God, lib. xix. c. 23,
   he quotes a passage from Porphyry's ek logion philosophia, and in book
   xviii. 23, he explains the Greek monogram ichthus. He gives the
   derivation of several Greek words, and correctly distinguishes between
   such synonyms as gennao and tikto, euche and proseuche, pnoe and
   pneuma. It is probable that he read Plotin, and the Panarion of
   Epiphanius or the summary of it, in Greek (while the Church History of
   Eusebius he knew only in the translation of Rufinus). But in his
   exegetical and other works he very rarely consults the Septuagint or
   Greek Testament, and was content with the very imperfect Itala, or the
   improved version of Jerome (the Vulgate). The Benedictine editors
   overestimate his knowledge of Greek. He himself frankly confesses that
   he knew very little of it. De Trinit. 1. iii Prooem. ("Graæcæ linguæ
   non sit nobis tantus habitus, ut talium rerum libris legendis et
   intelligendis ullo modo reperiamur idonei"), and Contra literas
   Petiliani (written in 400),1. ii. c. 38 ("Et ego quidem Græcæ linguæ
   perparum assecutus sum, et prope nihil"). On the philosophical learning
   of Augustin may be compared Nourrisson, l. c. ii. p. 92 sqq.
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER IV.--The Writings of St. Augustin.

   The numerous writings of Augustin, the composition of which extended
   through four and forty years, are a mine of Christian knowledge, and
   experience. They abound in lofty ideas, noble sentiments, devout
   effusions, clear statements of truth, strong arguments against error,
   and passages of fervid eloquence and undying beauty, but also in
   innumerable repetitions, fanciful opinions, and playful conjectures of
   his uncommonly fertile brain. [24]

   His style is full of life and vigour and ingenious plays on words, but
   deficient in simplicity, purity and elegance, and by no means free from
   the vices of a degenerate rhetoric, wearisome prolixity, and from that
   vagabunda loquacitas, with which his adroit opponent, Julian of
   Eclanum, charged him. He would rather, as he said, be blamed by
   grammarians, than not understood by the people; and he bestowed little
   care upon his style, though he many a time rises in lofty poetic
   flight. He made no point of literary renown, but, impelled by love to
   God and to the church, he wrote from the fulness of his mind and heart.
   [25] The writings before his conversion, a treatise on the Beautiful
   (De Pulchro et Apto), the orations and eulogies which he delivered as
   rhetorician at Carthage, Rome, and Milan, are lost. The professor of
   eloquence, the heathen philosopher, the Manichæan heretic, the sceptic
   and free thinker, are known to us only from his regrets and
   recantations in the Confessions and other works. His literary career
   for us commences in his pious retreat at Cassiciacum where he prepared
   himself for a public profession of his faith. He appears first, in the
   works composed at Cassiciacum, Rome, and near Tagaste, as a Christian
   philosopher, after his ordination to the priesthood as a theologian.
   Yet even in his theological works he everywhere manifests the
   metaphysical and speculative bent of his mind. He never abandoned or
   depreciated reason, he only subordinated it to faith and made it
   subservient to the defence of revealed truth. Faith is the pioneer of
   reason, and discovers the territory which reason explores.

   The following is a classified view of his most important works. [26]

   I. Autobiographical works. To these belong the Confessions and the
   Retractations; the former acknowledging his sins, the latter retracting
   his theoretical errors. In the one he subjects his life, in the other
   his writings, to close criticism; and these productions therefore
   furnish the best standard for judging of his entire labours. [27]

   The Confessions are the most profitable, at least the most edifying,
   product of his pen; indeed, we may say, the most edifying book in all
   the patristic literature. They were accordingly the most read even
   during his lifetime, [28] and they have been the most frequently
   published since. [29] A more sincere and more earnest book was never
   written. The historical part, to the tenth book, is one of the
   devotional classics of all creeds, and second in popularity only to the
   "Imitation of Christ," by Thomas a Kempis, and Bunyan's "Pilgrim's
   Progress." Certainly no autobiography is superior to it in true
   humility, spiritual depth, and universal interest. Augustin records his
   own experience, as a heathen sensualist, a Manichæan heretic, an
   anxious inquirer, a sincere penitent, and a grateful convert. He finds
   a response in every human soul that struggles through the temptations
   of nature and the labyrinth of error to the knowledge of truth and the
   beauty of holiness, and after many sighs and tears finds rest and peace
   in the arms of a merciful Saviour. The style is not free from the
   faults of an artificial rhetoric, involved periods and far-fetched
   paronomasias; but these defects are more than atoned for by passages of
   unfading beauty, the devout spirit and psalm-like tone of the book. It
   is the incense of a sacred mysticism of the heart which rises to the
   throne on high. The wisdom of some parts of the Confessions may be
   doubted. [30] The world would never have known Augustin's sins, if he
   had not told them; nor were they of such a nature as to destroy his
   respectability in the best heathen society of his age; but we must all
   the more admire his honesty and humility.

   Rousseau's "Confessions," and Goethe's "Truth and Fiction," may be
   compared with Augustin's Confessions as works of rare genius and of
   absorbing psychological interest, but they are written in a radically
   different spirit, and by attempting to exalt human nature in its
   unsanctified state, they tend as much to expose its vanity and
   weakness, as the work of the bishop of Hippo, being written with a
   single eye to the glory of God, raises man from the dust of repentance
   to a new and imperishable life of the Spirit. [31]

   Augustin composed the Confessions about the year 397, ten years after
   his conversion. The first nine books contain, in the form of a
   continuos prayer and confession before God, a general sketch of his
   earlier life, of his conversion, and of his return to Africa in the
   thirty-fourth year of his age. The salient points in these books are
   the engaging history of his conversion in Milan, and the story of the
   last days of his noble mother in Ostia, spent as it were at the very
   gate of heaven and in full assurance of a blessed reunion at the throne
   of glory. The last three books and a part of the tenth are devoted to
   speculative philosophy; they treat, partly in tacit opposition to
   Manichæism, of the metaphysical questions of the possibility of knowing
   God, and the nature of time and space; and they give an interpretation
   of the Mosaic cosmogony in the style of the typical allegorical
   exegesis usual with the fathers, but foreign to our age; they are
   therefore of little value to the general reader, except as showing that
   even abstract metaphysical subjects may be devotionally treated.

   The Retractations were produced in the evening of his life (427 and
   428), when, mindful of the proverb: "In the multitude of words there
   wanteth not transgression," [32] and remembering that we must give
   account for every idle word, he judged himself, [33] that he might not
   be judged. [34] He revised in chronological order the numerous works he
   had written before and during his episcopate, and retracted or
   corrected whatever in them seemed to his riper knowledge false or
   obscure, or not fully agreed with the orthodox catholic faith. Some of
   his changes were reactionary and no improvements, especially those on
   the freedom of the will, and on religious toleration. In all essential
   points, nevertheless, his theological system remained the same from his
   conversion to this time. The Retractations give beautiful evidence of
   his love of truth, his conscientiousness, and his humility. [35]

   To this same class should be added the Letters of Augustin, of which
   the Benedictine editors, in their second volume, give two hundred and
   seventy (including letters to Augustin) in chronological order from
   A.D. 386 to A.D. 429. These letters treat, sometimes very minutely, of
   all the important questions of his time, and give us an insight of his
   cares, his official fidelity, his large heart, and his effort to
   become, like Paul, all things to all men.

   When the questions of friends and pupils accumulated, he answered them
   in special works; and in this way he produced various collections of
   Quæstiones and Responsiones, dogmatical, exegetical, and miscellaneous
   (A.D. 390, 397, &c.).

   II. Philosophical treatises, in dialogue; almost all composed in his
   earlier life; either during his residence on the country-seat
   Cassiciacum in the vicinity of Milan, where he spent half a year before
   his baptism in instructive and stimulating conversation, in a sort of
   academy or Christian Platonic banquet with Monnica, his son Adeodatus,
   his brother Navigius, his friend Alypius, and some cousins and pupils;
   or during his second residence in Rome; or soon after his return to
   Africa. [36]

   To this class belong the works; Contra Academicos libri très (386), in
   which he combats the skepticism and probabilism of the New
   Academy,--the doctrine that man can never reach the truth, but can at
   best attain only probability; De vita beata (386), in which he makes
   true blessedness to consist in the perfect knowledge of God; De
   ordine,--on the relation of evil to the divine order of the world [37]
   (386); Soliloquia (387), communings with his own soul concerning God,
   the highest good, the knowledge of truth, and immortality; De
   immortalitate animæ (387), a continuation of the Soliloquies; De
   quantitate animæ (387), discussing sundry questions of the size, the
   origin, the incorporeity of the soul; De musica libri vi (387-389); De
   magistro (389), in which, in a dialogue with his son Adeodatus, a pious
   and promising, but precocious youth, who died soon after his return to
   Africa (389), he treats on the importance and virtue of the word of
   God, and on Christ as the infallible Master. [38] To these may be added
   the later work, De anima et ejus origine (419). Other philosophical
   works on grammar, dialectics (or ars bene disputandi), rhetoric,
   geometry, and arithmetic, are lost. [39]

   These works exhibit as yet little that is specifically Christian and
   churchly; but they show a Platonism seized and consecrated by the
   spirit of Christianity, full of high thoughts, ideal views, and
   discriminating argument. They were designed to present the different
   stages of human thought by which he himself had reached the knowledge
   of the truth, and to serve others as steps to the sanctuary. They form
   an elementary introduction to his theology. He afterwards, in his
   Retractations, withdrew many things contained in them, like the
   Platonic view of the pre-existence of the soul, and the Platonic idea
   that the acquisition of knowledge is a recollection or excavation of
   the knowledge hidden in the mind. [40] The philosopher in him
   afterwards yielded more and more to the theologian, and his views
   became more positive and empirical, though in some cases narrower also
   and more exclusive. Yet he could never cease to philosophise, and even
   his later works, especially De Trinitate, and De Civitate Dei, are full
   of profound speculations. Before his conversion he followed a
   particular system of philosophy, first the Manichæan, then the
   Platonic; after his conversion he embraced the Christian philosophy,
   which is based on the divine revelation of the Scriptures, and is the
   handmaid of theology and religion; but at the same time he prepared the
   way for the catholic ecclesiastical philosophy, which rests on the
   authority of the church, and became complete in the scholasticism of
   the middle age.

   In the history of philosophy he deserves a place in the highest rank,
   and has done greater service to the science of sciences than any other
   father, Clement of Alexandria and Origen not excepted. He attacked and
   refuted the pagan philosophy as pantheistic or dualistic at heart; he
   shook the superstitions of astrology and magic; he expelled from
   philosophy the doctrine of emanation, and the idea that God is the soul
   of the world; he substantially advanced psychology; he solved the
   question of the origin and the nature of evil more nearly than any of
   his predecessors, and as nearly as most of his successors; he was the
   first to investigate thoroughly the relation of divine omnipotence and
   omniscience to human freedom, and to construct a theodicy; in short, he
   is properly the founder of a Christian philosophy, and not only divided
   with Aristotle the empire of the mediæval scholasticism, but furnished
   also living germs for new systems of philosophy, and will always be
   consulted in the speculative discussions of Christian doctrines.

   The philosophical opinions of Augustin are ably and clearly summed up
   by Ueberweg as follows: [41]

   "Against the skepticism of the Academics Augustin urges that man needs
   the knowledge of truth for his happiness, that it is not enough merely
   to inquire and to doubt, and he finds a foundation for all our
   knowledge, a foundation invulnerable against every doubt, in the
   consciousness we have of our sensations, feelings, our willing, and
   thinking, in short, of all our psychical processes. From the undeniable
   existence and possession by man of some truth, he concludes to the
   existence of God as the truth per se; but our conviction of the
   existence of the material world he regards as only an irresistible
   belief. Combating heathen religion and philosophy, Augustin defends the
   doctrines and institutions peculiar to Christianity, and maintains, in
   particular, against the Neo-Platoniste, whom he rates most highly among
   all the ancient philosophers, the Christian theses that salvation is to
   be found in Christ alone, that divine worship is due to no other being
   beside the triune God, since he created all things himself, and did not
   commission inferior beings, gods, demons, or angels to create the
   material world; that the soul with its body will rise again to eternal
   salvation or damnation, but will not return periodically to renewed
   life upon the earth; that the soul begins to exist at the same time
   with the body; that the world both had a beginning and is perishable,
   and that only God and the souls of angels and men are eternal.--Against
   the dualism of the Manichæans, who regarded good and evil as equally
   primitive, and represented a portion of the divine substance as having
   entered into the region of evil, in order to war against and conquer
   it, Augustin defends the monism of the good principle, or of the purely
   spiritual God, explaining evil as a mere negation or privation, and
   seeking to show from the finiteness of the things in the world, and
   from the differing degrees of perfection, that the evils in the world
   are necessary, and not in contradiction with the idea of creation; he
   also defends in opposition to Manichæism, and Gnosticism in general,
   the Catholic doctrine of the essential harmony between the Old and New
   Testaments. Against the Donatists, Augustin maintains the unity of the
   church. In opposition to Pelagius and the Pelagians, he asserts that
   divine grace is not conditioned on human worthiness, and maintains the
   doctrine of absolute predestination, or, that from the mass of men who,
   through the disobedience of Adam (in whom all mankind were present
   potentially), have sunk into corruption and sin, some are chosen by the
   free election of God to be monuments of his grace, and are brought to
   believe and be saved, while the greater number, as monuments of his
   justice, are left to eternal damnation."

   III. Apologetic works against Pagans and Jews. Among these the
   twenty-two books, De Civitate Dei, are still well worth reading. They
   form the deepest and richest apologetic work of antiquity; begun in
   413, after the occupation of Rome by the Gothic king Alaric, finished
   in 426, and often separately published. They condense his entire theory
   of the world and of man, and are the first attempt at a comprehensive
   philosophy of universal history under the dualistic view of two
   antagonistic currents or organized forces, a kingdom of this world
   which is doomed to final destruction, and a kingdom of God which will
   last forever. [42]

   This work has controlled catholic historiography ever since, and
   received the official approval of Pope Leo XIII., who, in his famous
   Encyclical Immortale Dei (Nov. 1, 1885), incidentally alludes to it in
   these worlds: "Augustin, in his work, De Civitate Dei, set forth so
   clearly the efficacy of Christian wisdom and the way in which it is
   bound up with the well-being of civil society, that he seems not only
   to have pleaded the cause of the Christians at his own time, but to
   have triumphantly refuted the calumnies against Christianity for all
   time."

   From the Protestant point of view Augustin erred in identifying the
   kingdom of God with the visible Catholic Church, which is only a part
   of it.

   IV. Religious-Theological works of a general nature (in part
   anti-Manichæan): De utilitate credendi, against the Gnostic exaltation
   of knowledge (392); De fide et symbolo, a discourse which, though only
   presbyter, he delivered on the Apostles' Creed before the council at
   Hippo at the request of the bishops in 393; De doctrina Christiana iv
   libri (397; the fourth book added in 426), a compend of exegetical
   theology for instruction in the interpretation of the Scriptures
   according to the analogy of the faith; De catchizandis rudibus likewise
   for catechetical purposes (400); Enchiridon, or De fide, spe et
   caritate, a brief compend of the doctrine of faith and morals, which he
   wrote in 421, or later, at the request of Laurentius; hence also called
   Manuale ad Laurentium. [43]

   V. Polemic-Theological works. These are the most copious sources of the
   history of Christian doctrine in the patristic age. The heresies
   collectively are reviewed in the book De hæresibus ad Quodvultdeum,
   written between 428 and 430 to a friend and deacon in Carthage, and
   give a survey of eighty-eight heresies, from the Simonians to the
   Pelagians. [44] In the work De vera religione (390), Augustin proposed
   to show that the true religion is to be found not with the heretics and
   schismatics, but only in the catholic church of that time.

   The other controversial works are directed against the particular
   heresies of Manichæism, Donatism, Arianism, Pelagianism and
   Semi-Pelagianism. Augustin, with all the firmness of his convictions,
   was free from personal antipathy, and used the pen of controversy in
   the genuine Christian spirit, fortiter in re, suaviter in modo. He
   understood Paul's aletheuein en agape, and forms in this respect a
   pleasing contrast to Jerome, who had by nature no more fiery
   temperament than he, but was less able to control it. "Let those," he
   very beautifully says to the Manichæans, "burn with hatred against you,
   who do not know how much pains it costs to find the truth, how hard it
   is to guard against error;--but I, who after so great and long wavering
   came to know the truth, must bear myself towards you with the same
   patience which my fellow-believers showed towards me while I was
   wandering in blind madness in your opinions." [45]

   1. The anti-Manichæan works date mostly from his earlier life, and in
   time and matter follow immediately upon his philosophical writings.
   [46] In them he afterwards found most to retract, because he advocated
   the freedom of the will against the Manichæan fatalism. The most
   important are: De moribus ecclesiæ catholicæ, et de moribus
   Manichæorum, two books (written during his second residence in Rome,
   388); De vera religione (390); Unde malum, et de libero arbitrio,
   usually simply De libero arbitrio, in three books, against the
   Manichæan doctrine of evil as a substance, and as having its seat in
   matter instead of free will (begun in 388, finished in 395); De Genesi
   contra Manichæos, a defence of the biblical doctrine of creation (389);
   De duabus animabus, against the psychological dualism of the Manichæans
   (392); Disputatio contra Fortunatum (a triumphant refutation of this
   Manichæan priest of Hippo in August, 392); Contra Epistolam Manichæi
   quam vocant fundamenti (397); Contra Faustum Manichæum, in thirty-three
   books (400-404); De natura boni (404), &c.

   These works treat of the origin of evil; of free will; of the harmony
   of the Old and New Testaments, and of revelation and nature; of
   creation out of nothing, in opposition to dualism and hylozoism; of the
   supremacy of faith over knowledge; of the authority of the Scriptures
   and the Church; of the true and the false asceticism, and other
   disputed points; and they are the chief source of our knowledge of the
   Manichæan Gnosticism and of the arguments against it.

   Having himself belonged for nine years to this sect, Augustin was the
   better fitted for the task of refuting it, as Paul was peculiarly
   prepared for the confutation of the Pharisaic Judaism. His doctrine of
   the nature of evil is particularly valuable. He has triumphantly
   demonstrated for all time, that evil is not a corporeal thing, nor in
   any way substantial, but a product of the free will of the creature, a
   perversion of substance in itself good, a corruption of the nature
   created by God.

   2. Against the Priscillianists, a sect in Spain built on Manichæan
   principles, are directed the book Ad Paulum Orosium contra
   Priscillianistas et Origenistas (411); [47] the book Contra mendacium,
   addressed to Consentius (420); and in part the 190th Epistle (alias Ep.
   157), to the Bishop Optatus, on the origin of the soul (418), and two
   other letters, in which he refutes erroneous views on the nature of the
   soul, the limitation of future punishment, and the lawfulness of fraud
   for supposed good purposes.

   3. The anti-Donatistic works, composed between the years 393 and 420,
   argue against separatism, and contain Augustin's doctrine of the church
   and church-discipline, and of the sacraments. To these belong: Psalmus
   contra partem Donati (A.D. 393), a polemic popular song without regular
   metre, intended to offset the songs of the Donatists; Contra epistolam
   Parmeniani, written in 400 against the Carthaginian bishop of the
   Donatists, the successor of Donatus; De baptismo contra Donastistas, in
   favor of the validity of heretical baptism (400); Contra literas
   Petiliani (about 400), against the view of Cyprian and the Donatists,
   that the efficacy of the sacraments depends on the personal worthiness
   and the ecclesiastical status of the officiating priest; Ad Catholicos
   Epistola contra Donatistas, or De unitate ecclesiæ (402); Contra
   Cresconium grammaticum Donastistam (406); Breviculus Collationis cum
   Donatistis, a short account of the three days' religious conference
   with the Donatists (411); De correctione Donatistarum (417); Contra
   Gaudentium, Donat. Episcopum, the last anti-Donatistic work (420). [48]

   These works are the chief patristic authority of the Roman Catholic
   doctrine of the church and against the sects. They are thoroughly
   Romanizing in spirit and aim, and least satisfactory to Protestant
   readers. Augustin defended in his later years even the principle of
   forcible coërcion and persecution against heretics and schismatics by a
   false exegesis of the words in the parable "Compel them to come in"
   (Luke xiv. 23). The result of persecution was that both Catholics and
   Donatists in North Africa were overwhelmed in ruin first by the
   barbarous Vandals, who were Arian heretics, and afterwards by the
   Mohammedan conquerors.

   4. The anti-Arian works have to do with the deity of Christ and of the
   Holy Spirit, and with the Holy Trinity. By far the most important of
   these are the fifteen books De Trinitate (400-416);--the most profound
   and discriminating production of the ancient church on the Trinity, in
   no respect inferior to the kindred works of Athanasius and the two
   Gregories, and for centuries final to the dogma. [49] This may also be
   counted among the positive didactic works, for it is not directly
   controversial. The Collatio cum Maximino Ariano, an obscure babbler,
   belongs to the year 428.

   5. The numerous anti-Pelagian works of Augustin are his most
   influential and most valuable, at least for Protestants. They were
   written between the years 412 and 429. In them Augustin, in his
   intellectual and spiritual prime, develops his system of anthropology
   and soteriology, and most nearly approaches the position of Evangelical
   Protestantism: On the Guilt and the Remission of Sins, and Infant
   Baptism (412); On the Spirit and the Letter (413); On Nature and Grace
   (415); On the Acts of Pelagius (417); On the Grace of Christ, and
   Original Sin (418); On Marriage and Concupiscence (419); On Grace and
   Free Will (426); On Discipline and Grace (427); Against Julian of
   Eclanum (two large works, written between 421 and 429, the second
   unfinished, and hence called Opus imperfectum); On the Predestination
   of the Saints (428); On the Gift of Perseverance (429); &c. [50]

   These anti-Pelagian writings contain what is technically called the
   Augustinian system of theology, which was substantially adopted by the
   Lutheran Church, yet without the decree of reprobation, and in a more
   rigorous logical form by the Calvinistic Confessions. The system gives
   all glory to God, does full justice to the sovereignty of divine grace,
   effectually humbles and yet elevates and fortifies man, and furnishes
   the strongest stimulus to gratitude and the firmest foundation of
   comfort. It makes all bright and lovely in the circle of the elect. But
   it is gloomy and repulsive in its negative aspect towards the
   non-elect. It teaches a universal damnation and only a partial
   redemption, and confines the offer of salvation to the minority of the
   elect; it ignores the general benevolence of God to all his creatures;
   it weakens or perverts the passages which clearly teach that "God would
   have all men to be saved"; it suspends their eternal fate upon one
   single act of disobedience; it assumes an unconscious, and yet
   responsible pre-existence of Adam's posterity and their participation
   in his sin and guilt; it reflects upon the wisdom of God in creating
   countless millions of beings with the eternal foreknowledge of their
   everlasting misery; and it does violence to the sense of individual
   responsibility for accepting or rejecting the gospel-offer of
   salvation. And yet this Augustinian system, especially in its severest
   Calvinistic form, has promoted civil and religious liberty, and trained
   the most virtuous, independent, and heroic types of Christians, as the
   Huguenots, the Puritans, the Covenanters, and the Pilgrim Fathers. It
   is still a mighty moral power, and will not lose its hold upon earnest
   characters until some great theological genius produces from the
   inexhaustible mine of the Scriptures a more satisfactory solution of
   the awful problem which the universal reign of sin and death presents
   to the thinking mind.

   In Augustin the anti-Pelagian system was checked and moderated by his
   churchly and sacramental views, and we cannot understand him without
   keeping both in view. The same apparent contradiction we find in
   Luther, but he broke entirely with the sacerdotal system of Rome, and
   made the doctrine of justification by faith the chief article of his
   creed, which Augustin never could have done. Calvin was more logical
   than either, and went back beyond justification and Adam's fall, yea,
   beyond time itself, to the eternal counsel of God which pre-ordains,
   directs and controls the whole history of mankind to a certain end, the
   triumph of his mercy and justice.

   VI. Exegetical works. The best of these are: De Genesi ad literam (The
   Genesis word for word), in twelve books, an extended exposition of the
   first three chapters of Genesis, particularly the history of the
   creation literally interpreted, though with many mystical and
   allegorical interpretations also (written between 401 and 415); [51]
   Enarrationes in Psalmos (mostly sermons); [52] hundred and twenty-four
   Homilies on the Gospel of John (416 and 417); [53] ten Homilies on the
   First Epistle of John (417); the Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount
   (393); the Harmony of the Gospels (De consensu evangelistarum, 400);
   the Epistle to the Galatians (394); and an unfinished commentary on the
   Epistle to the Romans. [54]

   Augustin deals more in lively, profound, and edifying thoughts on the
   Scriptures than in proper grammatical and historical exposition, for
   which neither he nor his readers had the necessary linguistic
   knowledge, disposition, or taste. He grounded his theology less upon
   exegesis than upon his Christian and churchly mind saturated with
   Scriptural truths. He excels in spiritual insight, and is suggestive
   even when he misses the natural meaning.

   VII. Ethical and Ascetic works. Among these belong three hundred and
   ninety-six Sermones (mostly very short) de Scripturis (on texts of
   Scripture), de tempore (festival sermons), de sanctis (in memory of
   apostles, martyrs, and saints), and de diversis (on various occasions),
   some of them dictated by Augustin, some taken down by hearers. [55]
   Also various moral treatises: De continentia (395); De mendaico (395),
   against deception (not to be confounded with the similar work already
   mentioned Contra mendacium, against the fraud-theory of the
   Priscillianists, written in 420); De agone Christiano (396); De opere
   monachorum, against monastic idleness (400); De bono conjugali adv.
   Jovinianum (400); De virginitate (401); De fide et operibus (413); De
   adulterinis conjugiis, on 1 Cor. vii. 10 sqq. (419); De bono viduitatis
   (418); De patientia (418); De cura pro mortuis gerenda, to Paulinus of
   Nola (421); De utilitate jejunii; De diligendo Deo; Meditationes; [56]
   &c.

   As we survey this enormous literary labor, augmented by many other
   treatises and letters now lost, and as we consider his episcopal
   labors, his many journeys, and his adjudications of controversies among
   the faithful, which often robbed him of whole days, we must be really
   astounded at the fidelity, exuberance, energy, and perseverance of this
   father of the church. Surely, such a life was worth the living.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [24] Ellies Dupin (Bibliothégue ecclésiastique, tom. iii. 1 partie, p.
   818) and Nourrisson (l. c. tom. ii. p. 449) apply to Augustin the term
   magnus opinator, which Cicero used of himself. There is, however, this
   important difference that Augustin, along with his many opinions on
   speculative questions in philosophy and theology, had very positive
   convictions in all essential doctrines, while Cicero was a mere
   eclectic in philosophy.

   [25] He was not "intoxicated with the exuberance of his own verbosity,"
   as a modern English statesman (Lord Beaconsfield) charged his equally
   distinguished rival (Mr. Gladstone) in Parliament.

   [26] In his Retractations, he himself reviews ninety-three of his works
   (embracing two hundred and thirty-two books, see ii. 67), in
   chronological order: in the first book those which he wrote while a
   layman and presbyter, in the second those which he wrote when a bishop.
   See also the extended chronological index in Schönemann's Biblioth.
   historico-literaria Patrum Latinorum, vol. ii (Lips, 1794), p. 340 sqq.
   (reprinted in the supplemental volume, xii., of Migne's ed. of the
   Opera, p. 24 sqq.); and other systematic and alphabetical lists in the
   eleventh volume of the Bened. ed (p. 494 sqq., ed. Venet.), and in
   Migne, tom. xi.

   [27] For this reason the Benedictine editors have placed the
   Retractations and the Confessions at the head of his works.

   [28] He himself says of them, Retract. 1. ii. c. 6: "Maltis fratribus
   eos [Confessionum libros tredecim] multum placuisse et, placere scio."
   Comp. De donon perseverantiæ, c. 20: "Quid autem meorum opusculorum
   freguentius et deleciabilius innotescere potuit qam libri Confessionum
   mearum?" Comp. Ep.. 231 Dario comiti.

   [29] Schönnemann (in the supplemental volume of Migne's ed. of
   Augustin, p. 134 sqq.) cites a multitude of separate editions of the
   Confessions in Latin, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, French, English,
   and German, from A.D. 1475 to 1776. Since that time several new
   editions have been added. One of the best Latin editions is that of
   Karl von Raumer (Stuttgart, 1856), who used to read the Confessions
   with his students at Erlangen once a week for many years. In his
   preface he draws a comparison between them and Rousseau's Confessions
   and Hamann's Gedanken über meinen Lebenslauf. English and German
   translations are noticed above in the Lit. Dr. Shedd (in his ed., Pref.
   p. xxvii) calls the Confessions the best commentary yet written upon
   the seventh and eighth chapters of Romans. "That quickening of the
   human spirit, which puts it again into vital and sensitive relations to
   the holy and eternal; that illumination of the mind, whereby it is
   enabled to perceive with clearness the real nature of truth and
   righteousness; that empowering of the will, to the conflict of
   victory--the entire process of restoring the Divine image in the soul
   of man--is delineated in this book, with a vividness and reality never
   exceeded by the uninspired mind."..."It is the life of God in the soul
   of a strong man, rushing and rippling with the freedom of the life of
   nature. He who watches can almost see the growth; he who listens can
   hear the perpetual motion; and he who is in sympathy will be swept
   along."

   [30] We mean his sexual sins. He kept a concubine for sixteen years,
   the mother of his only child, Adeodatus, and after her separation he
   formed for a short time a similar connection in Milan; but in both
   cases he was faithful. Conf. IV. 2 (unam habebam...servans tori fidem);
   VI. 15. Erasmus thought very leniently of this sin as contrasted with
   the conduct of the priests and abbots of his time. Augustin himself
   deeply repented of it, and devoted his life to celibacy.

   [31] Nourrisson (1. c. tom. i. p. 19) calls the Confessions "cet
   ouvrage unique, souvent imité, toujours parodié, où il s'accuse, se
   condamne et s'humilie, priére ardente, récit entrainant, metaphysique
   incomparable, histoire de tout un monde qui se refléte dans l'histoire
   d' une ame." Comp. also an article on the Confessions in "The
   Contemporary Review" for June, 1867, pp 133-160.

   [32] Prov. x. 19. This verse (ex multiloquio non effugies peccatum) the
   Semi-Pelagian Gennadius (De viris illustr. sub Aug.) applies against
   Augustin in excuse for his erroneous doctrines of freedom and
   predestination.

   [33] Matt. xii. 36 .

   [34] 1 Cor. xi. 31. Comp. his Prologus to the two books of
   Retractationes.

   [35] J. Morell Mackenzie (in W Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman
   Biography and Mythology, vol. i. p. 422) happily calls the
   Retractations of Augustin "one of the noblest sacrifices ever laid upon
   the altar of truth by a majestic intellect acting in obedience to the
   purest conscientiousness."

   [36] In tom. i. of the ed. Bened., immediately after the Retractationes
   and Confessiones, and at the close of the volume. On these
   philosophical writings, see Brucker: Historia critica philosophiæ,
   Lips. 1766, tom. iii. pp. 485-507: H Ritter: Geschichte der Philosphie,
   vol. vi. p. 153 sqq.; Ueberweg, History of Philosophy, I. 333-346 (Am.
   ed.): Erdmann, Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, I. 231-240;
   Bindemann, l. c. I. 282 sqq. Huber, l. c. I. 242 sqq.; Gangauf, l. c.
   p. 25 sqq., and Nouerisson, l. c. ch. i. and ii. Nourrisson makes the
   just remark (i. p. 53): "Si la philosophie est la recherché de la
   verité, jamais sans douse il ne s'est rencontre une ame plus philosophe
   que celle de saint Augustin. Car jamais ame n'a supporté avec plus d'
   impatience les anxiétés du doute et n'a fait plus d' efforts pour
   dissiper les fantomes de l'erreur."

   [37] Or on the question: "Utrum omnia bona et mala divinæ providentie
   ordo contineat?" Comp. Retract. i. 3.

   [38] Augustin, in his Confessions (l. ix. c. 6), expresses himself in
   this touching way about this son of his illicit love: "We took with us
   [on returning from the country to Milan to receive the sacrament of
   baptism] also the boy Adeodatus, the son of my carnal sin. Thou hadst
   formed him well. He was but just fifteen years old, and he was superior
   in mind to many grave and learned men. I acknowledge Thy gifts, O Lord,
   my God, who createst all, and who canst reform our deformities: for I
   had no part in that boy but sin. And when we brought him up in Thy
   nurture, Thou, only Thou, didst prompt us to it; I acknowledge Thy
   gifts. There is my book entitled, De magistro: he speaks with me there.
   Thou knowest that all things there put into his mouth were in his mind
   when he was sixteen years of age. That maturity of mind was a terror to
   me; and who but Thou is the artificer of such wonders? Soon Thou didst
   take his life from the earth; and I think more quietly of him now,
   fearing no more for his boyhood, nor his youth, nor his whole life. We
   took him to ourselves as one of the same age in Thy grace, to be
   trained in Thy nurture; and we were baptised together; and all trouble
   about the past fled from us." He refers to him also in De vita beata, §
   6: "There was also with us, in age the youngest of all, but whose
   talents, if affection deceives me not, promise something great, my son
   Adeodatus." In the same book (§ 18), he mentions an answer of his: "He
   is truly chaste who waits on God, and keeps himself to Him only."

   [39] The books on grammar, dialectics, rhetoric, and the ten Categories
   of Aristotle, in the Appendix to the first volume of the Bened. ed.,
   are spurious. For the genuine works of Augustin on these subjects were
   written in a different form (the dialogue) and for a higher purpose,
   and were lost in his own day. Comp. Retract. i. c. 6. In spite of this,
   Prantl (Geschichte der Logik in Abendlande, pp. 665-674, cited by
   Huber, l. c. p. 240) has advocated the genuineness of the Principia
   dialecticæ, and Huber inclines to agree. Gangauf, l. c. p. 5, and
   Nourrisson, i. p. 37, consider them spurious.

   [40] He mathesis ouk allo ti e an?mnesis. On this Plato, in the Phædo,
   as is well known, rests his doctrine of pre-existence. Augustin was at
   first in favor of the idea, Solit. ii. 20, n. 35; afterwards he
   rejected it, Retract. i. 4, § 4; but after all he assumes in his
   anthropology a sort of unconscious, yet responsible, pre-existence of
   the whole human race in Adam as its organic head, and hence taught a
   universal fall in Adam's fall.

   [41] History of Philosophy, vol. i. 333 sq., translated by Pro. Geo. S.
   Morris.

   [42] In the Bened. ed. tom. vii. Comp. Retract. ii. 43, and Ch. Hist.
   III. § 12. The City of God and the Confessions are the only writings of
   Augustin which Gibbon thought worth while to read (chap. xxxiii.).
   Huber (l. c. p. 315) says: "Augustin's philosophy of history, as he
   presents it in his Civitas Dei, has remained to this hour the standard
   philosophy of history for the church orthodoxy, the bounds of which
   this orthodoxy, unable to perceive in the motions of the modern spirit
   the fresh morning air of a higher day of history, is scarcely able to
   transcend." Nourrisson devotes a special Chapter to the consideration
   of the two cities of Augustin, the City of the World and the City of
   God (tom. ii. 43-88). Compare also the Introduction to Saisset's
   Traduction de la Cité de Dieu, Par. 1855, and Reinken's (old Cath.
   Bishop), Geschichtsphilosophie des heil. Aug. 1866. Engl. translation
   of the City of God by Dr. Marcus Dods, Edinburgh, 1872, 2 vols., and in
   the second vol. of this Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers.

   [43] Separately edited by Krabinger, Tubingen, 1861.

   [44] This work is also incorporated in the Corpus hæreseoloicum of Fr.
   Oehler, tom. i. pp. 192-225.

   [45] Contra Epist. Manichæi quam vocant fundamenti, 1. i. 2.

   [46] The earliest anti-Manichæan writings (De libero arbitrio; De
   moribus eccl. cath. et de Moribus Manich.) are in tom. i. ed. Bened.;
   the latter in tom viii.

   [47] Tom. viii. p. 611 sqq.

   [48] All these in tom. ix. Comp. Church Hist. III. §§69 and 70.

   [49] Tom. viii. ed Bened. p. 749 sqq. Comp. Ch. Hist. III §131. The
   work was stolen from him by some impatient friends before revision, and
   before the completion of the twelfth book, so that he became much
   discouraged, and could only be moved to finish it by urgent entreaties.

   [50] Opera, tom. x., in two parts, with an Appendix. The same in Migne.
   W. Bright, of Oxford, has published Select Anti-Pelagian Treatises of
   St. Aug., in Latin, 1880. On the Pelagian controversy comp. Ch. Hist.
   III. §§146-160.

   [51] Tom. iii. 117-324. Not to be confounded with the two other books
   on Genesis, in which he defends the biblical doctrine of creation
   against the Manichæans. In this exegetical work he aimed, as he says,
   Retract. ii. c. 24, to interpret Genesis "non secundum allegoricas
   significationes, sed secundum rerum gestarum proprietatem." The work is
   more original and spirited than the Hexaëmeron of Basil or of Ambrose.

   [52] Tom. iv., the whole volume. The English translation of the Com. on
   the Psalms occupies six volumes of the Oxford Library of the Fathers.

   [53] Tom. iii. 289-824. Translated in Clark's ed. of Augustin's works.

   [54] All in tom. iii. Translated in part.

   [55] Tom. v. contains beside these a multitude (317) of doubtful and
   spurious sermons, likewise divided into four classes. To these must be
   added recently discovered sermons, edited from manuscripts in Florence,
   Monte Cassino, etc., by M. Denis (1792), O. F. Frangipane (1820), A. L.
   Caillau (Paris, 1836), and Angelo Mai (in the Nova Bibliotheca Patrum).

   [56] Most of them in tom. vi. ed. Bened. On the scripta deperdita,
   dubia et spuria of Augustin, see the index by Schönemann, l. c. p. 50
   sqq., and in the supplemental volume of Migne's edition, pp. 34-40. The
   so-called Meditations of Augustin (German translation by August Krohne,
   Stuttgart, 1854) are a later compilation by the abbot of Fescamp in
   France, at the close of the twelfth century, from the writings of
   Augustin, Gregory the Great, Anselm, and others.
     __________________________________________________________________

   CHAPTER V.--The Influence of St. Augustin upon Posterity, and his
   Relation to Catholicism and Protestantism.

   In conclusion we must add some observations respecting the influence of
   Augustin on the Church and the world since his time, and his position
   with reference to the great antagonism of Catholicism and
   Protestantism. All the church fathers are, indeed, the common
   inheritance of both parties; but no other of them has produced so
   permanent effects on both, and no other stands in so high regard with
   both, as Augustin. Upon the Greek Church alone has he exercised little
   or no influence; for this Church stopped with the undeveloped
   synergistic anthropology of the previous age, and rejects most
   decidedly, as a Latin heresy, the doctrine of the double procession of
   the Holy Spirit (the Filioque) for which Augustin is chiefly
   responsible. [57]

   1. Augustin, in the first place, contributed much to the development of
   the doctrinal basis which Catholicism and Protestantism hold in common
   against such radical heresies of antiquity as Manichæism, Arianism, and
   Pelagianism. In all these great intellectual conflicts he was in
   general the champion of the cause of Christian truth against dangerous
   errors. Through his influence the canon of Holy Scripture (including,
   indeed, the Old Testament Apocrypha) was fixed in its present form by
   the councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397). He conquered the
   Manichæan dualism, hylozoism, and fatalism, and saved the biblical idea
   of God and of creation, and the biblical doctrine of the nature of sin
   and its origin in the free will of man. He developed the Nicene dogma
   of the Trinity, in opposition to tritheism on the one hand, and
   Sabellianism on the other, but also with the doubtful addition of the
   Filioque, and in opposition to the Greek, gave it the form in which it
   has ever since prevailed in the West. In this form the dogma received
   classical expression from his school in the falsely so called
   Athanasian Creed, which is not recognized by the Greek Church, and
   which better deserves the name of the Augustinian Creed.

   In Christology, on the contrary, he added nothing new, and he died
   shortly before the great Christological conflicts opened, which reached
   their oecumenical settlement at the council of Chalcedon, twenty years
   after his death. Yet he anticipated Leo in giving currency in the West
   to the important formula: "Two natures in one person." [58]

   2. Augustin is also the principal theological creator of the
   Latin-Catholic system as distinct from the Greek Catholicism on the one
   hand, and from evangelical protestantism on the other. He ruled the
   entire theology of the middle age, and became the father of
   scholasticism in virtue of his dialectic mind, and the father of
   mysticism in virtue of his devout heart, without being responsible for
   the excesses of either system. For scholasticism thought to comprehend
   the divine with the understanding, and lost itself at last in empty
   dialectics; and mysticism endeavoured to grasp the divine with feeling,
   and easily strayed into misty sentimentalism; Augustin sought to
   apprehend the divine with the united power of mind and heart, of bold
   thought and humble faith. [59] Anselm, Bernard of Clairvaux, Thomas
   Aquinas, and Bonaventura, are his nearest of kin in this respect. Even
   now, since the Catholic Church has become a Roman Church, he enjoys
   greater consideration in it than Ambrose, Hilary, Jerome, or Gregory
   the Great. All this cannot possibly be explained without an interior
   affinity. [60]

   His very conversion, in which, besides the Scriptures, the personal
   intercourse of the hierarchical Ambrose and the life of the ascetic
   Anthony had great influence, was a transition not from heathenism to
   Christianity (for he was already a Manichæan Christian), but from
   heresy to the historical, orthodox, episcopally organized church, as,
   for the time, the sole authorized vehicle of the apostolic Christianity
   in conflict with those sects and parties which more or less assailed
   the foundations of the Gospel. It was, indeed, a full and unconditional
   surrender of his mind and heart to God, but it was at the same time a
   submission of his private judgment to the authority of the church which
   led him to the faith of the gospel. [61] In the same spirit he embraced
   the ascetic life, without which, according to the Catholic principle,
   no high religion is possible. He did not indeed enter a cloister, like
   Luther, whose conversion in Erfurt was likewise essentially catholic,
   but he lived in his house in the simplicity of a monk, and made and
   kept the vow of voluntary poverty and celibacy. [62]

   He adopted Cyprian's doctrine of the church, and completed it in the
   conflict with Donatism by transferring the predicates of unity,
   holiness, universality, exclusiveness, and maternity, directly to the
   actual church of the time, which, with a firm episcopal organization,
   an unbroken succession, and the Apostles' Creed, triumphantly withstood
   the eighty or the hundred opposing sects in the heretical catalogue of
   the day, and had its visible centre in Rome. In this church he had
   found rescue from the shipwreck of his life, the home of true
   Christianity, firm ground for his thinking, satisfaction for his heart,
   and a commensurate field for the wide range of his powers. [63] The
   predicate of infallibility alone he does not plainly bring forward; he
   assumes a progressive correction of earlier councils by later; and in
   the Pelagian controversy he asserts the same independence towards pope
   Zosimus, which Cyprian before him had shown towards pope Stephen in the
   controversy on heretical baptism, with the advantage of having the
   right on his side, so that Zosimus found himself compelled to yield to
   the African church. But after the condemnation of the Pelagian errors
   by the Roman see (418), he declared that "the case is finished, if only
   the error were also finished." [64]

   He was the first to give a clear and fixed definition of the sacrament,
   as a visible sign of invisible grace, resting on divine appointment;
   but he knows nothing of the number seven; this was a much later
   enactment. In the doctrine of baptism he is entirely Catholic, though
   in logical contradiction with his dogma of predestination; he
   maintained the necessity of baptism for salvation on the ground of John
   ii. 5 and Mark xvi. 16, and derived from it the horrible dogma of the
   eternal damnation of all unbaptized infants, though he reduced their
   condition to a mere absence of bliss, without actual suffering. [65] In
   the doctrine of the holy communion he stands, like his predecessors,
   Tertullian and Cyprian, nearer to the Calvinistic than any other theory
   of a spiritual presence and fruition of Christ's body and blood. He
   certainly can not be quoted in favor of transubstantiation. He was the
   chief authority of Ratramnus and Berengar in their opposition to this
   dogma.

   He contributed to promote, at least in his later writings, the Catholic
   faith of miracles, [66] and the worship of Mary; [67] though he exempts
   the Virgin only from actual sin, not from original, and, with all his
   reverence for her, never calls her "mother of God." [68]

   At first an advocate of religious liberty and of purely spiritual
   methods of opposing error, he afterwards asserted the fatal principle
   of forcible coërcion, and lent the great weight of his authority to the
   system of civil persecution, at the bloody fruits of which in the
   middle age he himself would have shuddered; for he was always at heart
   a man of love and gentleness, and personally acted on the glorious
   principle: "Nothing conquers but truth, and the victory of truth is
   love." [69]

   Thus even truly great and good men have unintentionally, through
   mistaken zeal, become the authors of incalculable mischief.

   3. But, on the other hand, Augustin is, of all the fathers, nearest to
   evangelical Protestantism, and may be called, in respect of his
   doctrine of sin and grace, the first forerunner of the Reformation. The
   Lutheran and Reformed churches have ever conceded to him, without
   scruple, the cognomen of Saint, and claimed him as one of the most
   enlightened witnesses of the truth and most striking examples of the
   marvellous power of divine grace in the transformation of a sinner. It
   is worthy of mark, that his Pauline doctrines, which are most nearly
   akin to Protestantism, are the later and more mature parts of his
   system, and that just these found great acceptance with the laity. The
   Pelagian controversy, in which he developed his anthropology, marks the
   culmination of his theological and ecclesiastical career, and his
   latest writings were directed against the Pelagian Julian and the
   Semi-Pelagians in Gaul, who were brought to his notice by two friendly
   laymen, Prosper and Hilary. These anti-Pelagian works have wrought
   mightily, it is most true, upon the Catholic church, and have held in
   check the Pelagianizing tendencies of the hierarchical and monastic
   system, but they have never passed into its blood and marrow. They
   waited for a favourable future, and nourished in silence an opposition
   to the prevailing system.

   In the middle age the better sects, which attempted to simplify,
   purify, and spiritualize the reigning Christianity by return to the
   Holy Scriptures, and the Reformers before the Reformation, such as
   Wiclif, Hus, Wessel, resorted most, after the apostle Paul, to the
   bishop of Hippo as the representative of the doctrine of free grace.

   The Reformers were led by his writings into a deeper understanding of
   Paul, and so prepared for their great vocation. No church teacher did
   so much to mould Luther and Calvin; none furnished them so powerful
   weapons against the dominant Pelagianism and formalism; none is so
   often quoted by them with esteem and love. [70]

   All the Reformers in the outset, Melanchthon and Zwingle among them,
   adopted his denial of free will and his doctrine of predestination, and
   sometimes even went beyond him into the abyss of supralapsarianism, to
   cut out the last roots of human merit and boasting. In this point
   Augustin holds the same relation to the Catholic church, as Luther to
   the Lutheran; that is, he is a heretic of unimpeachable authority, who
   is more admired than censured even in his extravagances; yet his
   doctrine of predestination was indirectly condemned by the pope in
   Jansenism, as Luther's view was rejected as Calvinism by the Formula of
   Concord. [71] For Jansenism was nothing but a revival of Augustinianism
   in the bosom of the Roman Catholic church. [72]

   The excess of Augustin and the Reformers in this direction is due to
   the earnestness and energy of their sense of sin and grace. The
   Pelagian looseness could never beget a reformer. It was only the
   unshaken conviction of man's own inability, of unconditional dependence
   on God, and of the almighty power of his grace to give us strength for
   every good work, which could do this. He who would give others the
   conviction that he has a divine vocation for the church and for
   mankind, must himself be penetrated with the faith of an eternal,
   unalterable decree of God, and must cling to it in the darkest hours.

   In great men, and only in great men, great opposites and apparently
   antagonistic truths live together. Small minds cannot hold them. The
   catholic, churchly, sacramental, and sacerdotal system stands in
   conflict with the evangelical Protestant Christianity of subjective,
   personal experience. The doctrine of universal baptismal regeneration,
   in particular, which presupposes a universal call (at least within the
   church), can on principles of logic hardly be united with the doctrine
   of an absolute predestination, which limits the decree of redemption to
   a portion of the baptized. Augustin supposes, on the one hand, that
   every baptized person, through the inward operation of the Holy Ghost,
   which accompanies the outward act of the sacrament, receives the
   forgiveness of sins, and is translated from the state of nature into
   the state of grace, and thus, qua baptizatus, is also a child of God
   and an heir of eternal life; and yet, on the other hand, he makes all
   these benefits dependent on the absolute will of God, who saves only a
   certain number out of the "mass of perdition," and preserves these to
   the end. Regeneration and election, with him, do not, as with Calvin,
   coincide. The former may exist without the latter, but the latter
   cannot exist without the former. Augustin assumes that many are
   actually born into the kingdom of grace only to perish again; Calvin
   holds that in the case of the non-elect baptism is an unmeaning
   ceremony; the one putting the delusion in the inward effect, the other
   in the outward form. The sacramental, churchly system throws the main
   stress upon the baptismal regeneration, to the injury of the eternal
   election; the Calvinistic or Puritan system sacrifices the virtue of
   the sacrament to the election; the Lutheran and high Anglican systems
   seek a middle ground, without being able to give a satisfactory
   theological solution of the problem. The Anglican Church, however
   allows the two opposite views, and sanctions the one in the baptismal
   service of the Book of Common Prayer, the other in her Thirty-nine
   Articles, and other standards, as interpreted by the low church or
   evangelical party in a moderately Calvinistic sense.

   It was an evident ordering of God, that Augustin's theology, like the
   Latin Bible of Jerome, appeared just in the transitional period of
   history, in which the old civilization was passing away before the
   flood of barbarism, and a new order of things, under the guidance of
   the Christian religion, was in preparation. The church, with her
   strong, imposing organization and her firm system of doctrine, must
   save Christianity amidst the chaotic turmoil of the great migration,
   and must become a training-school for the barbarian nations of the
   middle age. [73]

   In this process of training, next to the Holy Scriptures, the
   scholarship of Jerome and the theology and fertile ideas of Augustin
   were the most important intellectual agents.

   Augustin was held in so universal esteem that he could exert influence
   in all directions, and even in his excesses gave no offence. He was
   sufficiently catholic for the principle of church authority, and yet at
   the same time so free and evangelical that he modified its hierarchical
   and sacramental character, reacted against its tendencies to outward,
   mechanical ritualism, and kept alive a deep consciousness of sin and
   grace, and a spirit of fervent and truly Christian piety, until that
   spirit grew strong enough to break the shell of hierarchical tutelage,
   and enter a new stage of it development. No other father could have
   acted more beneficently on the Catholicism of the middle age, and more
   successfully provided for the evangelical Reformation than St.
   Augustin, the worthy successor of Paul, and the precursor of Luther and
   Calvin.

   He had lived at the time of the Reformation, he would in all
   probability have taken the lead of the evangelical movement against the
   prevailing Pelagianism of the Roman church, though he would not have
   gone so far as Luther or Calvin. For we must not forget that,
   notwithstanding their strong affinity, there is an important difference
   between Catholicism and Romanism or Popery. They sustain a similar
   relation to each other as the Judaism of the Old Testament
   dispensation, which looked to, and prepared the way for, Christianity,
   and the Judaism after the crucifixion and after the destruction of
   Jerusalem, which is antagonistic to Christianity. Catholicism covers
   the entire ancient and mediæval history of the church, and includes the
   Pauline, Augustinian, or evangelical tendencies which increased with
   the corruptions of the papacy and the growing sense of the necessity of
   a "reformation in capite et membris." Romanism proper dates from the
   council of Trent, which gave it symbolical expression and anathematized
   the doctrines of the Reformation. Catholicism is the strength of
   Romanism, Romanism is the weakness of Catholicism. Catholicism produced
   Jansenism, Popery condemned it. Popery never forgets and never learns
   anything, and can allow no change in doctrine (except by way of
   addition), without sacrificing its fundamental principle of
   infallibility, and thus committing suicide. But Catholicism may
   ultimately burst the chains of Popery which have so long kept it
   confined, and may assume new life and vigour.

   Such a personage as Augustin, still holding a mediating place between
   the two great divisions of Christendom, revered alike by both, and of
   equal influence with both, is furthermore a welcome pledge of the
   elevating prospect of a future reconciliation of Catholicism and
   Protestantism in a high unity, conserving all the truths, losing all
   the errors, forgiving all the sins, forgetting all the enmities of
   both. After all, the contradiction between authority and freedom, the
   objective and the subjective, the churchly and the personal, the
   organic and the individual, the sacramental and the experimental in
   religion, is not absolute, but relative and temporary, and arises not
   so much from the nature of things, as from the deficiencies of man's
   knowledge and piety in this world. These elements admit of an ultimate
   harmony in the perfect state of the church, corresponding to the union
   of the divine and human natures, which transcends the limits of finite
   thought and logical comprehension, and is yet completely realized in
   the person of Christ. They are in fact united in the theological system
   of St. Paul, who had the highest view of the church, as the mystical
   "body of Christ," and "the pillar and ground of the truth," and who was
   at the same time the great champion of evangelical freedom, individual
   responsibility, and personal union of the believer with his Saviour. We
   believe in and hope for one holy catholic apostolic church, one
   communion of saints, one flock, one Shepherd. The more the different
   churches become truly Christian, the nearer they draw to Christ, and
   the more they labor for His kingdom which rises above them all, the
   nearer will they come to one another. For Christ is the common head and
   vital centre of all believers, and the divine harmony of all discordant
   human sects and creeds. In Christ, says Pascal, one of the greatest and
   noblest disciples of Augustin, In Christ all contradictions are solved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [57] The church fathers of the first six centuries are certainly far
   more Catholic than Protestant, and laid the doctrinal foundation of the
   orthodox Greek and Roman churches. But it betrays a contracted,
   slavish, and mechanical view of history, when Roman Catholic divines
   claim the fathers as their exclusive property; forgetting that they
   taught many things which are as inconsistent with the papal as with the
   Protestant Creed, and that they knew nothing of certain dogmas which
   are essential to Romanism (such as the infallibility of the pope, the
   seven sacraments, transubstantiation, purgatory, indulgences, auricular
   confession, the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary, etc.). "I
   recollect well," says Dr. Newman, the former intellectual leader of
   Oxford Tractarianism (in his Letter to Dr. Pusey on his Eirenicon,
   1866, p. 5), "what an outcast I seemed to myself, when I took down from
   the shelves of my library the volumes of St. Athanasius or St. Basil,
   and set myself to study them; and how, on the contrary, when at length
   I was brought into Catholic communion, I kissed them with delight, with
   a feeling that in them I had more than all that I had lost, and, as
   though I were directly addressing the glorious saints, who bequeathed
   them to the Church, I said to the inanimate pages, You are now mine,
   and I am yours, beyond any mistake.'" With the same right the Jews
   might lay exclusive claim to the writings of Moses and the prophets.
   The fathers were living men, representing the onward progress and
   conflicts of Christianity in their time, unfolding and defending great
   truths, but not unmixed with many errors and imperfections which
   subsequent times have corrected. Those are the true children of the
   fathers who, standing on the foundation of Christ and the apostles,
   and, kissing the New Testament rather than any human writings, follow
   them only as far as they followed Christ, and who carry forward their
   work in the onward march of evangelical catholic Christianity.

   [58] He was summoned to the council of Ephesus, which condemned
   Nestorianism in 431, but died a year before it met. He prevailed upon
   the Gallic monk, Leporius, to retract Nestorianism. His Christology is
   in many points defective and obscure. Comp. Dorner's History of
   Christology, ii. pp. 88-98 (Germ. ed.). Jerome did still less for this
   department of doctrine.

   [59] Wigger's (Pragmat. Darstellung des Augustinismus und
   Pelegianismus, i. p. 27) finds the most peculiar and remarkable point
   of Augustin's character in his singular union of intellect and
   imagination, scholasticism and mysticism, in which neither can be said
   to predominate. So also Huber, l. c. p. 313.

   [60] Nourrisson, the able expounder of the philosophy of Augustin, says
   (l. c. tom. i. p. iv): "Je ne crois pas, qu'excepté saint Paul, aucun
   homme ait contribué davantage, par sa parole comme par ses écrits, à
   organiser, à interpréter, à répandre le christianisme; et, après saint
   Paul, nul apparemment, non pas même le glorieux, l'invincible Athanase,
   n'a travaillé d'une manière aussi puissante à fonder l'unité
   catholique."

   [61] We recall his famous anti-Manichæan dictum: "Ego evangelio non
   crederem, nisi me catholicæ ecclesiæ commoveret auctoritas." The
   Protestant would reverse this maxim, and ground his faith in the church
   on his faith in Christ and in the gospel. So with the well-known maxim
   of Irenæus: "Ubi ecclesia, ibi Spiritus Dei, et ubi Spiritus Dei, ibi
   ecclesia." According to the spirit of Protestantism it would be said
   conversely: "Where the Spirit of God is, there is the church, and where
   the church is, there is the Spirit of God."

   [62] According to genuine Christian principles it would have been far
   more noble, if he had married the African woman with whom he had lived
   in illicit intercourse for thirteen years, who was always faithful to
   him, as he was to her, and had borne him his beloved and highly gifted
   Adeodatus; instead of casting her off, and, as he for a while intended,
   choosing another for the partner of his life, whose excellences were
   more numerous. The superiority of the evangelical Protestant morality
   over the Catholic asceticism is here palpable. But with the prevailing
   spirit of his age he would hardly have enjoyed so great regard, nor
   accomplished so much good if he had been married. Celibacy was the
   bridge from the heathen degradation of marriage to the evangelical
   Christian exaltation and sanctification of the family life.

   [63] On Augustin's doctrine of the church, see Ch. Hist. III. §71, and
   especially the thorough account by R. Rothe: Anfänge der christl.
   Kirche und ihrer Verfassung, vol. i. (1837), pp. 679-711. "Augustin,"
   says he, "decidely adopted Cyprian's conception [of the church] in all
   essential points. And once adopting it, he penetrated it in its whole
   depth with his wonderfully powerful and exuberant soul, and, by means
   of his own clear, logical mind, gave it the perfect and rigorous system
   which perhaps it still lacked" (p. 679 sqq.). "Augustin's conception of
   the doctrine of the church was about standard for succeeding times" (p.
   685). See also an able article of Prof. Reuter, of Göttingen, on
   Augustin's views concerning episcopacy, tradition, infallibility, in
   Brieger's "Zeitschrift für Hist. Theol." for 1885 (Bk. VIII. pp.
   126-187).

   [64] Hence the famous word: "Roma locuta est, causa finita est," which
   is often quoted as an argument for the modern Vatican dogma of papal
   infallibility. But it is not found in this form, though we may admit
   that it is an epigrammatic condensation of sentences of Augustin. The
   nearest approach to it is in his Sermo CXXXI. cap. 10, §10 (Tom. VII.
   645): "Iam enim de hac causa duo concilia missa sunt ad sedem
   apostolicam (Rome), inde etiam rescripta venerunt. Causa finita est,
   utinam aliquando error finiatur." Comp. Reuter, l. c. p. 157.

   [65] Respecting Augustin's doctrine of baptism, see the thorough
   discussion in W. Wall's History of Infant Baptism, vol. i. p. 173 sqq.
   (Oxford ed. of 1862). His view of the slight condemnation of all
   unbaptized children contains the germ of the scholastic fancy of the
   limbus infantum and the pæna damni, as distinct from the lower regions
   of hell and the pæna sensus.

   [66] In his former writings he expressed a truly philosophical view
   concerning miracles (De vera relig. c. 25, §47; c. 50, §98; De utilit.
   credendi, c. 16, §34; De peccat. meritis et remiss. l. ii. c. 32, §52,
   and De civit. Dei, xxii. c. 8); but in his Retract. l. i. c. 14, §5, he
   corrects or modifies a former remark in his book De utilit. credendi,
   stating that he did not mean to deny the continuance of miracles
   altogether, but only such great miracles as occurred at the time of
   Christ ("quia non tanta nec omnia, non quia nulla fiunt"). See Ch.
   Hist. III. §§87 and 88, and the instructive monograph of the younger
   Nitzsch: Augustinus' Lehre vom Wunder, Berlin, 1865 (97 pp.).

   [67] See Ch. Hist. III. §§81 and 82.

   [68] Comp. Tract. in Evang. Joannis, viii. c. 9, where he says: "Cur
   ergo ait matri filius; Quid mihi et tibi est, mulier? nondum venit hora
   mea (John ii. 4). Dominus noster Jesus Christus et Deus erat et homo:
   secundum quod Deus erat, matrem non habebat; secundum quod homo erat,
   habebat. Mater ergo [Maria] erat carnis, mater humanitatis, mater
   infirmitatis quam suscepit propter nos." This strict separation of the
   Godhead from the manhood of Jesus in his birth from the Virgin would
   have exposed Augustin in the East to the suspicion of Nestorianism. But
   he died a year before the council of Ephesus, at which Nestorius was
   condemned.

   [69] See Ch. Hist. III. §27, p. 144 sq. He changed his view partly from
   his experience that the Donatists, in his own diocese, were converted
   to the catholic unity "timore legum imperialium," and were afterwards
   perfectly good Catholics. He adduces also a misinterpretation of Luke
   xiv. 23, and Prov. ix. 9: "Da sapienti occasionem et sapientior erit."
   Ep. 93, ad Vincentium Rogatistam, §17 (tom. ii. p. 237 sq. ed. Bened.).
   But he expressly discouraged the infliction of death on heretics, and
   adjured the proconsul Donatus, Ep. 100, by Jesus Christ, not to repay
   the Donatists in kind. "Corrigi eos cupimus, non necari."

   [70] Luther pronounced upon the church fathers (with whom, however,
   excepting Augustin, he was but slightly acquainted) very condemnatory
   judgments, even upon Basil, Chrysostom, and Jerome (for Jerome he had a
   downright antipathy, on account of his advocacy of fasts, virginity,
   and monkery); he was at times dissatisfied even with Augustin, because
   he after all did not find in him his sola fide, his articulus stantis
   vel cadentis ecclesiæ, and says of him: "Augustin often erred; he
   cannot be trusted. Though he was good and holy, yet he, as well as
   other fathers, was wanting in the true faith." But this cursory
   utterance is overborne by numerous commendations; and all such
   judgments of Luther must be taken cum grano salis. He calls Augustin
   the most pious, grave, and sincere of the fathers, and the patron of
   divines, who taught a pure doctrine and submitted it in Christian
   humility to the Holy Scriptures, etc., and he thinks, if he had lived
   in the sixteenth century, he would have been a Protestant (si hoc
   seculo viveret, nobiscum sentiret), while Jerome would have gone with
   Rome. Compare his singular but striking judgments on the fathers in
   Lutheri Colloquia, ed. H. E. Bindseil, 1863, tom. iii. 149, and many
   other places. Gangauf, a Roman Catholic (a pupil of the philosopher
   Günther), concedes (l. c. p. 28, note 13) that Luther and Calvin built
   their doctrinal system mainly on Augustin, but, as he correctly thinks,
   with only partial right. Nourrisson, likewise a Roman Catholic, derives
   Protestantism from a corrupted (!) Augustinianism, and very
   superficially makes Lutheranism and Calvinism essentially to consist in
   the denial of the freedom of the will, which was only one of the
   questions of the Reformation. "On ne saurait le méconnaître, de
   l'Augustinianisme corrompu, mais enfin de l'Augustinianisme procède le
   Protestantisme. Car, sans parler de Wiclif et de Huss, qui, nourris de
   saint Augustin, soutiennent, avec le réalisme platonicien, la doctrine
   de la prédestination: Luther et Calvin ne font guère autre chose, dans
   leurs principaux ouvrages, que cultiver des semences d'Augustinianisme"
   (l. c. ii. p. 176). But the Reformation is far more, of course, than a
   repristination of an old controversy; it is a new creation, and marks
   the epoch of modern Christianity which is different both from the
   mediæval and from ancient or patristic Christianity.

   [71] It is well known that Luther, as late as 1526, in his work, De
   servo arbitrio, against Erasmus, which he never retracted, proceeded
   upon the most rigorous notion of the divine omnipotence, wholly denied
   the freedom of will, declared it a mere lie (merum mendacium),
   pronounced the calls of the Scriptures to repentance a divine irony,
   and based eternal salvation and eternal perdition upon the secret will
   of God; in all this he almost exceeded Calvin. See particulars in the
   books on doctrine-history; the inaugural dissertation of Jul. Müller:
   Lutheri de prædestinatione et libero arbitrio doctrina, Gött. 1832; and
   a historical treatise on predestination by Carl Beck in the "Studien
   und Kritiken" for 1847. We add, as a curiosity, the opinion of Gibbon
   (ch. xxxiii.), who, however, had a very limited and superficial
   knowledge of Augustin: "The rigid system of Christianity which he
   framed or restored, has been entertained, with public applause, and
   secret reluctance, by the Latin church. The church of Rome has
   canonized Augustin, and reprobated Calvin. Yet as the real difference
   between them is invisible even to a theological microscope, the
   Molinists are oppressed by the authority of the saint, and the
   Jansenists are disgraced by their resemblance to the heretic. In the
   mean while the Protestant Arminians stand aloof, and deride the mutual
   perplexity of the disputants. Perhaps a reasoner, still more
   independent, may smile in his turn when he peruses an Arminian
   commentary on the Epistle to the Romans." Nourrisson (ii. 179), from
   his Roman stand-point, likewise makes Lutheranism to consist
   "essentiellement dans la question du libre arbitre." But the principle
   of Lutheranism, and of Protestantism generally, is the supremacy of the
   Holy Scriptures as a rule of faith, and salvation by free grace through
   faith in Christ.

   [72] On the mighty influence of Augustin in the seventeenth century in
   France, especially on the noble Jansenists, see the works on Jansenism,
   and also Nourrisson, l. c. tom. ii. pp. 186-276.

   [73] Guizot, the Protestant historian and statesman, very correctly
   says in his Histoire générale de la civilisation en Europe (Deuxième
   lecon, p. 45 sq. ed. Bruxelles, 1850): "S'il n'eût pas été une église,
   je ne sais ce qui en serait avenu au milieu de la chute de l'empire
   romain....Si le christianisme n'eût été comme dans les premiers temps,
   qu'une croyance, un sentiment, une conviction individuelle, on peut
   croire qu'il aurait succombé au milieu de la dissolution de l'empire et
   de l'invasion des barbares. Il a succombé plus tard, en Asie et dans
   tous le nord de l'Afrique, sous une invasion de même nature, sous
   l'invasion des barbares musulmans; il a succombé alors, quoiqu'il fût à
   l'êtat d'institution, d'église constituée. A bien plus forte raison le
   même fait aurait pu arriver au moment de la chute de l'empire romain.
   Il n'y avait alors aucun des moyens par lesquels aujourd'hui les
   influences morales s'établissent ou résistent indépendamment des
   institutions, aucun des moyens par lesquels une pure vérité, une pure
   idée acquiert un grand empire sur les esprits, gouverne les actions,
   dêtermine des événemens. Rien de semblable n'existait au IV^e siècle,
   pour donner aux idées, aux sentiments personels, une pareille autorité.
   Il est clair qu'il fallait une société fortement organisée, fortement
   gouvernée, pour lutter contre un pareil désastre, pour sortir
   victorieuse d'un tel ouragan. Je ne crois pas trop dire en affirmant
   qu'à la fin du IV^e et au commencement du V^e siècle, c'est l'église
   chrétienne qui a sauvé le christianisme; c'est l'église avec ses
   institutions, ses magistrats, son pouvoir, qui s'est défendue
   vigoureusement contre la dissolution intérieure de l'empire, contre la
   barbarie, qui a conquis les barbares, qui est devenue le lien, le
   moyen, le principe dé civilisation entre le monde romain et le monde
   barbare."
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chief Events in the Life of St. Augustin.

   (as Given, Nearly, in the Benedictine Edition).

   354.            Augustin born at Tagaste, Nov. 13; his parents,
   Patricius and Monnica; shortly afterwards enrolled among the
   Catechumens.

   370.  Returns home from studying Rhetoric at Madaura, after an idle
   childhood, and from idleness falls into dissipation and sin.

   371.            Patricius dies; Augustin supported at Carthage by his
   mother, and his friend Romanianus; forms an illicit connection.

   372.  Birth of his son Adeodatus.

   373.             Cicero's Hortensius awakens in him a strong desire for
   true wisdom.

   374.  He falls into the Manichæan heresy, and seduces several of his
   acquaintances into it. His mother's earnest prayers for him; she is
   assured of his recovery.

   376.            Teaches Grammar at Tagaste; but soon returns to
   Carthage to teach Rhetoric--gains a prize.

   379.  Is recovered from study of Astrology--writes his books De pulchro
   et apto.

   382.            Discovers the Manichæans to be in error, but falls into
   scepticism. Goes to Rome to teach Rhetoric.

   385.            Removes to Milan; his errors gradually removed through
   the teaching of Ambrose, but he is held back by the flesh; becomes
   again a Catechumen.

   386.  Studies St. Paul; converted through a voice from heaven; gives up
   his profession; writes against the Academics; prepares for Baptism.

   387.  Is baptized by Bishop Ambrose, with his son Adeodatus. Death of
   his mother, Monnica, in her fifty-sixth year, at Ostia.

   388.  Aug. revisits Rome, and then returns to Africa. Adeodatus, full
   of promise, dies.

   389.  Aug. against his will ordained Presbyter at Hippo by Valerius,
   its Bishop.

   392.  Writes against the Manichæans.

   394.  Writes against the Donatists.

   395.            Ordained Assistant Bishop to Valerius, toward the end
   of the year.

   396.  Death of Bishop Valerius. Augustin elected his successor.

   397.  Aug. writes the Confessions, and the De Tinitate against the
   Arians.

   398.  Is present at the fourth Council of Carthage.

   402.  Refutes the Epistle of Petilianus, a Donatist.

   404.  Applies to Cæcilianus for protection against the savageness of
   the Donatists.

   408.  Writes De urbis Romæ obsidione.

   411.  Takes a prominent part in a conference between the Catholic
   Bishops and the Donatists.

   413.  Begins the composition of his great work De Civitate Dei,
   completed in 426.

   417.  Writes De gestis Palæstinæ synodi circa Pelagium.

   420.  Writes against the Priscillianists.

   424.  Writes against the Semipelagians.

   426.            Appoints Heraclius his successor.

   428.  Writes the Retractations.

   429.            Answers the Epistles of Prosper and Hilary.

   430.  Dies Aug. 28, in the third month of the siege of Hippo by the
   Vandals.
     __________________________________________________________________

   St. Aurelius Augustin

   Bishop of Hippo

   The Confessions of St. Augustin

   In Thirteen Books

   Translated and Annotated by

   J.G. Pilkington, M.A.,

   Vicar of St. Mark's, West Hackney; And Sometime Clerical Secretary of
   theBishop of London's Fund.

   "Thou has formed us for Thyself, and our hearts are restless till they
   find rest in Thee."--Confessions, i. 1.

   "The joy of the solemn service of Thy house constraineth to tears, when
   it is read of Thy younger son [Luke xv. 24] that he was dead, and is
   alive again; he was lost, and is found.'"--Ibid. viii. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Translator's Preface

   ------------------------

   "If St. Augustin," says Nourrisson [74] , "had left nothing but his
   Confessions and the City of God, one could readily understand the
   respectful sympathy that surrounds his memory. How, indeed, could one
   fail to admire in the City of God the flight of genius, and in the
   Confessions, what is better still, the effusions of a great soul?" It
   may be safely predicted, that while the mind of man yearns for
   knowledge, and his heart seeks rest, the Confessions will retain that
   foremost place in the world's literature which it has secured by its
   sublime outpourings of devotion and profound philosophical spirit.
   There is in the book a wonderful combination of childlike piety and
   intellectual power. Desjardins' idea, [75] that, while in Augustin's
   other works we see the philosopher or the controversialist, here we see
   the man, is only to be accepted as a comparative statement of
   Augustin's attitude in the Confessions; for philosophy and piety are in
   many of his reflections as it were molten into one homogeneous whole.
   In his highest intellectual flights we find the breathings of faith and
   love, and, amid the profoundest expressions of penitential sorrow,
   gleams of his metaphysical genius appear.

   It may, indeed, be from the man's showing himself so little, as
   distinguished from the philosopher, that some readers are a little
   disappointed in the book. They have expected to meet with a copiousness
   of biographic details, and have found, commingled with such as are
   given, long disquisitions on Manichæanism, Time, Creation, and Memory.
   To avoid such disappointment we must ascertain the author's design. The
   book is emphatically not an autobiography. There is in it an outline of
   the author's life up to his mother's death; but only so much of detail
   is given as may subserve his main purpose. That purpose is clearly
   explained in the fourth section of his Tenth Book. It was that the
   impenitent on reading it might not say, "I cannot," and "sleep in
   despair," but rather that, looking to that God who had raised the
   writer from his low estate of pride and sin to be a pillar of the
   Church, he might take courage, and "awake in the sweetness of His
   grace, by which he that is weak is made strong;" and that those no
   longer in sin might rejoice and praise God as they heard of the past
   lusts of him who was now freed from them. [76] This, his design of
   encouraging penitence and stimulating praise, is referred to in his
   Retractations, [77] and in his Letter to Darius. [78]

   These two main ideas are embodied in the very meaning of the title of
   the book, the word confession having, as Augustin constantly urges, two
   meanings. In his exposition of the Psalms we read: "Confession is
   understood in two senses, of our sins, and of God's praise. Confession
   of our sins is well known, so well known to all the people, that
   whenever they hear the name of confession in the lessons, whether it is
   said in praise or of sin, they beat their breasts." [79] Again:
   "Confession of sin all know, but confession of praise few attend to."
   [80] "The former but showeth the wound to the physician, the latter
   giveth thanks for health." [81] He would therefore have his hearers
   make the sacrifice of praise their ideal, since, in the City of God,
   even in the New Jerusalem, there will be no longer confession of sin,
   but there will be confession of praise. [82] It is not surprising, that
   with this view of confession he should hinge on the incidents of his
   life such considerations as tend to elevate the mind and heart of the
   reader. When, for example, he speaks of his youthful sins, [83] he
   diverges into a disquisition on the motives to sin; when his friend
   dies, [84] he moralizes on death; and--to give one example of a reverse
   process--his profound psychological review of memory [85] recalls his
   former sin (which at times haunts him in his dreams), and leads up to
   devout reflections on God's power to cleanse from sin. This undertone
   of penitence and praise which pervades the Confessions in all its
   episodes, like the golden threads which run through the texture of an
   Eastern garment, presents one of its peculiar charms.

   It would not be right to overlook a charge that has been brought
   against the book by Lord Byron. He says, "Augustin in his fine
   Confessions makes the reader envy his transgressions." Nothing could be
   more reckless or further from the truth than this charge. There is here
   no dwelling on his sin, or painting it so as to satisfy a prurient
   imagination. As we have already remarked, Augustin's manner is not to
   go into detail further than to find a position from which to "edify"
   the reader, and he treats this episode in his life with his
   characteristic delicacy and reticence. His sin was dead; and he had
   carried it to its burial with tears of repentance. And when, ten years
   after his baptism, he sets himself, at the request of some, to a
   consideration of what he then was at the moment of making his
   confessions, [86] he refers hardly at all to this sin of his youth; and
   such allusions as he does make are of the most casual kind. Instead of
   enlarging upon it, he treats it as past, and only speaks of temptation
   and sin as they are common to all men. Many of the French writers on
   the Confessions [87] institute a comparison in this matter between the
   confessions of Augustin and those of Rousseau. Pressensé [88] draws
   attention to the delicacy and reserve which characterise the one, and
   the arrogant defiance of God and man manifested in the other. The
   confessions of the one he speaks of as "un grand acte de repentir et
   d'amour;" and eloquently says, "In it he seems, like the Magdalen, to
   have spread his box of perfumes at the foot of the Saviour; from his
   stricken heart there exhales the incense most agreeable to God--the
   homage of true penitence." The other he truly describes as uttering "a
   cry of triumph in the very midst of his sin, and robing his shame in a
   royal purple." Well may Desjardins [89] express surprise at a book of
   such foulness coming from a genius so great; and perhaps his solution
   of the enigma is not far from the truth, when he attributes it to an
   overweening vanity and egotism. [90]

   It is right to point out, in connection with this part of our subject,
   that in regard to some at least of Augustin's self-accusations, [91]
   there may be a little of that pious exaggeration of his sinfulness
   which, as Lord Macaulay points out in his essays on Bunyan, [92]
   frequently characterises deep penitence. But however this may be,
   justice requires us to remember, in considering his transgression, that
   from his very childhood he had been surrounded by a condition of
   civilisation presenting manifold temptations. Carthage, where he spent
   a large part of his life, had become, since its restoration and
   colonization under Augustus Cæsar, an "exceeding great city," in wealth
   and importance next to Rome. [93] "African Paganism," says Pressensé,
   [94] "was half Asiatic; the ancient worship of nature, the adoration of
   Astarte, had full licence in the city of Carthage; Dido had become a
   mythological being, whom this dissolute city had made its protecting
   divinity, and it is easy to recognise in her the great goddess of
   Phoenicia under a new name." The luxury of the period is described by
   Jerome and Tertullian, when they denounce the custom of painting the
   face and tiring the head, and the prodigality that would give 25,000
   golden crowns for a veil, immense revenues for a pair of ear-rings, and
   the value of a forest or an island for a head-dress. [95] And Jerome,
   in one of his epistles, gives an illustration of the Church's relation
   to the Pagan world at that time, when he represents an old priest of
   Jupiter with his grand-daughter, a catechumen, on his knee, who
   responds to his caresses by singing canticles. [96] It was a time when
   we can imagine one of Augustin's parents going to the Colosseum, and
   enjoying the lasciviousness of its displays, and its gladiatorial
   shows, with their contempt of human life; while the other carefully
   shunned such scenes, as being under the ban of the teachers of the
   Church. [97] It was an age in which there was action and reaction
   between religion and philosophy; but in which the power of Christianity
   was so great in its influences on Paganism, that some received the
   Christian Scriptures only to embody in their phraseology the ideas of
   heathenism. Of this last point Manichæanism presents an illustration.
   Now all these influences left their mark on Augustin. In his youth he
   plunged deep into the pleasures of his day; and we know how he
   endeavoured to find in Manichæanism a solution of those speculations
   which haunted his subtle and inquiring mind. Augustin at this time,
   then, is not to be taken as a type of what Christianity produced. He is
   to a great extent the outgrowth of the Pagan influences of the time.
   Considerations such as these may enable us to judge of his early sin
   more justly than if we measured it by our own privileges and
   opportunities.

   The style of Augustin is sometimes criticised as not having the
   refinement of Virgil, Horace, or Cicero. But it should be remembered
   that he wrote in a time of national decay; and further, as Desjardins
   has remarked in the introduction to his essay, he had no time "to cut
   his phrases." From the period of his conversion to that of his death,
   he was constantly engaged in controversy with this or that heresy; and
   if he did not write with classical accuracy, he so inspired the
   language with his genius, and moulded it by his fire, [98] that it
   appears almost to pulsate with the throbbings of his brain. He seems
   likewise to have despised mere elegance, for in his Confessions, [99]
   when speaking of the style of Faustus, he says, "What profit to me was
   the elegance of my cup-bearer, since he offered me not the more
   precious draught for which I thirsted?" In this connection the remarks
   of Collenges [100] are worthy of note. He says, when anticipating
   objections that might be made to his own style: "It was the last of my
   study; my opinion always was what Augustin calls diligens negligentia
   was the best diligence as to that; while I was yet a very young man I
   had learned out of him that it was no solecism in a preacher to use
   ossum for os, for (saith he) an iron key is better than one made of
   gold if it will better open the door, for that is all the use of the
   key. I had learned out of Hierom that a gaudry of phrases and words in
   a pulpit is but signum insipientiæ. The words of a preacher, saith he,
   ought pungere, non palpare, to prick the heart, not to smooth and coax.
   The work of an orator is too precarious for a minister of the gospel.
   Gregory observed that our Saviour had not styled us the sugar but the
   salt of the earth, and Augustin observeth, that though Cyprian in one
   epistle showed much of a florid orator, to show he could do it, yet he
   never would do so any more, to show he would not."

   There are several features in the Confessions deserving of remark, as
   being of special interest to the philosopher, the historian or the
   divine.

   1. Chiefest amongst these is the intense desire for knowledge and the
   love of truth which characterised Augustin. This was noticeable before
   his conversion in his hungering after such knowledge as Manichæanism
   and the philosophy of the time could afford. [101] It is none the less
   observable in that better time, when, in his quiet retreat at
   Cassiciacum, he sought to strengthen the foundations of his faith, and
   resolved to give himself up to the acquisition of divine knowledge.
   [102] It was seen, too, in the many conflicts in which he was engaged
   with Donatists, Manichæans, Arians, and Pelagians, and in his earnest
   study of the deep things of God. This love of knowledge is perhaps
   conveyed in the beautiful legend quoted by Nourisson, [103] of the monk
   wrapped in spirit, who expressed astonishment at not seeing Augustin
   among the elect in heaven. "He is higher up," he was answered, "he is
   standing before the Holy Trinity disputing thereon for all eternity."

   While from the time of his conversion we find him holding on to the
   fundamental doctrines of the faith with the tenacity of one who had
   experienced the hollowness of the teachings of philosophy, [104] this
   passion for truth led him to handle most freely subjects of speculation
   in things non-essential. [105] But whether viewed as a
   controversialist, a student of Scripture, or a bishop of the Church of
   God, he ever manifests those qualities of mind and heart that gained
   for him not only the affection of the Church, but the esteem of his
   unorthodox opponents. To quote Guizot's discriminating words, there was
   in him "ce mélange de passion et de douccur, d'autorite et de
   sympathie, d'ctendue d'esprit et de rigueur logique, qui lui donnait un
   si rare pouvoir." [106]

   2. It is to this eager desire for truth in his many-sided mind that we
   owe those trains of thought that read like forecasts of modern opinion.
   We have called attention to some such anticipations of modern thought
   as they recur in the notes throughout the book; but the speculations on
   Memory, Time, and Creation, which occupy so large a space in Books Ten
   and Eleven, deserve more particular notice. The French essayists have
   entered very fully into these questions. M. Saisset, in his admirable
   introduction to the De Civitate Dei, [107] reviews Augustin's theories
   as to the mysterious problems connected with the idea of Creation. He
   says, that in his subtle analysis of Time, and in his attempt at
   reconciling "the eternity of creative action with the dependence of
   things created,...he has touched with a bold and delicate hand one of
   the deepest mysteries of the human mind, and that to all his glorious
   titles he has added another, that of an ingenious psychologist and an
   eminent metaphysician." Desjardins likewise commends the depth of
   Augustin's speculations as to Time, [108] and maintains that no one's
   teaching as to Creation has shown more clearness, boldness, and
   vigor--avoiding the perils of dualism on the one hand, and atheism on
   the other. [109] In his remarks on Augustin's disquisitions on the
   phenomena of Memory, his praise is of a more qualified character. He
   compares his theories with those of Malebranche, and, while recognising
   the practical and animated character of his descriptions, thinks him
   obscure in his delineation of the manner in which absent realities
   reproduce themselves on the memory. [110]

   We have had occasion in the notes to refer to the Unseen Universe. The
   authors of this powerful "Apologia" for Christianity propose it chiefly
   as an antidote to the materialistic disbelief in the immortality of the
   soul amongst scientific men, which has resulted in this age from the
   recent advance in physical science; just as in the last century English
   deism had its rise in a similar influence. It is curious, in connection
   with this part of our subject, to note that in leading up to the
   conclusion at which he arrives, M. Saisset quotes a passage from the
   City of God, [111] which contains an adumbration of the theory of the
   above work in regard to the eternity of the invisible universe. [112]
   Verily, the saying of the wise man is true: "The thing that hath been,
   it is that which shall be; and that which is done, is that which shall
   be done: and there is no new thing under the sun." [113]

   3. We have already, in a previous paragraph, briefly adverted to the
   influence Christianity and Paganism had one on the other. The history
   of Christianity has been a steady advance on Paganism and Pagan
   philosophy; but it can hardly be denied that in this advance there has
   been an absorption--and in some periods in no small degree--of some of
   their elements. As these matters have been examined in the notes, we
   need not do more than refer the reader to the Index of Subjects for the
   evidence to be obtained in this respect from the Confessions on such
   matters as Baptism, False Miracles, and Prayers for the Dead.

   4. There is one feature in the Confessions which we should not like to
   pass unnoticed. A reference to the Retractations [114] will show that
   Augustin highly appreciated the spiritual use to which the book might
   be put in the edification of the brethren. We believe that it will
   prove most useful in this way; and spiritual benefit will accrue in
   proportion to the steadiness of its use. We would venture to suggest
   that Book X., from section 37 to the end, may be profitably used as a
   manual of self-examination. We have pointed out in a note, that in his
   comment on Ps. 8 he makes our Lord's three temptations to be types of
   all the temptations to which man can be subjected; and makes them
   correspond in their order, as given by St. Matthew, to "the Lust of the
   Flesh, the Lust of the Eyes, and the Pride of Life," mentioned by St.
   John. [115] Under each of these heads we have, in this part of the
   Confessions, a most severe examination of conscience; and the
   impression is deepened by his allegorically likening the three
   divisions of temptation to the beasts of the field, the fish of the
   sea, and the birds of the air. [116] We have already remarked, in
   adverting to allegorical interpretation, [117] that where "the strict
   use of the history is not disregarded," to use Augustin's expression,
   allegorizing, by way of spiritual meditation, may be profitable. Those
   who employ it with this idea will find their interpretations greatly
   aided, and made more systematic, by realizing Augustin's methods here
   and in the last two books of the Confessions,--as when he makes the sea
   to represent the wicked world, and the fruitful earth the Church. [118]

   It only remains to call attention to the principles on which this
   translation and its annotations have been made. The text of the
   Benedictine edition has been followed; but the head-lines of the
   chapters are taken from the edition of Bruder, as being the more
   definite and full. After carefully translating the whole of the book,
   it has been compared, line by line, with the translation of Watts [119]
   (one of the most nervous translations of the seventeenth century), and
   that of Dr. Pusey, which is confessedly founded upon that of Watts.
   Reference has also been made, in the case of obscure passages, to the
   French translation of Du Bois, and the English translation of the first
   Ten Books alluded to in the note on Bk. ix. ch. 12. The references to
   Scripture are in the words of the Authorized Version wherever the sense
   will bear it; and whenever noteworthy variations from our version
   occur, they are indicated by references to the old Italic version, or
   to the Vulgate. In some cases, where Augustin has clearly referred to
   the LXX. in order to amend his version thereby, such variations are
   indicated. [120] The annotations are, for the most part, such as have
   been derived from the translator's own reading. Two exceptions,
   however, must be made. Out of upwards of four hundred notes, some forty
   are taken from the annotations in Pusey and Watts, but in every case
   these have been indicated by the initials E. B. P. or W. W. Dr. Pusey's
   annotations (which will be found chiefly in the earlier part of this
   work) consist almost entirely of quotations from other works of
   Augustin. These annotations are very copious, and Dr. Pusey explains
   that he resorted to this method "partly because this plan of
   illustrating St. Augustin out of himself had been already adopted by M.
   Du Bois in his Latin edition...and it seemed a pity not to use valuable
   materials ready collected to one's hand. The far greater part of these
   illustrations are taken from that edition." It seemed the most proper
   course, in using such notes of Du Bois as appeared suitable for this
   edition, to take them from Dr. Pusey's edition, and, as above stated,
   to indicate their source by his initials. A Textual Index has been
   added, for the first time, to this edition, and both it and the Index
   of Subjects have been prepared with the greatest possible care.

   J. G. P.

   St. Mark's Vicarage, West Hackney, 1876.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [74] Philosophie de St. Augustin, Preface.

   [75] Essai sur les Conf. de St. Aug. p. 5.

   [76] Confessions, x. sec. 4.

   [77] See the passage quoted immediately after this Preface.

   [78] Ep. ccxxxi. sec. 6.

   [79] Enarr. in Ps. cxli. sec. 19: see also in Ps. cxvii. sec. 1, xxix.
   sec. 19, xciv. sec. 4, and xxix. sec. 19.

   [80] Enarr. in Ps. cxxxvii. sec. 2.

   [81] Enarr. in Ps. cx. sec. 2.

   [82] In Ps. xliv. sec. 33, xcix, sec. 16.

   [83] Book ii. secs. 6-18.

   [84] Book iv. secs. 11-15

   [85] Book x. secs. 41, 42.

   [86] Book x. sec. 4.

   [87] In addition to those referred to, there is one at the beginning of
   vol. ii. of Saint-Marc Girardin's Essais de Litérature et de Morale,
   devoted to this subject. It has some good points in it, but has much of
   that sentimentality so often found in French criticisms.

   [88] Le Christianisme au Quatrième Siècle, p. 269.

   [89] Essai sur les Conf., etc. p. 12.

   [90] He concludes: "La folie de son orgueil, voilá le mot de l'ênigme,
   ou l'ênigme n'en a pas."--Ibid. p. 13.

   [91] Compare Confessions, ii. sec. 2, and iii. sec. 1, with iv. sec. 2.

   [92] In vol. i. of his Crit. and Hist. Essays, and also in his
   Miscellaneous Writings.

   [93] Herodian Hist. vii. 6.

   [94] Le Christianisme, etc. as above, p. 274.

   [95] Quoted by Nourrisson, Philosophie, etc. ii. 436.

   [96] Ibid. ii. 434, 435.

   [97] See Confessions, iii. sec. 2, note, and vi. sec. 13, note.

   [98] See Poujoulat, Lettres de St. Augustin, Introd. p. 12, who
   compares the language of the time to Ezekiel's Valley of Dry Bones, and
   say Augustin inspired it with life.

   [99] Confessions, v. sec. 10.

   [100] The Intercourses of Divine Love betwixt Christ and His Church,
   Preface (1683).

   [101] See Confessions, iv. sec. 1, note.

   [102] Ibid. ix. sec. 7, note, and compare x. sec. 55, note.

   [103] Philosophie, etc. as above, i. 320.

   [104] See Confessions, xiii. sec. 33, note.

   [105] Ibid. xi. sec. 3, note 4.

   [106] Histoire de la Civilisation en France, I. 203 (1829). Guizot is
   speaking of Augustin's attitude in the Pelagian controversy.

   [107] A portion of this introduction will be found translated in
   Appendix ii. of M. Saisset's Essay on Religious Philosophy (Clark).

   [108] Essai, etc. as before, p. 129.

   [109] Essai, etc. p. 130.

   [110] Ibid. pp. 120-123. Nourrisson's criticism of Augustin's views on
   Memory may well be compared with that of Desjardins. He speaks of the
   powerful originality of Augustin--who is ingenious as well as new--and
   says some of his disquisitions are "the most admirable which have
   inspired psychological observation." And further, one does not meet in
   all the books of St. Augustin any philosophical theories which have
   greater depth than that on Memory."--Philosophie, etc. as above, I.
   133.

   [111] Book xii. chap. 15.

   [112] This position is accepted by Leibnitz in his Essais de Théodicée.
   See also M. Saisset, as above, ii. 196-8 (Essay by the translator).

   [113] Eccles. i. 9.

   [114] Quoted immediately after this preface.

   [115] 1 John ii. 16.

   [116] See Confessions, v. sec. 4, note, and x. sec. 41, note.

   [117] See ibid. vi. sec. 5, note.

   [118] See Confessions, xiii. sec. 20, note 3, and sec. 21, note 1.

   [119] "St. Augustin's Confessions translated, and with some marginal
   notes illustrated by William Watts, Rector of St. Alban's, Wood St.
   (1631)."

   [120] For whatever our idea may be as to the extent of his knowledge of
   Greek, it is beyond dispute that he frequently had recourse to the
   Greek of the Old and New Testament with this view. See Nourrisson,
   Philosophie, etc. ii. p. 96.
     __________________________________________________________________

   The Opinion of St. Augustin

   Concerning His

   Confessions, as Embodied in His Retractations, II. 6

   ------------------------

   1. "The Thirteen Books of my Confessions whether they refer to my evil
   or good, praise the just and good God, and stimulate the heart and mind
   of man to approach unto Him. And, as far as pertaineth unto me, they
   wrought this in me when they were written, and this they work when they
   are read. What some think of them they may have seen, but that they
   have given much pleasure, and do give pleasure, to many brethren I
   know. From the First to the Tenth they have been written of myself; in
   the remaining three, of the Sacred Scriptures, from the text, In the
   beginning God created the heaven and the earth,' even to the rest of
   the Sabbath (Gen. i. 1, ii. 2)."

   2. "In the Fourth Book, when I acknowledged the distress of my mind at
   the death of a friend, saying, that our soul, though one, had been in
   some manner made out of two; and therefore, I say, perchance was I
   afraid to die lest he should die wholly whom I had so much loved (chap.
   vi.);--this seems to me as if it were a light declamation rather than a
   grave confession, although this folly may in some sort be tempered by
   that perchance' which follows. And in the Thirteenth Book (chap.
   xxxii.) what I said, viz.: that the firmament was made between the
   spiritual upper waters, and the corporeal lower waters,' was said
   without due consideration; but the thing is very obscure."

   [In Ep. ad Darium, Ep. ccxxxi. c. 6, written a.d. 429, Augustin says:
   "Accept, my son, the books containing my Confessions which you desired
   to have. In these behold me that you may not praise me more than I
   deserve; there believe what is said of me, not by others, but by
   myself; there mark me, and see what I have been in myself, by myself;
   and if anything in me please you, join me in praising Him to whom, and
   not to myself, I desired praise to be given. For He hath made us, and
   not we ourselves' (Ps. l. 3). Indeed, we had destroyed ourselves, but
   He who made us has made us anew (qui fecit, refecit). When, however,
   you find me in these books, pray for me that I may not fail, but be
   perfected (ne deficiam, sed perficiar). Pray, my son, pray. I feel what
   I say; I know what I ask."--P. S.]

   [De Dono Perseverantiæ, c. 20 (53): "Which of my smaller works could be
   more widely known or give greater pleasure than my Confessions? And
   although I published them before the Pelagian heresy had come into
   existence, certainly in them I said to my God, and said it frequently,
   Give what Thou commandest, and command what Thou willest' (Conf. x. 29,
   31, 37). Which words of mine, Pelagius at Rome, when they were
   mentioned in his presence by a certain brother and fellow-bishop of
   mine, could not bear....Moreover in those same books...I showed that I
   was granted to the faithful and daily tears of my mother, that I should
   not perish. There certainly I declared that God by His grace converted
   the will of men to the true faith, not only when they had been turned
   away from it, but even when they were opposed to it."--P. S.]

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book I.

   ------------------------

   Commencing with the invocation of God, Augustin relates in detail the
   beginning of his life, his infancy and boyhood, up to his fifteenth
   year; at which age he acknowledges that he was more inclined to all
   youthful pleasures and vices than to the study of letters.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--He Proclaims the Greatness of God, Whom He Desires to Seek
   and Invoke, Being Awakened by Him.

   1. Great art Thou, O Lord, and greatly to be praised; great is Thy
   power, and of Thy wisdom there is no end. [121] And man, being a part
   of Thy creation, desires to praise Thee, man, who bears about with him
   his mortality, the witness of his sin, even the witness that Thou
   "resistest the proud," [122] --yet man, this part of Thy creation,
   desires to praise Thee. [123] Thou movest us to delight in praising
   Thee; for Thou hast formed us for Thyself, and our hearts are restless
   till they find rest in Thee. [124] Lord, teach me to know and
   understand which of these should be first, to call on Thee, or to
   praise Thee; and likewise to know Thee, or to call upon Thee. But who
   is there that calls upon Thee without knowing Thee? For he that knows
   Thee not may call upon Thee as other than Thou art. Or perhaps we call
   on Thee that we may know Thee. "But how shall they call on Him in whom
   they have not believed? or how shall they believe without a preacher?"
   [125] And those who seek the Lord shall praise Him. [126] For those who
   seek shall find Him, [127] and those who find Him shall praise Him. Let
   me seek Thee, Lord, in calling on Thee, and call on Thee in believing
   in Thee; for Thou hast been preached unto us. O Lord, my faith calls on
   Thee,--that faith which Thou hast imparted to me, which Thou hast
   breathed into me through the incarnation of Thy Son, through the
   ministry of Thy preacher. [128]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [121] Ps. cxlv. 3, and cxlvii. 5.

   [122] Jas. iv. 6, and 1 Pet. v. 5.

   [123] Augustin begins with praise, and the whole book vibrates with
   praise. He says elsewhere (in Ps. cxlix.), that "as a new song fits not
   well an old man's lips, he should sing a new song who is a new creature
   and is living a new life;" and so from the time of his new birth, the
   "new song" of praise went up from him, and that "not of the lip only,"
   but (ibid. cxlviii.) conscientia lingua vita.

   [124] And the rest which the Christian has here is but an earnest of
   the more perfect rest hereafter, when, as Augustin says (De Gen. ad.
   Lit.. xii. 26), "all virtue will be to love what one sees, and the
   highest felicity to have what one loves." [Watts, followed by Pusey,
   and Shedd, missed the paronomasia of the Latin: "cor nostrum inquietum
   est donec requiescat in Te," by translating: "our heart is restless,
   until it repose in Thee." It is the finest sentence in the whole book,
   and furnishes one of the best arguments for Christianity as the only
   religion which leads to that rest in God.--P. S.]

   [125] Rom. x. 14.

   [126] Ps. xxii. 26.

   [127] Matt. vii. 7.

   [128] That is, Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, who was instrumental in his
   conversion (vi. sec. 1; viii. sec. 28, etc.). "Before conversion," as
   Leighton observes on I Pet. ii. 1, 2, "wit or eloquence may draw a man
   to the word, and possibly prove a happy bait to catch him (as St.
   Augustin reports of his hearing St. Ambrose), but, once born again,
   then it is the milk itself that he desires for itself."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--That the God Whom We Invoke is in Us, and We in Him.

   2. And how shall I call upon my God--my God and my Lord? For when I
   call on Him I ask Him to come into me. And what place is there in me
   into which my God can come--into which God can come, even He who made
   heaven and earth? Is there anything in me, O Lord my God, that can
   contain Thee? Do indeed the very heaven and the earth, which Thou hast
   made, and in which Thou hast made me, contain Thee? Or, as nothing
   could exist without Thee, doth whatever exists contain Thee? Why, then,
   do I ask Thee to come into me, since I indeed exist, and could not
   exist if Thou wert not in me? Because I am not yet in hell, though Thou
   art even there; for "if I go down into hell Thou art there." [129] I
   could not therefore exist, could not exist at all, O my God, unless
   Thou wert in me. Or should I not rather say, that I could not exist
   unless I were in Thee from whom are all things, by whom are all things,
   in whom are all things? [130] Even so, Lord; even so. Where do I call
   Thee to, since Thou art in me, or whence canst Thou come into me? For
   where outside heaven and earth can I go that from thence my God may
   come into me who has said, I fill heaven and earth"? [131]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [129] Ps. cxxxix. 8.

   [130] Rom. xi. 36.

   [131] Jer. xxiii. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--Everywhere God Wholly Filleth All Things, But Neither
   Heaven Nor Earth Containeth Him.

   3. Since, then, Thou fillest heaven and earth, do they contain Thee?
   Or, as they contain Thee not, dost Thou fill them, and yet there
   remains something over? And where dost Thou pour forth that which
   remaineth of Thee when the heaven and earth are filled? Or, indeed, is
   there no need that Thou who containest all things shouldest be
   contained of any, since those things which Thou fillest Thou fillest by
   containing them? For the vessels which Thou fillest do not sustain
   Thee, since should they even be broken Thou wilt not be poured forth.
   And when Thou art poured forth on us, [132] Thou art not cast down, but
   we are uplifted; nor art Thou dissipated, but we are drawn together.
   But, as Thou fillest all things, dost Thou fill them with Thy whole
   self, or, as even all things cannot altogether contain Thee, do they
   contain a part, and do all at once contain the same part? Or has each
   its own proper part--the greater more, the smaller less? Is, then, one
   part of Thee greater, another less? Or is it that Thou art wholly
   everywhere whilst nothing altogether contains Thee? [133]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [132] Acts ii. 18.

   [133] In this section, and constantly throughout the Confessions, he
   adverts to the materialistic views concerning God held by the
   Manichæans. See also sec. 10; iii. sec. 12; iv. sec. 31, etc. etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--The Majesty of God is Supreme, and His Virtues
   Inexplicable.

   4. What, then, art Thou, O my God--what, I ask, but the Lord God? For
   who is Lord but the Lord? or who is God save our God? [134] Most high,
   most excellent, most potent, most omnipotent; most piteous and most
   just; most hidden and most near; most beauteous and most strong,
   stable, yet contained of none; unchangeable, yet changing all things;
   never new, never old; making all things new, yet bringing old age upon
   the proud and they know it not; always working, yet ever at rest;
   gathering, yet needing nothing; sustaining, pervading, and protecting;
   creating, nourishing, and developing; seeking, and yet possessing all
   things. Thou lovest, and burnest not; art jealous, yet free from care;
   repentest, and hast no sorrow; art angry, yet serene; changest Thy
   ways, leaving unchanged Thy plans; recoverest what Thou findest, having
   yet never lost; art never in want, whilst Thou rejoicest in gain; never
   covetous, though requiring usury. [135] That Thou mayest owe, more than
   enough is given to Thee; [136] yet who hath anything that is not Thine?
   Thou payest debts while owing nothing; and when Thou forgivest debts,
   losest nothing. Yet, O my God, my life, my holy joy, what is this that
   I have said? And what saith any man when He speaks of Thee? Yet woe to
   them that keep silence, seeing that even they who say most are as the
   dumb. [137]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [134] Ps. xviii. 31.

   [135] Matt. xxv. 27.

   [136] Supererogatur tibi, ut debeas.

   [137] "As it is impossible for mortal, imperfect, and perishable man to
   comprehend the immortal, perfect and eternal, we cannot expect that he
   should be able to express in praise the fulness of God's attributes.
   The Talmud relates of a rabbi, who did not consider the terms, the
   great, mighty, and fearful God,' which occur in the daily prayer, as
   being sufficient, but added some more attributes--What!' exclaimed
   another rabbi who was present, imaginest thou to be able to exhaust the
   praise of God? Thy praise is blasphemy. Thou hadst better be quiet.'
   Hence the Psalmist's exclamation, after finding that the praises of God
   were inexhaustible: hlht hymvd kl, Silence is praise to
   Thee.'"--Breslau.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--He Seeks Rest in God, and Pardon of His Sins.

   5. Oh! how shall I find rest in Thee? Who will send Thee into my heart
   to inebriate it, so that I may forget my woes, and embrace Thee my only
   good? What art Thou to me? Have compassion on me, that I may speak.
   What am I to Thee that Thou demandest my love, and unless I give it
   Thee art angry, and threatenest me with great sorrows? Is it, then, a
   light sorrow not to love Thee? Alas! alas! tell me of Thy compassion, O
   Lord my God, what Thou art to me. "Say unto my soul, I am thy
   salvation." [138] So speak that I may hear. Behold, Lord, the ears of
   my heart are before Thee; open Thou them, and "say unto my soul, I am
   thy salvation." When I hear, may I run and lay hold on Thee. Hide not
   Thy face from me. Let me die, lest I die, if only I may see Thy face.
   [139]

   6. Cramped is the dwelling of my soul; do Thou expand it, that Thou
   mayest enter in. It is in ruins, restore Thou it. There is that about
   it which must offend Thine eyes; I confess and know it, but who will
   cleanse it? or to whom shall I cry but to Thee? Cleanse me from my
   secret sins, [140] O Lord, and keep Thy servant from those of other
   men. I believe, and therefore do I speak; [141] Lord, Thou knowest.
   Have I not confessed my transgressions unto Thee, O my God; and Thou
   hast put away the iniquity of my heart? [142] I do not contend in
   judgment with Thee, [143] who art the Truth; and I would not deceive
   myself, lest my iniquity lie against itself. [144] I do not, therefore,
   contend in judgment with Thee, for "if Thou, Lord, shouldest mark
   iniquities, O Lord, who shall stand?" [145]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [138] Ps. xxxv. 3.

   [139] Moriar ne moriar, ut eam videam. See Ex. xxxiii. 20.

   [140] Ps. xix. 12, 13. "Be it that sin may never see the light, that it
   may be like a child born and buried in the womb; yet as that child is a
   man, a true man, there closeted in that hidden frame of nature, so sin
   is truly sin, though it never gets out beyond the womb which did
   conceive and enliven it."--Sedgwick

   [141] Ps. cxvi. 10.

   [142] Ps. xxxii. 5.

   [143] Job ix. 3.

   [144] Ps xxvi. 12, Vulg. "The danger of ignorance is not less than its
   guilt. For of all evils a secret evil is most to be deprecated, of all
   enemies a concealed enemy is the worst. Better the precipice than the
   pitfall; better the tortures of curable disease than the painlessness
   of mortification; and so, whatever your soul's guilt and danger, better
   to be aware of it. However alarming, however distressing self-knowledge
   may be, better that than the tremendous evils of
   self-ignorance."--Caird.

   [145] Ps. cxxx. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--He Describes His Infancy, and Lauds the Protection and
   Eternal Providence of God.

   7. Still suffer me to speak before Thy mercy--me, "dust and ashes."
   [146] Suffer me to speak, for, behold, it is Thy mercy I address, and
   not derisive man. Yet perhaps even Thou deridest me; but when Thou art
   turned to me Thou wilt have compassion on me. [147] For what do I wish
   to say, O Lord my God, but that I know not whence I came hither into
   this--shall I call it dying life or living death? Yet, as I have heard
   from my parents, from whose substance Thou didst form me,--for I myself
   cannot remember it,--Thy merciful comforts sustained me. Thus it was
   that the comforts of a woman's milk entertained me; for neither my
   mother nor my nurses filled their own breasts, but Thou by them didst
   give me the nourishment of infancy according to Thy ordinance and that
   bounty of Thine which underlieth all things. For Thou didst cause me
   not to want more than Thou gavest, and those who nourished me willingly
   to give me what Thou gavest them. For they, by an instinctive
   affection, were anxious to give me what Thou hadst abundantly supplied.
   It was, in truth, good for them that my good should come from them,
   though, indeed, it was not from them, but by them; for from Thee, O
   God, are all good things, and from my God is all my safety. [148] This
   is what I have since discovered, as Thou hast declared Thyself to me by
   the blessings both within me and without me which Thou hast bestowed
   upon me. For at that time I knew how to suck, to be satisfied when
   comfortable, and to cry when in pain--nothing beyond.

   8. Afterwards I began to laugh,--at first in sleep, then when waking.
   For this I have heard mentioned of myself, and I believe it (though I
   cannot remember it), for we see the same in other infants. And now
   little by little I realized where I was, and wished to tell my wishes
   to those who might satisfy them, but I could not; for my wants were
   within me, while they were without, and could not by any faculty of
   theirs enter into my soul. So I cast about limbs and voice, making the
   few and feeble signs I could, like, though indeed not much like, unto
   what I wished; and when I was not satisfied--either not being
   understood, or because it would have been injurious to me--I grew
   indignant that my elders were not subject unto me, and that those on
   whom I had no claim did not wait on me, and avenged myself on them by
   tears. That infants are such I have been able to learn by watching
   them; and they, though unknowing, have better shown me that I was such
   an one than my nurses who knew it.

   9. And, behold, my infancy died long ago, and I live. But Thou, O Lord,
   who ever livest, and in whom nothing dies (since before the world was,
   and indeed before all that can be called "before," Thou existest, and
   art the God and Lord of all Thy creatures; and with Thee fixedly abide
   the causes of all unstable things, the unchanging sources of all things
   changeable, and the eternal reasons of all things unreasoning and
   temporal), tell me, Thy suppliant, O God; tell, O merciful One, Thy
   miserable servant [149] --tell me whether my infancy succeeded another
   age of mine which had at that time perished. Was it that which I passed
   in my mother's womb? For of that something has been made known to me,
   and I have myself seen women with child. And what, O God, my joy,
   preceded that life? Was I, indeed, anywhere, or anybody? For no one can
   tell me these things, neither father nor mother, nor the experience of
   others, nor my own memory. Dost Thou laugh at me for asking such
   things, and command me to praise and confess Thee for what I know?

   10. I give thanks to Thee, Lord of heaven and earth, giving praise to
   Thee for that my first being and infancy, of which I have no memory;
   for Thou hast granted to man that from others he should come to
   conclusions as to himself, and that he should believe many things
   concerning himself on the authority of feeble women. Even then I had
   life and being; and as my infancy closed I was already seeking for
   signs by which my feelings might be made known to others. Whence could
   such a creature come but from Thee, O Lord? Or shall any man be skilful
   enough to fashion himself? Or is there any other vein by which being
   and life runs into us save this, that "Thou, O Lord, hast made us,"
   [150] with whom being and life are one, because Thou Thyself art being
   and life in the highest? Thou art the highest, "Thou changest not,"
   [151] neither in Thee doth this present day come to an end, though it
   doth end in Thee, since in Thee all such things are; for they would
   have no way of passing away unless Thou sustainedst them. And since
   "Thy years shall have no end," [152] Thy years are an ever present day.
   And how many of ours and our fathers' days have passed through this Thy
   day, and received from it their measure and fashion of being, and
   others yet to come shall so receive and pass away! "But Thou art the
   same;" [153] and all the things of to-morrow and the days yet to come,
   and all of yesterday and the days that are past, Thou wilt do to-day,
   Thou hast done to-day. What is it to me if any understand not? Let him
   still rejoice and say, "What is this?" [154] Let him rejoice even so,
   and rather love to discover in failing to discover, than in discovering
   not to discover Thee.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [146] Gen. xviii. 27.

   [147] Jer. xii. 15.

   [148] Prov. xxi. 31.

   [149] "Mercy," says Binning, "hath but its name from misery, and is no
   other thing than to lay another's misery to heart."

   [150] Ps. c. 3.

   [151] Mal. iii. 6.

   [152] Ps. cii. 27.

   [153] Ibid.

   [154] Ex. xvi. 15. This is one of the alternative translations put
   against "it is manna" in the margin of the authorized version. It is
   the literal significance of the Hebrew, and is so translated in most of
   the old English versions. Augustin indicates thereby the attitude of
   faith. Many things we are called on to believe (to use the illustration
   of Locke) which are above reason, but none that are contrary to reason.
   We are but as children in relation to God, and may therefore only
   expect to know "parts of His ways." Even in the difficulties of
   Scripture he sees the goodness of God. "God," he says, "has in
   Scripture clothed His mysteries with clouds, that man's love of truth
   might be inflamed by the difficulty of finding them out. For if they
   were only such as were readily understood, truth would not be eagerly
   sought, nor would it give pleasure when found."--De Ver. Relig. c. 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--He Shows by Example that Even Infancy is Prone to Sin.

   11. Hearken, O God! Alas for the sins of men! Man saith this, and Thou
   dost compassionate him; for Thou didst create him, but didst not create
   the sin that is in him. Who bringeth to my remembrance the sin of my
   infancy? For before Thee none is free from sin, not even the infant
   which has lived but a day upon the earth. Who bringeth this to my
   remembrance? Doth not each little one, in whom I behold that which I do
   not remember of myself? In what, then, did I sin? Is it that I cried
   for the breast? If I should now so cry,--not indeed for the breast, but
   for the food suitable to my years,--I should be most justly laughed at
   and rebuked. What I then did deserved rebuke; but as I could not
   understand those who rebuked me, neither custom nor reason suffered me
   to be rebuked. For as we grow we root out and cast from us such habits.
   I have not seen any one who is wise, when "purging" [155] anything cast
   away the good. Or was it good, even for a time, to strive to get by
   crying that which, if given, would be hurtful--to be bitterly indignant
   that those who were free and its elders, and those to whom it owed its
   being, besides many others wiser than it, who would not give way to the
   nod of its good pleasure, were not subject unto it--to endeavour to
   harm, by struggling as much as it could, because those commands were
   not obeyed which only could have been obeyed to its hurt? Then, in the
   weakness of the infant's limbs, and not in its will, lies its
   innocency. I myself have seen and known an infant to be jealous though
   it could not speak. It became pale, and cast bitter looks on its
   foster-brother. Who is ignorant of this? Mothers and nurses tell us
   that they appease these things by I know not what remedies; and may
   this be taken for innocence, that when the fountain of milk is flowing
   fresh and abundant, one who has need should not be allowed to share it,
   though needing that nourishment to sustain life? Yet we look leniently
   on these things, not because they are not faults, nor because the
   faults are small, but because they will vanish as age increases. For
   although you may allow these things now, you could not bear them with
   equanimity if found in an older person.

   12. Thou, therefore, O Lord my God, who gavest life to the infant, and
   a frame which, as we see, Thou hast endowed with senses, compacted with
   limbs, beautified with form, and, for its general good and safety, hast
   introduced all vital energies--Thou commandest me to praise Thee for
   these things, "to give thanks unto the Lord, and to sing praise unto
   Thy name, O Most High;" [156] for Thou art a God omnipotent and good,
   though Thou hadst done nought but these things, which none other can do
   but Thou, who alone madest all things, O Thou most fair, who madest all
   things fair, and orderest all according to Thy law. This period, then,
   of my life, O Lord, of which I have no remembrance, which I believe on
   the word of others, and which I guess from other infants, it chagrins
   me--true though the guess be--to reckon in this life of mine which I
   lead in this world; inasmuch as, in the darkness of my forgetfulness,
   it is like to that which I passed in my mother's womb. But if "I was
   shapen in iniquity, and in sin did my mother conceive me," [157] where,
   I pray thee, O my God, where, Lord, or when was I, Thy servant,
   innocent? But behold, I pass by that time, for what have I to do with
   that, the memories of which I cannot recall?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [155] John xv. 2.

   [156] Ps. xcii. 1.

   [157] Ps. li. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--That When a Boy He Learned to Speak, Not by Any Set
   Method, But from the Acts and Words of His Parents.

   13. Did I not, then, growing out of the state of infancy, come to
   boyhood, or rather did it not come to me, and succeed to infancy? Nor
   did my infancy depart (for whither went it?); and yet it did no longer
   abide, for I was no longer an infant that could not speak, but a
   chattering boy. I remember this, and I afterwards observed how I first
   learned to speak, for my elders did not teach me words in any set
   method, as they did letters afterwards; but myself, when I was unable
   to say all I wished and to whomsoever I desired, by means of the
   whimperings and broken utterances and various motions of my limbs,
   which I used to enforce my wishes, repeated the sounds in my memory by
   the mind, O my God, which Thou gavest me. When they called anything by
   name, and moved the body towards it while they spoke, I saw and
   gathered that the thing they wished to point out was called by the name
   they then uttered; and that they did mean this was made plain by the
   motion of the body, even by the natural language of all nations
   expressed by the countenance, glance of the eye, movement of other
   members, and by the sound of the voice indicating the affections of the
   mind, as it seeks, possesses, rejects, or avoids. So it was that by
   frequently hearing words, in duly placed sentences, I gradually
   gathered what things they were the signs of; and having formed my mouth
   to the utterance of these signs, I thereby expressed my will. [158]
   Thus I exchanged with those about me the signs by which we express our
   wishes, and advanced deeper into the stormy fellowship of human life,
   depending the while on the authority of parents, and the beck of
   elders.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [158] See some interesting remarks on this subject in Whately's Logic,
   Int. sec. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--Concerning the Hatred of Learning, the Love of Play, and
   the Fear of Being Whipped Noticeable in Boys: and of the Folly of Our
   Elders and Masters.

   14. O my God! what miseries and mockeries did I then experience, when
   obedience to my teachers was set before me as proper to my boyhood,
   that I might flourish in this world, and distinguish myself in the
   science of speech, which should get me honour amongst men, and
   deceitful riches! After that I was put to school to get learning, of
   which I (worthless as I was) knew not what use there was; and yet, if
   slow to learn, I was flogged! For this was deemed praiseworthy by our
   forefathers; and many before us, passing the same course, had appointed
   beforehand for us these troublesome ways by which we were compelled to
   pass, multiplying labour and sorrow upon the sons of Adam. But we
   found, O Lord, men praying to Thee, and we learned from them to
   conceive of Thee, according to our ability, to be some Great One, who
   was able (though not visible to our senses) to hear and help us. For as
   a boy I began to pray to Thee, my "help" and my "refuge," [159] and in
   invoking Thee broke the bands of my tongue, and entreated Thee though
   little, with no little earnestness, that I might not be beaten at
   school. And when Thou heardedst me not, giving me not over to folly
   thereby, [160] my elders, yea, and my own parents too, who wished me no
   ill, laughed at my stripes, my then great and grievous ill.

   15. Is there any one, Lord, with so high a spirit, cleaving to Thee
   with so strong an affection--for even a kind of obtuseness may do that
   much--but is there, I say, any one who, by cleaving devoutly to Thee,
   is endowed with so great a courage that he can esteem lightly those
   racks and hooks, and varied tortures of the same sort, against which,
   throughout the whole world, men supplicate Thee with great fear,
   deriding those who most bitterly fear them, just as our parents derided
   the torments with which our masters punished us when we were boys? For
   we were no less afraid of our pains, nor did we pray less to Thee to
   avoid them; and yet we sinned, in writing, or reading, or reflecting
   upon our lessons less than was required of us. For we wanted not, O
   Lord, memory or capacity, of which, by Thy will, we possessed enough
   for our age,--but we delighted only in play; and we were punished for
   this by those who were doing the same things themselves. But the
   idleness of our elders they call business, whilst boys who do the like
   are punished by those same elders, and yet neither boys nor men find
   any pity. For will any one of good sense approve of my being whipped
   because, as a boy, I played ball, and so was hindered from learning
   quickly those lessons by means of which, as a man, I should play more
   unbecomingly? And did he by whom I was beaten do other than this, who,
   when he was overcome in any little controversy with a co-tutor, was
   more tormented by anger and envy than I when beaten by a playfellow in
   a match at ball?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [159] Ps. ix. 9, and xlvi. 1, and xlviii. 3.

   [160] Ps. xxii. 2, Vulg.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--Through a Love of Ball-Playing and Shows, He Neglects His
   Studies and the Injunctions of His Parents.

   16. And yet I erred, O Lord God, the Creator and Disposer of all things
   in Nature,--but of sin the Disposer only,--I erred, O Lord my God, in
   doing contrary to the wishes of my parents and of those masters; for
   this learning which they (no matter for what motive) wished me to
   acquire, I might have put to good account afterwards. For I disobeyed
   them not because I had chosen a better way, but from a fondness for
   play, loving the honour of victory in the matches, and to have my ears
   tickled with lying fables, in order that they might itch the more
   furiously--the same curiosity beaming more and more in my eyes for the
   shows and sports of my elders. Yet those who give these entertainments
   are held in such high repute, that almost all desire the same for their
   children, whom they are still willing should be beaten, if so be these
   same games keep them from the studies by which they desire them to
   arrive at being the givers of them. Look down upon these things, O
   Lord, with compassion, and deliver us who now call upon Thee; deliver
   those also who do not call upon Thee, that they may call upon Thee, and
   that Thou mayest deliver them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--Seized by Disease, His Mother Being Troubled, He Earnestly
   Demands Baptism, Which on Recovery is Postponed--His Father Not as Yet
   Believing in Christ.

   17. Even as a boy I had heard of eternal life promised to us through
   the humility of the Lord our God condescending to our pride, and I was
   signed with the sign of the cross, and was seasoned with His salt [161]
   even from the womb of my mother, who greatly trusted in Thee. Thou
   sawest, O Lord, how at one time, while yet a boy, being suddenly seized
   with pains in the stomach, and being at the point of death--Thou
   sawest, O my God, for even then Thou wast my keeper, with what emotion
   of mind and with what faith I solicited from the piety of my mother,
   and of Thy Church, the mother of us all, the baptism of Thy Christ, my
   Lord and my God. On which, the mother of my flesh being much
   troubled,--since she, with a heart pure in Thy faith, travailed in
   birth [162] more lovingly for my eternal salvation,--would, had I not
   quickly recovered, have without delay provided for my initiation and
   washing by Thy life-giving sacraments, confessing Thee, O Lord Jesus,
   for the remission of sins. So my cleansing was deferred, as if I must
   needs, should I live, be further polluted; because, indeed, the guilt
   contracted by sin would, after baptism, be greater and more perilous.
   [163] Thus I at that time believed with my mother and the whole house,
   except my father; yet he did not overcome the influence of my mother's
   piety in me so as to prevent my believing in Christ, as he had not yet
   believed in Him. For she was desirous that Thou, O my God, shouldst be
   my Father rather than he; and in this Thou didst aid her to overcome
   her husband, to whom, though the better of the two, she yielded
   obedience, because in this she yielded obedience to Thee, who dost so
   command.

   18. I beseech Thee, my God, I would gladly know, if it be Thy will, to
   what end my baptism was then deferred? Was it for my good that the
   reins were slackened, as it were, upon me for me to sin? Or were they
   not slackened? If not, whence comes it that it is still dinned into our
   ears on all sides, "Let him alone, let him act as he likes, for he is
   not yet baptized"? But as regards bodily health, no one exclaims, "Let
   him be more seriously wounded, for he is not yet cured!" How much
   better, then, had it been for me to have been cured at once; and then,
   by my own and my friends' diligence, my soul's restored health had been
   kept safe in Thy keeping, who gavest it! Better, in truth. But how
   numerous and great waves of temptation appeared to hang over me after
   my childhood! These were foreseen by my mother; and she preferred that
   the unformed clay should be exposed to them rather than the image
   itself.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [161] "A rite in the Western churches, on admission as a catechumen,
   previous to baptism, denoting the purity and uncorruptedness and
   discretion required of Christians. See S. Aug. De Catechiz. rudib. c.
   26; Concil. Carth. 3, can. 5; and Liturgies in Assem. Cod. Liturg. t.
   i."--E. B. P. See also vi. 1, note, below.

   [162] Gal. iv. 19.

   [163] Baptism was in those days frequently (and for similar reasons to
   the above) postponed till the hour of death approached. The doctors of
   the Church endeavoured to discourage this, and persons baptized on a
   sick-bed ("clinically") were, if they recovered, looked on with
   suspicion. The Emperor Constantine was not baptized till the close of
   his life, and he is censured by Dr. Newman (Arians iii. sec. 1) for
   presuming to speak of questions which divided the Arians and the
   Orthodox as "unimportant," while he himself was both unbaptized and
   uninstructed. On the postponing of baptism with a view to unrestrained
   enjoyment of the world, and on the severity of the early Church towards
   sins committed after baptism, see Kaye's Tertullian, pp. 234-241.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--Being Compelled, He Gave His Attention to Learning; But
   Fully Acknowledges that This Was the Work of God.

   19. But in this my childhood (which was far less dreaded for me than
   youth) I had no love of learning, and hated to be forced to it, yet was
   I forced to it notwithstanding; and this was well done towards me, but
   I did not well, for I would not have learned had I not been compelled.
   For no man doth well against his will, even if that which he doth be
   well. Neither did they who forced me do well, but the good that was
   done to me came from Thee, my God. For they considered not in what way
   I should employ what they forced me to learn, unless to satisfy the
   inordinate desires of a rich beggary and a shameful glory. But Thou, by
   whom the very hairs of our heads are numbered, [164] didst use for my
   good the error of all who pressed me to learn; and my own error in
   willing not to learn, didst Thou make use of for my punishment--of
   which I, being so small a boy and so great a sinner, was not unworthy.
   Thus by the instrumentality of those who did not well didst Thou well
   for me; and by my own sin didst Thou justly punish me. For it is even
   as Thou hast appointed, that every inordinate affection should bring
   its own punishment. [165]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [164] Matt. x. 30.

   [165] See note, v. sec. 2, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--He Delighted in Latin Studies and the Empty Fables of
   the Poets, But Hated the Elements of Literature and the Greek Language.

   20. But what was the cause of my dislike of Greek literature, which I
   studied from my boyhood, I cannot even now understand. For the Latin I
   loved exceedingly--not what our first masters, but what the grammarians
   teach; for those primary lessons of reading, writing, and ciphering, I
   considered no less of a burden and a punishment than Greek. Yet whence
   was this unless from the sin and vanity of this life? for I was "but
   flesh, a wind that passeth away and cometh not again." [166] For those
   primary lessons were better, assuredly, because more certain; seeing
   that by their agency I acquired, and still retain, the power of reading
   what I find written, and writing myself what I will; whilst in the
   others I was compelled to learn about the wanderings of a certain
   Æneas, oblivious of my own, and to weep for Biab dead, because she slew
   herself for love; while at the same time I brooked with dry eyes my
   wretched self dying far from Thee, in the midst of those things, O God,
   my life.

   21. For what can be more wretched than the wretch who pities not
   himself shedding tears over the death of Dido for love of Æneas, but
   shedding no tears over his own death in not loving Thee, O God, light
   of my heart, and bread of the inner mouth of my soul, and the power
   that weddest my mind with my innermost thoughts? I did not love Thee,
   and committed fornication against Thee; and those around me thus
   sinning cried, "Well done! Well done!" For the friendship of this world
   is fornication against Thee; [167] and "Well done! Well done!" is cried
   until one feels ashamed not to be such a man. And for this I shed no
   tears, though I wept for Dido, who sought death at the sword's point,
   [168] myself the while seeking the lowest of Thy creatures--having
   forsaken Thee--earth tending to the earth; and if forbidden to read
   these things, how grieved would I feel that I was not permitted to read
   what grieved me. This sort of madness is considered a more honourable
   and more fruitful learning than that by which I learned to read and
   write.

   22. But now, O my God, cry unto my soul; and let Thy Truth say unto me,
   "It is not so; it is not so; better much was that first teaching." For
   behold, I would rather forget the wanderings of Æneas, and all such
   things, than how to write and read. But it is true that over the
   entrance of the grammar school there hangs a vail; [169] but this is
   not so much a sign of the majesty of the mystery, as of a covering for
   error. Let not them exclaim against me of whom I am no longer in fear,
   whilst I confess to Thee, my God, that which my soul desires, and
   acquiesce in reprehending my evil ways, that I may love Thy good ways.
   Neither let those cry out against me who buy or sell grammar-learning.
   For if I ask them whether it be true, as the poet says, that Æneas once
   came to Carthage, the unlearned will reply that they do not know, the
   learned will deny it to be true. But if I ask with what letters the
   name Æneas is written, all who have learnt this will answer truly, in
   accordance with the conventional understanding men have arrived at as
   to these signs. Again, if I should ask which, if forgotten, would cause
   the greatest inconvenience in our life, reading and writing, or these
   poetical fictions, who does not see what every one would answer who had
   not entirely forgotten himself? I erred, then, when as a boy I
   preferred those vain studies to those more profitable ones, or rather
   loved the one and hated the other. "One and one are two, two and two
   are four," this was then in truth a hateful song to me; while the
   wooden horse full of armed men, and the burning of Troy, and the
   "spectral image" of Creusa [170] were a most pleasant spectacle of
   vanity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [166] Ps. lxxviii. 39, and Jas. iv. 14.

   [167] Jas. iv. 4.

   [168] Æneìd, vi. 457.

   [169] "The vail' was an emblem of honour, used in places of worship,
   and subsequently in courts of law, emperors' palaces, and even private
   house. See Du Fresne and Hoffman sub v. That between the vestibule, or
   proscholium, and the school itself, besides being a mark of dignity,
   may, as St. Augustin perhaps implies, have been intended to denote the
   hidden mysteries taught therein, and that the mass of mankind were not
   fit hearers of truth."--E. B. P.

   [170] Æneìd, ii. 772.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--Why He Despised Greek Literature, and Easily Learned
   Latin.

   23. But why, then, did I dislike Greek learning which was full of like
   tales? [171] For Homer also was skilled in inventing similar stories,
   and is most sweetly vain, yet was he disagreeable to me as a boy. I
   believe Virgil, indeed, would be the same to Grecian children, if
   compelled to learn him, as I was Homer. The difficulty, in truth, the
   difficulty of learning a foreign language mingled as it were with gall
   all the sweetness of those fabulous Grecian stories. For not a single
   word of it did I understand, and to make me do so, they vehemently
   urged me with cruel threatenings and punishments. There was a time also
   when (as an infant) I knew no Latin; but this I acquired without any
   fear or tormenting, by merely taking notice, amid the blandishments of
   my nurses, the jests of those who smiled on me, and the sportiveness of
   those who toyed with me. I learnt all this, indeed, without being urged
   by any pressure of punishment, for my own heart urged me to bring forth
   its own conceptions, which I could not do unless by learning words, not
   of those who taught me, but of those who talked to me; into whose ears,
   also, I brought forth whatever I discerned. From this it is
   sufficiently clear that a free curiosity hath more influence in our
   learning these things than a necessity full of fear. But this last
   restrains the overflowings of that freedom, through Thy laws, O
   God,--Thy laws, from the ferule of the schoolmaster to the trials of
   the martyr, being effective to mingle for us a salutary bitter, calling
   us back to Thyself from the pernicious delights which allure us from
   Thee.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [171] Exaggerated statements have been made as to Augustin's deficiency
   in the knowledge of Greek. In this place it is clear that he simply
   alludes to a repugnance to learn a foreign language that has often been
   seen in boys since his day. It would seem equally clear from Bk. vii.
   sec. 13 (see also De Trin. iii. sec. 1), that when he could get a
   translation of a Greek book, he preferred it to one in the original
   language. Perhaps in this, again, he is not altogether singular. It is
   difficult to decide the exact extent of his knowledge, but those
   familiar with his writings can scarcely fail to be satisfied that he
   had a sufficient acquaintance with the language to correct his Italic
   version by the Greek Testament and the LXX., and that he was quite
   alive to the importance of such knowledge in an interpreter of
   Scripture. See also Con. Faust, xi. 2-4; and De Doctr. Christ. ii.
   11-15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XV.--He Entreats God, that Whatever Useful Things He Learned as
   a Boy May Be Dedicated to Him.

   24. Hear my prayer, O Lord; let not my soul faint under Thy discipline,
   nor let me faint in confessing unto Thee Thy mercies, whereby Thou hast
   saved me from all my most mischievous ways, that Thou mightest become
   sweet to me beyond all the seductions which I used to follow; and that
   I may love Thee entirely, and grasp Thy hand with my whole heart, and
   that Thou mayest deliver me from every temptation, even unto the end.
   For lo, O Lord, my King and my God, for Thy service be whatever useful
   thing I learnt as a boy--for Thy service what I speak, and write, and
   count. For when I learned vain things, Thou didst grant me Thy
   discipline; and my sin in taking delight in those vanities, Thou hast
   forgiven me. I learned, indeed, in them many useful words; but these
   may be learned in things not vain, and that is the safe way for youths
   to walk in.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVI.--He Disapproves of the Mode of Educating Youth, and He
   Points Out Why Wickedness is Attributed to the Gods by the Poets.

   25. But woe unto thee, thou stream of human custom! Who shall stay thy
   course? How long shall it be before thou art dried up? How long wilt
   thou carry down the sons of Eve into that huge and formidable ocean,
   which even they who are embarked on the cross (lignum) can scarce pass
   over? [172] Do I not read in thee of Jove the thunderer and adulterer?
   And the two verily he could not be; but it was that, while the
   fictitious thunder served as a cloak, he might have warrant to imitate
   real adultery. Yet which of our gowned masters can lend a temperate ear
   to a man of his school who cries out and says: "These were Homer's
   fictions; he transfers things human to the gods. I could have wished
   him to transfer divine things to us." [173] But it would have been more
   true had he said: "These are, indeed, his fictions, but he attributed
   divine attributes to sinful men, that crimes might not be accounted
   crimes, and that whosoever committed any might appear to imitate the
   celestial gods and not abandoned men."

   26. And yet, thou stream of hell, into thee are cast the sons of men,
   with rewards for learning these things; and much is made of it when
   this is going on in the forum in the sight of laws which grant a salary
   over and above the rewards. And thou beatest against thy rocks and
   roarest, saying, "Hence words are learnt; hence eloquence is to be
   attained, most necessary to persuade people to your way of thinking,
   and to unfold your opinions." So, in truth, we should never have
   understood these words, "golden shower," "bosom," "intrigue," "highest
   heavens," and other words written in the same place, unless Terence had
   introduced a good-for-nothing youth upon the stage, setting up Jove as
   his example of lewdness:--

   "Viewing a picture, where the tale was drawn,

   Of Jove's descending in a golden shower

   To Danaë's bosom . . . with a woman to intrigue."

   And see how he excites himself to lust, as if by celestial authority,
   when he says:--

   "Great Jove,

   Who shakes the highest heavens with his thunder,

   And I, poor mortal man, not do the same!

   I did it, and with all my heart I did it." [174]

   Not one whit more easily are the words learnt for this vileness, but by
   their means is the vileness perpetrated with more confidence. I do not
   blame the words, they being, as it were, choice and precious vessels,
   but the wine of error which was drunk in them to us by inebriated
   teachers; and unless we drank, we were beaten, without liberty of
   appeal to any sober judge. And yet, O my God,--in whose presence I can
   now with security recall this,--did I, unhappy one, learn these things
   willingly, and with delight, and for this was I called a boy of good
   promise. [175]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [172] So in Tract. II. on John, he has: "The sea has to be crossed, and
   dost thou despise the wood?" explaining it to mean the cross of Christ.
   And again: "Thou art not at all able to walk in the sea, be carried by
   a ship--be carried by the wood--believe on the Crucified," etc.

   [173] Cic. Tusc. i. 26.

   [174] Terence, Eunuch. Act 3, scene 6 (Colman).

   [175] Until very recently, the Eunuchus was recited at "the play" of at
   least one of our public schools. See De Civ. Dei, ii. secs. 7, 8, where
   Augustin again alludes to this matter.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVII.--He Continues on the Unhappy Method of Training Youth in
   Literary Subjects.

   27. Bear with me, my God, while I speak a little of those talents Thou
   hast bestowed upon me, and on what follies I wasted them. For a lesson
   sufficiently disquieting to my soul was given me, in hope of praise,
   and fear of shame or stripes, to speak the words of Juno, as she raged
   and sorrowed that she could not

   "Latium bar

   From all approaches of the Dardan king," [176]

   which I had heard Juno never uttered. Yet were we compelled to stray in
   the footsteps of these poetic fictions, and to turn that into prose
   which the poet had said in verse. And his speaking was most applauded
   in whom, according to the reputation of the persons delineated, the
   passions of anger and sorrow were most strikingly reproduced, and
   clothed in the most suitable language. But what is it to me, O my true
   Life, my God, that my declaiming was applauded above that of many who
   were my contemporaries and fellow-students? Behold, is not all this
   smoke and wind? Was there nothing else, too, on which I could exercise
   my wit and tongue? Thy praise, Lord, Thy praises might have supported
   the tendrils of my heart by Thy Scriptures; so had it not been dragged
   away by these empty trifles, a shameful prey of [177] the fowls of the
   air. For there is more than one way in which men sacrifice to the
   fallen angels.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [176] Æneìd, i. 36-75 (Kennedy).

   [177] See note on v. 4, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVIII.--Men Desire to Observe the Rules of Learning, But
   Neglect the Eternal Rules of Everlasting Safety.

   28. But what matter of surprise is it that I was thus carried towards
   vanity, and went forth from Thee, O my God, when men were proposed to
   me to imitate, who, should they in relating any acts of theirs--not in
   themselves evil--be guilty of a barbarism or solecism, when censured
   for it became confounded; but when they made a full and ornate oration,
   in well-chosen words, concerning their own licentiousness, and were
   applauded for it, they boasted? Thou seest this, O Lord, and keepest
   silence, "long-suffering, and plenteous in mercy and truth," [178] as
   Thou art. Wilt Thou keep silence for ever? And even now Thou drawest
   out of this vast deep the soul that seeketh Thee and thirsteth after
   Thy delights, whose "heart said unto Thee," I have sought Thy face,
   "Thy face, Lord, will I seek." [179] For I was far from Thy face,
   through my darkened [180] affections. For it is not by our feet, nor by
   change of place, that we either turn from Thee or return to Thee. Or,
   indeed, did that younger son look out for horses, or chariots, or
   ships, or fly away with visible wings, or journey by the motion of his
   limbs, that he might, in a far country, prodigally waste all that Thou
   gavest him when he set out? A kind Father when Thou gavest, and kinder
   still when he returned destitute! [181] So, then, in wanton, that is to
   say, in darkened affections, lies distance from Thy face.

   29. Behold, O Lord God, and behold patiently, as Thou art wont to do,
   how diligently the sons of men observe the conventional rules of
   letters and syllables, received from those who spoke prior to them, and
   yet neglect the eternal rules of everlasting salvation received from
   Thee, insomuch that he who practises or teaches the hereditary rules of
   pronunciation, if, contrary to grammatical usage, he should say,
   without aspirating the first letter, a uman being, will offend men more
   than if, in opposition to Thy commandments, he, a human being, were to
   hate a human being. As if, indeed, any man should feel that an enemy
   could be more destructive to him than that hatred with which he is
   excited against him, or that he could destroy more utterly him whom he
   persecutes than he destroys his own soul by his enmity. And of a truth,
   there is no science of letters more innate than the writing of
   conscience--that he is doing unto another what he himself would not
   suffer. How mysterious art Thou, who in silence "dwellest on high,"
   [182] Thou God, the only great, who by an unwearied law dealest out the
   punishment of blindness to illicit desires! When a man seeking for the
   reputation of eloquence stands before a human judge while a thronging
   multitude surrounds him, inveighs against his enemy with the most
   fierce hatred, he takes most vigilant heed that his tongue slips not
   into grammatical error, but takes no heed lest through the fury of his
   spirit he cut off a man from his fellow-men. [183]

   30. These were the customs in the midst of which I, unhappy boy, was
   cast, and on that arena it was that I was more fearful of perpetrating
   a barbarism than, having done so, of envying those who had not. These
   things I declare and confess unto Thee, my God, for which I was
   applauded by them whom I then thought it my whole duty to please, for I
   did not perceive the gulf of infamy wherein I was cast away from Thine
   eyes. [184] For in Thine eyes what was more infamous than I was
   already, displeasing even those like myself, deceiving with innumerable
   lies both tutor, and masters, and parents, from love of play, a desire
   to see frivolous spectacles, and a stage-stuck restlessness, to imitate
   them? Pilferings I committed from my parents' cellar and table, either
   enslaved by gluttony, or that I might have something to give to boys
   who sold me their play, who, though they sold it, liked it as well as I
   In this play, likewise, I often sought dishonest victories, I myself
   being conquered by the vain desire of pre-eminence. And what could I so
   little endure, or, if I detected it, censured I so violently, as the
   very things I did to others, and, when myself detected I was censured,
   preferred rather to quarrel than to yield? Is this the innocence of
   childhood? Nay, Lord, nay, Lord; I entreat Thy mercy, O my God. For
   these same sins, as we grow older, are transferred from governors and
   masters, from nuts, and balls, and sparrows, to magistrates and kings,
   to gold, and lands, and slaves, just as the rod is succeeded by more
   severe chastisements. It was, then, the stature of childhood that Thou,
   O our King, didst approve of as an emblem of humility when Thou saidst:
   "Of such is the kingdom of heaven." [185]

   31. But yet, O Lord, to Thee, most excellent and most good, Thou
   Architect and Governor of the universe, thanks had been due unto Thee,
   our God, even hadst Thou willed that I should not survive my boyhood.
   For I existed even then; I lived, and felt, and was solicitous about my
   own well-being,--a trace of that most mysterious unity [186] from
   whence I had my being; I kept watch by my inner sense over the
   wholeness of my senses, and in these insignificant pursuits, and also
   in my thoughts on things insignificant, I learnt to take pleasure in
   truth. I was averse to being deceived, I had a vigorous memory, was
   provided with the power of speech, was softened by friendship, shunned
   sorrow, meanness, ignorance. In such a being what was not wonderful and
   praiseworthy? But all these are gifts of my God; I did not give them to
   myself; and they are good, and all these constitute myself. Good, then,
   is He that made me, and He is my God; and before Him will I rejoice
   exceedingly for every good gift which, as a boy, I had. For in this lay
   my sin, that not in Him, but in His creatures--myself and the rest--I
   sought for pleasures, honours, and truths, falling thereby into
   sorrows, troubles, and errors. Thanks be to Thee, my joy, my pride, my
   confidence, my God--thanks be to Thee for Thy gifts; but preserve Thou
   them to me. For thus wilt Thou preserve me; and those things which Thou
   hast given me shall be developed and perfected, and I myself shall be
   with Thee, for from Thee is my being.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [178] Ps. lxxxvi. 15.

   [179] Ps. xxvii. 8.

   [180] Rom. i. 21.

   [181] Luke xv. 11-32.

   [182] Isa. xxxiii. 5.

   [183] Literally, "takes care not by a slip of the tongue to say inter
   hominibus, but takes no care lest hominem auferat ex hominibus."

   [184] Ps. xxxi. 22.

   [185] Matt. xix. 14. See i. sec. 11, note 3, above.

   [186] "To be is no other than to be one. In as far, therefore, as
   anything attains unity, in so far it is.' For unity worketh congruity
   and harmony, whereby things composite are in so far as they are; for
   things uncompounded are in themselves, because they are one; but things
   compounded imitate unity by the harmony of their parts, and, so far as
   they attain to unity, they are. Wherefore order and rule secure being,
   disorder tends to not being."--Aug. De Morib. Manich. c. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book II.

   ------------------------

   He advances to puberty, and indeed to the early part of the sixteenth
   year of his age, in which, having abandoned his studies, he indulged in
   lustful pleasures, and, with his companions, committed theft.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--He Deplores the Wickedness of His Youth.

   1. I Will now call to mind my past foulness, and the carnal corruptions
   of my soul, not because I love them, but that I may love Thee, O my
   God. For love of Thy love do I it, recalling, in the very bitterness of
   my remembrance, my most vicious ways, that Thou mayest grow sweet to
   me,--Thou sweetness without deception! Thou sweetness happy and
   assured!--and re-collecting myself out of that my dissipation, in which
   I was torn to pieces, while, turned away from Thee the One, I lost
   myself among many vanities. For I even longed in my youth formerly to
   be satisfied with worldly things, and I dared to grow wild again with
   various and shadowy loves; my form consumed away, [187] and I became
   corrupt in Thine eyes, pleasing myself, and eager to please in the eyes
   of men.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [187] Ps. xxxix. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--Stricken with Exceeding Grief, He Remembers the Dissolute
   Passions in Which, in His Sixteenth Year, He Used to Indulge.

   2. But what was it that I delighted in save to love and to be beloved?
   But I held it not in moderation, mind to mind, the bright path of
   friendship, but out of the dark concupiscence of the flesh and the
   effervescence of youth exhalations came forth which obscured and
   overcast my heart, so that I was unable to discern pure affection from
   unholy desire. Both boiled confusedly within me, and dragged away my
   unstable youth into the rough places of unchaste desires, and plunged
   me into a gulf of infamy. Thy anger had overshadowed me, and I knew it
   not. I was become deaf by the rattling of the chains of my mortality,
   the punishment for my soul's pride; and I wandered farther from Thee,
   and Thou didst "suffer" [188] me; and I was tossed to and fro, and
   wasted, and poured out, and boiled over in my fornications, and Thou
   didst hold Thy peace, O Thou my tardy joy! Thou then didst hold Thy
   peace, and I wandered still farther from Thee, into more and more
   barren seed-plots of sorrows, with proud dejection and restless
   lassitude.

   3. Oh for one to have regulated my disorder, and turned to my profit
   the fleeting beauties of the things around me, and fixed a bound to
   their sweetness, so that the tides of my youth might have spent
   themselves upon the conjugal shore, if so be they could not be
   tranquillized and satisfied within the object of a family, as Thy law
   appoints, O Lord,--who thus formest the offspring of our death, being
   able also with a tender hand to blunt the thorns which were excluded
   from Thy paradise! For Thy omnipotency is not far from us even when we
   are far from Thee, else in truth ought I more vigilantly to have given
   heed to the voice from the clouds: "Nevertheless, such shall have
   trouble in the flesh, but I spare you;" [189] and, "It is good for a
   man not to touch a woman;" [190] and, "He that is unmarried careth for
   the things that belong to the Lord, how he may please the Lord; but he
   that is married careth for the things that are of the world, how he may
   please his wife." [191] I should, therefore, have listened more
   attentively to these words, and, being severed "for the kingdom of
   heaven's sake," [192] I would with greater happiness have expected Thy
   embraces.

   4. But I, poor fool, seethed as does the sea, and, forsaking Thee,
   followed the violent course of my own stream, and exceeded all Thy
   limitations; nor did I escape Thy scourges. [193] For what mortal can
   do so? But Thou wert always by me, mercifully angry, and dashing with
   the bitterest vexations all my illicit pleasures, in order that I might
   seek pleasures free from vexation. But where I could meet with such
   except in Thee, O Lord, I could not find,--except in Thee, who teachest
   by sorrow, [194] and woundest us to heal us, and killest us that we may
   not die from Thee. [195] Where was I, and how far was I exiled from the
   delights of Thy house, in that sixteenth year of the age of my flesh,
   when the madness of lust--to the which human shamelessness granteth
   full freedom, although forbidden by Thy laws--held complete sway over
   me, and I resigned myself entirely to it? Those about me meanwhile took
   no care to save me from ruin by marriage, their sole care being that I
   should learn to make a powerful speech, and become a persuasive orator.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [188] Matt. xvii. 17.

   [189] 1 Cor. vii. 28.

   [190] 1 Cor. vii. 1.

   [191] 1 Cor. vii. 32, 33.

   [192] Matt. xix. 12.

   [193] Isa. x. 26.

   [194] Deut. xxxii. 39.

   [195] Ps. xciii. 20, Vulg. "Lit. Formest trouble in or as a precept.'
   Thou makest to us a precept out of trouble, so that trouble itself
   shall be a precept to us, i.e. hast willed so to discipline and
   instruct those Thy sons, that they should not be without fear, lest
   they should love something else, and forget Thee, their true good."--S.
   Aug. ad loc.--E. B. P.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--Concerning His Father, a Freeman of Thagaste, the
   Assister of His Son's Studies, and on the Admonitions of His Mother on
   the Preservation of Chastity.

   5. And for that year my studies were intermitted, while after my return
   from Madaura [196] (a neighbouring city, whither I had begun to go in
   order to learn grammar and rhetoric), the expenses for a further
   residence at Carthage were provided for me; and that was rather by the
   determination than the means of my father, who was but a poor freeman
   of Thagaste. To whom do I narrate this? Not unto Thee, my God; but
   before Thee unto my own kind, even to that small part of the human race
   who may chance to light upon these my writings. And to what end? That I
   and all who read the same may reflect out of what depths we are to cry
   unto Thee. [197] For what cometh nearer to Thine ears than a confessing
   heart and a life of faith? For who did not extol and praise my father,
   in that he went even beyond his means to supply his son with all the
   necessaries for a far journey for the sake of his studies? For many far
   richer citizens did not the like for their children. But yet this same
   father did not trouble himself how I grew towards Thee, nor how chaste
   I was, so long as I was skilful in speaking--however barren I was to
   Thy tilling, O God, who art the sole true and good Lord of my heart,
   which is Thy field.

   6. But while, in that sixteenth year of my age, I resided with my
   parents, having holiday from school for a time (this idleness being
   imposed upon me by my parents' necessitous circumstances), the thorns
   of lust grew rank over my head, and there was no hand to pluck them
   out. Moreover when my father, seeing me at the baths, perceived that I
   was becoming a man, and was stirred with a restless youthfulness, he,
   as if from this anticipating future descendants, joyfully told it to my
   mother; rejoicing in that intoxication wherein the world so often
   forgets Thee, its Creator, and falls in love with Thy creature instead
   of Thee, from the invisible wine of its own perversity turning and
   bowing down to the most infamous things. But in my mother's breast Thou
   hadst even now begun Thy temple, and the commencement of Thy holy
   habitation, whereas my father was only a catechumen as yet, and that
   but recently. She then started up with a pious fear and trembling; and,
   although I had not yet been baptized, [198] she feared those crooked
   ways in which they walk who turn their back to Thee, and not their
   face. [199]

   7. Woe is me! and dare I affirm that Thou heldest Thy peace, O my God,
   while I strayed farther from Thee? Didst Thou then hold Thy peace to
   me? And whose words were they but Thine which by my mother, Thy
   faithful handmaid, Thou pouredst into my ears, none of which sank into
   my heart to make me do it? For she desired, and I remember privately
   warned me, with great solicitude, "not to commit fornication; but above
   all things never to defile another man's wife." These appeared to me
   but womanish counsels, which I should blush to obey. But they were
   Thine, and I knew it not, and I thought that Thou heldest Thy peace,
   and that it was she who spoke, through whom Thou heldest not Thy peace
   to me, and in her person wast despised by me, her son, "the son of Thy
   handmaid, Thy servant." [200] But this I knew not; and rushed on
   headlong with such blindness, that amongst my equals I was ashamed to
   be less shameless, when I heard them pluming themselves upon their
   disgraceful acts, yea, and glorying all the more in proportion to the
   greatness of their baseness; and I took pleasure in doing it, not for
   the pleasure's sake only, but for the praise. What is worthy of
   dispraise but vice? But I made myself out worse than I was, in order
   that I might not be dispraised; and when in anything I had not sinned
   as the abandoned ones, I would affirm that I had done what I had not,
   that I might not appear abject for being more innocent, or of less
   esteem for being more chaste.

   8. Behold with what companions I walked the streets of Babylon, in
   whose filth I was rolled, as if in cinnamon and precious ointments. And
   that I might cleave the more tenaciously to its very centre, my
   invisible enemy trod me down, and seduced me, I being easily seduced.
   Nor did the mother of my flesh, although she herself had ere this fled
   "out of the midst of Babylon," [201] --progressing, however, but slowly
   in the skirts of it,--in counselling me to chastity, so bear in mind
   what she had been told about me by her husband as to restrain in the
   limits of conjugal affection (if it could not be cut away to the quick)
   what she knew to be destructive in the present and dangerous in the
   future. But she took no heed of this, for she was afraid lest a wife
   should prove a hindrance and a clog to my hopes. Not those hopes of the
   future world, which my mother had in Thee; but the hope of learning,
   which both my parents were too anxious that I should acquire,--he,
   because he had little or no thought of Thee, and but vain thoughts for
   me--she, because she calculated that those usual courses of learning
   would not only be no drawback, but rather a furtherance towards my
   attaining Thee. For thus I conjecture, recalling as well as I can the
   dispositions of my parents. The reins, meantime, were slackened towards
   me beyond the restraint of due severity, that I might play, yea, even
   to dissoluteness, in whatsoever I fancied. And in all there was a mist,
   shutting out from my sight the brightness of Thy truth, O my God; and
   my iniquity displayed itself as from very "fatness." [202]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [196] "Formerly an episcopal city: now a small village. At this time
   the inhabitants were heathen. St. Augustin calls them his fathers,' in
   a letter persuading them to embrace the gospel.--Ep. 232."--E. B. P.

   [197] Ps. cxxx. 1.

   [198] Nondum fideli, not having rehearsed the articles of the Christian
   faith at baptism. See i. sec. 17, note, above; and below, sec. 1, note.

   [199] Jer. ii. 27.

   [200] Ps. cxvi. 16.

   [201] Jer. li. 6.

   [202] Ps. lxxiii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--He Commits Theft with His Companions, Not Urged on by
   Poverty, But from a Certain Distaste of Well-Doing.

   9. Theft is punished by Thy law, O Lord, and by the law written in
   men's hearts, which iniquity itself cannot blot out. For what thief
   will suffer a thief? Even a rich thief will not suffer him who is
   driven to it by want. Yet had I a desire to commit robbery, and did so,
   compelled neither by hunger, nor poverty through a distaste for
   well-doing, and a lustiness of iniquity. For I pilfered that of which I
   had already sufficient, and much better. Nor did I desire to enjoy what
   I pilfered, but the theft and sin itself. There was a pear-tree close
   to our vineyard, heavily laden with fruit, which was tempting neither
   for its colour nor its flavour. To shake and rob this some of us wanton
   young fellows went, late one night (having, according to our
   disgraceful habit, prolonged our games in the streets until then), and
   carried away great loads, not to eat ourselves, but to fling to the
   very swine, having only eaten some of them; and to do this pleased us
   all the more because it was not permitted. Behold my heart, O my God;
   behold my heart, which Thou hadst pity upon when in the bottomless pit.
   Behold, now, let my heart tell Thee what it was seeking there, that I
   should be gratuitously wanton, having no inducement to evil but the
   evil itself. It was foul, and I loved it. I loved to perish. I loved my
   own error--not that for which I erred, but the error itself. Base soul,
   falling from Thy firmament to utter destruction--not seeking aught
   through the shame but the shame itself!
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--Concerning the Motives to Sin, Which are Not in the Love of
   Evil, But in the Desire of Obtaining the Property of Others.

   10. There is a desirableness in all beautiful bodies, and in gold, and
   silver, and all things; and in bodily contact sympathy is powerful, and
   each other sense hath his proper adaptation of body. Worldly honour
   hath also its glory, and the power of command, and of overcoming;
   whence proceeds also the desire for revenge. And yet to acquire all
   these, we must not depart from Thee, O Lord, nor deviate from Thy law.
   The life which we live here hath also its peculiar attractiveness,
   through a certain measure of comeliness of its own, and harmony with
   all things here below. The friendships of men also are endeared by a
   sweet bond, in the oneness of many souls. On account of all these, and
   such as these, is sin committed; while through an inordinate preference
   for these goods of a lower kind, the better and higher are
   neglected,--even Thou, our Lord God, Thy truth, and Thy law. For these
   meaner things have their delights, but not like unto my God, who hath
   created all things; for in Him doth the righteous delight, and He is
   the sweetness of the upright in heart. [203]

   11. When, therefore, we inquire why a crime was committed, we do not
   believe it, unless it appear that there might have been the wish to
   obtain some of those which we designated meaner things, or else a fear
   of losing them. For truly they are beautiful and comely, although in
   comparison with those higher and celestial goods they be abject and
   contemptible. A man hath murdered another; what was his motive? He
   desired his wife or his estate; or would steal to support himself; or
   he was afraid of losing something of the kind by him; or, being
   injured, he was burning to be revenged. Would he commit murder without
   a motive, taking delight simply in the act of murder? Who would credit
   it? For as for that savage and brutal man, of whom it is declared that
   he was gratuitously wicked and cruel, there is yet a motive assigned.
   "Lest through idleness," he says, "hand or heart should grow inactive."
   [204] And to what purpose? Why, even that, having once got possession
   of the city through that practice of wickedness, he might attain unto
   honours, empire, and wealth, and be exempt from the fear of the laws,
   and his difficult circumstances from the needs of his family, and the
   consciousness of his own wickedness. So it seems that even Catiline
   himself loved not his own villanies, but something else, which gave him
   the motive for committing them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [203] Ps. lxiv. 10.

   [204] Sallust, De Bello Catil. c. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--Why He Delighted in that Theft, When All Things Which
   Under the Appearance of Good Invite to Vice are True and Perfect in God
   Alone.

   12. What was it, then, that I, miserable one, so doted on in thee, thou
   theft of mine, thou deed of darkness, in that sixteenth year of my age?
   Beautiful thou wert not, since thou wert theft. But art thou anything,
   that so I may argue the case with thee? Those pears that we stole were
   fair to the sight, because they were Thy creation, Thou fairest [205]
   of all, Creator of all, Thou good God--God, the highest good, and my
   true good. Those pears truly were pleasant to the sight; but it was not
   for them that my miserable soul lusted, for I had abundance of better,
   but those I plucked simply that I might steal. For, having plucked
   them, I threw them away, my sole gratification in them being my own
   sin, which I was pleased to enjoy. For if any of these pears entered my
   mouth, the sweetener of it was my sin in eating it. And now, O Lord my
   God, I ask what it was in that theft of mine that caused me such
   delight; and behold it hath no beauty in it--not such, I mean, as
   exists in justice and wisdom; nor such as is in the mind, memory,
   senses, and animal life of man; nor yet such as is the glory and beauty
   of the stars in their courses; or the earth, or the sea, teeming with
   incipient life, to replace, as it is born, that which decayeth; nor,
   indeed, that false and shadowy beauty which pertaineth to deceptive
   vices.

   13. For thus doth pride imitate high estate, whereas Thou alone art
   God, high above all. And what does ambition seek but honours and
   renown, whereas Thou alone art to be honoured above all, and renowned
   for evermore? The cruelty of the powerful wishes to be feared; but who
   is to be feared but God only, [206] out of whose power what can be
   forced away or withdrawn--when, or where, or whither, or by whom? The
   enticements of the wanton would fain be deemed love; and yet is naught
   more enticing than Thy charity, nor is aught loved more healthfully
   than that, Thy truth, bright and beautiful above all. Curiosity affects
   a desire for knowledge, whereas it is Thou who supremely knowest all
   things. Yea, ignorance and foolishness themselves are concealed under
   the names of ingenuousness and harmlessness, because nothing can be
   found more ingenuous than Thou; and what is more harmless, since it is
   a sinner's own works by which he is harmed? [207] And sloth seems to
   long for rest; but what sure rest is there besides the Lord? Luxury
   would fain be called plenty and abundance; but Thou art the fulness and
   unfailing plenteousness of unfading joys. Prodigality presents a shadow
   of liberality; but Thou art the most lavish giver of all good.
   Covetousness desires to possess much; and Thou art the Possessor of all
   things. Envy contends for excellence; but what so excellent as Thou?
   Anger seeks revenge; who avenges more justly than Thou? Fear starts at
   unwonted and sudden chances which threaten things beloved, and is wary
   for their security; but what can happen that is unwonted or sudden to
   Thee? or who can deprive Thee of what Thou lovest? or where is there
   unshaken security save with Thee? Grief languishes for things lost in
   which desire had delighted itself, even because it would have nothing
   taken from it, as nothing can be from Thee.

   14. Thus doth the soul commit fornication when she turns away from
   Thee, and seeks without Thee what she cannot find pure and untainted
   until she returns to Thee. Thus all pervertedly imitate Thee who
   separate themselves far from Thee [208] and raise themselves up against
   Thee. But even by thus imitating Thee they acknowledge Thee to be the
   Creator of all nature, and so that there is no place whither they can
   altogether retire from Thee. [209] What, then, was it that I loved in
   that theft? And wherein did I, even corruptedly and pervertedly,
   imitate my Lord? Did I wish, if only by artifice, to act contrary to
   Thy law, because by power I could not, so that, being a captive, I
   might imitate an imperfect liberty by doing with impunity things which
   I was not allowed to do, in obscured likeness of Thy omnipotency? [210]
   Behold this servant of Thine, fleeing from his Lord, and following a
   shadow! [211] O rottenness! O monstrosity of life and profundity of
   death! Could I like that which was unlawful only because it was
   unlawful?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [205] Ps. xlv. 2.

   [206] Ps. lxxvi. 7.

   [207] Ps. vii. 15.

   [208] Ps. vii. 15.

   [209] Ps. cxxxix. 7, 8.

   [210] "For even souls, in their very sins, strive after nothing else
   but some kind of likeness of God, in a proud and preposterous, and, so
   to say, slavish liberty. So neither could our first parents have been
   persuaded to sin unless it had been said, Ye shall be as gods.'"--Aug.
   De Trin. xi. 5.

   [211] Jonah i. and iv.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--He Gives Thanks to God for the Remission of His Sins, and
   Reminds Every One that the Supreme God May Have Preserved Us from
   Greater Sins.

   15. "What shall I render unto the Lord," [212] that whilst my memory
   recalls these things my soul is not appalled at them? I will love Thee,
   O Lord, and thank Thee, and confess unto Thy name, [213] because Thou
   hast put away from me these so wicked and nefarious acts of mine. To
   Thy grace I attribute it, and to Thy mercy, that Thou hast melted away
   my sin as it were ice. To Thy grace also I attribute whatsoever of evil
   I have not committed; for what might I not have committed, loving as I
   did the sin for the sin's sake? Yea, all I confess to have been
   pardoned me, both those which I committed by my own perverseness, and
   those which, by Thy guidance, I committed not. Where is he who,
   reflecting upon his own infirmity, dares to ascribe his chastity and
   innocency to his own strength, so that he should love Thee the less, as
   if he had been in less need of Thy mercy, whereby Thou dost forgive the
   transgressions of those that turn to Thee? For whosoever, called by
   Thee, obeyed Thy voice, and shunned those things which he reads me
   recalling and confessing of myself, let him not despise me, who, being
   sick, was healed by that same Physician [214] by whose aid it was that
   he was not sick, or rather was less sick. And for this let him love
   Thee as much, yea, all the more, since by whom he sees me to have been
   restored from so great a feebleness of sin, by Him he sees himself from
   a like feebleness to have been preserved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [212] Ps. cxvi. 12.

   [213] Rev. iii. 5.

   [214] Luke iv. 23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--In His Theft He Loved the Company of His Fellow-Sinners.

   16. "What fruit had I then," [215] wretched one, in those things which,
   when I remember them, cause me shame--above all in that theft, which I
   loved only for the theft's sake? And as the theft itself was nothing,
   all the more wretched was I who loved it. Yet by myself alone I would
   not have done it--I recall what my heart was--alone I could not have
   done it. I loved, then, in it the companionship of my accomplices with
   whom I did it. I did not, therefore, love the theft alone--yea, rather,
   it was that alone that I loved, for the companionship was nothing. What
   is the fact? Who is it that can teach me, but He who illuminateth mine
   heart and searcheth out the dark corners thereof? What is it that hath
   come into my mind to inquire about, to discuss, and to reflect upon?
   For had I at that time loved the pears I stole, and wished to enjoy
   them, I might have done so alone, if I could have been satisfied with
   the mere commission of the theft by which my pleasure was secured; nor
   needed I have provoked that itching of my own passions, by the
   encouragement of accomplices. But as my enjoyment was not in those
   pears, it was in the crime itself, which the company of my
   fellow-sinners produced.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [215] Rom. vi. 21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--It Was a Pleasure to Him Also to Laugh When Seriously
   Deceiving Others.

   17. By what feelings, then, was I animated? For it was in truth too
   shameful; and woe was me who had it. But still what was it? "Who can
   understand his errors?" [216] We laughed, because our hearts were
   tickled at the thought of deceiving those who little imagined what we
   were doing, and would have vehemently disapproved of it. Yet, again,
   why did I so rejoice in this, that I did it not alone? Is it that no
   one readily laughs alone? No one does so readily; but yet sometimes,
   when men are alone by themselves, nobody being by, a fit of laughter
   overcomes them when anything very droll presents itself to their senses
   or mind. Yet alone I would not have done it--alone I could not at all
   have done it. Behold, my God, the lively recollection of my soul is
   laid bare before Thee--alone I had not committed that theft, wherein
   what I stole pleased me not, but rather the act of stealing; nor to
   have done it alone would I have liked so well, neither would I have
   done it. O Friendship too unfriendly! thou mysterious seducer of the
   soul, thou greediness to do mischief out of mirth and wantonness, thou
   craving for others' loss, without desire for my own profit or revenge;
   but when they say, "Let us go, let us do it," we are ashamed not to be
   shameless.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [216] Ps. xix. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--With God There is True Rest and Life Unchanging.

   18. Who can unravel that twisted and tangled knottiness? It is foul. I
   hate to reflect on it. I hate to look on it. But thee do I long for, O
   righteousness and innocency, fair and comely to all virtuous eyes, and
   of a satisfaction that never palls! With thee is perfect rest, and life
   unchanging. He who enters into thee enters into the joy of his Lord,
   [217] and shall have no fear, and shall do excellently in the most
   Excellent. I sank away from Thee, O my God, and I wandered too far from
   Thee, my stay, in my youth, and became to myself an unfruitful land.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [217] Matt. xxv. 21.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book III.

   ------------------------

   Of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth years of his age, passed
   at Carthage, when, having completed his course of studies, he is caught
   in the snares of a licentious passion, and falls into the errors of the
   Manichæans.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--Deluded by an Insane Love, He, Though Foul and
   Dishonourable, Desires to Be Thought Elegant and Urbane.

   1. To Carthage I came, where a cauldron of unholy loves bubbled up all
   around me. I loved not as yet, yet I loved to love; and with a hidden
   want, I abhorred myself that I wanted not. I searched about for
   something to love, in love with loving, and hating security, and a way
   not beset with snares. For within me I had a dearth of that inward
   food, Thyself, my God, though that dearth caused me no hunger; but I
   remained without all desire for incorruptible food, not because I was
   already filled thereby, but the more empty I was the more I loathed it.
   For this reason my soul was far from well, and, full of ulcers, it
   miserably cast itself forth, craving to be excited by contact with
   objects of sense. Yet, had these no soul, they would not surely inspire
   love. To love and to be loved was sweet to me, and all the more when I
   succeeded in enjoying the person I loved. I befouled, therefore, the
   spring of friendship with the filth of concupiscence, and I dimmed its
   lustre with the hell of lustfulness; and yet, foul and dishonourable as
   I was, I craved, through an excess of vanity, to be thought elegant and
   urbane. I fell precipitately, then, into the love in which I longed to
   be ensnared. My God, my mercy, with how much bitterness didst Thou, out
   of Thy infinite goodness, besprinkle for me that sweetness! For I was
   both beloved, and secretly arrived at the bond of enjoying; and was
   joyfully bound with troublesome ties, that I might be scourged with the
   burning iron rods of jealousy, suspicion, fear, anger, and strife.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--In Public Spectacles He is Moved by an Empty Compassion.
   He is Attacked by a Troublesome Spiritual Disease.

   2. Stage-plays also drew me away, full of representations of my
   miseries and of fuel to my fire. [218] Why does man like to be made sad
   when viewing doleful and tragical scenes, which yet he himself would by
   no means suffer? And yet he wishes, as a spectator, to experience from
   them a sense of grief, and in this very grief his pleasure consists.
   What is this but wretched insanity? For a man is more affected with
   these actions, the less free he is from such affections. Howsoever,
   when he suffers in his own person, it is the custom to style it
   "misery" but when he compassionates others, then it is styled "mercy."
   [219] But what kind of mercy is it that arises from fictitious and
   scenic passions? The hearer is not expected to relieve, but merely
   invited to grieve; and the more he grieves, the more he applauds the
   actor of these fictions. And if the misfortunes of the characters
   (whether of olden times or merely imaginary) be so represented as not
   to touch the feelings of the spectator, he goes away disgusted and
   censorious; but if his feelings be touched, he sits it out attentively,
   and sheds tears of joy.

   3. Are sorrows, then, also loved? Surely all men desire to rejoice? Or,
   as man wishes to be miserable, is he, nevertheless, glad to be
   merciful, which, because it cannot exist without passion, for this
   cause alone are passions loved? This also is from that vein of
   friendship. But whither does it go? Whither does it flow? Wherefore
   runs it into that torrent of pitch, [220] seething forth those huge
   tides of loathsome lusts into which it is changed and transformed,
   being of its own will cast away and corrupted from its celestial
   clearness? Shall, then, mercy be repudiated? By no means. Let us,
   therefore, love sorrows sometimes. But beware of uncleanness, O my
   soul, under the protection of my God, the God of our fathers, who is to
   be praised and exalted above all for ever, [221] beware of uncleanness.
   For I have not now ceased to have compassion; but then in the theatres
   I sympathized with lovers when they sinfully enjoyed one another,
   although this was done fictitiously in the play. And when they lost one
   another, I grieved with them, as if pitying them, and yet had delight
   in both. But now-a-days I feel much more pity for him that delighteth
   in his wickedness, than for him who is counted as enduring hardships by
   failing to obtain some pernicious pleasure, and the loss of some
   miserable felicity. This, surely, is the truer mercy, but grief hath no
   delight in it. For though he that condoles with the unhappy be approved
   for his office of charity, yet would he who had real compassion rather
   there were nothing for him to grieve about. For if goodwill be
   ill-willed (which it cannot), then can he who is truly and sincerely
   commiserating wish that there should be some unhappy ones, that he
   might commiserate them. Some grief may then be justified, none loved.
   For thus dost Thou, O Lord God, who lovest souls far more purely than
   do we, and art more incorruptibly compassionate, although Thou art
   wounded by no sorrow. "And who is sufficient for these things?" [222]

   4. But I, wretched one, then loved to grieve, and sought out what to
   grieve at, as when, in another man's misery, though reigned and
   counterfeited, that delivery of the actor best pleased me, and
   attracted me the most powerfully, which moved me to tears. What marvel
   was it that an unhappy sheep, straying from Thy flock, and impatient of
   Thy care, I became infected with a foul disease? And hence came my love
   of griefs--not such as should probe me too deeply, for I loved not to
   suffer such things as I loved to look upon, but such as, when hearing
   their fictions, should lightly affect the surface; upon which, like as
   with empoisoned nails, followed burning, swelling, putrefaction, and
   horrible corruption. Such was my life! But was it life, O my God?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [218] The early Fathers strongly reprobated stage-plays, and those who
   went to them were excluded from baptism. This is not to be wondered at,
   when we learn that "even the laws of Rome prohibited actors from being
   enrolled as citizens" (De Civ. Dei, ii. 14), and that they were
   accounted infamous (Tertullian, De Spectac. sec. xxii.). See also
   Tertullian, De Pudicitia, c. vii.

   [219] See i. 9, note, above.

   [220] An allusion, probably, as Watts suggests, to the sea of Sodom,
   which, according to Tacitus (Hist. book v.), throws up bitumen "at
   stated seasons of the year." Tacitus likewise alludes to its
   pestiferous odour, and to its being deadly to birds and fish. See also
   Gen. xiv. 3, 10.

   [221] Song of the Three Holy Children, verse 3.

   [222] 2 Cor. ii. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--Not Even When at Church Does He Suppress His Desires. In
   the School of Rhetoric He Abhors the Acts of the Subverters.

   5. And Thy faithful mercy hovered over me afar. Upon what unseemly
   iniquities did I wear myself out, following a sacrilegious curiosity,
   that, having deserted Thee, it might drag me into the treacherous
   abyss, and to the beguiling obedience of devils, unto whom I immolated
   my wicked deeds, and in all which Thou didst scourge me! I dared, even
   while Thy solemn rites were being celebrated within the walls of Thy
   church, to desire, and to plan a business sufficient to procure me the
   fruits of death; for which Thou chastisedst me with grievous
   punishments, but nothing in comparison with my fault, O Thou my
   greatest mercy, my God, my refuge from those terrible hurts, among
   which I wandered with presumptuous neck, receding farther from Thee,
   loving my own ways, and not Thine--loving a vagrant liberty.

   6. Those studies, also, which were accounted honourable, were directed
   towards the courts of law; to excel in which, the more crafty I was,
   the more I should be praised. Such is the blindness of men, that they
   even glory in their blindness. And now I was head in the School of
   Rhetoric, whereat I rejoiced proudly, and became inflated with
   arrogance, though more sedate, O Lord, as Thou knowest, and altogether
   removed from the subvertings of those "subverters" [223] (for this
   stupid and diabolical name was held to be the very brand of gallantry)
   amongst whom I lived, with an impudent shamefacedness that I was not
   even as they were. And with them I was, and at times I was delighted
   with their friendship whose acts I ever abhorred, that is, their
   "subverting," wherewith they insolently attacked the modesty of
   strangers, which they disturbed by uncalled for jeers, gratifying
   thereby their mischievous mirth. Nothing can more nearly resemble the
   actions of devils than these. By what name, therefore, could they be
   more truly called than "subverters"?--being themselves subverted first,
   and altogether perverted--being secretly mocked at and seduced by the
   deceiving spirits, in what they themselves delight to jeer at and
   deceive others.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [223] Eversores. "These for their boldness were like our Roarers,' and
   for their jeering like the worser sort of those that would be called
   The Wits.'"--W. W. "This appears to have been a name which a pestilent
   and savage set of persons gave themselves, licentious alike in speech
   and action. Augustin names them again, De Vera Relig. c. 40; Ep. 185 ad
   Bonifac. c. 4; and below, v. c. 12; whence they seemed to have
   consisted mainly of Carthaginian students, whose savage life is
   mentioned again, ib. c. 8."--E. B. P.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--In the Nineteenth Year of His Age (His Father Having Died
   Two Years Before) He is Led by the "Hortensius" Of Cicero to
   "Philosophy," To God, and a Better Mode of Thinking.

   7. Among such as these, at that unstable period of my life, I studied
   books of eloquence, wherein I was eager to be eminent from a damnable
   and inflated purpose, even a delight in human vanity. In the ordinary
   course of study, I lighted upon a certain book of Cicero, whose
   language, though not his heart, almost all admire. This book of his
   contains an exhortation to philosophy, and is called Hortensius. This
   book, in truth, changed my affections, and turned my prayers to
   Thyself, O Lord, and made me have other hopes and desires. Worthless
   suddenly became every vain hope to me; and, with an incredible warmth
   of heart, I yearned for an immortality of wisdom, [224] and began now
   to arise [225] that I might return to Thee. Not, then, to improve my
   language--which I appeared to be purchasing with my mother's means, in
   that my nineteenth year, my father having died two years before--not to
   improve my language did I have recourse to that book; nor did it
   persuade me by its style, but its matter.

   8. How ardent was I then, my God, how ardent to fly from earthly things
   to Thee! Nor did I know how Thou wouldst deal with me. For with Thee is
   wisdom. In Greek the love of wisdom is called "philosophy," [226] with
   which that book inflamed me. There be some who seduce through
   philosophy, under a great, and alluring, and honourable name colouring
   and adorning their own errors. And almost all who in that and former
   times were such, are in that book censured and pointed out. There is
   also disclosed that most salutary admonition of Thy Spirit, by Thy good
   and pious servant: "Beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy
   and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the
   world, and not after Christ: for in Him dwelleth all the fulness of the
   Godhead bodily." [227] And since at that time (as Thou, O Light of my
   heart, knowest) the words of the apostle were unknown to me, I was
   delighted with that exhortation, in so far only as I was thereby
   stimulated, and enkindled, and inflamed to love, seek, obtain, hold,
   and embrace, not this or that sect, but wisdom itself, whatever it
   were; and this alone checked me thus ardent, that the name of Christ
   was not in it. For this name, according to Thy mercy, O Lord, this name
   of my Saviour Thy Son, had my tender heart piously drunk in, deeply
   treasured even with my mother's milk; and whatsoever was without that
   name, though never so erudite, polished, and truthful, took not
   complete hold of me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [224] Up to the time of Cicero the Romans employed the term sapientia
   for philosophia (Monboddo's Ancient Metaphys. i. 5). It is interesting
   to watch the effect of the philosophy in which they had been trained on
   the writings of some of the Fathers. Even Justin Martyr, the first
   after the "Apostolic," has traces of this influence. See the account of
   his search for "wisdom," and conversion, in his Dialogue with Trypho,
   ii. and iii.

   [225] Luke xv. 18.

   [226] See above, note 1.

   [227] Col. ii. 8, 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--He Rejects the Sacred Scriptures as Too Simple, and as Not
   to Be Compared with the Dignity of Tully.

   9. I resolved, therefore, to direct my mind to the Holy Scriptures,
   that I might see what they were. And behold, I perceive something not
   comprehended by the proud, not disclosed to children, but lowly as you
   approach, sublime as you advance, and veiled in mysteries; and I was
   not of the number of those who could enter into it, or bend my neck to
   follow its steps. For not as when now I speak did I feel when I tuned
   towards those Scriptures, [228] but they appeared to me to be unworthy
   to be compared with the dignity of Tully; for my inflated pride shunned
   their style, nor could the sharpness of my wit pierce their inner
   meaning. [229] Yet, truly, were they such as would develope in little
   ones; but I scorned to be a little one, and, swollen with pride, I
   looked upon myself as a great one.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [228] In connection with the opinion Augustin formed of the Scriptures
   before and after his conversion, it is interesting to recall Fénélon's
   glowing description of the literary merit of the Bible. The whole
   passage might well be quoted did space permit:--"L'Ecriture surpasse en
   naïveté, en vivacité, en grandeur, tous les écrivains de Rome et de la
   Grèce. Jamais Homère même n'a approché de la sublimité de Moïse dans
   ses cantiques....Jamais nulle ode Grecque ou Latine n'a pu atteindre à
   la hauteur des Psaumes....Jamais Homerè ni aucun autre poëte n'a égalé
   Isaïe peignant la majesté de Dieu....Tantôt ce prophète à toute la
   douceur et toute la tendresse d'une églogue, dans les riantes peintures
   qu'il fait de la paix, tantôt il s'élève jusqu' à laisser tout
   au-dessous de lui. Mais qu'y a-t-il, dans l'antiquité profane, de
   comparable au tendre Jérémie, déplorant les maux de son peuple; ou à
   Nahum, voyant de loin, en esprit, tomber la superbe Ninive sous les
   efforts d'une armée innombrable? On croit voir cette armée, ou croit
   entendre le bruit des armes et des chariots; tout est dépeint d'une
   manière vive qui saisit l'imagination; il laisse Homère loin derrière
   lui....Enfin, il y a autant de différence entre les poëtes profanes et
   les prophètes, qu'il y en a entre le véritable enthousiasme et le
   faux."--Sur l' Eloq. de la Chaire, Dial. iii.

   [229] That is probably the "spiritual" meaning on which Ambrose (vi. 6,
   below) laid so much emphasis. How different is the attitude of mind
   indicated in xi. 3 from the spiritual pride which beset him at this
   period of his life! When converted he became as a little child, and
   ever looked to God as a Father, from whom he must receive both light
   and strength. He speaks, on Ps. cxlvi., of the Scriptures, which were
   plain to "the little ones," being obscured to the mocking spirit of the
   Manichæans. See also below, iii. 14, note.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--Deceived by His Own Fault, He Falls into the Errors of the
   Manichæans, Who Gloried in the True Knowledge of God and in a Thorough
   Examination of Things.

   10. Therefore I fell among men proudly raving, very carnal, and
   voluble, in whose mouths were the snares of the devil--the birdlime
   being composed of a mixture of the syllables of Thy name, and of our
   Lord Jesus Christ, and of the Paraclete, the Holy Ghost, the Comforter.
   [230] These names departed not out of their mouths, but so far forth as
   the sound only and the clatter of the tongue, for the heart was empty
   of truth. Still they cried, "Truth, Truth," and spoke much about it to
   me, "yet was it not in them;" [231] but they spake falsely not of Thee
   only--who, verily, art the Truth--but also of these elements of this
   world, Thy creatures. And I, in truth, should have passed by
   philosophers, even when speaking truth concerning them, for love of
   Thee, my Father, supremely good, beauty of all things beautiful. O
   Truth, Truth! how inwardly even then did the marrow of my soul pant
   after Thee, when they frequently, and in a multiplicity of ways, and in
   numerous and huge books, sounded out Thy name to me, though it was but
   a voice! [232] And these were the dishes in which to me, hungering for
   Thee, they, instead of Thee, served up the sun and moon, Thy beauteous
   works--but yet Thy works, not Thyself, nay, nor Thy first works. For
   before these corporeal works are Thy spiritual ones, celestial and
   shining though they be. But I hungered and thirsted not even after
   those first works of Thine, but after Thee Thyself, the Truth, "with
   whom is no variableness, neither shadow of turning;" [233] yet they
   still served up to me in those dishes glowing phantasies, than which
   better were it to love this very sun (which, at least, is true to our
   sight), than those illusions which deceive the mind through the eye.
   And yet, because I supposed them to be Thee, I fed upon them; not with
   avidity, for Thou didst not taste to my mouth as Thou art, for Thou
   wast not these empty fictions; neither was I nourished by them, but the
   rather exhausted. Food in our sleep appears like our food awake; yet
   the sleepers are not nourished by it, for they are asleep. But those
   things were not in any way like unto Thee as Thou hast now spoken unto
   me, in that those were corporeal phantasies, false bodies, than which
   these true bodies, whether celestial or terrestrial, which we perceive
   with our fleshly sight, are much more certain. These things the very
   beasts and birds perceive as well as we, and they are more certain than
   when we imagine them. And again, we do with more certainty imagine
   them, than by them conceive of other greater and infinite bodies which
   have no existence. With such empty husks was I then fed, and was not
   fed. But Thou, my Love, in looking for whom I fail [234] that I may be
   strong, art neither those bodies that we see, although in heaven, nor
   art Thou those which we see not there; for Thou hast created them, nor
   dost Thou reckon them amongst Thy greatest works. How far, then, art
   Thou from those phantasies of mine, phantasies of bodies which are not
   at all, than which the images of those bodies which are, are more
   certain, and still more certain the bodies themselves, which yet Thou
   art not; nay, nor yet the soul, which is the life of the bodies.
   Better, then, and more certain is the life of bodies than the bodies
   themselves. But Thou art the life of souls, the life of lives, having
   life in Thyself; and Thou changest not, O Life of my soul.

   11. Where, then, wert Thou then to me, and how far from me? Far,
   indeed, was I wandering away from Thee, being even shut out from the
   very husks of the swine, whom with husks I fed. [235] For how much
   better, then, are the fables of the grammarians and poets than these
   snares! For verses, and poems, and Medea flying, are more profitable
   truly than these men's five elements, variously painted, to answer to
   the five caves of darkness, [236] none of which exist, and which slay
   the believer. For verses and poems I can turn into [237] true food, but
   the "Medea flying," though I sang, I maintained it not; though I heard
   it sung, I believed it not; but those things I did believe. Woe, woe,
   by what steps was I dragged down "to the depths of hell!" [238]
   --toiling and turmoiling through want of Truth, when I sought after
   Thee, my God,--to Thee I confess it, who hadst mercy on me when I had
   not yet confessed,--sought after Thee not according to the
   understanding of the mind, in which Thou desiredst that I should excel
   the beasts, but according to the sense of the flesh! Thou wert more
   inward to me than my most inward part; and higher than my highest. I
   came upon that bold woman, who "is simple, and knoweth nothing," [239]
   the enigma of Solomon, sitting "at the door of the house on a seat,"
   and saying, "Stolen waters are sweet, and bread eaten in secret is
   pleasant." [240] This woman seduced me, because she found my soul
   beyond its portals, dwelling in the eye of my flesh, and thinking on
   such food as through it I had devoured.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [230] So, in Book xxii. sec. 13 of his reply to Faustus, he charges
   them with "professing to believe the New Testament in order to entrap
   the unwary;" and again, in sec. 15, he says: " They claim the impious
   liberty of holding and teaching, that whatever they deem favourable to
   their heresy was said by Christ and the apostles; while they have the
   profane boldness to say, that whatever in the same writings is
   unfavourable to them is a spurious interpolation." They professed to
   believe in the doctrine of the Trinity, but affirmed (ibid. xx. 6)
   "that the Father dwells in a secret light, the power of the Son in the
   sun, and His wisdom in the moon, and the Holy Spirit in the air." It
   was this employment of the phraseology of Scripture to convey doctrines
   utterly unscriptural that rendered their teaching such a snare to the
   unwary. See also below, v. 12, note.

   [231] 1 John ii. 4.

   [232] There was something peculiarly enthralling to an ardent mind like
   Augustin's in the Manichæan system. That system was kindred in many
   ways to modern Rationalism. Reason was exalted at the expense of faith.
   Nothing was received on mere authority, and the disciple's inner
   consciousness was the touchstone of truth. The result of this is well
   pointed out by Augustin (Con. Faust, xxxii. sec. 19): "Your design,
   clearly, is to deprive Scripture of all authority, and to make every
   man's mind the judge what passage of Scripture he is to approve of, and
   what to disapprove of. This is not to be subject to Scripture in
   matters of faith, but to make Scripture subject to you. Instead of
   making the high authority of Scripture the reason of approval, every
   man makes his approval the reason for thinking a passage correct."
   Compare also Con. Faust, xi. sec. 2, and xxxii. sec. 16.

   [233] Jas. i. 17.

   [234] Ps. lxix. 3.

   [235] Luke xv. 16; and see below, vi. sec. 3, note.

   [236] See below, xii. sec. 6, note.

   [237] "Of this passage St. Augustin is probably speaking when he says,
   Praises bestowed on bread in simplicity of heart, let him (Petilian)
   defame, if he will, by the ludicrous title of poisoning and corrupting
   frenzy.' Augustin meant in mockery, that by verses he could get his
   bread; his calumniator seems to have twisted the word to signify a
   love-potion.--Con. Lit. Petiliani, iii. 16."--E. B. P.

   [238] Prov. ix. 18.

   [239] Prov. ix. 13.

   [240] Prov. ix. 14, 17.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--He Attacks the Doctrine of the Manichæans Concerning
   Evil, God, and the Righteousness of the Patriarchs.

   12. For I was ignorant as to that which really is, and was, as it were,
   violently moved to give my support to foolish deceivers, when they
   asked me, "Whence is evil?" [241] --and, "Is God limited by a bodily
   shape, and has He hairs and nails?"--and, "Are they to be esteemed
   righteous who had many wives at once and did kill men, and sacrificed
   living creatures?" [242] At which things I, in my ignorance, was much
   disturbed, and, retreating from the truth, I appeared to myself to be
   going towards it; because as yet I knew not that evil was naught but a
   privation of good, until in the end it ceases altogether to be; which
   how should I see, the sight of whose eyes saw no further than bodies,
   and of my mind no further than a phantasm? And I knew not God to be a
   Spirit, [243] not one who hath parts extended in length and breadth,
   nor whose being was bulk; for every bulk is less in a part than in the
   whole, and, if it be infinite, it must be less in such part as is
   limited by a certain space than in its infinity; and cannot be wholly
   everywhere, as Spirit, as God is. And what that should be in us, by
   which we were like unto God, and might rightly in Scripture be said to
   be after "the image of God," [244] I was entirely ignorant.

   13. Nor had I knowledge of that true inner righteousness, which doth
   not judge according to custom, but out of the most perfect law of God
   Almighty, by which the manners of places and times were adapted to
   those places and times--being itself the while the same always and
   everywhere, not one thing in one place, and another in another;
   according to which Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and Moses, and David,
   and all those commended by the mouth of God were righteous, [245] but
   were judged unrighteous by foolish men, judging out of man's judgment,
   [246] and gauging by the petty standard of their own manners the
   manners of the whole human race. Like as if in an armoury, one knowing
   not what were adapted to the several members should put greaves on his
   head, or boot himself with a helmet, and then complain because they
   would not fit. Or as if, on some day when in the afternoon business was
   forbidden, one were to fume at not being allowed to sell as it was
   lawful to him in the forenoon. Or when in some house he sees a servant
   take something in his hand which the butler is not permitted to touch,
   or something done behind a stable which would be prohibited in the
   dining-room, and should be indignant that in one house, and one family,
   the same thing is not distributed everywhere to all. Such are they who
   cannot endure to hear something to have been lawful for righteous men
   in former times which is not so now; or that God, for certain temporal
   reasons, commanded them one thing, and these another, but both obeying
   the same righteousness; though they see, in one man, one day, and one
   house, different things to be fit for different members, and a thing
   which was formerly lawful after a time unlawful--that permitted or
   commanded in one corner, which done in another is justly prohibited and
   punished. Is justice, then, various and changeable? Nay, but the times
   over which she presides are not all alike, because they are times.
   [247] But men, whose days upon the earth are few, [248] because by
   their own perception they cannot harmonize the causes of former ages
   and other nations, of which they had no experience, with these of which
   they have experience, though in one and the same body, day, or family,
   they can readily see what is suitable for each member, season, part,
   and person--to the one they take exception, to the other they submit.

   14. These things I then knew not, nor observed. They met my eyes on
   every side, and I saw them not. I composed poems, in which it was not
   permitted me to place every foot everywhere, but in one metre one way,
   and in another, nor even in any one verse the same foot in all places.
   Yet the art itself by which I composed had not different principles for
   these different cases, but comprised all in one. Still I saw not how
   that righteousness, which good and holy men submitted to, far more
   excellently and sublimely comprehended in one all those things which
   God commanded, and in no part varied, though in varying times it did
   not prescribe all things at once, but distributed and enjoined what was
   proper for each. And I, being blind, blamed those pious fathers, not
   only for making use of present things as God commanded and inspired
   them to do, but also for foreshowing things to come as God was
   revealing them. [249]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [241] The strange mixture of the pensive philosophy of Persia with
   Gnosticism and Christianity, propounded by Manichæus, attempted to
   solve this question, which was "the great object of heretical inquiry"
   (Mansel's Gnostics, lec. i.). It was Augustin's desire for knowledge
   concerning it that united him to this sect, and which also led him to
   forsake it, when he found therein nothing but empty fables (De Lib.
   Arb. i. sec. 4). Manichæus taught that evil and good were primeval, and
   had independent existences. Augustin, on the other hand, maintains that
   it was not possible for evil so to exist (De Civ. Dei, xi. sec. 22)
   but, as he here states, evil is "a privation of good." The evil will
   has a causa deficiens, but not a causa efficiens (ibid. xii. 6), as is
   exemplified in the fall of the angels.

   [242] 1 Kings xviii. 40.

   [243] John iv. 24.

   [244] Gen. i. 27; see vi. sec. 4, note.

   [245] Heb. xi. 8-40.

   [246] 1 Cor. iv. 3.

   [247] The law of the development of revelation implied in the above
   passage is one to which Augustin frequently resorts in confutation of
   objections such as those to which he refers in the previous and
   following sections. It may likewise be effectively used when similar
   objections are raised by modern sceptics. In the Rabbinical books there
   is a tradition of the wanderings of the children of Israel, that not
   only did their clothes not wax old (Deut. xxix. 5) during those forty
   years, but that they grew with their growth. The written word is as it
   were the swaddling-clothes of the holy child Jesus; and as the
   revelation concerning Him--the Word Incarnate--grew, did the written
   word grow. God spoke in sundry parts [poluemros] and in divers manners
   unto the fathers by the prophets (Heb. i. 1); but when the "fulness of
   the time was come" (Gal. iv. 4), He completed the revelation in His
   Son. Our Lord indicates this principle when He speaks of divorce in
   Matt. xix. 8. "Moses," he says, "because of the hardness of your hearts
   suffered you to put away your wives; but from the beginning it was not
   so." (See Con. Faust. xix. 26, 29.) When objections, then, as to
   obsolete ritual usages, or the sins committed by Old Testament worthies
   are urged, the answer is plain: the ritual has become obsolete, because
   only intended for the infancy of revelation, and the sins, while
   recorded in, are not approved by Scripture, and those who committed
   them will be judged according to the measure of revelation they
   received. See also De Ver. Relig. xvii.; in Ps. lxxiii. 1, liv. 22;
   Con. Faust. xxii. 25; Trench, Hulsean Lecs. iv., v. (1845); and
   Candlish's Reason and Revelation, pp. 58-75.

   [248] Job xiv. 1.

   [249] Here, as at the end of sec. 17, he alludes to the typical and
   allegorical character of Old Testament histories. Though he does not
   with Origen go so far as to disparage the letter of Scripture (see De
   Civ. Dei, xiii. 21), but upholds it, he constantly employs the
   allegorical principle. He (alluding to the patriarchs) goes so far,
   indeed, as to say (Con. Faust., xxii. 24), that "not only the speech
   but the life of these men was prophetic; and the whole kingdom of the
   Hebrews was like a great prophet;" and again: "We may discover a
   prophecy of the coming of Christ and of the Church both in what they
   said and what they did". This method of interpretation he first learned
   from Ambrose. See note on "the letter killeth," etc. (below, vi. sec.
   6), for the danger attending it. On the general subject, reference may
   also be made to his in Ps. cxxxvi. 3; Serm. 2; De Tentat. Abr. sec. 7;
   and De Civ. Dei, xvii. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--He Argues Against the Same as to the Reason of Offences.

   15. Can it at any time or place be an unrighteous thing for a man to
   love God with all his heart, with all his soul, and with all his mind,
   and his neighbour as himself? [250] Therefore those offences which be
   contrary to nature are everywhere and at all times to be held in
   detestation and punished; such were those of the Sodomites, which
   should all nations commit, they should all be held guilty of the same
   crime by the divine law, which hath not so made men that they should in
   that way abuse one another. For even that fellowship which should be
   between God and us is violated, when that same nature of which He is
   author is polluted by the perversity of lust. But those offences which
   are contrary to the customs of men are to be avoided according to the
   customs severally prevailing; so that an agreement made, and confirmed
   by custom or law of any city or nation, may not be violated at the
   lawless pleasure of any, whether citizen or stranger. For any part
   which is not consistent with its whole is unseemly. But when God
   commands anything contrary to the customs or compacts of any nation to
   be done, though it were never done by them before, it is to be done;
   and if intermitted it is to be restored, and, if never established, to
   be established. For if it be lawful for a king, in the state over which
   he reigns, to command that which neither he himself nor any one before
   him had commanded, and to obey him cannot be held to be inimical to the
   public interest,--nay, it were so if he were not obeyed (for obedience
   to princes is a general compact of human society),--how much more,
   then, ought we unhesitatingly to obey God, the Governor of all His
   creatures! For as among the authorities of human society the greater
   authority is obeyed before the lesser, so must God above all.

   16. So also in deeds of violence, where there is a desire to harm,
   whether by contumely or injury; and both of these either by reason of
   revenge, as one enemy against another; or to obtain some advantage over
   another, as the highwayman to the traveller; or for the avoiding of
   some evil, as with him who is in fear of another; or through envy, as
   the unfortunate man to one who is happy; or as he that is prosperous in
   anything to him who he fears will become equal to himself, or whose
   equality he grieves at; or for the mere pleasure in another's pains, as
   the spectators of gladiators, or the deriders and mockers of others.
   These be the chief iniquities which spring forth from the lust of the
   flesh, of the eye, and of power, whether singly, or two together, or
   all at once. And so do men live in opposition to the three and seven,
   that psaltery "of ten strings," [251] Thy ten commandments, O God most
   high and most sweet. But what foul offences can there be against Thee
   who canst not be defiled? Or what deeds of violence against thee who
   canst not be harmed? But Thou avengest that which men perpetrate
   against themselves, seeing also that when they sin against Thee, they
   do wickedly against their own souls; and iniquity gives itself the lie,
   [252] either by corrupting or perverting their nature, which Thou hast
   made and ordained, or by an immoderate use of things permitted, or in
   "burning" in things forbidden to that use which is against nature;
   [253] or when convicted, raging with heart and voice against Thee,
   kicking against the pricks; [254] or when, breaking through the pale of
   human society, they audaciously rejoice in private combinations or
   divisions, according as they have been pleased or offended. And these
   things are done whenever Thou art forsaken, O Fountain of Life, who art
   the only and true Creator and Ruler of the universe, and by a
   self-willed pride any one false thing is selected therefrom and loved.
   So, then, by a humble piety we return to Thee; and thou purgest us from
   our evil customs, and art merciful unto the sins of those who confess
   unto Thee, and dost "hear the groaning of the prisoner," [255] and dost
   loosen us from those fetters which we have forged for ourselves, if we
   lift not up against Thee the horns of a false liberty,--losing all
   through craving more, by loving more our own private good than Thee,
   the good of all.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [250] Deut. vi. 5, and Matt. xxii. 37-39.

   [251] Ps. cxliv. 9. "St. Augustin (Quæst in Exod. ii. qu. 71) mentions
   the two modes of dividing the ten commandments into three and seven, or
   four and six, and gives what appear to have been his own private
   reasons for preferring the first. Both commonly existed in his day, but
   the Anglican mode appears to have been the most usual. It occurs in
   Origen, Greg. Naz., Jerome, Ambrose, Chrys. St. Augustin alludes to his
   division again, Serm. 8, 9, de x.Chordis, and sec. 33 on this psalm: To
   the first commandment there belong three strings because God is trine.
   To the other, i.e., the love of our neighbour, seven strings. These let
   us join to those three, which belong to the love of God, if we would on
   the psaltery of ten strings sing a new song.'"--E.B.P.

   [252] Ps. xxvii. 12, Vulg.

   [253] Rom. i. 24-29.

   [254] Acts ix. 5.

   [255] Ps. cii. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--That the Judgment of God and Men as to Human Acts of
   Violence, is Different.

   17. But amidst these offences of infamy and violence, and so many
   iniquities, are the sins of men who are, on the whole, making progress;
   which, by those who judge rightly, and after the rule of perfection,
   are censured, yet commended withal, upon the hope of bearing fruit,
   like as in the green blade of the growing corn. And there are some
   which resemble offences of infamy or violence, and yet are not sins,
   because they neither offend Thee, our Lord God, nor social custom:
   when, for example, things suitable for the times are provided for the
   use of life, and we are uncertain whether it be out of a lust of
   having; or when acts are punished by constituted authority for the sake
   of correction, and we are uncertain whether it be out of a lust of
   hurting. Many a deed, then, which in the sight of men is disapproved,
   is approved by Thy testimony; and many a one who is praised by men is,
   Thou being witness, condemned; because frequently the view of the deed,
   and the mind of the doer, and the hidden exigency of the period,
   severally vary. But when Thou unexpectedly commandest an unusual and
   unthought-of thing--yea, even if Thou hast formerly forbidden it, and
   still for the time keepest secret the reason of Thy command, and it
   even be contrary to the ordinance of some society of men, who doubts
   but it is to be done, inasmuch as that society is righteous which
   serves Thee? [256] But blessed are they who know Thy commands! For all
   things were done by them who served Thee either to exhibit something
   necessary at the time, or to foreshow things to come. [257]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [256] The Manichæans, like the deistical writers of the last century,
   attacked the spoiling of the Egyptians, the slaughter of the
   Canaanites, and such episodes. Referring to the former, Augustin says
   (Con. Faust. xxii. 71), "Then, as for Faustus' objection to the
   spoiling of the Egyptians, he knows not what he says. In this Moses not
   only did not sin, but it would have been sin not to do it. It was by
   the command of God, who, from His knowledge both of the actions and of
   the hearts of men, can decide upon what every one should be made to
   suffer, and through whose agency. The people at that time were still
   carnal, and engrossed with earthly affection; while the Egyptians were
   in open rebellion against God, for they used the gold, God's creature,
   in the service of idols, to the dishonour of the Creator, and they had
   grievously oppressed strangers by making them work without pay. Thus
   the Egyptians deserved the punishment, and the Israelites were suitably
   employed in inflicting it." For an exhaustive vindication of the
   conduct of the children of Israel as the agents of God in punishing the
   Canaanites, see Graves on the Pentateuch, Part iii. lecture I. See also
   De Civ. Dei, i. 26; and Quæst. in Jos. 8, 16, etc.

   [257] See note on sec. 14, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--He Reproves the Triflings of the Manichæans as to the
   Fruits of the Earth.

   18. These things being ignorant of, I derided those holy servants and
   prophets of Thine. And what did I gain by deriding them but to be
   derided by Thee, being insensibly, and little by little, led on to
   those follies, as to credit that a fig-tree wept when it was plucked,
   and that the mother-tree shed milky tears? Which fig notwithstanding,
   plucked not by his own but another's wickedness, had some "saint" [258]
   eaten and mingled with his entrails, he should breathe out of it
   angels; yea, in his prayers he shall assuredly groan and sigh forth
   particles of God, which particles of the most high and true God should
   have remained bound in that fig unless they had been set free by the
   teeth and belly of some "elect saint"! [259] And I, miserable one,
   believed that more mercy was to be shown to the fruits of the earth
   than unto men, for whom they were created; for if a hungry man--who was
   not a Manichæan--should beg for any, that morsel which should be given
   him would appear, as it were, condemned to capital punishment. [260]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [258] i.e. Manichæan saint.

   [259] According to this extraordinary system, it was the privilege of
   the "elect" to set free in eating such parts of the divine substance as
   were imprisoned in the vegetable creation (Con. Faust. xxxi. 5). They
   did not marry or work in the fields, and led an ascetic life, the
   "hearers" or catechumens being privileged to provide them with food.
   The "elect" passed immediately on dying into the realm of light, while,
   as a reward for their service, the souls of the "hearers" after death
   transmigrated into plants (from which they might be most readily
   freed), or into the "elect," so as, in their turn, to pass away into
   the realm of light. See Con. Faust. v. 10, xx. 23; and in Ps. cxl.

   [260] Augustin frequently alludes to their conduct to the poor, in
   refusing to give them bread or the fruits of the earth, lest in eating
   they should defile the portion of God contained therein. But to avoid
   the odium of their conduct, they would inconsequently give money
   whereby food might be bought. See in Ps. cxl. sec. 12; and De Mor.
   Manich. 36, 37, and 53.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--He Refers to the Tears, and the Memorable Dream Concerning
   Her Son, Granted by God to His Mother.

   19. And Thou sendedst Thine hand from above, [261] and drewest my soul
   out of that profound darkness, when my mother, Thy faithful one, wept
   to thee on my behalf more than mothers are wont to weep the bodily
   death of their children. For she saw that I was dead by that faith and
   spirit which she had from Thee, and Thou heardest her, O Lord. Thou
   heardest her, and despisedst not her tears, when, pouring down, they
   watered the earth [262] under her eyes in every place where she prayed;
   yea, Thou heardest her. For whence was that dream with which Thou
   consoledst her, so that she permitted me to live with her, and to have
   my meals at the same table in the house, which she had begun to avoid,
   hating and detesting the blasphemies of my error? For she saw herself
   standing on a certain wooden rule, [263] and a bright youth advancing
   towards her, joyous and smiling upon her, whilst she was grieving and
   bowed down with sorrow. But he having inquired of her the cause of her
   sorrow and daily weeping (he wishing to teach, as is their wont, and
   not to be taught), and she answering that it was my perdition she was
   lamenting, he bade her rest contented, and told her to behold and see
   "that where she was, there was I also." And when she looked she saw me
   standing near her on the same rule. Whence was this, unless that Thine
   ears were inclined towards her heart? O Thou Good Omnipotent, who so
   carest for every one of us as if Thou caredst for him only, and so for
   all as if they were but one!

   20. Whence was this, also, that when she had narrated this vision to
   me, and I tried to put this construction on it, "That she rather should
   not despair of being some day what I was," she immediately, without
   hesitation, replied, "No; for it was not told me that where he is,
   there shalt thou be,' but where thou art, there shall he be'"? I
   confess to Thee, O Lord, that, to the best of my remembrance (and I
   have oft spoken of this), Thy answer through my watchful mother--that
   she was not disquieted by the speciousness of my false interpretation,
   and saw in a moment what was to be seen, and which I myself had not in
   truth perceived before she spoke--even then moved me more than the
   dream itself, by which the happiness to that pious woman, to be
   realized so long after, was, for the alleviation of her present
   anxiety, so long before predicted. For nearly nine years passed in
   which I wallowed in the slime of that deep pit and the darkness of
   falsehood, striving often to rise, but being all the more heavily
   dashed down. But yet that chaste, pious, and sober widow (such as Thou
   lovest), now more buoyed up with hope, though no whit less zealous in
   her weeping and mourning, desisted not, at all the hours of her
   supplications, to bewail my case unto Thee. And her prayers entered
   into Thy presence, [264] and yet Thou didst still suffer me to be
   involved and re-involved in that darkness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [261] Ps. cxliv. 7.

   [262] He alludes here to that devout manner of the Eastern ancients,
   who used to lie flat on their faces in prayer.--W. W.

   [263] Symbolical of the rule of faith. See viii. sec. 30, below.

   [264] Ps. lxxxviii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--The Excellent Answer of the Bishop When Referred to by
   His Mother as to the Conversion of Her Son.

   21. And meanwhile Thou grantedst her another answer, which I recall;
   for much I pass over, hastening on to those things which the more
   strongly impel me to confess unto Thee, and much I do not remember.
   Thou didst grant her then another answer, by a priest of Thine, a
   certain bishop, reared in Thy Church and well versed in Thy books. He,
   when this woman had entreated that he would vouchsafe to have some talk
   with me, refute my errors, unteach me evil things, and teach me good
   (for this he was in the habit of doing when he found people fitted to
   receive it), refused, very prudently, as I afterwards came to see. For
   he answered that I was still unteachable, being inflated with the
   novelty of that heresy, and that I had already perplexed divers
   inexperienced persons with vexatious questions, [265] as she had
   informed him. "But leave him alone for a time," saith he, "only pray
   God for him; he will of himself, by reading, discover what that error
   is, and how great its impiety." He disclosed to her at the same time
   how he himself, when a little one, had, by his misguided mother, been
   given over to the Manichæans, and had not only read, but even written
   out almost all their books, and had come to see (without argument or
   proof from any one) how much that sect was to be shunned, and had
   shunned it. Which when he had said, and she would not be satisfied, but
   repeated more earnestly her entreaties, shedding copious tears, that he
   would see and discourse with me, he, a little vexed at her importunity,
   exclaimed, "Go thy way, and God bless thee, for it is not possible that
   the son of these tears should perish." Which answer (as she often
   mentioned in her conversations with me) she accepted as though it were
   a voice from heaven.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [265] We can easily understand that Augustin's dialectic skill would
   render him a formidable opponent, while, with the zeal of a neophyte,
   he urged those difficulties of Scripture (De Agon. Christ. iv ) which
   the Manichæans knew so well how to employ. In an interesting passage
   (De Duab. Anim. con. Manich. ix.) he tells us that his victories over
   "inexperienced persons" stimulated him to fresh conquests, and thus
   kept him bound longer than he would otherwise have been in the chains
   of this heresy.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book IV.

   ------------------------

   Then follows a period of nine years from the nineteenth year of his
   age, during which having lost a friend, he followed the Manichæans--and
   wrote books on the fair and fit, and published a work on the liberal
   arts, and the categories of Aristotle.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--Concerning that Most Unhappy Time in Which He, Being
   Deceived, Deceived Others; And Concerning the Mockers of His
   Confession.

   1. During this space of nine years, then, from my nineteenth to my
   eight and twentieth year, we went on seduced and seducing, deceived and
   deceiving, in divers lusts; publicly, by sciences which they style
   "liberal"--secretly, with a falsity called religion. Here proud, there
   superstitious, everywhere vain! Here, striving after the emptiness of
   popular fame, even to theatrical applauses, and poetic contests, and
   strifes for grassy garlands, and the follies of shows and the
   intemperance of desire. There, seeking to be purged from these our
   corruptions by carrying food to those who were called "elect" and
   "holy," out of which, in the laboratory of their stomachs, they should
   make for us angels and gods, by whom we might be delivered. [266] These
   things did I follow eagerly, and practise with my friends--by me and
   with me deceived. Let the arrogant, and such as have not been yet
   savingly cast down and stricken by Thee, O my God, laugh at me; but
   notwithstanding I would confess to Thee mine own shame in Thy praise.
   Bear with me, I beseech Thee, and give me grace to retrace in my
   present remembrance the circlings of my past errors, and to "offer to
   Thee the sacrifice of thanksgiving." [267] For what am I to myself
   without Thee, but a guide to mine own downfall? Or what am I even at
   the best, but one sucking Thy milk, [268] and feeding upon Thee, the
   meat that perisheth not? [269] But what kind of man is any man, seeing
   that he is but a man? Let, then, the strong and the mighty laugh at us,
   but let us who are "poor and needy" [270] confess unto Thee.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [266] Augustin tells us that he went not beyond the rank of a "hearer,"
   because he found the Manichæan teachers readier in refuting others than
   in establishing their own views, and seems only to have looked for some
   esoteric doctrine to have been disclosed to him under their
   materialistic teaching as to God--viz. that He was an unmeasured Light
   that extended all ways but one, infinitely (Serm. iv. sec 5.)--rather
   than to have really accepted it.--De Util. Cred. Præf. See also iii.
   sec. 18, notes 1 and 2, above.

   [267] Ps. cxvi. 17.

   [268] 1 Pet. ii. 2.

   [269] John vi. 27.

   [270] Ps. lxxiv. 21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--He Teaches Rhetoric, the Only Thing He Loved, and Scorns
   the Soothsayer, Who Promised Him Victory.

   2. In those years I taught the art of rhetoric, and, overcome by
   cupidity, put to sale a loquacity by which to overcome. Yet I
   preferred--Lord, Thou knowest--to have honest scholars (as they are
   esteemed); and these I, without artifice, taught artifices, not to be
   put in practise against the life of the guiltless, though sometimes for
   the life of the guilty. And Thou, O God, from afar sawest me stumbling
   in that slippery path, and amid much smoke [271] sending out some
   flashes of fidelity, which I exhibited in that my guidance of such as
   loved vanity and sought after leasing, [272] I being their companion.
   In those years I had one (whom I knew not in what is called lawful
   wedlock, but whom my wayward passion, void of understanding, had
   discovered), yet one only, remaining faithful even to her; in whom I
   found out truly by my own experience what difference there is between
   the restraints of the marriage bonds, contracted for the sake of issue,
   and the compact of a lustful love, where children are born against the
   parents will, although, being born, they compel love.

   3. I remember, too, that when I decided to compete for a theatrical
   prize, a soothsayer demanded of me what I would give him to win; but I,
   detesting and abominating such foul mysteries, answered, "That if the
   garland were of imperishable gold, I would not suffer a fly to be
   destroyed to secure it for me." For he was to slay certain living
   creatures in his sacrifices, and by those honours to invite the devils
   to give me their support. But this ill thing I also refused, not out of
   a pure love [273] for Thee, O God of my heart; for I knew not how to
   love Thee, knowing not how to conceive aught beyond corporeal
   brightness. [274] And doth not a soul, sighing after such-like
   fictions, commit fornication against Thee, trust in false things, [275]
   and nourish the wind? [276] But I would not, forsooth, have sacrifices
   offered to devils on my behalf, though I myself was offering sacrifices
   to them by that superstition. For what else is nourishing the wind but
   nourishing them, that is, by our wanderings to become their enjoyment
   and derision?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [271] Isa. xlii. 3, and Matt. xii. 20.

   [272] Ps. iv. 2.

   [273] "He alone is truly pure who waiteth on God, and keepeth himself
   to Him alone " (Aug. De Vita Beata, sec. 18). "Whoso seeketh God is
   pure, because the soul hath in God her legitimate husband. Whosoever
   seeketh of God anything besides God, doth not love God purely. If a
   wife loved her husband because he is rich, she is not pure, for she
   loveth not her husband but the gold of her husband" (Aug. Serm. 137).
   "Whoso seeks from God any other reward but God, and for it would serve
   God, esteems what he wishes to receive more than Him from whom he would
   receive it. What, then? hath God no reward? None, save Himself. The
   reward of God is God Himself. This it loveth; if it love aught beside,
   it is no pure love. You depart from the immortal flame, you will be
   chilled, corrupted. Do not depart; it will be thy corruption, will be
   fornication in thee" (Aug. in Ps. lxxii. sec. 32). "The pure fear of
   the Lord (Ps. xix. 9) is that wherewith the Church, the more ardently
   she loveth her husband, the more diligently she avoids offending Him,
   and therefore love, when perfected, casteth not out this fear, but it
   remaineth for ever and ever" (Aug. in loc.). "Under the name of pure
   fear is signified that will whereby we must needs be averse from sin,
   and avoid sin, not through the constant anxiety of infirmity, but
   through the tranquillity of affection" (De Civ. Dei, xiv. sec. 65).--E.
   B. P.

   [274] See note on sec. 9, below.

   [275] "Indisputably we must take care, lest the mind, believing that
   which it does not see, feign to itself something which is not, and hope
   for and love that which is false. For in that case it will not be
   charity out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith
   unfeigned, which is the end of the commandment" (De Trin. viii. sec.
   6). And again (Confessions, i. 1): "For who can call on Thee, not
   knowing Thee? For he that knoweth Thee not may call on Thee as other
   than Thou art."

   [276] Hosea xii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--Not Even the Most Experienced Men Could Persuade Him of
   the Vanity of Astrology to Which He Was Devoted.

   4. Those impostors, then, whom they designate Mathematicians, I
   consulted without hesitation, because they used no sacrifices, and
   invoked the aid of no spirit for their divinations, which art Christian
   and true piety fitly rejects and condemns. [277] For good it is to
   confess unto Thee, and to say, "Be merciful unto me, heal my soul, for
   I have sinned against Thee;" [278] and not to abuse Thy goodness for a
   license to sin, but to remember the words of the Lord, "Behold, thou
   art made whole; sin no more, lest a worse thing come unto thee." [279]
   All of which salutary advice they endeavour to destroy when they say,
   "The cause of thy sin is inevitably determined in heaven;" and, "This
   did Venus, or Saturn, or Mars;" in order that man, forsooth, flesh and
   blood, and proud corruption, may be blameless, while the Creator and
   Ordainer of heaven and stars is to bear the blame. And who is this but
   Thee, our God, the sweetness and well-spring of righteousness, who
   renderest "to every man according to his deeds," [280] and despisest
   not "a broken and a contrite heart!" [281]

   5. There was in those days a wise man, very skilful in medicine, and
   much renowned therein, who had with his own proconsular hand put the
   Agonistic garland upon my distempered head, not, though, as a
   physician; [282] for this disease Thou alone healest, who resistest the
   proud, and givest grace to the humble. [283] But didst Thou fail me
   even by that old man, or forbear from healing my soul? For when I had
   become more familiar with him, and hung assiduously and fixedly on his
   conversation (for though couched in simple language, it was replete
   with vivacity, life, and earnestness), when he had perceived from my
   discourse that I was given to books of the horoscope-casters, he, in a
   kind and fatherly manner, advised me to throw them away, and not vainly
   bestow the care and labour necessary for useful things upon these
   vanities; saying that he himself in his earlier years had studied that
   art with a view to gaining his living by following it as a profession,
   and that, as he had understood Hippocrates, he would soon have
   understood this, and yet he had given it up, and followed medicine, for
   no other reason than that he discovered it to be utterly false, and he,
   being a man of character, would not gain his living by beguiling
   people. "But thou," saith he, "who hast rhetoric to support thyself by,
   so that thou followest this of free will, not of necessity--all the
   more, then, oughtest thou to give me credit herein, who laboured to
   attain it so perfectly, as I wished to gain my living by it alone."
   When I asked him to account for so many true things being foretold by
   it, he answered me (as he could) "that the force of chance, diffused
   throughout the whole order of nature, brought this about. For if when a
   man by accident opens the leaves of some poet, who sang and intended
   something far different, a verse oftentimes fell out wondrously
   apposite to the present business, it were not to be wondered at," he
   continued, "if out of the soul of man, by some higher instinct, not
   knowing what goes on within itself, an answer should be given by
   chance, not art, which should coincide with the business and actions of
   the questioner."

   6. And thus truly, either by or through him, Thou didst look after me.
   And Thou didst delineate in my memory what I might afterwards search
   out for myself. But at that time neither he, nor my most dear
   Nebridius, a youth most good and most circumspect, who scoffed at that
   whole stock of divination, could persuade me to forsake it, the
   authority of the authors influencing me still more; and as yet I had
   lighted upon no certain proof--such as I sought--whereby it might
   without doubt appear that what had been truly foretold by those
   consulted was by accident or chance, not by the art of the star-gazers.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [277] Augustin classes the votaries of both wizards and astrologers (De
   Doctr. Christ. ii. 23; and De Civ. Dei, x. 9; compare also Justin
   Martyr, Apol. ii. c. 5) as alike "deluded and imposed on by the false
   angels, to whom the lowest part of the world has been put in subjection
   by the law of God's providence;" and he says, "All arts of this sort
   are either nullities, or are part of a guilty superstition springing
   out of a baleful fellowship between men and devils, and are to be
   utterly repudiated and avoided by the Christian, as the covenants of a
   false and treacherous friendship." It is remarkable that though these
   arts were strongly denounced in the Pentateuch, the Jews--acquiring
   them from the surrounding Gentile nations--have embedded them deeply in
   their oral law, said also to be given by Moses (e.g. in Moed Katon 28,
   and Shabbath 156, prosperity comes from the influence of the stars; in
   Shabbath 61 it is a question whether the influence of the stars or a
   charm has been effective; and in Sanhedrin 17 magic is one of the
   qualifications for the Sanhedrim). It might have been expected that the
   Christians, if only from that reaction against Judaism which shows
   itself in Origen's disparagement of the letter of the Old Testament
   Scriptures (see De Princip. iv. 15, 16), would have shrunk from such
   strange arts. But the influx of pagans, who had practiced them, into
   the Christian Church appears gradually to have leavened it in no slight
   degree. This is not only true of the Valentinians (see Kaye's Clement
   of Alex. vi.) and other heretics, but the influence of these contacts
   is seen even in the writings of the "orthodox." Those who can read
   between the lines will find no slight trace of this (after separating
   what they would conceive to be true from what is manifestly false) in
   the story told by Zonaras, in his Annals, of the controversy between
   the Rabbis and Sylvester, Bishop of Rome, before Constantine. The Jews
   were worsted in argument, and evidently thought an appeal to miracles
   might, from the Emperor's education, bring him over to their side. An
   ox is brought forth. The Jewish wonder-worker whispers a mystic name
   into its ear, and it falls dead; but Sylvester, according to the story,
   is quite equal to the occasion, and restores the animal to life again
   by uttering the name of the Redeemer. It may have been that the
   cessation of miracles may have gradually led unstable professors of
   Christianity to invent miracles; and, as Bishop Kaye observes
   (Tertullian, p. 95), "the success of the first attempts naturally
   encouraged others to practice similar impositions on the credulity of
   mankind." As to the time of the cessation of miracles, comparison may
   be profitably made of the views of Kaye, in the early part of c. ii. of
   his Tertullian, and of Blunt, in his Right Use of the Early Fathers,
   series ii. lecture 6.

   [278] Ps. xli. 4.

   [279] John v. 14.

   [280] Rom. ii. 6, and Matt. xvi. 27.

   [281] Ps. li. 17.

   [282] This physician was Vindicianus, the "acute old man" mentioned in
   vii. sec. 8, below, and again in Ep. 138, as "the most eminent
   physician of his day." Augustin's disease, however, could not be
   reached by his remedies. We are irresistibly reminded of the words of
   our great poet:-- "Canst thou minister to a mind diseased; Pluck from
   the memory a rooted sorrow; Raze out the written troubles of the brain;
   And, with some sweet oblivious antidote, Cleanse the stuff'd bosom of
   that perilous stuff  Which weighs upon the heart!" --Macbeth, act. v.
   scene 3.

   [283] 1 Pet. v. 5, and Jas. iv. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--Sorely Distressed by Weeping at the Death of His Friend,
   He Provides Consolation for Himself.

   7. In those years, when I first began to teach rhetoric in my native
   town, I had acquired a very dear friend, from association in our
   studies, of mine own age, and, like myself, just rising up into the
   flower of youth. He had grown up with me from childhood, and we had
   been both school-fellows and play-fellows. But he was not then my
   friend, nor, indeed, afterwards, as true friendship is; for true it is
   not but in such as Thou bindest together, cleaving unto Thee by that
   love which is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost, which is
   given unto us. [284] But yet it was too sweet, being ripened by the
   fervour of similar studies. For, from the true faith (which he, as a
   youth, had not soundly and thoroughly become master of), I had turned
   him aside towards those superstitious and pernicious fables which my
   mother mourned in me. With me this man's mind now erred, nor could my
   soul exist without him. But behold, Thou wert close behind Thy
   fugitives--at once God of vengeance [285] and Fountain of mercies, who
   turnest us to Thyself by wondrous means. Thou removedst that man from
   this life when he had scarce completed one whole year of my friendship,
   sweet to me above all the sweetness of that my life.

   8. "Who can show forth all Thy praise" [286] which he hath experienced
   in himself alone? What was it that Thou didst then, O my God, and how
   unsearchable are the depths of Thy judgments! [287] For when, sore sick
   of a fever, he long lay unconscious in a death-sweat, and all despaired
   of his recovery, he was baptized without his knowledge; [288] myself
   meanwhile little caring, presuming that his soul would retain rather
   what it had imbibed from me, than what was done to his unconscious
   body. Far different, however, was it, for he was revived and restored.
   Straightway, as soon as I could talk to him (which I could as soon as
   he was able, for I never left him, and we hung too much upon each
   other), I attempted to jest with him, as if he also would jest with me
   at that baptism which he had received when mind and senses were in
   abeyance, but had now learnt that he had received. But he shuddered at
   me, as if I were his enemy; and, with a remarkable and unexpected
   freedom, admonished me, if I desired to continue his friend, to desist
   from speaking to him in such a way. I, confounded and confused,
   concealed all my emotions, till he should get well, and his health be
   strong enough to allow me to deal with him as I wished. But he was
   withdrawn from my frenzy, that with Thee he might be preserved for my
   comfort. A few days after, during my absence, he had a return of the
   fever, and died.

   9. At this sorrow my heart was utterly darkened, and whatever I looked
   upon was death. My native country was a torture to me, and my father's
   house a wondrous unhappiness; and whatsoever I had participated in with
   him, wanting him, turned into a frightful torture. Mine eyes sought him
   everywhere, but he was not granted them; and I hated all places because
   he was not in them; nor could they now say to me, "Behold; he is
   coming," as they did when he was alive and absent. I became a great
   puzzle to myself, and asked my soul why she was so sad, and why she so
   exceedingly disquieted me; [289] but she knew not what to answer me.
   And if I said, "Hope thou in God," [290] she very properly obeyed me
   not; because that most dear friend whom she had lost was, being man,
   both truer and better than that phantasm [291] she was bid to hope in.
   Naught but tears were sweet to me, and they succeeded my friend in the
   dearest of my affections.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [284] Rom. v. 5.

   [285] Ps. xciv. 1.

   [286] Ps. cvi. 2.

   [287] Ps. xxxvi. 6, and Rom. xi. 33.

   [288] See i. sec. 17, note 3, above.

   [289] Ps. xlii. 5.

   [290] Ibid.

   [291] The mind may rest in theories and abstractions, but the heart
   craves a being that it can love; and Archbishop Whately has shown in
   one of his essays that the idol worship of every age had doubtless its
   origin in the craving of mind and heart for an embodiment of the object
   of worship. "Show us the Father, and it sufficeth us," says Philip
   (John xiv. 8), and he expresses the longing of the soul; and when the
   Lord replies, "He that hath seen Me hath seen the Father," He reveals
   to us God's satisfaction of human wants in the incarnation of His Son.
   Augustin's heart was now thrown in upon itself, and his view of God
   gave him no consolation. It satisfied his mind, perhaps, in a measure,
   to think of God as a "corporeal brightness" (see iii. 12; iv. 3, 12,
   31; v. 19, etc.) when free from trouble, but it could not satisfy him
   now. He had yet to learn of Him who is the very image of God--who by
   His divine power raised the dead to life again, while, with perfect
   human sympathy, He could "weep with those that wept,"--the "Son of Man"
   (not of a man, He being miraculously born, but of the race of men
   [anthropou]), i.e. the Son of Mankind. See also viii. sec. 27, note,
   below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--Why Weeping is Pleasant to the Wretched.

   10. And now, O Lord, these things are passed away, and time hath healed
   my wound. May I learn from Thee, who art Truth, and apply the ear of my
   heart unto Thy mouth, that Thou mayest tell me why weeping should be so
   sweet to the unhappy. [292] Hast Thou--although present
   everywhere--cast away far from Thee our misery? And Thou abidest in
   Thyself, but we are disquieted with divers trials; and yet, unless we
   wept in Thine ears, there would be no hope for us remaining. Whence,
   then, is it that such sweet fruit is plucked from the bitterness of
   life, from groans, tears, sighs, and lamentations? Is it the hope that
   Thou hearest us that sweetens it? This is true of prayer, for therein
   is a desire to approach unto Thee. But is it also in grief for a thing
   lost, and the sorrow with which I was then overwhelmed? For I had
   neither hope of his coming to life again, nor did I seek this with my
   tears; but I grieved and wept only, for I was miserable, and had lost
   my joy. Or is weeping a bitter thing, and for distaste of the things
   which aforetime we enjoyed before, and even then, when we are loathing
   them, does it cause us pleasure?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [292] For so it has ever been found to be:-- "Est quædam flere
   voluptas; Expletur lacrymis egeriturque dolor." --Ovid, Trist. iv. 3,
   38.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--His Friend Being Snatched Away by Death, He Imagines that
   He Remains Only as Half.

   11. But why do I speak of these things? For this is not the time to
   question, but rather to confess unto Thee. Miserable I was, and
   miserable is every soul fettered by the friendship of perishable
   things--he is torn to pieces when he loses them, and then is sensible
   of the misery which he had before ever he lost them. Thus was it at
   that time with me; I wept most bitterly, and found rest in bitterness.
   Thus was I miserable, and that life of misery I accounted dearer than
   my friend. For though I would willingly have changed it, yet I was even
   more unwilling to lose it than him; yea, I knew not whether I was
   willing to lose it even for him, as is handed down to us (if not an
   invention) of Pylades and Orestes, that they would gladly have died one
   for another, or both together, it being worse than death to them not to
   live together. But there had sprung up in me some kind of feeling, too,
   contrary to this, for both exceedingly wearisome was it to me to live,
   and dreadful to die, I suppose, the more I loved him, so much the more
   did I hate and fear, as a most cruel enemy, that death which had robbed
   me of him; and I imagined it would suddenly annihilate all men, as it
   had power over him. Thus, I remember, it was with me. Behold my heart,
   O my God! Behold and look into me, for I remember it well, O my Hope!
   who cleansest me from the uncleanness of such affections, directing
   mine eyes towards Thee, and plucking my feet out of the net. [293] For
   I was astonished that other mortals lived, since he whom I loved, as if
   he would never die, was dead; and I wondered still more that I, who was
   to him a second self, could live when he was dead. Well did one say of
   his friend, "Thou half of my soul," [294] for I felt that my soul and
   his soul were but one soul in two bodies; [295] and, consequently, my
   life was a horror to me, because I would not live in half. And
   therefore, perchance, was I afraid to die, lest he should die wholly
   [296] whom I had so greatly loved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [293] Ps. xxv. 15.

   [294] Horace, Carm. i. ode 3.

   [295] Ovid, Trist. iv. eleg. iv. 72.

   [296] Augustin's reference to this passage in his Retractations is
   quoted at the beginning of the book. He might have gone further than to
   describe his words here as declamatio levis, since the conclusion is
   not logical.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--Troubled by Restlessness and Grief, He Leaves His Country
   a Second Time for Carthage.

   12. O madness, which knowest not how to love men as men should be
   loved! O foolish man that I then was, enduring with so much impatience
   the lot of man! So I fretted, sighed, wept, tormented myself, and took
   neither rest nor advice. For I bore about with me a rent and polluted
   soul, impatient of being borne by me, and where to repose it I found
   not. Not in pleasant groves, not in sport or song, not in fragrant
   spots, nor in magnificent banquetings, nor in the pleasures of the bed
   and the couch, nor, finally, in books and songs did it find repose. All
   things looked terrible, even the very light itself; and whatsoever was
   not what he was, was repulsive and hateful, except groans and tears,
   for in those alone found I a little repose. But when my soul was
   withdrawn from them, a heavy burden of misery weighed me down. To Thee,
   O Lord, should it have been raised, for Thee to lighten and avert it.
   [297] This I knew, but was neither willing nor able; all the more
   since, in my thoughts of Thee, Thou wert not any solid or substantial
   thing to me. For Thou wert not Thyself, but an empty phantasm, [298]
   and my error was my god. If I attempted to discharge my burden thereon,
   that it might find rest, it sank into emptiness, and came rushing down
   again upon me, and I remained to myself an unhappy spot, where I could
   neither stay nor depart from. For whither could my heart fly from my
   heart? Whither could I fly from mine own self? Whither not follow
   myself? And yet fled I from my country; for so should my eyes look less
   for him where they were not accustomed to see him. And thus I left the
   town of Thagaste, and came to Carthage.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [297] "The great and merciful Architect of His Church, whom not only
   the philosophers have styled, but the Scripture itself calls technites
   (an artist or artificer), employs not on us the hammer and chisel with
   an intent to wound or mangle us, but only to square and fashion our
   hard and stubborn hearts into such lively stones as may both grace and
   strengthen His heavenly structure."--Boyle.

   [298] See iii. 9; iv. 3, 12, 31; v. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--That His Grief Ceased by Time, and the Consolation of
   Friends.

   13. Times lose no time, nor do they idly roll through our senses. They
   work strange operations on the mind. [299] Behold, they came and went
   from day to day, and by coming and going they disseminated in my mind
   other ideas and other remembrances, and by little and little patched me
   up again with the former kind of delights, unto which that sorrow of
   mine yielded. But yet there succeeded, not certainly other sorrows, yet
   the causes of other sorrows. [300] For whence had that former sorrow so
   easily penetrated to the quick, but that I had poured out my soul upon
   the dust, in loving one who must die as if he were never to die? But
   what revived and refreshed me especially was the consolations of other
   friends, [301] with whom I did love what instead of Thee I loved. And
   this was a monstrous fable and protracted lie, by whose adulterous
   contact our soul, which lay itching in our ears, was being polluted.
   But that fable would not die to me so oft as any of my friends died.
   There were other things in them which did more lay hold of my mind,--to
   discourse and jest with them; to indulge in an interchange of
   kindnesses; to read together pleasant books; together to trifle, and
   together to be earnest; to differ at times without ill-humour, as a man
   would do with his own self; and even by the infrequency of these
   differences to give zest to our more frequent consentings; sometimes
   teaching, sometimes being taught; longing for the absent with
   impatience, and welcoming the coming with joy. These and similar
   expressions, emanating from the hearts of those who loved and were
   beloved in return, by the countenance, the tongue, the eyes, and a
   thousand pleasing movements, were so much fuel to melt our souls
   together, and out of many to make but one.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [299] As Seneca has it: "Quod ratio non quit, sæpe sanabit mora" (Agam.
   130).

   [300] See iv. cc. 1, 10, 12, and vi. c. 16.

   [301] "Friendship," says Lord Bacon, in his essay thereon,--the
   sentiment being perhaps suggested by Cicero's "Secundas res
   splendidiores facit amicitia et adversas partiens communicansque
   leviores" (De Amicit. 6),--"redoubleth joys, and cutteth griefs in
   halves." Augustin appears to have been eminently open to influences of
   this kind. In his De Duab. Anim. con. Manich. (c. ix.) he tells us that
   friendship was one of the bonds that kept him in the ranks of the
   Manichæans; and here we find that, aided by time and weeping, it
   restored him in his great grief. See also v. sec. 19, and vi. sec 26,
   below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--That the Love of a Human Being, However Constant in Loving
   and Returning Love, Perishes; While He Who Loves God Never Loses a
   Friend.

   14. This is it that is loved in friends; and so loved that a man's
   conscience accuses itself if he love not him by whom he is beloved, or
   love not again him that loves him, expecting nothing from him but
   indications of his love. Hence that mourning if one die, and gloom of
   sorrow, that steeping of the heart in tears, all sweetness turned into
   bitterness, and upon the loss of the life of the dying, the death of
   the living. Blessed be he who loveth Thee, and his friend in Thee, and
   his enemy for Thy sake. For he alone loses none dear to him to whom all
   are dear in Him who cannot be lost. And who is this but our God, the
   God that created heaven and earth, [302] and filleth them, [303]
   because by filling them He created them? [304] None loseth Thee but he
   who leaveth Thee. And he who leaveth Thee, whither goeth he, or whither
   fleeth he, but from Thee well pleased to Thee angry? For where doth not
   he find Thy law in his own punishment? "And Thy law is the truth,"
   [305] and truth Thou. [306]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [302] Gen. i. 1.

   [303] Jer. xxiii. 24.

   [304] See i. 2, 3, above.

   [305] Ps. cxix. 142, and John xvii. 17.

   [306] John xiv. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--That All Things Exist that They May Perish, and that We are
   Not Safe Unless God Watches Over Us.

   15. "Turn us again, O Lord God of Hosts, cause Thy face to shine; and
   we shall be saved." [307] For whithersoever the soul of man turns
   itself, unless towards Thee, it is affixed to sorrows, [308] yea,
   though it is affixed to beauteous things without Thee and without
   itself. And yet they were not unless they were from Thee. They rise and
   set; and by rising, they begin as it were to be; and they grow, that
   they may become perfect; and when perfect, they wax old and perish; and
   all wax not old, but all perish. Therefore when they rise and tend to
   be, the more rapidly they grow that they may be, so much the more they
   hasten not to be. This is the way of them. [309] Thus much hast Thou
   given them, because they are parts of things, which exist not all at
   the same time, but by departing and succeeding they together make up
   the universe, of which they are parts. And even thus is our speech
   accomplished by signs emitting a sound; but this, again, is not
   perfected unless one word pass away when it has sounded its part, in
   order that another may succeed it. Let my soul praise Thee out of all
   these things, O God, the Creator of all; but let not my soul be affixed
   to these things by the glue of love, through the senses of the body.
   For they go whither they were to go, that they might no longer be; and
   they rend her with pestilent desires, because she longs to be, and yet
   loves to rest in what she loves. But in these things no place is to be
   found; they stay not--they flee; and who is he that is able to follow
   them with the senses of the flesh? Or who can grasp them, even when
   they are near? For tardy is the sense of the flesh, because it is the
   sense of the flesh, and its boundary is itself. It sufficeth for that
   for which it was made, but it is not sufficient to stay things running
   their course from their appointed starting-place to the end appointed.
   For in Thy word, by which they were created, they hear the fiat, "Hence
   and hitherto."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [307] Ps. lxxx. 19.

   [308] See iv. cc. 1, 12, and vi. c. 16, below.

   [309] It is interesting in connection with the above passages to note
   what Augustin says elsewhere as to the origin of the law of death in
   the sin of our first parents. In his De Gen. ad Lit. (vi. 25) he speaks
   thus of their condition in the garden, and the provision made for the
   maintenance of their life: "Aliud est non posse mori, sicut quasdam
   naturas immortales creavit Deus; aliud est autem posse non mori,
   secundum quem modum primus creatus est homo immortalis." Adam, he goes
   on to say, was able to avert death, by partaking of the tree of life.
   He enlarges on this doctrine in Book xiii. De Civ. Dei. He says (sec.
   20): "Our first parents decayed not with years, nor drew nearer to
   death--a condition secured to them in God's marvellous grace by the
   tree of life, which grew along with the forbidden tree in the midst of
   Paradise." Again (sec. 19) he says: "Why do the philosophers find that
   absurd which the Christian faith preaches, namely, that our first
   parents were so created, that, if they had not sinned, they would not
   have been dismissed from their bodies by any death, but would have been
   endowed with immortality as the reward of their obedience, and would
   have lived eternally with their bodies?" That this was the doctrine of
   the early Church has been fully shown by Bishop Bull in his State of
   Man before the Fall, vol. ii. Theophilus of Antioch was of opinion (Ad
   Autolyc. c. 24) that Adam might have gone on from strength to strength,
   until at last he "would have been taken up into heaven." See also on
   this subject Dean Buckland's Sermon on Death; and Delitzsch, Bibl.
   Psychol. vi. secs. 1 and 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--That Portions of the World are Not to Be Loved; But that
   God, Their Author, is Immutable, and His Word Eternal.

   16. Be not foolish, O my soul, and deaden not the ear of thine heart
   with the tumult of thy folly. Hearken thou also. The word itself
   invokes thee to return; and there is the place of rest imperturbable,
   where love is not abandoned if itself abandoneth not. Behold, these
   things pass away, that others may succeed them, and so this lower
   universe be made complete in all its parts. But do I depart anywhere,
   saith the word of God? There fix thy habitation. There commit
   whatsoever thou hast thence, O my soul; at all events now thou art
   tired out with deceits. Commit to truth whatsoever thou hast from the
   truth, and nothing shall thou lose; and thy decay shall flourish again,
   and all thy diseases be healed, [310] and thy perishable parts shall be
   reformed and renovated, and drawn together to thee; nor shall they put
   thee down where themselves descend, but they shall abide with thee, and
   continue for ever before God, who abideth and continueth for ever.
   [311]

   17. Why, then, be perverse and follow thy flesh? Rather let it be
   converted and follow thee. Whatever by her thou feelest, is but in
   part; and the whole, of which these are portions, thou art ignorant of,
   and yet they delight thee. But had the sense of thy flesh been capable
   of comprehending the whole, and not itself also, for thy punishment,
   been justly limited to a portion of the whole, thou wouldest that
   whatsoever existeth at the present time should pass away, that so the
   whole might please thee more. [312] For what we speak, also by the same
   sense of the flesh thou hearest; and yet wouldest not thou that the
   syllables should stay, but fly away, that others may come, and the
   whole [313] be heard. Thus it is always, when any single thing is
   composed of many, all of which exist not together, all together would
   delight more than they do simply could all be perceived at once. But
   far better than these is He who made all; and He is our God, and He
   passeth not away, for there is nothing to succeed Him. If bodies please
   thee, praise God for them, and turn back thy love upon their Creator,
   lest in those things which please thee thou displease.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [310] Ps. ciii. 3.

   [311] 1 Pet. i. 23.

   [312] See xiii. sec. 22, below.

   [313] A similar illustration occurs in sec. 15, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--Love is Not Condemned, But Love in God, in Whom There is
   Rest Through Jesus Christ, is to Be Preferred.

   18. If souls please thee, let them be loved in God; for they also are
   mutable, but in Him are they firmly established, else would they pass,
   and pass away. In Him, then, let them be beloved; and draw unto Him
   along with thee as many souls as thou canst, and say to them, "Him let
   us love, Him let us love; He created these, nor is He far off. For He
   did not create them, and then depart; but they are of Him, and in Him.
   Behold, there is He wherever truth is known. He is within the very
   heart, but yet hath the heart wandered from Him. Return to your heart,
   [314] O ye transgressors, [315] and cleave fast unto Him that made you.
   Stand with Him, and you shall stand fast. Rest in Him, and you shall be
   at rest. Whither go ye in rugged paths? Whither go ye? The good that
   you love is from Him; and as it has respect unto Him it is both good
   and pleasant, and justly shall it be embittered, [316] because
   whatsoever cometh from Him is unjustly loved if He be forsaken for it.
   Why, then, will ye wander farther and farther in these difficult and
   toilsome ways? There is no rest where ye seek it. Seek what ye seek;
   but it is not there where ye seek. Ye seek a blessed life in the land
   of death; it is not there. For could a blessed life be where life
   itself is not?"

   19. But our very Life descended hither, and bore our death, and slew
   it, out of the abundance of His own life; and thundering He called
   loudly to us to return hence to Him into that secret place whence He
   came forth to us--first into the Virgin's womb, where the human
   creature was married to Him,--our mortal flesh, that it might not be
   for ever mortal,--and thence "as a bridegroom coming out of his
   chamber, rejoicing as a strong man to run a race." [317] For He tarried
   not, but ran crying out by words, deeds, death, life, descent,
   ascension, crying aloud to us to return to Him. And He departed from
   our sight, that we might return to our heart, and there find Him. For
   He departed, and behold, He is here. He would not be long with us, yet
   left us not; for He departed thither, whence He never departed, because
   "the world was made by Him." [318] And in this world He was, and into
   this world He came to save sinners, [319] unto whom my soul doth
   confess, that He may heal it, for it hath sinned against Him. [320] O
   ye sons of men, how long so slow of heart? [321] Even now, after the
   Life is descended to you, will ye not ascend and live? [322] But
   whither ascend ye, when ye are on high, and set your mouth against the
   heavens? [323] Descend that ye may ascend, [324] and ascend to God. For
   ye have fallen by "ascending against Him." Tell them this, that they
   may weep in the valley of tears, [325] and so draw them with thee to
   God, because it is by His Spirit that thou speakest thus unto them, if
   thou speakest burning with the fire of love.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [314] Augustin is never weary of pointing out that there is a lex
   occulta (in Ps. lvii. sec. 1), a law written on the heart, which cries
   to those who have forsaken the written law, "Return to your hearts, ye
   transgressors." In like manner he interprets (De Serm. Dom. in Mon. ii.
   sec. 11) "Enter into thy closet," of the heart of man. The door is the
   gate of the senses through which carnal thoughts enter into the mind.
   We are to shut the door, because the devil (in Ps. cxli. 3) si clausum
   invenerit transit. In sec. 16, above, the figure is changed, and we are
   to fear lest these objects of sense render us "deaf in the ear of our
   heart" with the tumult of our folly. Men will not, he says, go back
   into their hearts, because the heart is full of sin, and they fear the
   reproaches of conscience, just (in Ps. xxxiii. 5) "as those are
   unwilling to enter their houses who have troublesome wives." These
   outer things, which too often draw us away from Him, God intends should
   lift us up to Him who is better than they, though they could all be
   ours at once, since He made them all; and "woe," he says (De Lib. Arb.
   ii. 16), "to them who love the indications of Thee rather than Thee,
   and remember not what these indicated."

   [315] Isa. lvi. 8.

   [316] See iv. cc. 1, 10, above, and vi. c. 16, below.

   [317] Ps. xix. 5.

   [318] John i. 10.

   [319] 1 Tim. i. 15.

   [320] Ps. xli. 4.

   [321] Luke xxiv. 25.

   [322] "The Son of God," says Augustin in another place, "became a son
   of man, that the sons of men might be made sons of God." He put off the
   form of God--that by which He manifested His divine glory in
   heaven--and put on the "form of a servant" (Phil. ii. 6, 7), that as
   the outshining [apaugasma] of the Father's glory (Heb. i. 3) He might
   draw us to Himself. He descended and emptied Himself of His dignity
   that we might ascend, giving an example for all time (in Ps. xxxiii.
   sec. 4); for, "lest man should disdain to imitate a humble man, God
   humbled Himself, so that the pride of the human race might not disdain
   to walk in the footsteps of God." See also v. sec. 5, note, below.

   [323] Ps. lxxiii. 9.

   [324] "There is something in humility which, strangely enough, exalts
   the heart, and something in pride which debases it. This seems, indeed,
   to be contradictory, that loftiness should debase and lowliness exalt.
   But pious humility enables us to submit to what is above us; and
   nothing is more exalted above us than God; and therefore humility, by
   making us subject to God, exalts us."--De Civ. Dei, xiv. sec. 13.

   [325] Ps. lxxxiv. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--Love Originates from Grace and Beauty Enticing Us.

   20. These things I knew not at that time, and I loved these lower
   beauties, and I was sinking to the very depths; and I said to my
   friends, "Do we love anything but the beautiful? What, then, is the
   beautiful? And what is beauty? What is it that allures and unites us to
   the things we love; for unless there were a grace and beauty in them,
   they could by no means attract us to them?" And I marked and perceived
   that in bodies themselves there was a beauty from their forming a kind
   of whole, and another from mutual fitness, as one part of the body with
   its whole, or a shoe with a foot, and so on. And this consideration
   sprang up in my mind out of the recesses of my heart, and I wrote books
   (two or three, I think) "on the fair and fit." Thou knowest, O Lord,
   for it has escaped me; for I have them not, but they have strayed from
   me, I know not how.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--Concerning the Books Which He Wrote "On the Fair and
   Fit," Dedicated to Hierius.

   21. But what was it that prompted me, O Lord my God, to dedicate these
   books to Hierius, an orator of Rome, whom I knew not by sight, but
   loved the man for the fame of his learning, for which he was renowned,
   and some words of his which I had heard, and which had pleased me? But
   the more did he please me in that he pleased others, who highly
   extolled him, astonished that a native of Syria, instructed first in
   Greek eloquence, should afterwards become a wonderful Latin orator, and
   one so well versed in studies pertaining unto wisdom. Thus a man is
   commended and loved when absent. Doth this love enter into the heart of
   the hearer from the mouth of the commender? Not so. But through one who
   loveth is another inflamed. For hence he is loved who is commended when
   the commender is believed to praise him with an unfeigned heart; that
   is, when he that loves him praises him.

   22. Thus, then, loved I men upon the judgment of men, not upon Thine, O
   my God, in which no man is deceived. But yet why not as the renowned
   charioteer, as the huntsman [326] known far and wide by a vulgar
   popularity--but far otherwise, and seriously, and so as I would desire
   to be myself commended? For I would not that they should commend and
   love me as actors are,--although I myself did commend and love
   them,--but I would prefer being unknown than so known, and even being
   hated than so loved. Where now are these influences of such various and
   divers kinds of loves distributed in one soul? What is it that I am in
   love with in another, which, if I did not hate, I should not detest and
   repel from myself, seeing we are equally men? For it does not follow
   that because a good horse is loved by him who would not, though he
   might, be that horse, the same should therefore be affirmed by an
   actor, who partakes of our nature. Do I then love in a man that which
   I, who am a man, hate to be? Man himself is a great deep, whose very
   hairs Thou numberest, O Lord, and they fall not to the ground without
   Thee. [327] And yet are the hairs of his head more readily numbered
   than are his affections and the movements of his heart.

   23. But that orator was of the kind that I so loved as I wished myself
   to be such a one; and I erred through an inflated pride, and was
   "carried about with every wind," [328] but yet was piloted by Thee,
   though very secretly. And whence know I, and whence confidently confess
   I unto Thee that I loved him more because of the love of those who
   praised him, than for the very things for which they praised him?
   Because had he been upraised, and these self-same men had dispraised
   him, and with dispraise and scorn told the same things of him, I should
   never have been so inflamed and provoked to love him. And yet the
   things had not been different, nor he himself different, but only the
   affections of the narrators. See where lieth the impotent soul that is
   not yet sustained by the solidity of truth! Just as the blasts of
   tongues blow from the breasts of conjecturers, so is it tossed this way
   and that, driven forward and backward, and the light is obscured to it
   and the truth not perceived. And behold it is before us. And to me it
   was a great matter that my style and studies should be known to that
   man; the which if he approved, I were the more stimulated, but if he
   disapproved, this vain heart of mine, void of Thy solidity, had been
   offended. And yet that "fair and fit," about which I wrote to him, I
   reflected on with pleasure, and contemplated it, and admired it, though
   none joined me in doing so.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [326] See vi. sec. 13, below.

   [327] Matt. x. 29, 30.

   [328] Eph. iv. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XV.--While Writing, Being Blinded by Corporeal Images, He
   Failed to Recognise the Spiritual Nature of God.

   24. But not yet did I perceive the hinge on which this impotent matter
   turned in Thy wisdom, O Thou Omnipotent, "who alone doest great
   wonders;" [329] and my mind ranged through corporeal forms, and I
   defined and distinguished as "fair," that which is so in itself, and
   "fit," that which is beautiful as it corresponds to some other thing;
   and this I supported by corporeal examples. And I turned my attention
   to the nature of the mind, but the false opinions which I entertained
   of spiritual things prevented me from seeing the truth. Yet the very
   power of truth forced itself on my gaze, and I turned away my throbbing
   soul from incorporeal substance, to lineaments, and colours, and bulky
   magnitudes. And not being able to perceive these in the mind, I thought
   I could not perceive my mind. And whereas in virtue I loved peace, and
   in viciousness I hated discord, in the former I distinguished unity,
   but in the latter a kind of division. And in that unity I conceived the
   rational soul and the nature of truth and of the chief good [330] to
   consist. But in this division I, unfortunate one, imagined there was I
   know not what substance of irrational life, and the nature of the chief
   evil, which should not be a substance only, but real life also, and yet
   not emanating from Thee, O my God, from whom are all things. And yet
   the first I called a Monad, as if it had been a soul without sex, [331]
   but the other a Duad,--anger in deeds of violence, in deeds of passion,
   lust,--not knowing of what I talked. For I had not known or learned
   that neither was evil a substance, nor our soul that chief and
   unchangeable good.

   25. For even as it is in the case of deeds of violence, if that emotion
   of the soul from whence the stimulus comes be depraved, and carry
   itself insolently and mutinously; and in acts of passion, if that
   affection of the soul whereby carnal pleasures are imbibed is
   unrestrained,--so do errors and false opinions contaminate the life, if
   the reasonable soul itself be depraved, as it was at that time in me,
   who was ignorant that it must be enlightened by another light that it
   may be partaker of truth, seeing that itself is not that nature of
   truth. "For Thou wilt light my candle; the Lord my God will enlighten
   my darkness; [332] and "of His fulness have all we received," [333] for
   "that was the true Light which lighted every man that cometh into the
   world;" [334] for in Thee there is "no variableness, neither shadow of
   turning." [335]

   26. But I pressed towards Thee, and was repelled by Thee that I might
   taste of death, for Thou "resistest the proud." [336] But what prouder
   than for me, with a marvellous madness, to assert myself to be that by
   nature which Thou art? For whereas I was mutable,--so much being clear
   to me, for my very longing to become wise arose from the wish from
   worse to become better,--yet chose I rather to think Thee mutable, than
   myself not to be that which Thou art. Therefore was I repelled by Thee,
   and Thou resistedst my changeable stiffneckedness; and I imagined
   corporeal forms, and, being flesh, I accused flesh, and, being "a wind
   that passeth away," [337] I returned not to Thee, but went wandering
   and wandering on towards those things that have no being, neither in
   Thee, nor in me, nor in the body. Neither were they created for me by
   Thy truth, but conceived by my vain conceit out of corporeal things.
   And I used to ask Thy faithful little ones, my fellow-citizens,--from
   whom I unconsciously stood exiled,--I used flippantly and foolishly to
   ask, "Why, then, doth the soul which God created err?" But I would not
   permit any one to ask me, "Why, then, doth God err?" And I contended
   that Thy immutable substance erred of constraint, rather than admit
   that my mutable substance had gone astray of free will, and erred as a
   punishment. [338]

   27. I was about six or seven and twenty years of age when I wrote those
   volumes--meditating upon corporeal fictions, which clamoured in the
   ears of my heart. These I directed, O sweet Truth, to Thy inward
   melody, pondering on the "fair and fit," and longing to stay and listen
   to Thee, and to rejoice greatly at the Bridegroom's voice, [339] and I
   could not; for by the voices of my own errors was I driven forth, and
   by the weight of my own pride was I sinking into the lowest pit. For
   Thou didst not "make me to hear joy and gladness;" nor did the bones
   which were not yet humbled rejoice. [340]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [329] Ps. cxxxvi. 4.

   [330] Augustin tells us (De Civ. Dei, xix. 1) that Varro, in his lost
   book De Philosophia, gives two hundred and eighty-eight different
   opinions as regards the chief good, and shows us how readily they may
   be reduced in number. Now, as then, philosophers ask the same
   questions. We have our hedonists, whose "good" is their own pleasure
   and happiness; our materialists, who would seek the common good of all;
   and our intuitionists, who aim at following the dictates of conscience.
   When the pretensions of these various schools are examined without
   prejudice, the conclusion is forced upon us that we must have recourse
   to Revelation for a reconcilement of the difficulties of the various
   systems; and that the philosophers, to employ Davidson's happy
   illustration (Prophecies, Introd.), forgetting that their faded taper
   has been insensibly kindled by gospel light, are attempting now, as in
   Augustin's time (ibid. sec. 4), "to fabricate for themselves a
   happiness in this life based upon a virtue as deceitful as it is
   proud." Christianity gives the golden key to the attainment of
   happiness, when it declares that "godliness is profitable for all
   things, having the promise of the life which now is, and of that which
   is to come " (1 Tim. iv. 8). It was a saying of Bacon (Essay on
   Adversity), that while "prosperity is the blessing of the old
   Testament, adversity is the blessing of the New." He would have been
   nearer the truth had he said that while temporal rewards were the
   special promise of the Old Testament, spiritual rewards are the special
   promise of the New. For though Christ's immediate followers had to
   suffer "adversity" in the planting of our faith, adversity cannot
   properly be said to be the result of following Christ. It has yet to be
   shown that, on the whole, the greatest amount of real happiness does
   not result, even in this life, from a Christian life, for virtue is,
   even here, its own reward. The fulness of the reward, however, will
   only be received in the life to come. Augustin's remark, therefore,
   still holds good that "life eternal is the supreme good, and death
   eternal the supreme evil, and that to obtain the one and escape the
   other we must live rightly" (ibid. sec. 4); and again, that even in the
   midst of the troubles of life, "as we are saved, so we are made happy,
   by hope. And as we do not as yet possess a present, but look for a
   future salvation, so it is with our happiness,...we ought patiently to
   endure till we come to the ineffable enjoyment of unmixed good." See
   Abbé Anselme, Sur le Souverain Bien, vol. v. serm. 1; and the last
   Chapter of Professor Sidgwick's Methods of Ethics, for the conclusions
   at which a mind at once lucid and dispassionate has arrived on this
   question.

   [331] "Or an unintelligent soul;' very good mss. reading sensu,' the
   majority, it appears, sexu.' If we read sexu,' the absolute unity of
   the first principle or Monad, may be insisted upon, and in the inferior
   principle, divided into violence' and lust,' violence,' as implying
   strength, may be looked on as the male, lust' was, in mythology,
   represented as female; if we take sensu,' it will express the living
   but unintelligent soul of the world in the Manichæan, as a pantheistic
   system."--E. B. P.

   [332] Ps. xviii. 28. Augustin constantly urges our recognition of the
   truth that God is the "Father of lights." From Him as our central sun,
   all light, whether of wisdom or knowledge proceedeth, and if changing
   the figure, our candle which He hath lighted be blown out, He again
   must light it. Compare Enar. in Ps. xciii. 147; and Sermons, 67 and
   341.

   [333] John i. 16.

   [334] John i. 9.

   [335] Jas. i. 17.

   [336] Jas. iv. 6, and 1 Pet. v. 5.

   [337] Ps. lxxviii. 39.

   [338] It may assist those unacquainted with Augustin's writings to
   understand the last three sections, if we set before them a brief view
   of the Manichæan speculations as to the good and evil principles, and
   the nature of the human soul:--(1) The Manichæans believed that there
   were two principles or substances, one good and the other evil, and
   that both were eternal and opposed one to the other. The good principle
   they called God, and the evil, matter or Hyle (Con. Faust. xxi. 1, 2).
   Faustus, in his argument with Augustin, admits that they sometimes
   called the evil nature "God," but simply as a conventional usage.
   Augustin says thereon (ibid. sec. 4): "Faustus glibly defends himself
   by saying, We speak not of two gods, but of God and Hyle;' but when you
   ask for the meaning of Hyle, you find that it is in fact another god.
   If the Manichæans gave the name of Hyle, as the ancients did, to the
   unformed matter which is susceptible of bodily forms, we should not
   accuse them of making two gods. But it is pure folly and madness to
   give to matter the power of forming bodies, or to deny that what has
   this power is God." Augustin alludes in the above passage to the
   Platonic theory of matter, which, as the late Dean Mansel has shown us
   (Gnostic Heresies, Basilides, etc.), resulted after his time in
   Pantheism, and which was entirely opposed to the dualism of Manichæus.
   It is to this "power of forming bodies" claimed for matter, then, that
   Augustin alludes in our text (sec. 24) as "not only a substance but
   real life also." (2) The human soul the Manichæans declared to be of
   the same nature as God, though not created by Him--it having originated
   in the intermingling of part of His being with the evil principle, in
   the conflict between the kingdoms of light and darkness (in Ps. cxl.
   sec. 10). Augustin says to Faustus: "You generally call your soul not a
   temple, but a part or member of God " (Con. Faust. xx. 15); and thus,
   "identifying themselves with the nature and substance of God" (ibid.
   xii. 13), they did not refer their sin to themselves, but to the race
   of darkness, and so did not "prevail over their sin." That is, they
   denied original sin, and asserted that it necessarily resulted from the
   soul's contact with the body. To this Augustin steadily replied, that
   as the soul was not of the nature of God, but created by Him and
   endowed with free will, man was responsible for his transgressions.
   Again, referring to the Confessions, we find Augustin speaking
   consistently with his then belief, when he says that he had not then
   learned that the soul was not a "chief and unchangeable good" (sec.
   24), or that "it was not that nature of truth" (sec. 25); and that when
   he transgressed "he accused flesh" rather than himself; and, as a
   result of his Manichæan errors (sec. 26), "contended that God's
   immutable substance erred of constraint, rather than admit that his
   mutable substance had gone astray of free will, and erred as a
   punishment."

   [339] John iii. 29.

   [340] Ps. li. 8, Vulg.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVI.--He Very Easily Understood the Liberal Arts and the
   Categories of Aristotle, But Without True Fruit.

   28. And what did it profit me that, when scarce twenty years old, a
   book of Aristotle's, entitled The Ten Predicaments, fell into my
   hands,--on whose very name I hung as on something great and divine,
   when my rhetoric master of Carthage, and others who were esteemed
   learned, referred to it with cheeks swelling with pride,--I read it
   alone and understood it? And on my conferring with others, who said
   that with the assistance of very able masters--who not only explained
   it orally, but drew many things in the dust [341] --they scarcely
   understood it, and could tell me no more about it than I had acquired
   in reading it by myself alone? And the book appeared to me to speak
   plainly enough of substances, such as man is, and of their
   qualities,--such as the figure of a man, of what kind it is; and his
   stature, how many feet high; and his relationship, whose brother he is;
   or where placed, or when born; or whether he stands or sits, or is shod
   or armed, or does or suffers anything; and whatever innumerable things
   might be classed under these nine categories, [342] --of which I have
   given some examples,--or under that chief category of substance.

   29. What did all this profit me, seeing it even hindered me, when,
   imagining that whatsoever existed was comprehended in those ten
   categories, I tried so to understand, O my God, Thy wonderful and
   unchangeable unity as if Thou also hadst been subjected to Thine own
   greatness or beauty, so that they should exist in Thee as their
   subject, like as in bodies, whereas Thou Thyself art Thy greatness and
   beauty? But a body is not great or fair because it is a body, seeing
   that, though it were less great or fair, it should nevertheless be a
   body. But that which I had conceived of Thee was falsehood, not
   truth,--fictions of my misery, not the supports of Thy blessedness. For
   Thou hadst commanded, and it was done in me, that the earth should
   bring forth briars and thorns to me, [343] and that with labour I
   should get my bread. [344]

   30. And what did it profit me that I, the base slave of vile
   affections, read unaided, and understood, all the books that I could
   get of the so-called liberal arts? And I took delight in them, but knew
   not whence came whatever in them was true and certain. For my back then
   was to the light, and my face towards the things enlightened; whence my
   face, with which I discerned the things enlightened, was not itself
   enlightened. Whatever was written either on rhetoric or logic,
   geometry, music, or arithmetic, did I, without any great difficulty,
   and without the teaching of any man, understand, as Thou knowest, O
   Lord my God, because both quickness of comprehension and acuteness of
   perception are Thy gifts. Yet did I not thereupon sacrifice to Thee.
   So, then, it served not to my use, but rather to my destruction, since
   I went about to get so good a portion of my substance [345] into my own
   power; and I kept not my strength for Thee, [346] but went away from
   Thee into a far country, to waste it upon harlotries. [347] For what
   did good abilities profit me, if I did not employ them to good uses?
   For I did not perceive that those arts were acquired with great
   difficulty, even by the studious and those gifted with genius, until I
   endeavoured to explain them to such; and he was the most proficient in
   them who followed my explanations not too slowly.

   31. But what did this profit me, supposing that Thou, O Lord God, the
   Truth, wert a bright and vast body, [348] and I a piece of that body?
   Perverseness too great! But such was I. Nor do I blush, O my God, to
   confess to Thee Thy mercies towards me, and to call upon Thee--I, who
   blushed not then to avow before men my blasphemies, and to bark against
   Thee. What profited me then my nimble wit in those sciences and all
   those knotty volumes, disentangled by me without help from a human
   master, seeing that I erred so odiously, and with such sacrilegious
   baseness, in the doctrine of piety? Or what impediment was it to Thy
   little ones to have a far slower wit, seeing that they departed not far
   from Thee, that in the nest of Thy Church they might safely become
   fledged, and nourish the wings of charity by the food of a sound faith?
   O Lord our God, under the shadow of Thy wings let us hope, [349] defend
   us, and carry us. Thou wilt carry us both when little, and even to grey
   hairs wilt Thou carry us; [350] for our firmness, when it is Thou, then
   is it firmness; but when it is our own, then it is infirmity. Our good
   lives always with Thee, from which when we are averted we are
   perverted. Let us now, O Lord, return, that we be not overturned,
   because with Thee our good lives without any eclipse, which good Thou
   Thyself art. [351] And we need not fear lest we should find no place
   unto which to return because we fell away from it; for when we were
   absent, our home--Thy Eternity--fell not.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [341] As the mathematicians did their figures, in dust or sand.

   [342] "The categories enumerated by Aristotle are ousia, poson, poion,
   prosti, pou, pote, keisthai, echein, poiein, paschein; which are
   usually rendered, as adequately as perhaps they can be in our language,
   substance, quantity, quality, relation, place, time, situation,
   possession, action, suffering. The catalogue (which certainly is but a
   very crude one) has been by some writers enlarged, as it is evident may
   easily be done by subdividing some of the heads; and by others
   curtailed, as it is no less evident that all may ultimately be referred
   to the two heads of substance and attribute, or, in the language of
   some logicians, accident'" (Whately's Logic, iv. 2, sec. 1, note).
   "These are called in Latin the prædicaments, because they can be said
   or predicated in the same sense of all other terms, as well as of all
   the objects denoted by them, whereas no other term can be correctly
   said of them, because no other is employed to express the full extent
   of their meaning" (Gillies, Analysis of Aristotle, c. 2).

   [343] Isa. xxxii. 13.

   [344] Gen. iii. 19.

   [345] Luke xv. 12.

   [346] Ps. lix. 9, Vulg.

   [347] Luke xv. 13.

   [348] See iii. 12; iv. 3, 12; v. 19.

   [349] Ps. xxxvi. 7.

   [350] Isa. xlvi. 4.

   [351] See xi. sec. 5, note, below.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book V.

   ------------------------

   He describes the twenty-ninth year of his age, in which, having
   discovered the fallacies of the Manichæans, he professed rhetoric at
   Rome and Milan. Having heard Ambrose, he begins to come to himself.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--That It Becomes the Soul to Praise God, and to Confess Unto
   Him.

   1. Accept the sacrifice of my confessions by the agency of my tongue,
   which Thou hast formed and quickened, that it may confess to Thy name;
   and heal Thou all my bones, and let them say, "Lord, who is like unto
   Thee?" [352] For neither does he who confesses to Thee teach Thee what
   may be passing within him, because a closed heart doth not exclude
   Thine eye, nor does man's hardness of heart repulse Thine hand, but
   Thou dissolvest it when Thou wiliest, either in pity or in vengeance,
   "and there is no One who can hide himself from Thy heart." [353] But
   let my soul praise Thee, that it may love Thee; and let it confess
   Thine own mercies to Thee, that it may praise Thee. Thy whole creation
   ceaseth not, nor is it silent in Thy praises--neither the spirit of
   man, by the voice directed unto Thee, nor animal nor corporeal things,
   by the voice of those meditating thereon; [354] so that our souls may
   from their weariness arise towards Thee, leaning on those things which
   Thou hast made, and passing on to Thee, who hast made them wonderfully
   and there is there refreshment and true strength.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [352] Ps. xxxv. 10.

   [353] Ps. xix. 6.

   [354] St. Paul speaks of a "minding of the flesh" and a "minding of the
   spirit" (Rom. viii. 6, margin), and we are prone to be attracted and
   held by the carnal surroundings of life; that is, "quæ per carnem
   sentiri querunt id est per oculos, per aures, ceterosque corporis
   sensus" (De Vera Relig.. xxiv.). But God would have us, as we meditate
   on the things that enter by the gates of the senses, to arise towards
   Him, through these His creatures. Our Father in heaven might have
   ordered His creation simply in a utilitarian way, letting, for example,
   hunger be satisfied without any of the pleasures of taste, and so of
   the other senses. But He has not so done. To every sense He has given
   its appropriate pleasure as well as its proper use. And though this
   presents to us a source of temptation, still ought we for it to praise
   His goodness to the full, and that corde are opere.--Bradward, ii. c.
   23. See also i. sec. 1, note 3, and iv. sec. 18, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--On the Vanity of Those Who Wished to Escape the Omnipotent
   God.

   2. Let the restless and the unjust depart and flee from Thee. Thou both
   seest them and distinguishest the shadows. And lo! all things with them
   are fair, yet are they themselves foul. [355] And how have they injured
   Thee? [356] Or in what have they disgraced Thy government, which is
   just and perfect from heaven even to the lowest parts of the earth. For
   whither fled they when they fled from Thy presence? [357] Or where dost
   Thou not find them? But they fled that they might not see Thee seeing
   them, and blinded might stumble against Thee; [358] since Thou
   forsakest nothing that Thou hast made [359] --that the unjust might
   stumble against Thee, and justly be hurt, [360] withdrawing themselves
   from Thy gentleness, and stumbling against Thine uprightness, and
   falling upon their own roughness. Forsooth, they know not that Thou art
   everywhere whom no place encompasseth, and that Thou alone art near
   even to those that remove far from Thee. [361] Let them, then, be
   converted and seek Thee; because not as they have forsaken their
   Creator hast Thou forsaken Thy creature. Let them be converted and seek
   Thee; and behold, Thou art there in their hearts, in the hearts of
   those who confess to Thee, and cast themselves upon Thee, and weep on
   Thy bosom after their obdurate ways, even Thou gently wiping away their
   tears. And they weep the more, and rejoice in weeping, since Thou, O
   Lord, not man, flesh and blood, but Thou, Lord, who didst make,
   remakest and comfortest them. And where was I when I was seeking Thee?
   And Thou wert before me, but I had gone away even from myself; nor did
   I find myself, much less Thee!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [355] Augustin frequently recurs to the idea, that in God's overruling
   Providence, the foulness and sin of man does not disturb the order and
   fairness of the universe. He illustrates the idea by reference to
   music, painting, and oratory. "For as the beauty of a picture is
   increased by well-managed shadows, so, to the eye that has skill to
   discern it, the universe is beautified even by sinners, though,
   considered by themselves, their deformity is a sad blemish" (De Civ.
   Dei, xi. 23). So again, he says, God would never have created angels or
   men whose future wickedness he foreknew, unless He could turn them to
   the use of the good, "thus embellishing the course of the ages as it
   were an exquisite poem set off with antitheses" (ibid. xi. 18); and
   further on, in the same section, "as the oppositions of contraries lend
   beauty to language, so the beauty of the course of this world is
   achieved by the opposition of contraries, arranged, as it were, by an
   eloquence not of words, but of things." These reflections affected
   Augustin's views as to the last things. They seemed to him to render
   the idea entertained by Origen (De Princ. i. 6) and other Fathers as to
   a general restoration [apokatastasis] unnecessary. See Hagenbach's
   Hist. of Doct. etc. i. 383 (Clark).

   [356] "In Scripture they are called God's enemies who oppose His rule
   not by nature but by vice, having no power to hurt Him, but only
   themselves. For they are His enemies not through their power to hurt,
   but by their will to oppose Him. For God is unchangeable, and wholly
   proof against injury" (De Civ. Dei, xii. 3).

   [357] Ps. cxxxix. 7.

   [358] Gen. xvi. 13, 14.

   [359] Wisd. ii. 26. Old ver.

   [360] He also refers to the injury man does himself by sin in ii. sec.
   13, above; and elsewhere he suggests the law which underlies it: "The
   vice which makes those who are called God's enemies resist Him, is an
   evil not to God but to themselves. And to them it is an evil solely
   because it corrupts the good of their nature." And when we suffer for
   our sins we should thank God that we are not unpunished (De Civ. Dei,
   xii. 3). But if, when God punishes us, we still continue in our sin, we
   shall be more confirmed in habits of sin, and then, as Augustin in
   another place (in Ps. vii. 15) warns us, "our facility in sinning will
   be the punishment of God for our former yieldings to sin." See also
   Butler's Analogy, Pt. i. ch. 5, "On a state of probation as intended
   for moral discipline and improvement."

   [361] Ps. lxxiii. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--Having Heard Faustus, the Most Learned Bishop of the
   Manichæans, He Discerns that God, the Author Both of Things Animate and
   Inanimate, Chiefly Has Care for the Humble.

   3. Let me lay bare before my God that twenty-ninth year of my age.
   There had at this time come to Carthage a certain bishop of the
   Manichæans, by name Faustus, a great snare of the devil, and in any
   were entangled by him through the allurement of his smooth speech; the
   which, although I did commend, yet could I separate from the truth of
   those things which I was eager to learn. Nor did I esteem the small
   dish of oratory so much as the science, which this their so praised
   Faustus placed before me to feed upon. Fame, indeed, had before spoken
   of him to me, as most skilled in all becoming learning, and
   pre-eminently skilled in the liberal sciences. And as I had read and
   retained in memory many injunctions of the philosophers, I used to
   compare some teachings of theirs with those long fables of the
   Manichæans and the former things which they declared, who could only
   prevail so far as to estimate this lower world, while its lord they
   could by no means find out, [362] seemed to me the more probable. For
   Thou art great, O Lord, and hast respect unto the lowly, but the proud
   Thou knowest afar off." [363] Nor dost Thou draw near but to the
   contrite heart, [364] nor art Thou found by the proud, [365] --not even
   could they number by cunning skill the stars and the sand, and measure
   the starry regions, and trace the courses of the planets.

   4. For with their understanding and the capacity which Thou hast
   bestowed upon them they search out these things; and much have they
   found out, and foretold many years before,--the eclipses of those
   luminaries, the sun and moon, on what day, at what hour, and from how
   many particular points they were likely to come. Nor did their
   calculation fail them; and it came to pass even as they foretold. And
   they wrote down the rules found out, which are read at this day; and
   from these others foretell in what year and in what month of the year,
   and on what day of the month, and at what hour of the day, and at what
   quarter of its light, either moon or sun is to be eclipsed, and thus it
   shall be even as it is foretold. And men who are ignorant of these
   things marvel and are amazed, and they that know them exult and are
   exalted; and by an impious pride, departing from Thee, and forsaking
   Thy light, they foretell a failure of the sun's light which is likely
   to occur so long before, but see not their own, which is now present.
   For they seek not religiously whence they have the ability where-with
   they seek out these things. And finding that Thou hast made them, they
   give not themselves up to Thee, that Thou mayest preserve what Thou
   hast made, nor sacrifice themselves to Thee, even such as they have
   made themselves to be; nor do they slay their own pride, as fowls of
   the air, [366] nor their own curiosities, by which (like the fishes of
   the sea) they wander over the unknown paths of the abyss, nor their own
   extravagance, as the "beasts of the field," [367] that Thou, Lord, "a
   consuming fire," [368] mayest burn up their lifeless cares and renew
   them immortally.

   5. But the way--Thy Word, [369] by whom Thou didst make these things
   which they number, and themselves who number, and the sense by which
   they perceive what they number, and the judgment out of which they
   number--they knew not, and that of Thy wisdom there is no number. [370]
   But the Only-begotten has been "made unto us wisdom, and righteousness,
   and sanctification," [371] and has been numbered amongst us, and paid
   tribute to Cæsar. [372] This way, by which they might descend to Him
   from themselves, they knew not; nor that through Him they might ascend
   unto Him. [373] This way they knew not, and they think themselves
   exalted with the stars [374] and shining, and lo! they fell upon the
   earth, [375] and "their foolish heart was darkened." [376] They say
   many true things concerning the creature; but Truth, the Artificer of
   the creature, they seek not with devotion, and hence they find Him not.
   Or if they find Him, knowing that He is God, they glorify Him not as
   God, neither are they thankful, [377] but become vain in their
   imaginations, and say that they themselves are wise, [378] attributing
   to themselves what is Thine; and by this, with most perverse blindness,
   they desire to impute to Thee what is their own, forging lies against
   Thee who art the Truth, and changing the glory of the incorruptible God
   into an image made like corruptible man, and to birds, and four-footed
   beasts, and creeping things, [379] --changing Thy truth into a lie, and
   worshipping and serving the creature more than the Creator. [380]

   6. Many truths, however, concerning the creature did I retain from
   these men, and the cause appeared to me from calculations, the
   succession of seasons, and the visible manifestations of the stars; and
   I compared them with the sayings of Manichæus, who in his frenzy has
   written most extensively on these subjects, but discovered not any
   account either of the solstices, or the equinoxes, the eclipses of the
   luminaries, or anything of the kind I had learned in the books of
   secular philosophy. But therein I was ordered to believe, and yet it
   corresponded not with those rules acknowledged by calculation and my
   own sight, but was far different.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [362] Wisd. xiii. 9.

   [363] Ps. cxxxviii 6.

   [364] Ps. xxxiv. 18, and cxlv. 18.

   [365] See Book iv. sec. 19, note, above.

   [366] He makes use of the same illustrations on Psalms viii. and xi. ,
   where the birds of the air represent the proud, the fishes of the sea
   those who have too great a curiosity, while the beasts of the field are
   those given to carnal pleasures. It will be seen that there is a
   correspondence between them and the lust of the flesh, the lust of the
   eye, and the pride of life, in 1 John ii. 16. See also above, Book iii.
   sec. 16; and below, Book x. sec. 41, etc.

   [367] Ps. viii. 7, 8.

   [368] Deut. iv. 24.

   [369] John i. 3.

   [370] Ps. cxlvii. 5, Vulg.

   [371] 1 Cor. i. 30.

   [372] Matt. xvii. 27.

   [373] In Sermon 123, sec. 3, we have: "Christ as God is the country to
   which we go--Christ as man is the way by which we go." See note on Book
   iv. sec. 19, above.

   [374] Isa. xiv. 13.

   [375] Rev. xii. 4.

   [376] Rom. i. 21.

   [377] Ibid.

   [378] Rom. i. 22.

   [379] Rom. i. 23.

   [380] Rom. i. 25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--That the Knowledge of Terrestrial and Celestial Things
   Does Not Give Happiness, But the Knowledge of God Only.

   7. Doth, then, O Lord God of truth, whosoever knoweth those things
   therefore please Thee? For unhappy is the man who knoweth all those
   things, but knoweth Thee not; but happy is he who knoweth Thee, though
   these he may not know. [381] But he who knoweth both Thee and them is
   not the happier on account of them, but is happy on account of Thee
   only, if knowing Thee he glorify Thee as God, and gives thanks, and
   becomes not vain in his thoughts. [382] But as he is happier who knows
   how to possess a tree, and for the use thereof renders thanks to Thee,
   although he may not know how many cubits high it is, or how wide it
   spreads, than he that measures it and counts all its branches, and
   neither owns it nor knows or loves its Creator; so a just man, whose is
   the entire world of wealth, [383] and who, as having nothing, yet
   possesseth all things [384] by cleaving unto Thee, to whom all things
   are subservient, though he know not even the circles of the Great Bear,
   yet it is foolish to doubt but that he may verily be better than he who
   can measure the heavens, and number the stars, and weigh the elements,
   but is forgetful of Thee, "who hast set in order all things in number,
   weight, and measure." [385]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [381] What a contrast does his attitude here present to his supreme
   regard for secular learning before his conversion! We have constantly
   in his writings expressions of the same kind. On Psalm ciii. he dilates
   lovingly on the fount of happiness the word of God is, as compared with
   the writings of Cicero, Tully, and Plato; and again on Psalm xxxviii.
   he shows that the word is the source of all true joy. So likewise in De
   Trin. iv. 1: "That mind is more praiseworthy which knows even its own
   weakness, than that which, without regard to this, searches out and
   even comes to know the ways of the stars, or which holds fast such
   knowledge already acquired, while ignorant of the way by which itself
   to enter into its own proper health and strength....Such a one has
   preferred to know his own weakness, rather than to know the walls of
   the world, the foundations of the earth, and the pinnacles of heaven."
   See iii. sec. 9, note, above.

   [382] Rom. i. 21.

   [383] Prov. xvii. 6, in the LXX.

   [384] 2 Cor. vi. 10.

   [385] Wisd. xi. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--Of Manichæus Pertinaciously Teaching False Doctrines, and
   Proudly Arrogating to Himself the Holy Spirit.

   8. But yet who was it that ordered Manichæus to write on these things
   likewise, skill in which was not necessary to piety? For Thou hast told
   man to behold piety and wisdom, [386] of which he might be in ignorance
   although having a complete knowledge of these other things; but since,
   knowing not these things, he yet most impudently dared to teach them,
   it is clear that he had no acquaintance with piety. For even when we
   have a knowledge of these worldly matters, it is folly to make a
   profession of them; but confession to Thee is piety. It was therefore
   with this view that this straying one spake much of these matters,
   that, standing convicted by those who had in truth learned them, the
   understanding that he really had in those more difficult things might
   be made plain. For he wished not to be lightly esteemed, but went about
   trying to persuade men "that the Holy Ghost, the Comforter and Enricher
   of Thy faithful ones, was with full authority personally resident in
   him." [387] When, therefore, it was discovered that his teaching
   concerning the heavens and stars, and the motions of sun and moon, was
   false, though these things do not relate to the doctrine of religion,
   yet his sacrilegious arrogance would become sufficiently evident,
   seeing that not only did he affirm things of which he knew nothing, but
   also perverted them, and with such egregious vanity of pride as to seek
   to attribute them to himself as to a divine being.

   9. For when I hear a Christian brother ignorant of these things, or in
   error concerning them, I can bear with patience to see that man hold to
   his opinions; nor can I apprehend that any want of knowledge as to the
   situation or nature of this material creation can be injurious to him,
   so long as he does not entertain belief in anything unworthy of Thee, O
   Lord, the Creator of all. But if he conceives it to pertain to the form
   of the doctrine of piety, and presumes to affirm with great obstinacy
   that whereof he is ignorant, therein lies the injury. And yet even a
   weakness such as this in the dawn of faith is borne by our Mother
   Charity, till the new man may grow up "unto a perfect man," and not be
   "carried about with every wind of doctrine." [388] But in him who thus
   presumed to be at once the teacher, author, head, and leader of all
   whom he could induce to believe this, so that all who followed him
   believed that they were following not a simple man only, but Thy Holy
   Spirit, who would not judge that such great insanity, when once it
   stood convicted of false teaching, should be abhorred and utterly cast
   off? But I had not yet clearly ascertained whether the changes of
   longer and shorter days and nights, and day and night itself, with the
   eclipses of the greater lights, and whatever of the like kind I had
   read in other books, could be expounded consistently with his words.
   Should I have found myself able to do so, there would still have
   remained a doubt in my mind whether it were so or no, although I might,
   on the strength of his reputed godliness, [389] rest my faith on his
   authority.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [386] Job xxviii. 28 in LXX. reads: Idou he theosebea esti sophia.

   [387] This claim of Manichæus was supported by referring to the Lord's
   promise (John xvi. 12, 13) to send the Holy Ghost, the Comforter, to
   guide the apostles into that truth which they were as yet "not able to
   bear." The Manichæans used the words "Paraclete" and "Comforter," as
   indeed the names of the other two persons of the blessed Trinity, in a
   sense entirely different from that of the gospel. These terms were
   little more than the bodily frame, the soul of which was his own
   heretical belief. Whenever opposition appeared between that belief and
   the teaching of Scripture, their ready answer was that the Scriptures
   had been corrupted (De Mor. Ecc. Cath. xxviii. and xxix.); and in such
   a case, as we find Faustus contending (Con. Faust. xxxii. 6), the
   Paraclete taught them what part to receive and what to reject,
   according to the promise of Jesus that He should "guide them into all
   truth," and much more to the same effect. Augustin's whole argument in
   reply is well worthy of attention. Amongst other things, he points out
   that the Manichæan pretension to having received the promised Paraclete
   was precisely the same as that of the Montanists in the previous
   century. It should be observed that Beausobre (Histoire, i. 254, 264,
   etc.) vigorously rebuts the charge brought against Manichæus of
   claiming to be the Holy Ghost. An interesting examination of the claims
   of Montanus will be found in Kaye's Tertullian, pp. 13 to 33.

   [388] Eph. iv. 13, 14.

   [389] See vi. sec. 12, note, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--Faustus Was Indeed an Elegant Speaker, But Knew Nothing of
   the Liberal Sciences.

   10. And for nearly the whole of those nine years during which, with
   unstable mind, I had been their follower, I had been looking forward
   with but too great eagerness for the arrival of this same Faustus. For
   the other members of the sect whom I had chanced to light upon, when
   unable to answer the questions I raised, always bade me look forward to
   his coming, when, by discoursing with him, these, and greater
   difficulties if I had them, would be most easily and amply cleared
   away. When at last he did come, I found him to be a man of pleasant
   speech, who spoke of the very same things as they themselves did,
   although more fluently, and in better language. But of what profit to
   me was the elegance of my cup-bearer, since he offered me not the more
   precious draught for which I thirsted? My ears were already satiated
   with similar things; neither did they appear to me more conclusive,
   because better expressed; nor true, because oratorical; nor the spirit
   necessarily wise, because the face was comely and the language
   eloquent. But they who extolled him to me were not competent judges;
   and therefore, as he was possessed of suavity of speech, he appeared to
   them to be prudent and wise. Another sort of persons, however, was, I
   was aware, suspicious even of truth itself, if enunciated in smooth and
   flowing language. But me, O my God, Thou hadst already instructed by
   wonderful and mysterious ways, and therefore I believe that Thou
   instructedst me because it is truth; nor of truth is there any other
   teacher--where or whencesoever it may shine upon us [390] --but Thee.
   From Thee, therefore, I had now learned, that because a thing is
   eloquently expressed, it should not of necessity seem to be true; nor,
   because uttered with stammering lips, should it be false nor, again,
   perforce true, because unskilfully delivered; nor consequently untrue,
   because the language is fine; but that wisdom and folly are as food
   both wholesome and unwholesome, and courtly or simple words as
   town-made or rustic vessels,--and both kinds of food may be served in
   either kind of dish.

   11. That eagerness, therefore, with which I had so long waited for this
   man was in truth delighted with his action and feeling when disputing,
   and the fluent and apt words with which he clothed his ideas. I was
   therefore filled with joy, and joined with others (and even exceeded
   them) in exalting and praising him. It was, however, a source of
   annoyance to me that I was not allowed at those meetings of his
   auditors to introduce and impart [391] any of those questions that
   troubled me in familiar exchange of arguments with him. When I might
   speak, and began, in conjunction with my friends, to engage his
   attention at such times as it was not unseeming for him to enter into a
   discussion with me, and had mooted such questions as perplexed me, I
   discovered him first to know nothing of the liberal sciences save
   grammar, and that only in an ordinary way. Having, however, read some
   of Tully's Orations, a very few books of Seneca and some of the poets,
   and such few volumes of his own sect as were written coherently in
   Latin, and being day by day practised in speaking, he so acquired a
   sort of eloquence, which proved the more delightful and enticing in
   that it was under the control of ready tact, and a sort of native
   grace. Is it not even as I recall, O Lord my God, Thou judge of my
   conscience? My heart and my memory are laid before Thee, who didst at
   that time direct me by the inscrutable mystery of Thy Providence, and
   didst set before my face those vile errors of mine, in order that I
   might see and loathe them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [390] Sec. vii. sec. 15, below.

   [391] "This was the old fashion of the East, where the scholars had
   liberty to ask questions of their masters, and to move doubts as the
   professors were reading, or so soon as the lecture was done. Thus did
   our Saviour with the doctors (Luke ii. 46). So it is still in some
   European Universities."--W. W.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--Clearly Seeing the Fallacies of the Manichæans, He
   Retires from Them, Being Remarkably Aided by God.

   12. For when it became plain to me that he was ignorant of those arts
   in which I had believed him to excel, I began to despair of his
   clearing up and explaining all the perplexities which harassed me:
   though ignorant of these, however, he might still have held the truth
   of piety, had he not been a Manichæan. For their books are full of
   lengthy fables [392] concerning the heaven and stars, the sun and moon,
   and I had ceased to think him able to decide in a satisfactory manner
   what I ardently desired,--whether, on comparing these things with the
   calculations I had read elsewhere, the explanations contained in the
   works of Manichæus were preferable, or at any rate equally sound? But
   when I proposed that these subjects should be deliberated upon and
   reasoned out, he very modestly did not dare to endure the burden. For
   he was aware that he had no knowledge of these things, and was not
   ashamed to confess it. For he was not one of those loquacious persons,
   many of whom I had been troubled with, who covenanted to teach me these
   things, and said nothing; but this man possessed a heart, which, though
   not right towards Thee, yet was not altogether false towards himself.
   For he was not altogether ignorant of his own ignorance, nor would he
   without due consideration be inveigled in a controversy, from which he
   could neither draw back nor extricate himself fairly. And for that I
   was even more pleased with him, for more beautiful is the modesty of an
   ingenuous mind than the acquisition of the knowledge I desired,--and
   such I found him to be in all the more abstruse and subtle questions.

   13. My eagerness after the writings of Manichæus having thus received a
   check, and despairing even more of their other teachers,--seeing that
   in sundry things which puzzled me, he, so famous amongst them, had thus
   turned out,--I began to occupy myself with him in the study of that
   literature which he also much affected, and which I, as Professor of
   Rhetoric, was then engaged in teaching the young Carthaginian students,
   and in reading with him either what he expressed a wish to hear, or I
   deemed suited to his bent of mind. But all my endeavours by which I had
   concluded to improve in that sect, by acquaintance with that man, came
   completely to an end: not that I separated myself altogether from them,
   but, as one who could find nothing better, I determined in the meantime
   upon contenting myself with what I had in any way lighted upon, unless,
   by chance, something more desirable should present itself. Thus that
   Faustus, who had entrapped so many to their death,--neither willing nor
   witting it,--now began to loosen the snare in which I had been taken.
   For Thy hands, O my God, in the hidden design of Thy Providence, did
   not desert my soul; and out of the blood of my mother's heart, through
   the tears that she poured out by day and by night, was a sacrifice
   offered unto Thee for me; and by marvellous ways didst Thou deal with
   me. [393] It was Thou, O my God, who didst it, for the steps of a man
   are ordered by the Lord, and He shall dispose his way. [394] Or how can
   we procure salvation but from Thy hand, remaking what it hath made?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [392] We have referred in the note on iii. sec. 10, above, to the way
   in which the Manichæans parodied Scripture names. In these "fables"
   this is remarkably evidenced. "To these filthy rags of yours," says
   Augustin (Con. Faust. xx. 6), "you would unite the mystery of the
   Trinity; for you say that the Father dwells in a secret light, the
   power of the Son in the sun, and His wisdom in the moon, and the Holy
   Spirit in the air." The Manichæan doctrine as to the mixture of the
   divine nature with the substance of evil, and the way in which that
   nature was released by the "elect," has already been pointed out (see
   note iii. sec. 18, above). The part of sun and moon, also, in
   accomplishing this release, is alluded to in his De Mor. Manich. "This
   part of God," he says (c. xxxvi.), "is daily being set free in all
   parts of the world, and restored to its own domain. But in its passage
   upwards as vapour from earth to heaven, it enters plants, because their
   roots are fixed in the earth, and so gives fertility and strength to
   all herbs and shrubs." These parts of God, arrested in their rise by
   the vegetable world, were released, as above stated, by the "elect".
   All that escaped from them in the act of eating, as well as what was
   set free by evaporation, passed into the sun and moon, as into a kind
   of purgatorial state--they being purer light than the only recently
   emancipated good nature. In his letter to Januarius (Ep. lv. 6), he
   tells us that the moon's waxing and waning were said by the Manichæans
   to be caused by its receiving souls from matter as it were into a ship,
   and transferring them "into the sun as into another ship." The sun was
   called Christ, and was worshipped; and accordingly we find Augustin,
   after alluding to these monstrous doctrines, saying (Con. Faust. v.
   11): "If your affections were set upon spiritual and intellectual good
   instead of material forms, you would not pay homage to the material sun
   as a divine substance and as the light of wisdom." Many other
   interesting quotations might be added, but we must content ourselves
   with the following. In his Reply to Faustus (xx. 6), he says: "You call
   the sun a ship, so that you are not only astray worlds off, as the
   saying is, but adrift. Next, while every one sees that the sun is
   round, which is the form corresponding from its perfection to his
   position among the heavenly bodies, you maintain that he is triangular
   [perhaps in allusion to the early symbol of the Trinity]; that is, that
   his light shines on the earth through a triangular window in heaven.
   Hence it is that you bend and bow your heads to the sun, while you
   worship not this visible sun, but some imaginary ship, which you
   suppose to be shining through a triangular opening."

   [393] Joel ii. 26.

   [394] Ps. xxxvii. 23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--He Sets Out for Rome, His Mother in Vain Lamenting It.

   14. Thou dealedst with me, therefore, that I should be persuaded to go
   to Rome, and teach there rather what I was then teaching at Carthage.
   And how I was persuaded to do this, I will not fail to confess unto
   Thee; for in this also the profoundest workings of Thy wisdom, and Thy
   ever present mercy to usward, must be pondered and avowed. It was not
   my desire to go to Rome because greater advantages and dignities were
   guaranteed me by the friends who persuaded me into this,--although even
   at this period I was influenced by these considerations,--but my
   principal and almost sole motive was, that I had been informed that the
   youths studied more quietly there, and were kept under by the control
   of more rigid discipline, so that they did not capriciously and
   impudently rush into the school of a master not their own, into whose
   presence they were forbidden to enter unless with his consent. At
   Carthage, on the contrary, there was amongst the scholars a shameful
   and intemperate license. They burst in rudely, and, with almost furious
   gesticulations, interrupt the system which any one may have instituted
   for the good of his pupils. Many outrages they perpetrate with
   astounding phlegm, which would be punishable by law were they not
   sustained by custom; that custom showing them to be the more worthless,
   in that they now do, as according to law, what by Thy unchangeable law
   will never be lawful. And they fancy they do it with impunity, whereas
   the very blindness whereby they do it is their punishment, and they
   suffer far greater things than they do. The manners, then, which as a
   student I would not adopt, [395] I was compelled as a teacher to submit
   to from others; and so I was too glad to go where all who knew anything
   about it assured me that similar things were not done. But Thou, "my
   refuge and my portion in the land of the living," [396] didst while at
   Carthage goad me, so that I might thereby be withdrawn from it, and
   exchange my worldly habitation for the preservation of my soul; whilst
   at Rome Thou didst offer me enticements by which to attract me there,
   by men enchanted with this dying life,--the one doing insane actions,
   and the other making assurances of vain things; and, in order to
   correct my footsteps, didst secretly employ their and my perversity.
   For both they who disturbed my tranquillity were blinded by a shameful
   madness, and they who allured me elsewhere smacked of the earth. And I,
   who hated real misery here, sought fictitious happiness there.

   15. But the cause of my going thence and going thither, Thou, O God,
   knewest, yet revealedst it not, either to me or to my mother, who
   grievously lamented my journey, and went with me as far as the sea. But
   I deceived her, when she violently restrained me either that she might
   retain me or accompany me, and I pretended that I had a friend whom I
   could not quit until he had a favourable wind to set sail. And I lied
   to my mother--and such a mother!--and got away. For this also Thou hast
   in mercy pardoned me, saving me, thus replete with abominable
   pollutions, from the waters of the sea, for the water of Thy grace,
   whereby, when I was purified, the fountains of my mother's eyes should
   be dried, from which for me she day by day watered the ground under her
   face. And yet, refusing to go back without me, it was with difficulty I
   persuaded her to remain that night in a place quite close to our ship,
   where there was an oratory [397] in memory of the blessed Cyprian. That
   night I secretly left, but she was not backward in prayers and weeping.
   And what was it, O Lord, that she, with such an abundance of tears, was
   asking of Thee, but that Thou wouldest not permit me to sail? But Thou,
   mysteriously counselling and hearing the real purpose of her desire,
   granted not what she then asked, in order to make me what she was ever
   asking. The wind blew and filled our sails, and withdrew the shore from
   our sight; and she, wild with grief, was there on the morrow, and
   filled Thine ears with complaints and groans, which Thou didst
   disregard; whilst, by the means of my longings, Thou wert hastening me
   on to the cessation of all longing, and the gross part of her love to
   me was whipped out by the just lash of sorrow. But, like all
   mothers,--though even more than others,--she loved to have me with her,
   and knew not what joy Thou wert preparing for her by my absence. Being
   ignorant of this, she did weep and mourn, and in her agony was seen the
   inheritance of Eve,--seeking in sorrow what in sorrow she had brought
   forth. And yet, after accusing my perfidy and cruelty, she again
   continued her intercessions for me with Thee, returned to her
   accustomed place, and I to Rome.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [395] See iii. sec. 6, note, above.

   [396] Ps. cxlii. 5.

   [397] See vi. sec. 2, note, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--Being Attacked by Fever, He is in Great Danger.

   16. And behold, there was I received by the scourge of bodily sickness,
   and I was descending into hell burdened with all the sins that I had
   committed, both against Thee, myself, and others, many and grievous,
   over and above that bond of original sin whereby we all die in Adam.
   [398] For none of these things hadst Thou forgiven me in Christ,
   neither had He "abolished" by His cross "the enmity" [399] which, by my
   sins, I had incurred with Thee. For how could He, by the crucifixion of
   a phantasm, [400] which I supposed Him to be? As true, then, was the
   death of my soul, as that of His flesh appeared to me to be untrue; and
   as true the death of His flesh as the life of my soul, which believed
   it not, was false. The fever increasing, I was now passing away and
   perishing. For had I then gone hence, whither should I have gone but
   into the fiery torments meet for my misdeeds, in the truth of Thy
   ordinance? She was ignorant of this, yet, while absent, prayed for me.
   But Thou, everywhere present, hearkened to her where she was, and hadst
   pity upon me where I was, that I should regain my bodily health,
   although still frenzied in my sacrilegious heart. For all that peril
   did not make me wish to be baptized, and I was better when, as a lad, I
   entreated it of my mother's piety, as I have already related and
   confessed. [401] But I had grown up to my own dishonour, and all the
   purposes of Thy medicine I madly derided, [402] who wouldst not suffer
   me, though such a one, to die a double death. Had my mother's heart
   been smitten with this wound, it never could have been cured. For I
   cannot sufficiently express the love she had for me, nor how she now
   travailed for me in the spirit with a far keener anguish than when she
   bore me in the flesh.

   17. I cannot conceive, therefore, how she could have been healed if
   such a death of mine had transfixed the bowels of her love. Where then
   would have been her so earnest, frequent, and unintermitted prayers to
   Thee alone? But couldst Thou, most merciful God, despise the "contrite
   and humble heart" [403] of that pure and prudent widow, so constant in
   alms-deeds, so gracious and attentive to Thy saints, not permitting one
   day to pass without oblation at Thy altar, twice a day, at morning and
   even-tide, coming to Thy church without intermission--not for vain
   gossiping, nor old wives' "fables," [404] but in order that she might
   listen to Thee in Thy sermons, and Thou to her in her prayers? [405]
   Couldst Thou--Thou by whose gift she was such--despise and disregard
   without succouring the tears of such a one, wherewith she entreated
   Thee not for gold or silver, nor for any changing or fleeting good, but
   for the salvation of the soul of her son? By no means, Lord. Assuredly
   Thou wert near, and wert hearing and doing in that method in which Thou
   hadst predetermined that it should be done. Far be it from Thee that
   Thou shouldst delude her in those visions and the answers she had from
   Thee,--some of which I have spoken of, [406] and others not, [407]
   --which she kept [408] in her faithful breast, and, always petitioning,
   pressed upon Thee as Thine autograph. For Thou, "because Thy mercy
   endureth for ever," [409] condescendest to those whose debts Thou hast
   pardoned, to become likewise a debtor by Thy promises.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [398] 1 Cor. xv. 22.

   [399] Eph. ii. 15, and Col. i. 20, etc.

   [400] The Manichæan belief in regard to the unreal nature of Christ's
   body may be gathered from Augustin's Reply to Faustus: "You ask,"
   argues Faustus (xxvi. i.), "if Jesus was not born, how did He die?...In
   return I ask you, how did Elias not die, though he was a man? Could a
   mortal encroach upon the limits of immortality, and could not Christ
   add to His immortality whatever experience of death was
   required?...Accordingly, if it is a good argument that Jesus was a man
   because He died, it is an equally good argument that Elias was not a
   man because he did not die....As, from the outset of His taking the
   likeness of man, He underwent in appearance all the experiences of
   humanity, it was quite consistent that He should complete the system by
   appearing to die." So that with him the whole life of Jesus was a
   "phantasm." His birth, circumcision, crucifixion, baptism, and
   temptation were (ibid. xxxii. 7) the mere result of the interpolation
   of crafty men, or sprung from the ignorance of the apostles, when as
   yet they had not reached perfection in knowledge. It is noticeable that
   Augustin, referring to Eph. ii. 15, substitutes His cross for His
   flesh, he, as a Manichæan, not believing in the real humanity of the
   Son of God. See iii. sec. 9, note, above.

   [401] See i. sec. 10, above.

   [402] See also iv. sec. 8, above, where he derides his friend's
   baptism.

   [403] Ps. li. 19.

   [404] 1 Tim. v. 10.

   [405] Watts gives the following note here:--"Oblations were those
   offerings of bread, meal, or wine, for making of the Eucharist, or of
   alms besides for the poor, which the primitive Christians every time
   they communicated brought to the church, where it was received by the
   deacons, who presented them to the priest or bishop. Here note: (1)
   They communicated daily; (2) they had service morning and evening, and
   two sermons a day many times," etc. An interesting trace of an old use
   in this matter of oblations is found in the Queen's Coronation Service.
   After other oblations had been offered, the Queen knelt before the
   Archbishop and presented to him "oblations" of bread and wine for the
   Holy Communion. See also Palmer's Origines Liturgicæ, iv. 8, who
   demonstrates by reference to patristic writers that the custom was
   universal in the primitive Church:--"But though all the churches of the
   East and West agreed in this respect, they differed in appointing the
   time and place at which the oblations of the people were received." It
   would appear from the following account of early Christian worship,
   that in the time of Justin Martyr the oblations were collected after
   the reception of the Lord's Supper. In his First Apology we read (c.
   lxvii.): "On the day called Sunday [tou heliou legomene hemera] all who
   live in cities or in the country gather together to one place, and the
   memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, as
   long as time permits them. When the reader has ceased, the president
   [ho proestos] verbally instructs, and exhorts to the imitation of these
   good things. Then we all rise together and pray [euchas pempomen], and,
   as we before said, when our prayer is ended, bread and wine and water
   are brought, and the president in like manner offers prayers and
   thanksgivings according to his ability [Kaye renders (p. 89) euchas
   homoios kai eucharistias, hose dunamis auto, anapempei, "with his
   utmost power"], and the people assent, saying Amen; and there is a
   distribution to each, and a participation of that over which thanks had
   been given, and to those who are absent a portion is sent by the
   deacons. And they who are well-to-do, and willing, give what each
   thinks fit; and what is collected [to sullegomenon] is deposited with
   the president, who succours the orphans and widows, and those who,
   through sickness or any other cause, are in want, and those who are in
   bonds, and the stranger sojourning among us, and, in a word, takes care
   of all who are in need." The whole passage is given, as portions of it
   will be found to have a bearing on other parts of the Confessions.
   Bishop Kaye's Justin Martyr, c. iv., may be referred to for his view of
   the controverted points in the passage. See also Bingham's Antiquities,
   ii. 2-9; and notes to vi. sec. 2, and ix. secs. 6 and 27, below.

   [406] See above, iii. 11, 12.

   [407] Ibid. iii. 12.

   [408] Luke ii. 19.

   [409] Ps. cxviii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--When He Had Left the Manichæans, He Retained His Depraved
   Opinions Concerning Sin and the Origin of the Saviour.

   18. Thou restoredst me then from that illness, and made sound the son
   of Thy hand-maid meanwhile in body, that he might live for Thee, to
   endow him with a higher and more enduring health. And even then at Rome
   I joined those deluding and deluded "saints;" not their "hearers"
   only,--of the number of whom was he in whose house I had fallen ill,
   and had recovered,--but those also whom they designate "The Elect."
   [410] For it still seemed to me "that it was not we that sin, but that
   I know not what other nature sinned in us." [411] And it gratified my
   pride to be free from blame and, after I had committed any fault, not
   to acknowledge that I had done any,--"that Thou mightest heal my soul
   because it had sinned against Thee;" [412] but I loved to excuse it,
   and to accuse something else (I wot not what) which was with me, but
   was not I. But assuredly it was wholly I, and my impiety had divided me
   against myself; and that sin was all the more incurable in that I did
   not deem myself a sinner. And execrable iniquity it was, O God
   omnipotent, that I would rather have Thee to be overcome in me to my
   destruction, than myself of Thee to salvation! Not yet, therefore,
   hadst Thou set a watch before my mouth, and kept the door of my lips,
   that my heart might not incline to wicked speeches, to make excuses of
   sins, with men that work iniquity [413] --and, therefore, was I still
   united with their "Elect."

   19. But now, hopeless of making proficiency in that false doctrine,
   even those things with which I had decided upon contenting myself,
   providing that I could find nothing better, I now held more loosely and
   negligently. For I was half inclined to believe that those philosophers
   whom they call "Academics" [414] were more sagacious than the rest, in
   that they held that we ought to doubt everything, and ruled that man
   had not the power of comprehending any truth; for so, not yet realizing
   their meaning, I also was fully persuaded that they thought just as
   they are commonly held to do. And I did not fail frankly to restrain in
   my host that assurance which I observed him to have in those fictions
   of which the works of Manichæus are full. Notwithstanding, I was on
   terms of more intimate friendship with them than with others who were
   not of this heresy. Nor did I defend it with my former ardour; still my
   familiarity with that sect (many of them being concealed in Rome) made
   me slower [415] to seek any other way,--particularly since I was
   hopeless of finding the truth, from which in Thy Church, O Lord of
   heaven and earth, Creator of all things visible and invisible, they had
   turned me aside,--and it seemed to me most unbecoming to believe Thee
   to have the form of human flesh, and to be bounded by the bodily
   lineaments of our members. And because, when I desired to meditate on
   my God, I knew not what to think of but a mass of bodies [416] (for
   what was not such did not seem to me to be), this was the greatest and
   almost sole cause of my inevitable error.

   20. For hence I also believed evil to be a similar sort of substance,
   and to be possessed of its own foul and misshapen mass--whether dense,
   which they denominated earth, or thin and subtle, as is the body of the
   air, which they fancy some malignant spirit crawling through that
   earth. And because a piety--such as it was--compelled me to believe
   that the good God never created any evil nature, I conceived two
   masses, the one opposed to the other, both infinite, but the evil the
   more contracted, the good the more expansive. And from this mischievous
   commencement the other profanities followed on me. For when my mind
   tried to revert to the Catholic faith, I was cast back, since what I
   had held to be the Catholic faith was not so. And it appeared to me
   more devout to look upon Thee, my God,--to whom I make confession of
   Thy mercies,--as infinite, at least, on other sides, although on that
   side where the mass of evil was in opposition to Thee [417] I was
   compelled to confess Thee finite, that if on every side I should
   conceive Thee to be confined by the form of a human body. And better
   did it seem to me to believe that no evil had been created by
   Thee--which to me in my ignorance appeared not only some substance, but
   a bodily one, because I had no conception of the mind excepting as a
   subtle body, and that diffused in local spaces--than to believe that
   anything could emanate from Thee of such a kind as I considered the
   nature of evil to be. And our very Saviour Himself, also, Thine
   only-begotten, [418] I believed to have been reached forth, as it were,
   for our salvation out of the lump of Thy most effulgent mass, so as to
   believe nothing of Him but what I was able to imagine in my vanity.
   Such a nature, then, I thought could not be born of the Virgin Mary
   without being mingled with the flesh; and how that which I had thus
   figured to myself could be mingled without being contaminated, I saw
   not. I was afraid, therefore, to believe Him to be born in the flesh,
   lest I should be compelled to believe Him contaminated by the flesh.
   [419] Now will Thy spiritual ones blandly and lovingly smile at me if
   they shall read these my confessions; yet such was I.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [410] See iv. sec. 1, note, above.

   [411] See iv. sec. 26, note 2, above.

   [412] Ps. xli. 4.

   [413] Ps. cxli. 3, 4, Old Vers. See also Augustin's Commentary on the
   Psalms, where, using his Septuagint version, he applies this passage to
   the Manichæans.

   [414] "Amongst these philosophers," i.e. those who have founded their
   systems on denial, "some are satisfied with denying certainty,
   admitting at the same time probability, and these are the New
   Academics; the others, who are the Pyrrhonists, have denied even this
   probability, and have maintained that all things are equally certain
   and uncertain" (Port. Roy. Log. iv. 1). There are, according to the
   usual divisions, three Academies, the old, the middle, and the new; and
   some subdivide the middle and the new each into two schools, making
   five schools of thought in all. These begin with Plato, the founder
   (387 B.C.), and continue to the fifth school, founded by Antiochus (83
   B.C.), who, by combining his teachings with that of Aristotle and Zeno,
   prepared the way for Neo-Platonism and its development of the dogmatic
   side of Plato's teaching. In the second Academic school, founded by
   Arcesilas,--of whom Aristo, the Stoic, parodying the line in the Iliad
   (vi. 181), Prosthe leon, opithen de drakon, messe de chimaira, said
   sarcastically he was "Plato in front, Pyrrho behind, and Diodorus in
   the middle,"--the "sceptical" tendency in Platonism began to develope
   itself, which, under Carneades, was expanded into the doctrine of the
   third Academic school. Arcesilas had been a pupil of Polemo when he was
   head of the old Academy. Zeno also, dissatisfied with the cynical
   philosophy of Crates, had learnt Platonic doctrine from Polemo, and
   was, as Cicero tells us (De Fin. iv. 16), greatly influenced by his
   teaching. Zeno, however, soon founded his own school of Stoical
   philosophy, which was violently opposed by Arcesilas (Cicero, Acad.
   Post. i. 12). Arcesilas, according to Cicero (ibid.), taught his pupils
   that we cannot know anything, not even that we are unable to know. It
   is exceedingly probable, however, that he taught esoterically the
   doctrines of Plato to those of his pupils he thought able to receive
   them, keeping them back from the multitude because of the prevalence of
   the new doctrine. This appears to have been Augustin's view when he had
   arrived at a fuller knowledge of their doctrines than that he possessed
   at the time referred to in his Confessions. In his treatises against
   the Academicians (iii. 17) he maintains the wisdom of Arcesilas in this
   matter. He says: "As the multitude are prone to rush into false
   opinions, and, from being accustomed to bodies, readily, but to their
   hurt, believe everything to be corporeal, this most acute and learned
   man determined rather to unteach those who had suffered from bad
   teaching, than to teach those whom he did not think teachable." Again,
   in the first of his Letters, alluding to these treatises, he says: "It
   seems to me to be suitable enough to the times in which they
   flourished, that whatever issued pure from the fountain-head of
   Platonic philosophy should be rather conducted into dark and thorny
   thickets for the refreshment of a very few men, than left to flow in
   open meadow-land, where it would be impossible to keep it clear and
   pure from the inroads of the vulgar herd. I use the word herd'
   advisedly, for what is more brutish than the opinion that the soul is
   material?" and more to the same purpose. In his De Civ. Dei, xix 18, he
   contrasts the uncertainty ascribed to the doctrines of these teachers
   with the certainty of the Christian faith. See Burton's Bampton
   Lectures, note 33, and Archer Butler's Ancient Philosophy, ii. 313,
   348, etc. See also vii. sec. 13, note, below.

   [415] See iii. sec. 21, above.

   [416] See iv. secs. 3, 12, and 31, above.

   [417] See iv. 26, note 2, above.

   [418] See above, sec. 12, note.

   [419] The dualistic belief of the Manichæan ever led him to contend
   that Christ only appeared in a resemblance of flesh, and did not touch
   its substance so as to be defiled. Hence Faustus characteristically
   speaks of the Incarnation (Con. Faust. xxxii. 7) as "the shameful birth
   of Jesus from a woman," and when pressed (ibid. xi. 1) with such
   passages as, Christ was "born of the seed of David according to the
   flesh" (Rom. i. 3), he would fall back upon what in these days we are
   familiar with as that "higher criticism," which rejects such parts of
   Scripture as it is inconvenient to receive. Paul, he said, then only
   "spoke as a child" (1 Cor. xiii. 11), but when he became a man in
   doctrine, he put away childish things, and then declared, "Though we
   have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we Him no
   more." See above, sec. 16, note 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--Helpidius Disputed Well Against the Manichæans as to the
   Authenticity of the New Testament.

   21. Furthermore, whatever they had censured [420] in Thy Scriptures I
   thought impossible to be defended; and yet sometimes, indeed, I desired
   to confer on these several points with some one well learned in those
   books, and to try what he thought of them. For at this time the words
   of one Helpidius, speaking and disputing face to face against the said
   Manichæans, had begun to move me even at Carthage, in that he brought
   forth things from the Scriptures not easily withstood, to which their
   answer appeared to me feeble. And this answer they did not give forth
   publicly, but only to us in private,--when they said that the writings
   of the New Testament had been tampered with by I know not whom, who
   were desirous of ingrafting the Jewish law upon the Christian faith;
   [421] but they themselves did not bring forward any uncorrupted copies.
   [422] But I, thinking of corporeal things, very much ensnared and in a
   measure stifled, was oppressed by those masses; [423] panting under
   which for the breath of Thy Truth, I was not able to breathe it pure
   and undefiled.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [420] See iii. sec. 14, above.

   [421] On this matter reference may be made to Con. Faust. xviii. 1, 3;
   xix. 5, 6; xxxiii. 1, 3.

   [422] They might well not like to give the answer in public, for, as
   Augustin remarks (De Mor. Eccles. Cath. sec. 14), every one could see
   "that this is all that is left for men to say when it is proved that
   they are wrong. The astonishment that he experienced now, that they did
   "not bring forward any uncorrupted copies," had fast hold of him, and
   after his conversion he confronted them on this very ground. "You ought
   to bring forward," he says (ibid. sec. 61), "another manuscript with
   the same contents, but incorrupt and more correct, with only the
   passage wanting which you charge with being spurious....You say you
   will not, lest you be suspected of corrupting it. This is your usual
   reply, and a true one." See also De Mor. Manich. sec. 55; and Con.
   Faust. xi. 2, xiii. 5, xviii. 7, xxii. 15, xxxii. 16.

   [423] See above, sec. 19, Fin..
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--Professing Rhetoric at Rome, He Discovers the Fraud of
   His Scholars.

   22. Then began I assiduously to practise that for which I came to
   Rome--the teaching of rhetoric; and first to bring together at my home
   some to whom, and through whom, I had begun to be known; when, behold,
   I learnt that other offences were committed in Rome which I had not to
   bear in Africa. For those subvertings by abandoned young men were not
   practised here, as I had been informed; yet, suddenly, said they, to
   evade paying their master's fees, many of the youths conspire together,
   and remove themselves to another,--breakers of faith, who, for the love
   of money, set a small value on justice. These also my heart "hated,"
   though not with a "perfect hatred;" [424] for, perhaps, I hated them
   more in that I was to suffer by them, than for the illicit acts they
   committed. Such of a truth are base persons, and they are unfaithful to
   Thee, loving these transitory mockeries of temporal things, and vile
   gain, which begrimes the hand that lays hold on it; and embracing the
   fleeting world, and scorning Thee, who abidest, and invitest to return,
   and pardonest the prostituted human soul when it returneth to Thee. And
   now I hate such crooked and perverse men, although I love them if they
   are to be corrected so as to prefer the learning they obtain to money,
   and to learning Thee, O God, the truth and fulness of certain good and
   most chaste peace. But then was the wish stronger in me for my own sake
   not to suffer them evil, than was the wish that they should become good
   for Thine.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [424] Ps. cxxxix. 22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--He is Sent to Milan, that He, About to Teach Rhetoric,
   May Be Known by Ambrose.

   23. When, therefore, they of Milan had sent to Rome to the prefect of
   the city, to provide them with a teacher of rhetoric for their city,
   and to despatch him at the public expense, I made interest through
   those identical persons, drunk with Manichæan vanities, to be freed
   from whom I was going away,--neither of us, however, being aware of
   it,--that Symmachus, the then prefect, having proved me by proposing a
   subject, would send me. And to Milan I came, unto Ambrose the bishop,
   known to the whole world as among the best of men, Thy devout servant;
   whose eloquent discourse did at that time strenuously dispense unto Thy
   people the flour of Thy wheat, the "gladness" of Thy "oil," and the
   sober intoxication of Thy "wine." [425] To him was I unknowingly led by
   Thee, that by him I might knowingly be led to Thee. That man of God
   received me like a father, and looked with a benevolent and episcopal
   kindliness on my change of abode. And I began to love him, not at
   first, indeed, as a teacher of the truth,--which I entirely despaired
   of in Thy Church,--but as a man friendly to myself. And I studiously
   hearkened to him preaching to the people, not with the motive I should,
   but, as it were, trying to discover whether his eloquence came up to
   the fame thereof, or flowed fuller or lower than was asserted; and I
   hung on his words intently, but of the matter I was but as a careless
   and contemptuous spectator; and I was delighted with the pleasantness
   of his speech, more erudite, yet less cheerful and soothing in manner,
   than that of Faustus. Of the matter, however, there could be no
   comparison; for the latter was straying amid Manichæan deceptions,
   whilst the former was teaching salvation most soundly. But "salvation
   is far from the wicked," [426] such as I then stood before him; and yet
   I was drawing nearer gradually and unconsciously.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [425] Ps. iv. 7, and civ. 15.

   [426] Ps. cxix. 155.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--Having Heard the Bishop, He Perceives the Force of the
   Catholic Faith, Yet Doubts, After the Manner of the Modern Academics.

   24. For although I took no trouble to learn what he spake, but only to
   hear how he spake (for that empty care alone remained to me, despairing
   of a way accessible for man to Thee), yet, together with the words
   which I prized, there came into my mind also the things about which I
   was careless; for I could not separate them. And whilst I opened my
   heart to admit "how skilfully he spake," there also entered with it,
   but gradually, "and how truly he spake!" For first, these things also
   had begun to appear to me to be defensible; and the Catholic faith, for
   which I had fancied nothing could be said against the attacks of the
   Manichæans, I now conceived might be maintained without presumption;
   especially after I had heard one or two parts of the Old Testament
   explained, and often allegorically--which when I accepted literally, I
   was "killed" spiritually. [427] Many places, then, of those books
   having been expounded to me, I now blamed my despair in having believed
   that no reply could be made to those who hated and derided [428] the
   Law and the Prophets. Yet I did not then see that for that reason the
   Catholic way was to be held because it had its learned advocates, who
   could at length, and not irrationally, answer objections; nor that what
   I held ought therefore to be condemned because both sides were equally
   defensible. For that way did not appear to me to be vanquished; nor yet
   did it seem to me to be victorious.

   25. Hereupon did I earnestly bend my mind to see if in any way I could
   possibly prove the Manichæans guilty of falsehood. Could I have
   realized a spiritual substance, all their strongholds would have been
   beaten down, and cast utterly out of my mind; but I could not. But yet,
   concerning the body of this world, and the whole of nature, which the
   senses of the flesh can attain unto, I, now more and more considering
   and comparing things, judged that the greater part of the philosophers
   held much the more probable opinions. So, then, after the manner of the
   Academics (as they are supposed), [429] doubting of everything and
   fluctuating between all, I decided that the Manichæans were to be
   abandoned; judging that, even while in that period of doubt, I could
   not remain in a sect to which I preferred some of the philosophers; to
   which philosophers, however, because they were without the saving name
   of Christ, I utterly refused to commit the cure of my fainting soul. I
   resolved, therefore, to be a catechumen [430] in the Catholic Church,
   which my parents had commended to me, until something settled should
   manifest itself to me whither I might steer my course. [431]

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [427] 1 Cor. xiii. 12, and 2 Cor. iii. 6. See vi. sec. 6, note, below.

   [428] He frequently alludes to this scoffing spirit, so characteristic
   of these heretics. As an example, he says (in Ps. cxlvi. 13): "There
   has sprung up a certain accursed sect of the Manichæans which derides
   the Scriptures it takes and reads. It wishes to censure what it does
   not understand, and by disturbing and censuring what it understands
   not, has deceived many." See also sec. 16, and iv. sec. 8, above.

   [429] See above, sec. 19, and note.

   [430] See vi. sec. 2, note, below.

   [431] In his Benefit of Believing, Augustin adverts to the above
   experiences with a view to the conviction of his friend Honoratus, who
   was then a Manichæan.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book VI.

   ------------------------

   Attaining his thirtieth year, he, under the admonition of the
   discourses of Ambrose, discovered more and more the truth of the
   Catholic doctrine, and deliberates as to the better regulation of his
   life.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--His Mother Having Followed Him to Milan, Declares that She
   Will Not Die Before Her Son Shall Have Embraced the Catholic Faith.

   1. O Thou, my hope from my youth, [432] where wert Thou to me, and
   whither hadst Thou gone? For in truth, hadst Thou not created me, and
   made a difference between me and the beasts of the field and fowls of
   the air? Thou hadst made me wiser than they, yet did I wander about in
   dark and slippery places, and sought Thee abroad out of myself, and
   found not the God of my heart; [433] and had entered the depths of the
   sea, and distrusted and despaired finding out the truth. By this time
   my mother, made strong by her piety, had come to me, following me over
   sea and land, in all perils feeling secure in Thee. For in the dangers
   of the sea she comforted the very sailors (to whom the inexperienced
   passengers, when alarmed, were wont rather to go for comfort), assuring
   them of a safe arrival, because she had been so assured by Thee in a
   vision. She found me in grievous danger, through despair of ever
   finding truth. But when I had disclosed to her that I was now no longer
   a Manichæan, though not yet a Catholic Christian, she did not leap for
   joy as at what was unexpected; although she was now reassured as to
   that part of my misery for which she had mourned me as one dead, but
   who would be raised to Thee, carrying me forth upon the bier of her
   thoughts, that Thou mightest say unto the widow's son, "Young man, I
   say unto Thee, arise," and he should revive, and begin to speak, and
   Thou shouldest deliver him to his mother. [434] Her heart, then, was
   not agitated with any violent exultation, when she had heard that to be
   already in so great a part accomplished which she daily, with tears,
   entreated of Thee might be done,--that though I had not yet grasped the
   truth, I was rescued from falsehood. Yea, rather, for that she was
   fully confident that Thou, who hadst promised the whole, wouldst give
   the rest, most calmly, and with a breast full of confidence, she
   replied to me, "She believed in Christ, that before she departed this
   life, she would see me a Catholic believer." [435] And thus much said
   she to me; but to Thee, O Fountain of mercies, poured she out more
   frequent prayers and tears, that Thou wouldest hasten Thy aid, and
   enlighten my darkness; and she hurried all the more assiduously to the
   church, and hung upon the words of Ambrose, praying for the fountain of
   water that springeth up into everlasting life. [436] For she loved that
   man as an angel of God, because she knew that it was by him that I had
   been brought, for the present, to that perplexing state of agitation
   [437] I was now in, through which she was fully persuaded that I should
   pass from sickness unto health, after an excess, as it were, of a
   sharper fit, which doctors term the "crisis."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [432] Ps. lxxi. 5.

   [433] See iv. sec. 18, note, above.

   [434] Luke vii. 12-l5.

   [435] Fidelem Catholicum--those who are baptized being usually
   designated Fideles. The following extract from Kaye's Tertullian (pp.
   230, 231) is worthy of note:--"As the converts from heathenism, to use
   Tertullian's expression, were not born, but became Christians [fiunt,
   nascuntur, Christiani], they went through a course of instruction in
   the principles and doctrines of the gospel, and were subjected to a
   strict probation before they were admitted to the rite of baptism. In
   this stage of their progress they were called catechumens, of whom,
   according to Suicer, there were two classes,--one called Audientes,'
   who had only entered upon their course, and begun to hear the word of
   God; the other, sunaitountes, or Competentes,' who had made such
   advances in Christian knowledge and practice as to be qualified to
   appear at the font. Tertullian, however, appears either not to have
   known or to have neglected this distinction, since he applies the names
   of Audientes' and Auditores' indifferently to all who had not partaken
   of the rite of baptism. When the catechumens had given full proof of
   the ripeness of their knowledge, and of the stedfastness of their
   faith, they were baptized, admitted to the table of the Lord, and
   styled Fideles. The importance which Tertullian attached to this
   previous probation of the candidates for baptism, appears from the fact
   that he founds upon the neglect of it one of his charges against the
   heretics. Among them,' he says, no distinction is made between the
   catechumen and the faithful or confirmed Christian; the catechumen is
   pronounced fit for baptism before he is instructed; all come in
   indiscriminately; all hear, all pray together.'" There were certain
   peculiar forms used in the admission of catechumens; as, for example,
   anointing with oil, imposition of hands, and the consecration and
   giving of salt; and when, from the progress of Christianity,
   Tertullian's above description as to converts from heathenism had
   ceased to be correct, these forms were continued in many churches as
   part of the baptismal service, whether of infants or adults. See
   Palmer's Origines Liturgicæ, v. 1, and also i. sec. 17, above, where
   Augustin says: "I was signed with the sign of the cross, and was
   seasoned with His salt, even from the womb of my mother."

   [436] John iv. 14.

   [437] "Sermons," says Goodwin in his Evangelical Communicant, "are, for
   the most part, as showers of rain that water for the instant; such as
   may tickle the ear and warm the affections, and put the soul into a
   posture of obedience. Hence it is that men are oft-times sermon-sick,
   as some are sea-sick; very ill, much troubled for the present, but by
   and by all is well again as they were."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--She, on the Prohibition of Ambrose, Abstains from
   Honouring the Memory of the Martyrs.

   2. When, therefore, my mother had at one time--as was her custom in
   Africa--brought to the oratories built in the memory of the saints
   [438] certain cakes, and bread, and wine, and was forbidden by the
   door-keeper, so soon as she learnt that it was the bishop who had
   forbidden it, she so piously and obediently acceded to it, that I
   myself marvelled how readily she could bring herself to accuse her own
   custom, rather than question his prohibition. For wine-bibbing did not
   take possession of her spirit, nor did the love of wine stimulate her
   to hatred of the truth, as it doth too many, both male and female, who
   nauseate at a song of sobriety, as men well drunk at a draught of
   water. But she, when she had brought her basket with the festive meats,
   of which she would taste herself first and give the rest away, would
   never allow herself more than one little cup of wine, diluted according
   to her own temperate palate, which, out of courtesy, she would taste.
   And if there were many oratories of departed saints that ought to be
   honoured in the same way, she still carried round with her the selfsame
   cup, to be used everywhere; and this, which was not only very much
   watered, but was also very tepid with carrying about, she would
   distribute by small sips to those around; for she sought their
   devotion, not pleasure. As soon, therefore, as she found this custom to
   be forbidden by that famous preacher and most pious prelate, even to
   those who would use it with moderation, lest thereby an occasion of
   excess [439] might be given to such as were drunken, and because these,
   so to say, festivals in honour of the dead were very like unto the
   superstition of the Gentiles, she most willingly abstained from it. And
   in lieu of a basket filled with fruits of the earth, she had learned to
   bring to the oratories of the martyrs a heart full of more purified
   petitions, and to give all that she could to the poor; [440] that so
   the communion of the Lord's body might be rightly celebrated there,
   where, after the example of His passion, the martyrs had been
   sacrificed and crowned. But yet it seems to me, O Lord my God, and thus
   my heart thinks of it in thy sight, that my mother perhaps would not so
   easily have given way to the relinquishment of this custom had it been
   forbidden by another whom she loved not as Ambrose, [441] whom, out of
   regard for my salvation, she loved most dearly; and he loved her truly,
   on account of her most religious conversation, whereby, in good works
   so "fervent in spirit," [442] she frequented the church; so that he
   would often, when he saw me, burst forth into her praises,
   congratulating me that I had such a mother--little knowing what a son
   she had in me, who was in doubt as to all these things, and did not
   imagine the way of life could be found out.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [438] That is, as is explained further on in the section, the Martyrs.
   Tertullian gives us many indications of the veneration in which the
   martyrs were held towards the close of the second century. The
   anniversary of the martyr's death was called his natalitium, or natal
   day, as his martyrdom ushered him into eternal life, and oblationes pro
   defunctis were then offered. (De Exhor. Cast. c. 11; De Coro. c. 3).
   Many extravagant things were said about the glory of martyrdom, with
   the view, doubtless, of preventing apostasy in time of persecution. It
   was described (De Bap. c. 16; and De Pat. c. 13.) as a second baptism,
   and said to secure for a man immediate entrance into heaven, and
   complete enjoyment of its happiness. These views developed in
   Augustin's time into all the wildness of Donatism. Augustin gives us an
   insight into the customs prevailing in his day, and their significance,
   which greatly illustrates the present section. In his De Civ. Dei,
   viii. 27, we read: "But, nevertheless, we do not build temples, and
   ordain priests, rites, and sacrifices for these same martyrs; for they
   are not our gods, but their God is our God. Certainly we honour their
   reliquaries, as the memorials of holy men of God, who strove for the
   truth even to the death of their bodies, that the true religion might
   be made known, and false and fictitious religions exposed....But who
   ever heard a priest of the faithful, standing at an altar built for the
   honour and worship of God over the holy body of some martyr, say in the
   prayers, I offer to thee a sacrifice, O Peter, or O Paul, or O Cyprian?
   For it is to God that sacrifices are offered at their tombs,--the God
   who made them both men and martyrs, and associated them with holy
   angels in celestial honour; and the reason why we pay such honours to
   their memory is, that by so doing we may both give thanks to the true
   God for their victories, and, by recalling them afresh to remembrance,
   may stir ourselves up to imitate them by seeking to obtain like crowns
   and palms, calling to our help that same God on whom they called.
   Therefore, whatever honours the religious may pay in the places of the
   martyrs, they are but honours rendered to their memory [ornamenta
   memoriarum], not sacred rites or sacrifices offered to dead men as to
   gods. And even such as bring thither food--which, indeed, is not done
   by the better Christians, and in most places of the world is not done
   at all--do so in order that it may be sanctified to them through the
   merits of the martyrs, in the name of the Lord of the martyrs, first
   presenting the food and offering prayer, and thereafter taking it away
   to be eaten, or to be in part bestowed upon the needy. But he who knows
   the one sacrifice of Christians, which is the sacrifice offered in
   those places, also knows that these are not sacrifices offered to the
   martyrs." He speaks to the same effect in Book xxii. sec. 10; and in
   his Reply to Faustus (xx. 21), who had charged the Christians with
   imitating the Pagans, "and appeasing the shades' of the departed with
   wine and food." See v. sec. 17, note.

   [439] Following the example of Ambrose, Augustin used all his influence
   and eloquence to correct such shocking abuses in the churches. In his
   letter to Alypius, Bishop of Thagaste (when as yet only a presbyter
   assisting the venerable Valerius), he gives an account of his efforts
   to overcome them in the church of Hippo. The following passage is
   instructive (Ep. xxix. 9):--"I explained to them the circumstances out
   of which this custom seems to have necessarily risen in the Church,
   namely, that when, in the peace which came after such numerous and
   violent persecutions, crowds of heathen who wished to assume the
   Christian religion were kept back, because, having been accustomed to
   celebrate the feasts connected with their worship of idols in revelling
   and drunkenness, they could not easily refrain from pleasures so
   hurtful and so habitual, it had seemed good to our ancestors, making
   for the time a concession to this infirmity, to permit them to
   celebrate, instead of the festivals which they renounced, other feasts
   in honour of the holy martyrs, which were observed, not as before with
   a profane design, but with similar self-indulgence."

   [440] See v. sec. 17, note 5, above.

   [441] On another occasion, when Monica's mind was exercised as to
   non-essentials, Ambrose gave her advice which has perhaps given origin
   to the proverb, "When at Rome, do as Rome does." It will be found in
   the letter to Casulanus (Ep. xxxvi. 32), and is as follows:--"When my
   mother was with me in that city, I, as being only a catechumen, felt no
   concern about these questions; but it was to her a question causing
   anxiety, whether she ought, after the custom of our own town, to fast
   on the Saturday, or, after the custom of the church of Milan, not to
   fast. To deliver her from perplexity, I put the question to the man of
   God whom I have first named. He answered, What else can I recommend to
   others than what I do myself?' When I thought that by this he intended
   simply to prescribe to us that we should take food on Saturdays,--for I
   knew this to be his own practice,--he, following me, added these words:
   When I am here I do not fast on Saturday, but when I am at Rome I do;
   Whatever church you may come to, conform to its custom, if you would
   avoid either receiving or giving offence.'" We find the same incident
   referred to in Ep. liv. 3.

   [442] Rom. xii. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--As Ambrose Was Occupied with Business and Study, Augustin
   Could Seldom Consult Him Concerning the Holy Scriptures.

   3. Nor did I now groan in my prayers that Thou wouldest help me; but my
   mind was wholly intent on knowledge, and eager to dispute. And Ambrose
   himself I esteemed a happy man, as the world counted happiness, in that
   such great personages held him in honour; only his celibacy appeared to
   me a painful thing. But what hope he cherished, what struggles he had
   against the temptations that beset his very excellences, what solace in
   adversities, and what savoury joys Thy bread possessed for the hidden
   mouth of his heart when ruminating [443] on it, I could neither
   conjecture, nor had I experienced. Nor did he know my embarrassments,
   nor the pit of my danger. For I could not request of him what I wished
   as I wished, in that I was debarred from hearing and speaking to him by
   crowds of busy people, whose infirmities he devoted himself to. With
   whom when he was not engaged (which was but a little time), he either
   was refreshing his body with necessary sustenance, or his mind with
   reading. But while reading, his eyes glanced over the pages, and his
   heart searched out the sense, but his voice and tongue were silent.
   Ofttimes, when we had come (for no one was forbidden to enter, nor was
   it his custom that the arrival of those who came should be announced to
   him), we saw him thus reading to himself, and never otherwise; and,
   having long sat in silence (for who durst interrupt one so intent?), we
   were fain to depart, inferring that in the little time he secured for
   the recruiting of his mind, free from the clamour of other men's
   business, he was unwilling to be taken off. And perchance he was
   fearful lest, if the author he studied should express aught vaguely,
   some doubtful and attentive hearer should ask him to expound it, or to
   discuss some of the more abstruse questions, as that, his time being
   thus occupied, he could not turn over as many volumes as he wished;
   although the preservation of his voice, which was very easily weakened,
   might be the truer reason for his reading to himself. But whatever was
   his motive in so doing, doubtless in such a man was a good one.

   4. But verily no opportunity could I find of ascertaining what I
   desired from that Thy so holy oracle, his breast, unless the thing
   might be entered into briefly. But those surgings in me required to
   find him at full leisure, that I might pour them out to him, but never
   were they able to find him so; and I heard him, indeed, every Lord's
   day, "rightly dividing the word of truth" [444] among the people; and I
   was all the more convinced that all those knots of crafty calumnies,
   which those deceivers of ours had knit against the divine books, could
   be unravelled. But so soon as I understood, withal, that man made
   "after the image of Him that created him" [445] was not so understood
   by Thy spiritual sons (whom of the Catholic mother Thou hadst begotten
   again through grace), as though they believed and imagined Thee to be
   bounded by human form,--although what was the nature of a spiritual
   substance [446] I had not the faintest or dimmest suspicion,--yet
   rejoicing, I blushed that for so many years I had barked, not against
   the Catholic faith, but against the fables of carnal imaginations. For
   I had been both impious and rash in this, that what I ought inquiring
   to have learnt, I had pronounced on condemning. For Thou, O most high
   and most near, most secret, yet most present, who hast not limbs some
   larger some smaller, but art wholly everywhere, and nowhere in space,
   nor art Thou of such corporeal form, yet hast Thou created man after
   Thine own image, and, behold, from head to foot is he confined by
   space.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [443] In his Reply to Faustus (vi. 7), he, conformably with this idea,
   explains the division into clean and unclean beasts under the Levitical
   law symbolically. "No doubt," he says, "the animal is pronounced
   unclean by the law because it does not chew the cud, which is not a
   fault, but its nature. But the men of whom this animal is a symbol are
   unclean, not by nature, but from their own fault; because, though they
   gladly hear the words of wisdom, they never reflect on them afterwards.
   For to recall, in quiet repose, some useful instruction from the
   stomach of memory to the mouth of reflection, is a kind of spiritual
   rumination. The animals above mentioned are a symbol of those people
   who do not do this. And the prohibition of the flesh of these animals
   is a warning against this fault. Another passage of Scripture (Prov.
   xxi. 20) speaks of the precious treasure of wisdom, and describes
   ruminating as clean, and not ruminating as unclean: A precious treasure
   resteth in the mouth of a wise man, but a foolish man swallows it up.'
   Symbols of this kind, either in words or in things, give useful and
   pleasant exercise to intelligent minds in the way of inquiry and
   comparison."

   [444] 2 Tim. ii. 15.

   [445] Col. iii. 10, and Gen. i. 26, 27. And because we are created in
   the image of God, Augustin argues (Serm. lxxxviii. 6), we have the
   ability to see and know Him, just as, having eyes to see, we can look
   upon the sun. And hereafter, too (Ep. xcii. 3), "We shall see Him
   according to the measure in which we shall be like Him; because now the
   measure in which we do not see Him is according to the measure of our
   unlikeness to Him."

   [446] See iii. sec. 12, note, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--He Recognises the Falsity of His Own Opinions, and Commits
   to Memory the Saying of Ambrose.

   5. As, then, I knew not how this image of Thine should subsist, I
   should have knocked and propounded the doubt how it was to be believed,
   and not have insultingly opposed it, as if it were believed. Anxiety,
   therefore, as to what to retain as certain, did all the more sharply
   gnaw into my soul, the more shame I felt that, having been so long
   deluded and deceived by the promise of certainties, I had, with puerile
   error and petulance, prated of so many uncertainties as if they were
   certainties. For that they were falsehoods became apparent to me
   afterwards. However, I was certain that they were uncertain, and that I
   had formerly held them as certain when with a blind contentiousness I
   accused Thy Catholic Church, which though I had not yet discovered to
   teach truly, yet not to teach that of which I had so vehemently accused
   her. In this manner was I confounded and converted, and I rejoiced, O
   my God, that the one Church, the body of Thine only Son (wherein the
   name of Christ had been set upon me when an infant), did not appreciate
   these infantile trifles, nor maintained, in her sound doctrine, any
   tenet that would confine Thee, the Creator of all, in space--though
   ever so great and wide, yet bounded on all sides by the restraints of a
   human form.

   6. I rejoiced also that the old Scriptures of the law and the prophets
   were laid before me, to be perused, not now with that eye to which they
   seemed most absurd before, when I censured Thy holy ones for so
   thinking, whereas in truth they thought not so; and with delight I
   heard Ambrose, in his sermons to the people, oftentimes most diligently
   recommend this text as a rule,--"The letter killeth, but the Spirit
   giveth life;" [447] whilst, drawing aside the mystic veil, he
   spiritually laid open that which, accepted according to the "letter,"
   seemed to teach perverse doctrines--teaching herein nothing that
   offended me, though he taught such things as I knew not as yet whether
   they were true. For all this time I restrained my heart from assenting
   to anything, fearing to fall headlong; but by hanging in suspense I was
   the worse killed. For my desire was to be as well assured of those
   things that I saw not, as I was that seven and three are ten. For I was
   not so insane as to believe that this could not be comprehended; but I
   desired to have other things as clear as this, whether corporeal
   things, which were not present to my senses, or spiritual, whereof I
   knew not how to conceive except corporeally. And by believing I might
   have been cured, that so the sight of my soul being cleared, [448] it
   might in some way be directed towards Thy truth, which abideth always,
   and faileth in naught. But as it happens that he who has tried a bad
   physician fears to trust himself with a good one, so was it with the
   health of my soul, which could not be healed but by believing, and,
   lest it should believe falsehoods, refused to be cured--resisting Thy
   hands, who hast prepared for us the medicaments of faith, and hast
   applied them to the maladies of the whole world, and hast bestowed upon
   them so great authority.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [447] 2 Cor. iii. 6. The spiritual or allegorical meaning here referred
   to is one that Augustin constantly sought, as did many of the early
   Fathers, both Greek and Latin. He only employs this method of
   interpretation, however, in a qualified way--never going to the lengths
   of Origen or Clement of Alexandria. He does not depreciate the letter
   of Scripture, though, as we have shown above (iii. sec. 14, note), he
   went as far as he well could in interpreting the history spiritually.
   He does not seem, however, quite consistent in his statements as to the
   relative prominence to be given to the literal and spiritual meanings,
   as may be seen by a comparison of the latter portions of secs. 1 and 3
   of book xvii. of the City of God. His general idea may be gathered from
   the following passage in the 21st sec. of book xiii.:--"Some allegorize
   all that concerns paradise itself, where the first men, the parents of
   the human race, are, according to the truth of Holy Scripture, recorded
   to have been; and they understand all its trees and fruit-bearing
   plants as virtues and habits of life, as if they had no existence in
   the external world, but were only so spoken of or related for the sake
   of spiritual meanings. As if there could not be a real terrestrial
   paradise! As if there never existed these two women, Sarah and Hagar,
   nor the two sons who were born to Abraham, the one of the bond-woman,
   the other of the free, because the apostle says that in them the two
   covenants were prefigured! or as if water never flowed from the rock
   when Moses struck it, because therein Christ can be seen in a figure,
   as the same apostle says: Now that rock was Christ' (1 Cor. x.
   4)....These and similar allegorical interpretations may be suitably put
   upon paradise without giving offence to any one, while yet we believe
   the strict truth of the history, confirmed by its circumstantial
   narrative of facts." The allusion in the above passage to Sarah and
   Hagar invites the remark, that in Galatians iv. 24, the words in our
   version rendered, "which things are an allegory," should be, "which
   things are such as may be allegorized." [Hatina estin allegoroumena.
   See Jelf, 398, sec. 2.] It is important to note this, as the passage
   has been quoted in support of the more extreme method of allegorizing,
   though it could clearly go no further than to sanction allegorizing by
   way of spiritual meditation upon Scripture, and not in the
   interpretation of it--which first, as Waterland thinks (Works, vol. v.
   p. 311), was the end contemplated by most of the Fathers. Thoughtful
   students of Scripture will feel that we have no right to make
   historical facts typical or allegorical, unless (as in the case of the
   manna, the brazen serpent, Jacob's ladder, etc.) we have divine
   authority for so doing; and few such will dissent from the opinion of
   Bishop Marsh (Lecture vi.) that the type must not only resemble the
   antitype, but must have been designed to resemble it, and further, that
   we must have the authority of Scripture for the existence of such
   design. The text, "The letter killeth, but the Spirit giveth life," as
   a perusal of the context will show, has nothing whatever to do with
   either "literal" or "spiritual" meanings. Augustin himself interprets
   it in one place (De Spir. et Lit. cc. 4, 5) as meaning the killing
   letter of the law, as compared with the quickening power of the gospel.
   "An opinion," to conclude with the thoughtful words of Alfred Morris on
   this Chapter ( Words for the Heart and Life, p. 203), "once common must
   therefore be rejected. Some still talk of letter' and spirit' in a way
   which has no sanction here. The letter' with them is the literal
   meaning of the text, the spirit' is its symbolic meaning. And, as the
   spirit' possesses an evident superiority to the letter,' they fly away
   into the region of secret senses and hidden doctrines, find types where
   there is nothing typical, and allegories where there is nothing
   allegorical; make Genesis more evangelical than the Epistle to the
   Romans, and Leviticus than the Epistle to the Hebrews; mistaking lawful
   criticism for legal Christianity, they look upon the exercise of a
   sober judgment as a proof of a depraved taste, and forget that diseased
   as well as very powerful eyes may see more than others. It is not the
   obvious meaning and the secret meaning that are intended by letter' and
   spirit,' nor any two meanings of Christianity, nor two meanings of any
   thing or things, but the two systems of Moses and of Christ." Reference
   may be made on this whole subject of allegorical interpretation in the
   writings of the Fathers to Blunt's Right Use of the Early Fathers,
   series i. lecture 9.

   [448] Augustin frequently dilates on this idea. In sermon 88 (cc. 5, 6,
   etc.), he makes the whole of the ministries of religion subservient to
   the clearing of the inner eye of the soul and in his De Trin. i. 3, he
   says: "And it is necessary to purge our minds, in order to be able to
   see ineffably that which is ineffable [i.e. the Godhead], whereto not
   having yet attained, we are to be nourished by faith, and led by such
   ways as are more suited to our capacity, that we may be rendered apt
   and able to comprehend it."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--Faith is the Basis of Human Life; Man Cannot Discover that
   Truth Which Holy Scripture Has Disclosed.

   7. From this, however, being led to prefer the Catholic doctrine, I
   felt that it was with more moderation and honesty that it commanded
   things to be believed that were not demonstrated (whether it was that
   they could be demonstrated, but not to any one, or could not be
   demonstrated at all), than was the method of the Manichæans, where our
   credulity was mocked by audacious promise of knowledge, and then so
   many most fabulous and absurd things were forced upon belief because
   they were not capable of demonstration. [449] After that, O Lord, Thou,
   by little and little, with most gentle and most merciful hand, drawing
   and calming my heart, didst persuade taking into consideration what a
   multiplicity of things which I had never seen, nor was present when
   they were enacted, like so many of the things in secular history, and
   so many accounts of places and cities which I had not seen; so many of
   friends, so many of physicians, so many now of these men, now of those,
   which unless we should believe, we should do nothing at all in this
   life; lastly, with how unalterable an assurance I believed of what
   parents I was born, which it would have been impossible for me to know
   otherwise than by hearsay,--taking into consideration all this, Thou
   persuadest me that not they who believed Thy books (which, with so
   great authority, Thou hast established among nearly all nations), but
   those who believed them not were to be blamed; [450] and that those men
   were not to be listened unto who should say to me, "How dost thou know
   that those Scriptures were imparted unto mankind by the Spirit of the
   one true and most true God?" For it was the same thing that was most of
   all to be believed, since no wranglings of blasphemous questions,
   whereof I had read so many amongst the self-contradicting philosophers,
   could once wring the belief from me that Thou art,--whatsoever Thou
   wert, though what I knew not,--or that the government of human affairs
   belongs to Thee.

   8. Thus much I believed, at one time more strongly than another, yet
   did I ever believe both that Thou wert, and hadst a care of us,
   although I was ignorant both what was to be thought of Thy substance,
   and what way led, or led back to Thee. Seeing, then, that we were too
   weak by unaided reason to find out the truth, and for this cause needed
   the authority of the holy writings, I had now begun to believe that
   Thou wouldest by no means have given such excellency of authority to
   those Scriptures throughout all lands, had it not been Thy will thereby
   to be believed in, and thereby sought. For now those things which
   heretofore appeared incongruous to me in the Scripture, and used to
   offend me, having heard divers of them expounded reasonably, I referred
   to the depth of the mysteries, and its authority seemed to me all the
   more venerable and worthy of religious belief, in that, while it was
   visible for all to read it, it reserved the majesty of its secret [451]
   within its profound significance, stooping to all in the great
   plainness of its language and lowliness of its style, yet exercising
   the application of such as are not light of heart; that it might
   receive all into its common bosom, and through narrow passages waft
   over some few towards Thee, yet many more than if it did not stand upon
   such a height of authority, nor allured multitudes within its bosom by
   its holy humility. These things I meditated upon, and Thou wert with
   me; I sighed, and Thou heardest me; I vacillated, and Thou didst guide
   me; I roamed through the broad way [452] of the world, and Thou didst
   not desert me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [449] He similarly exalts the claims of the Christian Church over
   Manichæanism in his Reply to Faustus (xxxii. 19): "If you submit to
   receive a load of endless fictions at the bidding of an obscure and
   irrational authority, so that you believe all those things because they
   are written in the books which your misguided judgment pronounces
   trustworthy, though there is no evidence of their truth, why not rather
   submit to the evidence of the gospel, which is so well-founded, so
   confirmed, so generally acknowledged and admired, and which has an
   unbroken series of testimonies from the apostles down to our own day,
   that so you may have an intelligent belief, and may come to know that
   all your objections are the fruit of folly and perversity?" And again,
   in his Reply to Manichæus' Fundamental Epistle (sec. 18), alluding to
   the credulity required in those who accept Manichæan teaching on the
   mere authority of the teacher: "Whoever thoughtlessly yields this
   becomes a Manichæan, not by knowing undoubted truth, but by believing
   doubtful statements. Such were we when in our inexperienced youth we
   were deceived."

   [450] He has a like train of thought in another place (De Fide Rer. quæ
   non Vid. sec. 4): "If, then (harmony being destroyed), human society
   itself would not stand if we believe not that we see not, how much more
   should we have faith in divine things, though we see them not; which if
   we have it not, we do not violate the friendship of a few men, but the
   profoundest religion--so as to have as its consequence the profoundest
   misery." Again, referring to belief in Scripture, he argues (Con.
   Faust. xxxiii. 6) that, if we doubt its evidence, we may equally doubt
   that of any book, and asks, "How do we know the authorship of the works
   of Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, Varro, and other similar writers, but by
   the unbroken chain of evidence?" And once more he contends (De Mor.
   Cath. Eccles. xxix. 60) that, "The utter overthrow of all literature
   will follow and there will be an end to all books handed down from the
   past, if what is supported by such a strong popular belief, and
   established by the uniform testimony of so many men and so many times,
   is brought into such suspicion that it is not allowed to have the
   credit and the authority of common history."

   [451] See i. sec. 10, note, above.

   [452] Matt. vii. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--On the Source and Cause of True Joy,--The Example of the
   Joyous Beggar Being Adduced.

   9. I longed for honours, gains, wedlock; and Thou mockedst me. In these
   desires I underwent most bitter hardships, Thou being the more gracious
   the less Thou didst suffer anything which was not Thou to grow sweet to
   me. Behold my heart, O Lord, who wouldest that I should recall all
   this, and confess unto Thee. Now let my soul cleave to Thee, which Thou
   hast freed from that fast-holding bird-lime of death. How wretched was
   it! And Thou didst irritate the feeling of its wound, that, forsaking
   all else, it might be converted unto Thee,--who art above all, and
   without whom all things would be naught,--be converted and be healed.
   How wretched was I at that time, and how didst Thou deal with me, to
   make me sensible of my wretchedness on that day wherein I was preparing
   to recite a panegyric on the Emperor, [453] wherein I was to deliver
   many a lie, and lying was to be applauded by those who knew I lied; and
   my heart panted with these cares, and boiled over with the feverishness
   of consuming thoughts. For, while walking along one of the streets of
   Milan, I observed a poor mendicant,--then, I imagine, with a full
   belly,--joking and joyous; and I sighed, and spake to the friends
   around me of the many sorrows resulting from our madness, for that by
   all such exertions of ours,--as those wherein I then laboured, dragging
   along, under the spur of desires, the burden of my own unhappiness, and
   by dragging increasing it, we yet aimed only to attain that very
   joyousness which that mendicant had reached before us, who, perchance,
   never would attain it! For what he had obtained through a few begged
   pence, the same was I scheming for by many a wretched and tortuous
   turning,--the joy of a temporary felicity. For he verily possessed not
   true joy, but yet I, with these my ambitions, was seeking one much more
   untrue. And in truth he was joyous, I anxious; he free from care, I
   full of alarms. But should any one inquire of me whether I would rather
   be merry or fearful, I would reply, Merry. Again, were I asked whether
   I would rather be such as he was, or as I myself then was, I should
   elect to be myself, though beset with cares and alarms, but out of
   perversity; for was it so in truth? For I ought not to prefer myself to
   him because I happened to be more learned than he, seeing that I took
   no delight therein, but sought rather to please men by it; and that not
   to instruct, but only to please. Wherefore also didst Thou break my
   bones with the rod of Thy correction. [454]

   10. Away with those, then, from my soul, who say unto it, "It makes a
   difference from whence a man's joy is derived. That mendicant rejoiced
   in drunkenness; thou longedst to rejoice in glory." What glory, O Lord?
   That which is not in Thee. For even as his was no true joy, so was mine
   no true glory; [455] and it subverted my soul more. He would digest his
   drunkenness that same night, but many a night had I slept with mine,
   and risen again with it, and was to sleep again and again to rise with
   it, I know not how oft. It does indeed "make a difference whence a
   man's joy is derived." I know it is so, and that the joy of a faithful
   hope is incomparably beyond such vanity. Yea, and at that time was he
   beyond me, for he truly was the happier man; not only for that he was
   thoroughly steeped in mirth, I torn to pieces with cares, but he, by
   giving good wishes, had gotten wine, I, by lying, was following after
   pride. Much to this effect said I then to my dear friends, and I often
   marked in them how it fared with me; and I found that it went ill with
   me, and fretted, and doubled that very ill. And if any prosperity
   smiled upon me, I loathed to seize it, for almost before I could grasp
   it flew away.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [453] In the Benedictine edition it is suggested that this was probably
   Valentinian the younger, whose court was, according to Possidius (c.
   i.), at Milan when Augustin was professor of rhetoric there, who writes
   (Con. Litt. Petil. iii. 25) that he in that city recited a panegyric to
   Bauto, the consul, on the first of January, according to the
   requirements of his profession of rhetoric.

   [454] Prov. xxii. 15.

   [455] Here, as elsewhere, we have the feeling which finds its
   expression in i. sec. 1, above: "Thou hast formed us for Thyself, and
   our hearts are restless till they find rest in Thee."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--He Leads to Reformation His Friend Alypius, Seized with
   Madness for the Circensian Games.

   11. These things we, who lived like friends together, jointly deplored,
   but chiefly and most familiarly did I discuss them with Alypius and
   Nebridius, of whom Alypius was born in the same town as myself, his
   parents being of the highest rank there, but he being younger than I.
   For he had studied under me, first, when I taught in our own town, and
   afterwards at Carthage, and esteemed me highly, because I appeared to
   him good and learned; and I esteemed him for his innate love of virtue,
   which, in one of no great age, was sufficiently eminent. But the vortex
   of Carthaginian customs (amongst whom these frivolous spectacles are
   hotly followed) had inveigled him into the madness of the Circensian
   games. But while he was miserably tossed about therein, I was
   professing rhetoric there, and had a public school. As yet he did not
   give ear to my teaching, on account of some ill-feeling that had arisen
   between me and his father. I had then found how fatally he doted upon
   the circus, and was deeply grieved that he seemed likely--if, indeed,
   he had not already done so--to cast away his so great promise. Yet had
   I no means of advising, or by a sort of restraint reclaiming him,
   either by the kindness of a friend or by the authority of a master. For
   I imagined that his sentiments towards me were the same as his
   father's; but he was not such. Disregarding, therefore, his father's
   will in that matter, he commenced to salute me, and, coming into my
   lecture-room, to listen for a little and depart.

   12. But it slipped my memory to deal with him, so that he should not,
   through a blind and headstrong desire of empty pastimes, undo so great
   a wit. But Thou, O Lord, who governest the helm of all Thou hast
   created, hadst not forgotten him, who was one day to be amongst Thy
   sons, the President of Thy sacrament; [456] and that his amendment
   might plainly be attributed to Thyself, Thou broughtest it about
   through me, but I knowing nothing of it. For one day, when I was
   sitting in my accustomed place, with my scholars before me, he came in,
   saluted me, sat himself down, and fixed his attention on the subject I
   was then handling. It so happened that I had a passage in hand, which
   while I was explaining, a simile borrowed from the Circensian games
   occurred to me, as likely to make what I wished to convey pleasanter
   and plainer, imbued with a biting jibe at those whom that madness had
   enthralled. Thou knowest, O our God, that I had no thought at that time
   of curing Alypius of that plague. But he took it to himself, and
   thought that I would not have said it but for his sake. And what any
   other man would have made a ground of offence against me, this worthy
   young man took as a reason for being offended at himself, and for
   loving me more fervently. For Thou hast said it long ago, and written
   in Thy book, "Rebuke a wise man, and he will love thee." [457] But I
   had not rebuked him, but Thou, who makest use of all consciously or
   unconsciously, in that order which Thyself knowest (and that order is
   right), wroughtest out of my heart and tongue burning coals, by which
   Thou mightest set on fire and cure the hopeful mind thus languishing.
   Let him be silent in Thy praises who meditates not on Thy mercies,
   which from my inmost parts confess unto Thee. For he upon that speech
   rushed out from that so deep pit, wherein he was wilfully plunged, and
   was blinded by its miserable pastimes; and he roused his mind with a
   resolute moderation; whereupon all the filth of the Circensian pastimes
   [458] flew off from him, and he did not approach them further. Upon
   this, he prevailed with his reluctant father to let him be my pupil. He
   gave in and consented. And Alypius, beginning again to hear me, was
   involved in the same superstition as I was, loving in the Manichæans
   that ostentation of continency [459] which he believed to be true and
   unfeigned. It was, however, a senseless and seducing continency,
   ensnaring precious souls, not able as yet to reach the height of
   virtue, and easily beguiled with the veneer of what was but a shadowy
   and feigned virtue.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [456] Compare v. sec. 17, note, above, and sec. 15, note, below.

   [457] Prov. ix. 8.

   [458] The games in the Provinces of the empire were on the same model
   as those held in the Circus Maximus at Rome, though not so imposing.
   This circus was one of those vast works executed by Tarquinius Priscus.
   Hardly a vestige of it at the present time remains, though the Cloaca
   Maxima, another of his stupendous works, has not, after more than 2500
   years, a stone displaced, and still performs its appointed service of
   draining the city of Rome into the Tiber. In the circus were exhibited
   chariot and foot races, fights on horseback, representations of battles
   (on which occasion camps were pitched in the circus), and the Grecian
   athletic sports introduced after the conquest of that country. See also
   sec. 13, note, below.

   [459] Augustin, in book v. sec. 9, above, refers to the reputed
   sanctity of Manichæus, and it may well be questioned whether the sect
   deserved that unmitigated reprobation he pours out upon them in his De
   Moribus, and in parts of his controversy with Faustus. Certain it is
   that Faustus laid claim, on behalf of his sect, to a very different
   moral character to that Augustin would impute to them. He says (Con.
   Faust. v. 1): "Do I believe the gospel? You ask me if I believe it,
   though my obedience to its commands shows that I do. I should rather
   ask you if you believe it, since you give no proof of your belief. I
   have left my father, mother, wife, and children, and all else that the
   Gospel requires (Matt. xix. 29); and do you ask if I believe the
   gospel? Perhaps you do not know what is called the gospel. The gospel
   is nothing else than the preaching and the precept of Christ. I have
   parted with all gold and silver, and have left off carrying money in my
   purse; content with daily food; without anxiety for to-morrow; and
   without solicitude about how I shall be fed, or wherewithal I shall be
   clothed: and do you ask if I believe the gospel? You see in me the
   blessings of the gospel (Matt. v. 3-11); and do you ask if I believe
   the gospel? You see me poor, meek, a peacemaker, pure in heart,
   mourning, hungering, thirsting, bearing persecutions and enmity for
   righteousness' sake; and do you doubt my belief in the gospel?" It is
   difficult to understand that Manichæanism can have spread as largely as
   it did at that time, if the asceticism of many amongst them had not
   been real. It may be noted that in his controversy with Fortunatus,
   Augustin strangely declines to discuss the charges of immorality that
   had been brought against the Manichæans; and in the last Chapter of his
   De Moribus, it appears to be indicated that one, if not more, of those
   whose evil deeds are there spoken of had a desire to follow the rule of
   life laid down by Manichæus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--The Same When at Rome, Being Led by Others into the
   Amphitheatre, is Delighted with the Gladiatorial Games.

   13. He, not relinquishing that worldly way which his parents had
   bewitched him to pursue, had gone before me to Rome, to study law, and
   there he was carried away in an extraordinary manner with an incredible
   eagerness after the gladiatorial shows. For, being utterly opposed to
   and detesting such spectacles, he was one day met by chance by divers
   of his acquaintance and fellow-students returning from dinner, and they
   with a friendly violence drew him, vehemently objecting and resisting,
   into the amphitheatre, on a day of these cruel and deadly shows, he
   thus protesting: "Though you drag my body to that place, and there
   place me, can you force me to give my mind and lend my eyes to these
   shows? Thus shall I be absent while present, and so shall overcome both
   you and them." They hearing this, dragged him on nevertheless,
   desirous, perchance, to see whether he could do as he said. When they
   had arrived thither, and had taken their places as they could, the
   whole place became excited with the inhuman sports. But he, shutting up
   the doors of his eyes, forbade his mind to roam abroad after such
   naughtiness; and would that he had shut his ears also! For, upon the
   fall of one in the fight, a mighty cry from the whole audience stirring
   him strongly, he, overcome by curiosity, and prepared as it were to
   despise and rise superior to it, no matter what it were, opened his
   eyes, and was struck with a deeper wound in his soul than the other,
   whom he desired to see, was in his body; [460] and he fell more
   miserably than he on whose fall that mighty clamour was raised, which
   entered through his ears, and unlocked his eyes, to make way for the
   striking and beating down of his soul, which was bold rather than
   valiant hitherto; and so much the weaker in that it presumed on itself,
   which ought to have depended on Thee. For, directly he saw that blood,
   he therewith imbibed a sort of savageness; nor did he turn away, but
   fixed his eye, drinking in madness unconsciously, and was delighted
   with the guilty contest, and drunken with the bloody pastime. Nor was
   he now the same he came in, but was one of the throng he came unto, and
   a true companion of those who had brought him thither. Why need I say
   more? He looked, shouted, was excited, carried away with him the
   madness which would stimulate him to return, not only with those who
   first enticed him, but also before them, yea, and to draw in others.
   And from all this didst Thou, with a most powerful and most merciful
   hand, pluck him, and taughtest him not to repose confidence in himself,
   but in Thee--but not till long after.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [460] The scene of this episode was, doubtless, the great Flavian
   Amphitheatre, known by us at this day as the Colosseum. It stands in
   the valley between the Cælian and Esquiline hills, on the site of a
   lake formerly attached to the palace of Nero. Gibbon, in his graphic
   way, says of the building (Decline and Fall, i. 355): "Posterity
   admires, and will long admire, the awful remains of the amphitheatre of
   Titus, which so well deserved the epithet of colossal. It was a
   building of an elliptic figure, five hundred and sixty-four feet in
   length, and four hundred and sixty-seven in breadth, founded on
   fourscore arches, and rising, with four successive orders of
   architecture, to the height of one hundred and forty feet. The outside
   of the edifice was encrusted with marble, and decorated with statues.
   The slopes of the vast concave which formed the inside were filled and
   surrounded with sixty or eighty rows of seats of marble, likewise
   covered with cushions, and capable of receiving with ease above
   fourscore thousand spectators. Sixty-four vomitories (for by that name
   the doors were very aptly distinguished) poured forth the immense
   multitude; and the entrances, passages, and staircases were contrived
   with such exquisite skill, that each person, whether of the senatorial,
   the equestrian, or the plebeian order, arrived at his destined place
   without trouble or confusion. Nothing was omitted which in any respect
   could be subservient to the convenience or pleasure of the spectators.
   They were protected from the sun and rain by an ample canopy
   occasionally drawn over their heads. The air was continually refreshed
   by the playing of fountains, and profusely impregnated by the grateful
   scent of aromatics. In the centre of the edifice, the arena, or stage,
   was strewed with the finest sand, and successively assumed the most
   different forms; at one moment it seemed to rise out of the earth, like
   the garden of the Hesperides, and was afterwards broken into the rocks
   and caverns of Thrace. The subterraneous pipes conveyed an
   inexhaustible supply of water; and what had just before appeared a
   level plain might be suddenly converted into a wide lake, covered with
   armed vessels and replenished with the monsters of the deep. In the
   decoration of these scenes the Roman emperors displayed their wealth
   and liberality; and we read, on various occasions, that the whole
   furniture of the amphitheatre consisted either of silver, or of gold,
   or of amber." In this magnificent building were enacted venatios or
   hunting scenes, sea-fights, and gladiatorial shows, in all of which the
   greatest lavishness was exhibited. The men engaged were for the most
   part either criminals or captives taken in war. On the occasion of the
   triumph of Trajan for his victory over the Dacians, it is said that ten
   thousand gladiators were engaged in combat, and that in the naumachia
   or sea-fight shown by Domitian, ships and men in force equal to two
   real fleets were engaged, at an enormous expenditure of human life.
   "If," says James Martineau (Endeavours after the Christian Life, pp.
   261, 262), "you would witness a scene characteristic of the popular
   life of old, you must go to the amphitheatre of Rome, mingle with its
   eighty thousand spectators, and watch the eager faces of senators and
   people; observe how the masters of the world spend the wealth of
   conquest, and indulge the pride of power. See every wild creature that
   God has made to dwell, from the jungles of India to the mountains of
   Wales, from the forests of Germany to the deserts of Nubia, brought
   hither to be hunted down in artificial groves by thousands in an hour,
   behold the captives of war, noble, perhaps, and wise in their own land,
   turned loose, amid yells of insult, more terrible for their foreign
   tongue, to contend with brutal gladiators, trained to make death the
   favourite amusement, and present the most solemn of individual
   realities as a wholesale public sport; mark the light look with which
   the multitude, by uplifted finger, demands that the wounded combatant
   be slain before their eyes; notice the troop of Christian martyrs
   awaiting hand in hand the leap from the tiger's den. And when the day's
   spectacle is over, and the blood of two thousand victims stains the
   ring, follow the giddy crowd as it streams from the vomitories into the
   street, trace its lazy course into the Forum, and hear it there
   scrambling for the bread of private indolence doled out by the purse of
   public corruption; and see how it suns itself to sleep in the open
   ways, or crawls into foul dens till morning brings the hope of games
   and merry blood again;--and you have an idea of the Imperial people,
   and their passionate living for the moment, which the gospel found in
   occupation of the world." The desire for these shows increased as the
   empire advanced. Constantine failed to put a stop to them at Rome,
   though they were not admitted into the Christian capital he established
   at Constantinople. We have already shown (iii. sec. 2, note, above) how
   strongly attendance at stage-plays and scenes like these was condemned
   by the Christian teachers. The passion, however, for these exhibitions
   was so great, that they were only brought to an end after the monk
   Telemachus--horrified that Christians should witness such scenes--had
   been battered to death by the people in their rage at his flinging
   himself between the swordsmen to stop the combat. This tragic episode
   occurred in the year 403, at a show held in commemoration of a
   temporary success over the troops of Alaric.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--Innocent Alypius, Being Apprehended as a Thief, is Set at
   Liberty by the Cleverness of an Architect.

   14. But this was all being stored up in his memory for a medicine
   hereafter. As was that also, that when he was yet studying under me at
   Carthage, and was meditating at noonday in the market-place upon what
   he had to recite (as scholars are wont to be exercised), Thou
   sufferedst him to be apprehended as a thief by the officers of the
   market-place. For no other reason, I apprehend, didst Thou, O our God,
   suffer it, but that he who was in the future to prove so great a man
   should now begin to learn that, in judging of causes, man should not
   with a reckless credulity readily be condemned by man. For as he was
   walking up and down alone before the judgment-seat with his tablets and
   pen, lo, a young man, one of the scholars, the real thief, privily
   bringing a hatchet, got in without Alypius' seeing him as far as the
   leaden bars which protect the silversmiths' shops, and began to cut
   away the lead. But the noise of the hatchet being heard, the
   silversmiths below began to make a stir, and sent to take in custody
   whomsoever they should find. But the thief, hearing their voices, ran
   away, leaving his hatchet, fearing to be taken with it. Now Alypius,
   who had not seen him come in, caught sight of him as he went out, and
   noted with what speed he made off. And, being curious to know the
   reasons, he entered the place, where, finding the hatchet, he stood
   wondering and pondering, when behold, those that were sent caught him
   alone, hatchet in hand, the noise whereof had startled them and brought
   them thither. They lay hold of him and drag him away, and, gathering
   the tenants of the market-place about them, boast of having taken a
   notorious thief, and thereupon he was being led away to apppear before
   the judge.

   15. But thus far was he to be instructed. For immediately, O Lord, Thou
   camest to the succour of his innocency, whereof Thou wert the sole
   witness. For, as he was being led either to prison or to punishment,
   they were met by a certain architect, who had the chief charge of the
   public buildings. They were specially glad to come across him, by whom
   they used to be suspected of stealing the goods lost out of the
   market-place, as though at last to convince him by whom these thefts
   were committed. He, however, had at divers times seen Alypius at the
   house of a certain senator, whom he was wont to visit to pay his
   respects; and, recognising him at once, he took him aside by the hand,
   and inquiring of him the cause of so great a misfortune, heard the
   whole affair, and commanded all the rabble then present (who were very
   uproarious and full of threatenings) to go with him. And they came to
   the house of the young man who had committed the deed. There, before
   the door, was a lad so young as not to refrain from disclosing the
   whole through the fear of injuring his master. For he had followed his
   master to the market-place. Whom, so soon as Alypius recognised, he
   intimated it to the architect; and he, showing the hatchet to the lad,
   asked him to whom it belonged. "To us," quoth he immediately; and on
   being further interrogated, he disclosed everything. Thus, the crime
   being transferred to that house, and the rabble shamed, which had begun
   to triumph over Alypius, he, the future dispenser of Thy word, and an
   examiner of numerous causes in Thy Church, [461] went away better
   experienced and instructed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [461] "Alypius became Bishop of Thagaste (Aug. De Gestis c. Emerit.
   secs. 1 and 5). On the necessity which bishops were under of hearing
   secular causes, and its use, see Bingham, ii. c. 7."--E. B. P.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--The Wonderful Integrity of Alypius in Judgment. The Lasting
   Friendship of Nebridius with Augustin.

   16. Him, therefore, had I lighted upon at Rome, and he clung to me by a
   most strong tie, and accompanied me to Milan, both that he might not
   leave me, and that he might practise something of the law he had
   studied, more with a view of pleasing his parents than himself. There
   had he thrice sat as assessor with an uncorruptness wondered at by
   others, he rather wondering at those who could prefer gold to
   integrity. His character was tested, also, not only by the bait of
   covetousness, but by the spur of fear. At Rome, he was assessor to the
   Count of the Italian Treasury. [462] There was at that time a most
   potent senator, to whose favours many were indebted, of whom also many
   stood in fear. He would fain, by his usual power, have a thing granted
   him which was forbidden by the laws. This Alypius resisted; a bribe was
   promised, he scorned it with all his heart; threats were employed, he
   trampled them under foot,--all men being astonished at so rare a
   spirit, which neither coveted the friendship nor feared the enmity of a
   man at once so powerful and so greatly famed for his innumerable means
   of doing good or ill. Even the judge whose councillor Alypius was,
   although also unwilling that it should be done, yet did not openly
   refuse it, but put the matter off upon Alypius, alleging that it was he
   who would not permit him to do it; for verily, had the judge done it,
   Alypius would have decided otherwise. With this one thing in the way of
   learning was he very nearly led away,--that he might have books copied
   for him at prætorian prices. [463] But, consulting justice, he changed
   his mind for the better, esteeming equity, whereby he was hindered,
   more gainful than the power whereby he was permitted. These are little
   things, but "He that is faithful in that which is least, is faithful
   also in much." [464] Nor can that possibly be void which proceedeth out
   of the mouth of Thy Truth. "If, therefore, ye have not been faithful in
   the unrighteous mammon, who will commit to your trust the true riches?
   And if ye have not been faithful in that which is another man's, who
   shall give you that which is your own?" [465] He, being such, did at
   that time cling to me, and wavered in purpose, as I did, what course of
   life was to be taken.

   17. Nebridius also, who had left his native country near Carthage, and
   Carthage itself, where he had usually lived, leaving behind his fine
   paternal estate, his house, and his mother, who intended not to follow
   him, had come to Milan, for no other reason than that he might live
   with me in a most ardent search after truth and wisdom. Like me he
   sighed, like me he wavered, an ardent seeker after true life, and a
   most acute examiner of the most abstruse questions. [466] So were there
   three begging mouths, sighing out their wants one to the other, and
   waiting upon Thee, that Thou mightest give them their meat in due
   season. [467] And in all the bitterness which by Thy mercy followed our
   worldly pursuits, as we contemplated the end, why this suffering should
   be ours, darkness came upon us; and we turned away groaning and
   exclaiming, "How long shall these things be?" And this we often said;
   and saying so, we did not relinquish them, for as yet we had discovered
   nothing certain to which, when relinquished, we might betake ourselves.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [462] "The Lord High Treasurer of the Western Empire was called Comes
   Sacrarum largitionum. He had six other treasurers in so many provinces
   under him, whereof he of Italy was one under whom this Alypius had some
   office of judicature, something like (though far inferior) to our Baron
   of the Exchequer. See Sir Henry Spelman's Glossary, in the word Comes;
   and Cassiodor, Var. v. c. 40."--W. W.

   [463] Pretiis prætorianis. Du Cange says that "Pretium regium is the
   right of a king or lord to purchase commodities at a certain and
   definite price." This may perhaps help us to understand the phrase as
   above employed.

   [464] Luke xvi. 10.

   [465] Luke xvi. 11, 12.

   [466] Augustin makes a similar allusion to Nebridius' ardour in
   examining difficult questions, especially those which refer ad
   doctrinam pietatis, in his 98th Epistle.

   [467] Ps. cxlv. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--Being Troubled by His Grievous Errors, He Meditates
   Entering on a New Life.

   18. And I, puzzling over and reviewing these things, most marvelled at
   the length of time from that my nineteenth year, wherein I began to be
   inflamed with the desire of wisdom, resolving, when I had found her, to
   forsake all the empty hopes and lying insanities of vain desires. And
   behold, I was now getting on to my thirtieth year, sticking in the same
   mire, eager for the enjoyment of things present, which fly away and
   destroy me, whilst I say, "Tomorrow I shall discover it; behold, it
   will appear plainly, and I shall seize it; behold, Faustus will come
   and explain everything! O ye great men, ye Academicians, it is then
   true that nothing certain for the ordering of life can be attained!
   Nay, let us search the more diligently, and let us not despair. Lo, the
   things in the ecclesiastical books, which appeared to us absurd
   aforetime, do not appear so now, and may be otherwise and honestly
   interpreted. I will set my feet upon that step, where, as a child, my
   parents placed me, until the clear truth be discovered. But where and
   when shall it be sought? Ambrose has no leisure,--we have no leisure to
   read. Where are we to find the books? Whence or when procure them? From
   whom borrow them? Let set times be appointed, and certain hours be set
   apart for the health of the soul. Great hope has risen upon us, the
   Catholic faith doth not teach what we conceived, and vainly accused it
   of. Her learned ones hold it as an abomination to believe that God is
   limited by the form of a human body. And do we doubt to knock,' in
   order that the rest may be opened'? [468] The mornings are taken up by
   our scholars; how do we employ the rest of the day? Why do we not set
   about this? But when, then, pay our respects to our great friends, of
   whose favours we stand in need? When prepare what our scholars buy from
   us? When recreate ourselves, relaxing our minds from the pressure of
   care?"

   19. "Perish everything, and let us dismiss these empty vanities, and
   betake ourselves solely to the search after truth! Life is miserable,
   death uncertain. If it creeps upon us suddenly, in what state shall we
   depart hence, and where shall we learn what we have neglected here? Or
   rather shall we not suffer the punishment of this negligence? What if
   death itself should cut off and put an end to all care and feeling?
   This also, then, must be inquired into. But God forbid that it should
   be so. It is not without reason, it is no empty thing, that the so
   eminent height of the authority of the Christian faith is diffused
   throughout the entire world. Never would such and so great things be
   wrought for us, if, by the death of the body, the life of the soul were
   destroyed. Why, therefore, do we delay to abandon our hopes of this
   world, and give ourselves wholly to seek after God and the blessed
   life? But stay! Even those things are enjoyable; and they possess some
   and no little sweetness. We must not abandon them lightly, for it would
   be a shame to return to them again. Behold, now is it a great matter to
   obtain some post of honour! And what more could we desire? We have
   crowds of influential friends, though we have nothing else, and if we
   make haste a presidentship may be offered us; and a wife with some
   money, that she increase not our expenses; and this shall be the height
   of desire. Many men, who are great and worthy of imitation, have
   applied themselves to the study of wisdom in the marriage state."

   20. Whilst I talked of these things, and these winds veered about and
   tossed my heart hither and thither, the time passed on; but I was slow
   to turn to the Lord, and from day to day deferred to live in Thee, and
   deferred not daily to die in myself. Being enamoured of a happy life, I
   yet feared it in its own abode, and, fleeing from it, sought after it.
   I conceived that I should be too unhappy were I deprived of the
   embracements of a woman; [469] and of Thy merciful medicine to cure
   that infirmity I thought not, not having tried it. As regards
   continency, I imagined it to be under the control of our own strength
   (though in myself I found it not), being so foolish as not to know what
   is written, that none can be continent unless Thou give it; [470] and
   that Thou wouldst give it, if with heartfelt groaning I should knock at
   Thine ears, and should with firm faith cast my care upon Thee.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [468] Matt. vii. 7.

   [469] "I was entangled in the life of this world, clinging to dull
   hopes of a beauteous wife, the pomp of riches, the emptiness of
   honours, and the other hurtful and destructive pleasures" (Aug. De
   Util. Credendi, sec. 3). "After I had shaken off the Manichæans and
   escaped, especially when I had crossed the sea, the Academics long
   detained me tossing in the waves, winds from all quarters beating
   against my helm. And so I came to this shore, and there found a
   pole-star to whom to entrust myself. For I often observed in the
   discourses of our priest [Ambrose], and sometimes in yours [Theodorus],
   that you had no corporeal notions when you thought of God, or even of
   the soul, which of all things is next to God. But I was withheld, I
   own, from casting myself speedily into the bosom of true wisdom by the
   alluring hopes of marriage and honours; meaning, when I had obtained
   these, to press (as few singularly happy, had before me) with oar and
   sail into that haven, and there rest" (Aug. De Vita Beata, sec. 4).--E.
   B. P.

   [470] Wisd. viii. 2, Vulg.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--Discussion with Alypius Concerning a Life of Celibacy.

   21. It was in truth Alypius who prevented me from marrying, alleging
   that thus we could by no means live together, having so much
   undistracted leisure in the love of wisdom, as we had long desired. For
   he himself was so chaste in this matter that it was wonderful--all the
   more, too, that in his early youth he had entered upon that path, but
   had not clung to it; rather had he, feeling sorrow and disgust at it,
   lived from that time to the present most continently. But I opposed him
   with the examples of those who as married men had loved wisdom, found
   favour with God, and walked faithfully and lovingly with their friends.
   From the greatness of whose spirit I fell far short, and, enthralled
   with the disease of the flesh and its deadly sweetness, dragged my
   chain along, fearing to be loosed; and, as if it pressed my wound,
   rejected his kind expostulations, as it were the hand of one who would
   unchain me. Moreover, it was by me that the serpent spake unto Alypius
   himself, weaving and laying in his path, by my tongue, pleasant snares,
   wherein his honourable and free feet [471] might be entangled.

   22. For when he wondered that I, for whom he had no slight esteem,
   stuck so fast in the bird-lime of that pleasure as to affirm whenever
   we discussed the matter that it would be impossible for me to lead a
   single life, and urged in my defence when I saw him wonder that there
   was a vast difference between the life that he had tried by stealth and
   snatches (of which he had now but a faint recollection, and might
   therefore, without regret, easily despise), and my sustained
   acquaintance with it, whereto if but the honourable name of marriage
   were added, he would not then be astonished at my inability to contemn
   that course,--then began he also to wish to be married, not as if
   overpowered by the lust of such pleasure, but from curiosity. For, as
   he said, he was anxious to know what that could be without which my
   life, which was so pleasing to him, seemed to me not life but a
   penalty. For his mind, free from that chain, was astounded at my
   slavery, and through that astonishment was going on to a desire of
   trying it, and from it to the trial itself, and thence, perchance, to
   fall into that bondage whereat he was so astonished, seeing he was
   ready to enter into "a covenant with death;" [472] and he that loves
   danger shall fall into it. [473] For whatever the conjugal honour be in
   the office of well-ordering a married life, and sustaining children,
   influenced us but slightly. But that which did for the most part
   afflict me, already made a slave to it, was the habit of satisfying an
   insatiable lust; him about to be enslaved did an admiring wonder draw
   on. In this state were we, until Thou, O most High, not forsaking our
   lowliness, commiserating our misery, didst come to our rescue by
   wonderful and secret ways.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [471] "Paulinus says that though he lived among the people and sat over
   them, ruling the sheep of the Lord's fold, as a watchful shepherd, with
   anxious sleeplessness, yet by renunciation of the world, and denial of
   flesh and blood, he had made himself a wilderness, severed from the
   many, called among the few" (Ap. Aug. Ep. 24, sec. 2). St. Jerome calls
   him "his holy and venerable brother, Father (Papa) Alypius" (Ep. 39,
   ibid.). Earlier, Augustin speaks of him as "abiding in union with him,
   to be an example to the brethren who wished to avoid the cares of this
   world" (Ep. 22); and to Paulinus (Ep. 27), [Romanianus] "is a relation
   of the venerable and truly blessed Bishop Alypius, whom you embrace
   with your whole heart deservedly; for whosoever thinks favourably of
   that man, thinks of the great mercy of God. Soon, by the help of God, I
   shall transfuse Alypius wholly into your soul [Paulinus had asked
   Alypius to write him his life, and Augustin had, at Alypius' request,
   undertaken to relieve him, and to do it]; for I feared chiefly lest he
   should shrink from laying open all which the Lord has bestowed upon
   him, lest, if read by any ordinary person (for it would not be read by
   you only), he should seem not so much to set forth the gifts of God
   committed to men, as to exalt himself."--E. B. P.

   [472] Isa. xxviii. 15.

   [473] Ecclus. iii. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--Being Urged by His Mother to Take a Wife, He Sought a
   Maiden that Was Pleasing Unto Him.

   23. Active efforts were made to get me a wife. I wooed, I was engaged,
   my mother taking the greatest pains in the matter, that when I was once
   married, the health-giving baptism might cleanse me; for which she
   rejoiced that I was being daily fitted, remarking that her desires and
   Thy promises were being fulfilled in my faith. At which time, verily,
   both at my request and her own desire, with strong heartfelt cries did
   we daily beg of Thee that Thou wouldest by a vision disclose unto her
   something concerning my future marriage; but Thou wouldest not. She saw
   indeed certain vain and fantastic things, such as the earnestness of a
   human spirit, bent thereon, conjured up; and these she told me of, not
   with her usual confidence when Thou hadst shown her anything, but
   slighting them. For she could, she declared, through some feeling which
   she could not express in words, discern the difference betwixt Thy
   revelations and the dreams of her own spirit. Yet the affair was
   pressed on, and a maiden sued who wanted two years of the marriageable
   age; and, as she was pleasing, she was waited for.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--The Design of Establishing a Common Household with His
   Friends is Speedily Hindered.

   24. And many of us friends, consulting on and abhorring the turbulent
   vexations of human life, had considered and now almost determined upon
   living at ease and separate from the turmoil of men. And this was to be
   obtained in this way; we were to bring whatever we could severally
   procure, and make a common household, so that, through the sincerity of
   our friendship, nothing should belong more to one than the other; but
   the whole, being derived from all, should as a whole belong to each,
   and the whole unto all. It seemed to us that this society might consist
   of ten persons, some of whom were very rich, especially Romanianus,
   [474] our townsman, an intimate friend of mine from his childhood, whom
   grave business matters had then brought up to Court; who was the most
   earnest of us all for this project, and whose voice was of great weight
   in commending it, because his estate was far more ample than that of
   the rest. We had arranged, too, that two officers should be chosen
   yearly, for the providing of all necessary things, whilst the rest were
   left undisturbed. But when we began to reflect whether the wives which
   some of us had already, and others hoped to have, would permit this,
   all that plan, which was being so well framed, broke to pieces in our
   hands, and was utterly wrecked and cast aside. Thence we fell again to
   sighs and groans, and our steps to follow the broad and beaten ways
   [475] of the world; for many thoughts were in our heart, but Thy
   counsel standeth for ever. [476] Out of which counsel Thou didst mock
   ours, and preparedst Thine own, purposing to give us meat in due
   season, and to open Thy hand, and to fill our souls with blessing.
   [477]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [474] Romanianus was a relation of Alypius (Aug. Ep. 27, ad Paulin.),
   of talent which astonished Augustin himself (C. Acad. i. 1, ii. 1),
   "surrounded by affluence from early youth, and snatched by what are
   thought adverse circumstances from the absorbing whirlpools of life"
   (ibid.). Augustin frequently mentions his great wealth, as also this
   vexatious suit, whereby he was harassed (C. Acad. i. 1, ii. 1), and
   which so clouded his mind that his talents were almost unknown (C.
   Acad. ii. 2); as also his very great kindness to himself, when, "as a
   poor lad, setting out to foreign study, he had received him in his
   house, supported and (yet more) encouraged him; when deprived of his
   father, comforted, animated, aided him: when returning to Carthage, in
   pursuit of a higher employment, supplied him with all necessaries."
   "Lastly," says Augustin, "whatever ease I now enjoy, that I have
   escaped the bonds of useless desires, that, laying aside the weight of
   dead cares, I breathe, recover, return to myself, that with all
   earnestness I am seeking the truth [Augustin wrote this the year before
   his baptism], that I am attaining it, that I trust wholly to arrive at
   it, you encouraged, impelled, effected" (C. Acad. ii. 2). Augustin had
   "cast him headlong with himself" (as so many other of his friends) into
   the Manichæan heresy (ibid. i. sec. 3), and it is to be hoped that he
   extricated him with himself; but we only learn positively that he
   continued to be fond of the works of Augustin (Ep. 27), whereas in that
   which he dedicated to him (C. Acad.), Augustin writes very doubtingly
   to him, and afterwards recommends him to Paulinus, "to be cured wholly
   or in part by his conversation" (Ep. 27).--E. B. P.

   [475] Matt. vii. 13.

   [476] Ps. xxxiii. 11.

   [477] Ps. cxlv. 15, 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XV.--He Dismisses One Mistress, and Chooses Another.

   25. Meanwhile my sins were being multiplied, and my mistress being torn
   from my side as an impediment to my marriage, my heart, which clave to
   her, was racked, and wounded, and bleeding. And she went back to
   Africa, making a vow unto Thee never to know another man, leaving with
   me my natural son by her. But I, unhappy one, who could not imitate a
   woman, impatient of delay, since it was not until two years' time I was
   to obtain her I sought,--being not so much a lover of marriage as a
   slave to lust,--procured another (not a wife, though), that so by the
   bondage of a lasting habit the disease of my soul might be nursed up,
   and kept up in its vigour, or even increased, into the kingdom of
   marriage. Nor was that wound of mine as yet cured which had been caused
   by the separation from my former mistress, but after inflammation and
   most acute anguish it mortified, [478] and the pain became numbed, but
   more desperate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [478] In his De Natura Con. Manich. he has the same idea. He is
   speaking of the evil that has no pain, and remarks: "Likewise in the
   body, better is a wound with pain than putrefaction without pain, which
   is specially styled corruption;" and the same idea is embodied in the
   extract from Caird's Sermons, on p. 5, note 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVI.--The Fear of Death and Judgment Called Him, Believing in
   the Immortality of the Soul, Back from His Wickedness, Him Who
   Aforetime Believed in the Opinions of Epicurus.

   26. Unto Thee be praise, unto Thee be glory, O Fountain of mercies! I
   became more wretched, and Thou nearer. Thy right hand was ever ready to
   pluck me out of the mire, and to cleanse me, but I was ignorant of it.
   Nor did anything recall me from a yet deeper abyss of carnal pleasures,
   but the fear of death and of Thy future judgment, which, amid all my
   fluctuations of opinion, never left my breast. And in disputing with my
   friends, Alypius and Nebridius, concerning the nature of good and evil,
   I held that Epicurus had, in my judgment, won the palm, had I not
   believed that after death there remained a life for the soul, and
   places of recompense, which Epicurus would not believe. [479] And I
   demanded, "Supposing us to be immortal, and to be living in the
   enjoyment of perpetual bodily pleasure, and that without any fear of
   losing it, why, then, should we not be happy, or why should we search
   for anything else?"--not knowing that even this very thing was a part
   of my great misery, that, being thus sunk and blinded, I could not
   discern that light of honour and beauty to be embraced for its own
   sake, [480] which cannot be seen by the eye of the flesh, it being
   visible only to the inner man. Nor did I, unhappy one, consider out of
   what vein it emanated, that even these things, loathsome as they were,
   I with pleasure discussed with my friends. Nor could I, even in
   accordance with my then notions of happiness, make myself happy without
   friends, amid no matter how great abundance of carnal pleasures. And
   these friends assuredly I loved for their own sakes, and I knew myself
   to be loved of them again for my own sake. O crooked ways! Woe to the
   audacious soul which hoped that, if it forsook Thee, it would find some
   better thing! It hath turned and returned, on hack, sides, and belly,
   and all was hard, [481] and Thou alone rest. And behold, Thou art near,
   and deliverest us from our wretched wanderings, and stablishest us in
   Thy way, and dost comfort us, and say, "Run; I will carry you, yea, I
   will lead you, and there also will I carry you."

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [479] The ethics of Epicurus were a modified Hedonism (Diog. Laërt. De
   Vitis, etc., x. 123). With him the earth was a congeries of atoms
   (ibid. 38, 40), which atoms existed from eternity, and formed
   themselves, uninfluenced by the gods. The soul he held to be material.
   It was diffused through the body, and was in its nature somewhat like
   air. At death it was resolved into its original atoms, when the being
   ceased to exist (ibid. 63, 64). Hence death was a matter of
   indifference to man [ho thanatos ouden pros hemas, ibid. 124, etc.]. In
   that great upheaval after the scholasticism of the Middle Ages, the
   various ancient philosophies were revived. This of Epicurus was
   disentombed and, as it were, vitalized by Gassendi, in the beginning of
   the seventeenth century; and it has a special importance from its
   bearing on the physical theories and investigations of modern times.
   Archer Butler, adverting to the inadequacy of the chief philosophical
   schools to satisfy the wants of the age in the early days of the
   planting of Christianity (Lectures on Ancient Philosophy, ii. 333),
   says of the Epicurean: "Its popularity was unquestioned; its adaptation
   to a luxurious age could not be doubted. But it was not formed to
   satisfy the wants of the time, however it might minister to its
   pleasures. It was, indeed, as it still continues to be, the tacit
   philosophy of the careless, and might thus number a larger army of
   disciples than any contemporary system. But its supremacy existed only
   when it estimated numbers, it ceased when tried by weight. The eminent
   men of Rome were often its avowed favourers; but they were for the most
   part men eminent in arms and statesmanship, rather than the influential
   directors of the world of speculation. Nor could the admirable poetic
   art of Lucretius, or the still more attractive ease of Horace, confer
   such strength or dignity upon the system as to enable it to compete
   with the new and mysterious elements now upon all sides gathering into
   conflict."

   [480] See viii. sec. 17, note, below.

   [481] See above, iv. cc. 1, 10, and 12.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book VII.

   ------------------------

   He recalls the beginning of his youth, i.e. the thirty-first year of
   his age, in which very grave errors as to the nature of God and the
   origin of evil being distinguished, and the Sacred Books more
   accurately known, he at length arrives at a clear knowledge of God, not
   yet rightly apprehending Jesus Christ.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--He Regarded Not God Indeed Under the Form of a Human Body,
   But as a Corporeal Substance Diffused Through Space.

   1. Dead now was that evil and abominable youth of mine, and I was
   passing into early manhood: as I increased in years, the fouler became
   I in vanity, who could not conceive of any substance but such as I saw
   with my own eyes. I thought not of Thee, O God, under the form of a
   human body. Since the time I began to hear something of wisdom, I
   always avoided this; and I rejoiced to have found the same in the faith
   of our spiritual mother, Thy Catholic Church. But what else to imagine
   Thee I knew not. And I, a man, and such a man, sought to conceive of
   Thee, the sovereign and only true God; and I did in my inmost heart
   believe that Thou wert incorruptible, and inviolable, and unchangeable;
   because, not knowing whence or how, yet most plainly did I see and feel
   sure that that which may be corrupted must be worse than that which
   cannot, and what cannot be violated did I without hesitation prefer
   before that which can, and deemed that which suffers no change to be
   better than that which is changeable. Violently did my heart cry out
   against all my phantasms, and with this one blow I endeavoured to beat
   away from the eye of my mind all that unclean crowd which fluttered
   around it. [482] And lo, being scarce put off, they, in the twinkling
   of an eye, pressed in multitudes around me, dashed against my face, and
   beclouded it; so that, though I thought not of Thee under the form of a
   human body, yet was I constrained to image Thee to be something
   corporeal in space, either infused into the world, or infinitely
   diffused beyond it,--even that incorruptible, inviolable, and
   unchangeable, which I preferred to the corruptible, and violable, and
   changeable; since whatsoever I conceived, deprived of this space,
   appeared as nothing to me, yea, altogether nothing, not even a void, as
   if a body were removed from its place and the place should remain empty
   of any body at all, whether earthy, terrestrial, watery, aerial, or
   celestial, but should remain a void place--a spacious nothing, as it
   were.

   2. I therefore being thus gross-hearted, nor clear even to myself,
   whatsoever was not stretched over certain spaces, nor diffused, nor
   crowded together, nor swelled out, or which did not or could not
   receive some of these dimensions, I judged to be altogether nothing.
   [483] For over such forms as my eyes are wont to range did my heart
   then range; nor did I see that this same observation, by which I formed
   those same images, was not of this kind, and yet it could not have
   formed them had not itself been something great. In like manner did I
   conceive of Thee, Life of my life, as vast through infinite spaces, on
   every side penetrating the whole mass of the world, and beyond it, all
   ways, through immeasurable and boundless spaces; so that the earth
   should have Thee, the heaven have Thee, all things have Thee, and they
   bounded in Thee, but Thou nowhere. For as the body of this air which is
   above the earth preventeth not the light of the sun from passing
   through it, penetrating it, not by bursting or by cutting, but by
   filling it entirely, so I imagined the body, not of heaven, air, and
   sea only, but of the earth also, to be pervious to Thee, and in all its
   greatest parts as well as smallest penetrable to receive Thy presence,
   by a secret inspiration, both inwardly and outwardly governing all
   things which Thou hast created. So I conjectured, because I was unable
   to think of anything else; for it was untrue. For in this way would a
   greater part of the earth contain a greater portion of Thee, and the
   less a lesser; and all things should so be full of Thee, as that the
   body of an elephant should contain more of Thee than that of a sparrow
   by how much larger it is, and occupies more room; and so shouldest Thou
   make the portions of Thyself present unto the several portions of the
   world, in pieces, great to the great, little to the little. But Thou
   art not such a one; nor hadst Thou as yet enlightened my darkness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [482] See iii. sec. 12, iv. secs. 3 and 12, and v. sec. 19, above.

   [483] "For with what understanding can man apprehend God, who does not
   yet apprehend that very understanding itself of his own by which he
   desires to apprehend Him? And if he does already apprehend this, let
   him carefully consider that there is nothing in his own nature better
   than it: and let him see whether he can there see any outlines of
   forms, or brightness of colours, or greatness of space, or distance of
   parts, or extension of size, or any movements through intervals of
   place, or any such thing at all. Certainly we find nothing of all this
   in that, than which we find nothing better in our own nature, that is,
   in our own intellect, by which we apprehend wisdom according to our
   capacity. What, therefore, we do not find in that, which is our own
   best, we ought not to seek in Him, who is far better than that best of
   ours; that so we may understand God, if we are able, and as much as we
   are able, as good without quality, great without quantity, a Creator
   though He lack nothing, ruling but from no position, sustaining all
   things without having' them, in His wholeness everywhere yet without
   place, eternal without time, making things that are changeable without
   change of Himself, and without passion. Whoso thus thinks of God,
   although he cannot yet find out in all ways what He is, yet piously
   takes heed, as much as he is able, to think nothing of Him that He is
   not."--De Trin. v. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--The Disputation of Nebridius Against the Manichæans, on
   the Question "Whether God Be Corruptible or Incorruptible."

   3. It was sufficient for me, O Lord, to oppose to those deceived
   deceivers and dumb praters (dumb, since Thy word sounded not forth from
   them) that which a long while ago, while we were at Carthage, Nebridius
   used to propound, at which all we who heard it were disturbed: "What
   could that reputed nation of darkness, which the Manichæans are in the
   habit of setting up as a mass opposed to Thee, have done unto Thee
   hadst Thou objected to fight with it? For had it been answered, It
   would have done Thee some injury,' then shouldest Thou be subject to
   violence and corruption; but if the reply were: It could do Thee no
   injury,' then was no cause assigned for Thy fighting with it; and so
   fighting as that a certain portion and member of Thee, or offspring of
   Thy very substance, should be blended with adverse powers and natures
   not of Thy creation, and be by them corrupted and deteriorated to such
   an extent as to be turned from happiness into misery, and need help
   whereby it might be delivered and purged; and that this offspring of
   Thy substance was the soul, to which, being enslaved, contaminated, and
   corrupted, Thy word, free, pure, and entire, might bring succour; but
   yet also the word itself being corruptible, because it was from one and
   the same substance. So that should they affirm Thee, whatsoever Thou
   art, that is, Thy substance whereby Thou art, to be incorruptible, then
   were all these assertions false and execrable; but if corruptible, then
   that were false, and at the first utterance to be abhorred." [484] This
   argument, then, was enough against those who wholly merited to be
   vomited forth from the surfeited stomach, since they had no means of
   escape without horrible sacrilege, both of heart and tongue, thinking
   and speaking such things of Thee.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [484] Similar arguments are made use of in his controversy with
   Fortunatus (Dis. ii. 5), where he says, that as Fortunatus could find
   no answer, so neither could he when a Manichæan, and that this led him
   to the true faith. Again, in his De Moribus (sec. 25), where he
   examines the answers which had been given, he commences: "For this
   gives rise to the question, which used to throw us into great
   perplexity, even when we were your zealous disciples, nor could we find
   any answer,--what the race of darkness would have done to God,
   supposing He had refused to fight with it at the cost of such calamity
   to part of Himself. For if God would not have suffered any loss by
   remaining quiet, we thought it hard that we had been sent to endure so
   much. Again, if He would have suffered, His nature cannot have been
   incorruptible, as it behooves the nature of God to be." We have
   already, in the note to book iv. sec. 26, referred to some of the
   matters touched on in this section; but they call for further
   elucidation. The following passage, quoted by Augustin from Manichæus
   himself (Con. Ep. Manich. 19), discloses to us (1) their ideas as to
   the nature and position of the two kingdoms: "In one direction, on the
   border of this bright and holy region, there was a land of darkness,
   deep and vast in extent, where abode fiery bodies, destructive races.
   Here was boundless darkness flowing from the same source in
   immeasurable abundance, with the productions properly belonging to it.
   Beyond this were muddy, turbid waters with their inhabitants; and
   inside of them winds terrible and violent, with their prince and their
   progenitors. Then, again, a fiery region of destruction, with its
   chiefs and peoples. And similarly inside of this, a race full of smoke
   and gloom, where abode the dreadful prince and chief of all, having
   around him innumerable princes, himself the mind and source of them
   all. Such are the five natures of the region of corruption." Augustin
   also designates them (ibid. sec. 20) "the five dens of the race of
   darkness." The nation of darkness desires to possess the kingdom of
   light, and prepares to make war upon it; and in the controversy with
   Faustus we have (2) the beginning and issue of the war (Con. Faust. ii.
   3; see also De Hæres, 46). Augustin says: "You dress up for our benefit
   some wonderful First Man, who came down from the race of light, to war
   with the race of darkness, armed with his waters against the waters of
   the enemy, and with his fire against their fire, and with his winds
   against their winds." And again (ibid. sec. 5): "You say that he
   mingled with the principles of darkness in his conflict with the race
   of darkness, that by capturing these principles the world might be made
   out of the mixture. So that, by your profane fancies, Christ is not
   only mingled with heaven and all the stars, but conjoined and
   compounded with the earth and all its productions--a Saviour no more,
   but needing to be saved by you, by your eating and disgorging Him. This
   foolish custom of making your disciples bring you food, that your teeth
   and stomach may be the means of relieving Christ, who is bound up in
   it, is a consequence of your profane fancies. You declare that Christ
   is liberated in this way,--not, however, entirely; for you hold that
   some tiny particles of no value still remain in the excrement, to be
   mixed up and compounded again and again in various material forms, and
   to be released and purified at any rate by the fire in which the world
   will be burned up, if not before. Nay, even then, you say, Christ is
   not entirely liberated, but some extreme particles of His good and
   divine nature, which have been so defiled that they cannot be cleansed,
   are condemned to stay for ever in the mass of darkness." The result of
   this commingling of the light with the darkness was, that a certain
   portion and member of God was turned "from happiness into misery," and
   placed in bondage in the world, and was in need of help "whereby it
   might be delivered and purged." (See also Con. Fortunat. i. 1.)
   Reference may be made (3), for information as to the method by which
   the divine substance was released in the eating of the elect, to the
   notes on book iii. sec. 18, above; and for the influence of the sun and
   moon in accomplishing that release, to the note on book v. sec, 12,
   above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--That the Cause of Evil is the Free Judgment of the Will.

   4. But I also, as yet, although I said and was firmly persuaded, that
   Thou our Lord, the true God, who madest not only our souls but our
   bodies, and not our souls and bodies alone, but all creatures and all
   things, wert uncontaminable and inconvertible, and in no part mutable:
   yet understood I not readily and clearly what was the cause of evil.
   And yet, whatever it was, I perceived that it must be so sought out as
   not to constrain me by it to believe that the immutable God was
   mutable, lest I myself should become the thing that I was seeking out.
   I sought, therefore, for it free from care, certain of the
   untruthfulness of what these asserted, whom I shunned with my whole
   heart; for I perceived that through seeking after the origin of evil,
   they were filled with malice, in that they liked better to think that
   Thy Substance did suffer evil than that their own did commit it. [485]

   5. And I directed my attention to discern what I now heard, that free
   will [486] was the cause of our doing evil, and Thy righteous judgment
   of our suffering it. But I was unable clearly to discern it. So, then,
   trying to draw the eye of my mind from that pit, I was plunged again
   therein, and trying often, was as often plunged back again. But this
   raised me towards Thy light, that I knew as well that I had a will as
   that I had life: when, therefore, I was willing or unwilling to do
   anything, I was most certain that it was none but myself that was
   willing and unwilling; and immediately I perceived that there was the
   cause of my sin. But what I did against my will I saw that I suffered
   rather than did, and that judged I not to be my fault, but my
   punishment; whereby, believing Thee to be most just, I quickly
   confessed myself to be not unjustly punished. But again I said: "Who
   made me? Was it not my God, who is not only good, but goodness itself?
   Whence came I then to will to do evil, and to be unwilling to do good,
   that there might be cause for my just punishment? Who was it that put
   this in me, and implanted in me the root of bitterness, seeing I was
   altogether made by my most sweet God? If the devil were the author,
   whence is that devil? And if he also, by his own perverse will, of a
   good angel became a devil, whence also was the evil will in him whereby
   he became a devil, seeing that the angel was made altogether good by
   that most Good Creator?" By these reflections was I again cast down and
   stifled; yet not plunged into that hell of error (where no man
   confesseth unto Thee), [487] to think that Thou dost suffer evil,
   rather than that man doth it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [485] See iv. sec. 26, note, above.

   [486] See iii. sec. 12, note, and iv. sec. 26, note, above.

   [487] Ps. vi. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--That God is Not Corruptible, Who, If He Were, Would Not Be
   God at All.

   6. For I was so struggling to find out the rest, as having already
   found that what was incorruptible must be better than the corruptible;
   and Thee, therefore, whatsoever Thou wert, did I acknowledge to be
   incorruptible. For never yet was, nor will be, a soul able to conceive
   of anything better than Thou, who art the highest and best good. But
   whereas most truly and certainly that which is incorruptible is to be
   preferred to the corruptible (like as I myself did now prefer it),
   then, if Thou were not incorruptible, I could in my thoughts have
   reached unto something better than my God. Where, then, I saw that the
   incorruptible was to be preferred to the corruptible, there ought I to
   seek Thee, and there observe "whence evil itself was," that is, whence
   comes the corruption by which Thy substance can by no means be
   profaned. For corruption, truly, in no way injures our God,--by no
   will, by no necessity, by no unforeseen chance,--because He is God, and
   what He wills is good, and Himself is that good; but to be corrupted is
   not good. Nor art Thou compelled to do anything against Thy will in
   that Thy will is not greater than Thy power. But greater should it be
   wert Thou Thyself greater than Thyself; for the will and power of God
   is God Himself. And what can be unforeseen by Thee, who knowest all
   things? Nor is there any sort of nature but Thou knowest it. And what
   more should we say "why that substance which God is should not be
   corruptible," seeing that if it were so it could not be God?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--Questions Concerning the Origin of Evil in Regard to God,
   Who, Since He is the Chief Good, Cannot Be the Cause of Evil.

   7. And I sought "whence is evil?" And sought in an evil way; nor saw I
   the evil in my very search. And I set in order before the view of my
   spirit the whole creation, and whatever we can discern in it, such as
   earth, sea, air, stars, trees, living creatures; yea, and whatever in
   it we do not see, as the firmament of heaven, all the angels, too, and
   all the spiritual inhabitants thereof. But these very beings, as though
   they were bodies, did my fancy dispose in such and such places, and I
   made one huge mass of all Thy creatures, distinguished according to the
   kinds of bodies,--some of them being real bodies, some what I myself
   had feigned for spirits. And this mass I made huge,--not as it was,
   which I could not know, but as large as I thought well, yet every way
   finite. But Thee, O Lord, I imagined on every part environing and
   penetrating it, though every way infinite; as if there were a sea
   everywhere, and on every side through immensity nothing but an infinite
   sea; and it contained within itself some sponge, huge, though finite,
   so that the sponge would in all its parts be filled from the
   immeasurable sea. So conceived I Thy Creation to be itself finite, and
   filled by Thee, the Infinite. And I said, Behold God, and behold what
   God hath created; and God is good, yea, most mightily and incomparably
   better than all these; but yet He, who is good, hath created them good,
   and behold how He encircleth and filleth them. Where, then, is evil,
   and whence, and how crept it in hither? What is its root, and what its
   seed? Or hath it no being at all? Why, then, do we fear and shun that
   which hath no being? Or if we fear it needlessly, then surely is that
   fear evil whereby the heart is unnecessarily pricked and
   tormented,--and so much a greater evil, as we have naught to fear, and
   yet do fear. Therefore either that is evil which we fear, or the act of
   fearing is in itself evil. Whence, therefore, is it, seeing that God,
   who is good, hath made all these things good? He, indeed, the greatest
   and chiefest Good, hath created these lesser goods; but both Creator
   and created are all good. Whence is evil? Or was there some evil matter
   of which He made and formed and ordered it, but left something in it
   which He did not convert into good? But why was this? Was He powerless
   to change the whole lump, so that no evil should remain in it, seeing
   that He is omnipotent? Lastly, why would He make anything at all of it,
   and not rather by the same omnipotency cause it not to be at all? Or
   could it indeed exist contrary to His will? Or if it were from
   eternity, why did He permit it so to be for infinite spaces of times in
   the past, and was pleased so long after to make something out of it? Or
   if He wished now all of a sudden to do something, this rather should
   the Omnipotent have accomplished, that this evil matter should not be
   at all, and that He only should be the whole, true, chief, and infinite
   Good. Or if it were not good that He, who was good, should not also be
   the framer and creator of what was good, then that matter which was
   evil being removed, and brought to nothing, He might form good matter,
   whereof He might create all things. For He would not be omnipotent were
   He not able to create something good without being assisted by that
   matter which had not been created by Himself. [488] Such like things
   did I revolve in my miserable breast, overwhelmed with most gnawing
   cares lest I should die ere I discovered the truth; yet was the faith
   of Thy Christ, our Lord and Saviour, as held in the Catholic Church,
   fixed firmly in my heart, unformed, indeed, as yet upon many points,
   and diverging from doctrinal rules, but yet my mind did not utterly
   leave it, but every day rather drank in more and more of it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [488] See xi. sec. 7, note, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--He Refutes the Divinations of the Astrologers, Deduced
   from the Constellations.

   8. Now also had I repudiated the lying divinations and impious
   absurdities of the astrologers. Let Thy mercies, out of the depth of my
   soul, confess unto thee [489] for this also, O my God. For Thou, Thou
   altogether,--for who else is it that calls us back from the death of
   all errors, but that Life which knows not how to die, and the Wisdom
   which, requiring no light, enlightens the minds that do, whereby the
   universe is governed, even to the fluttering leaves of trees?--Thou
   providedst also for my obstinacy wherewith I struggled with
   Vindicianus, [490] an acute old man, and Nebridius, a young one of
   remarkable talent; the former vehemently declaring, and the latter
   frequently, though with a certain measure of doubt, saying, "That no
   art existed by which to foresee future things, but that men's surmises
   had oftentimes the help of luck, and that of many things which they
   foretold some came to pass unawares to the predictors, who lighted on
   it by their oft speaking." Thou, therefore, didst provide a friend for
   me, who was no negligent consulter of the astrologers, and yet not
   thoroughly skilled in those arts, but, as I said, a curious consulter
   with them; and yet knowing somewhat, which he said he had heard from
   his father, which, how far it would tend to overthrow the estimation of
   that art, he knew not. This man, then, by name Firminius, having
   received a liberal education, and being well versed in rhetoric,
   consulted me, as one very dear to him, as to what I thought on some
   affairs of his, wherein his worldly hopes had risen, viewed with regard
   to his so-called constellations; and I, who had now begun to lean in
   this particular towards Nebridius' opinion, did not indeed decline to
   speculate about the matter, and to tell him what came into my
   irresolute mind, but still added that I was now almost persuaded that
   these were but empty and ridiculous follies. Upon this he told me that
   his father had been very curious in such books, and that he had a
   friend who was as interested in them as he was himself, who, with
   combined study and consultation, fanned the flame of their affection
   for these toys, insomuch that they would observe the moment when the
   very dumb animals which bred in their houses brought forth, and then
   observed the position of the heavens with regard to them, so as to
   gather fresh proofs of this so-called art. He said, moreover, that his
   father had told him, that at the time his mother was about to give
   birth to him (Firminius), a female servant of that friend of his
   father's was also great with child, which could not be hidden from her
   master, who took care with most diligent exactness to know of the birth
   of his very dogs. And so it came to pass that (the one for his wife,
   and the other for his servant, with the most careful observation,
   calculating the days and hours, and the smaller divisions of the hours)
   both were delivered at the same moment, so that both were compelled to
   allow the very selfsame constellations, even to the minutest point, the
   one for his son, the other for his young slave. For so soon as the
   women began to be in travail, they each gave notice to the other of
   what was fallen out in their respective houses, and had messengers
   ready to despatch to one another so soon as they had information of the
   actual birth, of which they had easily provided, each in his own
   province, to give instant intelligence. Thus, then, he said, the
   messengers of the respective parties met one another in such equal
   distances from either house, that neither of them could discern any
   difference either in the position of the stars or other most minute
   points. And yet Firminius, born in a high estate in his parents' house,
   ran his course through the prosperous paths of this world, was
   increased in wealth, and elevated to honours; whereas that slave--the
   yoke of his condition being unrelaxed--continued to serve his masters,
   as Firminius, who knew him, informed me.

   9. Upon hearing and believing these things, related by so reliable a
   person, all that resistance of mine melted away; and first I
   endeavoured to reclaim Firminius himself from that curiosity, by
   telling him, that upon inspecting his constellations, I ought, were I
   to foretell truly, to have seen in them parents eminent among their
   neighbours, a noble family in its own city, good birth, becoming
   education, and liberal learning. But if that servant had consulted me
   upon the same constellations, since they were his also, I ought again
   to tell him, likewise truly, to see in them the meanness of his origin,
   the abjectness of his condition, and everything else altogether removed
   from and at variance with the former. Whence, then, looking upon the
   same constellations, I should, if I spoke the truth, speak diverse
   things, or if I spoke the same, speak falsely; thence assuredly was it
   to be gathered, that whatever, upon consideration of the
   constellations, was foretold truly, was not by art, but by chance; and
   whatever falsely, was not from the unskillfulness of the art, but the
   error of chance.

   10. An opening being thus made, I ruminated within myself on such
   things, that no one of those dotards (who followed such occupations,
   and whom I longed to assail, and with derision to confute) might urge
   against me that Firminius had informed me falsely, or his father him: I
   turned my thoughts to those that are born twins, who generally come out
   of the womb so near one to another, that the small distance of time
   between them--how much force soever they may contend that it has in the
   nature of things--cannot be noted by human observation, or be expressed
   in those figures which the astrologer is to examine that he may
   pronounce the truth. Nor can they be true; for, looking into the same
   figures, he must have foretold the same of Esau and Jacob, [491]
   whereas the same did not happen to them. He must therefore speak
   falsely; or if truly, then, looking into the same figures, he must not
   speak the same things. Not then by art, but by chance, would he speak
   truly. For Thou, O Lord, most righteous Ruler of the universe, the
   inquirers and inquired of knowing it not, workest by a hidden
   inspiration that the consulter should hear what, according to the
   hidden deservings of souls, he ought to hear, out of the depth of Thy
   righteous judgment, to whom let not man say, "What is this?" or "Why
   that?" Let him not say so, for he is man.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [489] Ps. cvii. 8, Vulg.

   [490] See iv. sec. 5, note, above.

   [491] He uses the same illustration when speaking of the mathematici,
   or astrologers, in his De Doct. Christ. ii. 33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--He is Severely Exercised as to the Origin of Evil.

   11. And now, O my Helper, hadst Thou freed me from those fetters; and I
   inquired, "Whence is evil?" and found no result. But Thou sufferedst me
   not to be carried away from the faith by any fluctuations of thought,
   whereby I believed Thee both to exist, and Thy substance to be
   unchangeable, and that Thou hadst a care of and wouldest judge men; and
   that in Christ, Thy Son, our Lord, and the Holy Scriptures, which the
   authority of Thy Catholic Church pressed upon me, Thou hadst planned
   the way of man's salvation to that life which is to come after this
   death. These things being safe and immoveably settled in my mind, I
   eagerly inquired, "Whence is evil?" What torments did my travailing
   heart then endure! What sighs, O my God! Yet even there were Thine ears
   open, and I knew it not; and when in stillness I sought earnestly,
   those silent contritions of my soul were strong cries unto Thy mercy.
   No man knoweth, but only Thou, what I endured. For what was that which
   was thence through my tongue poured into the ears of my most familiar
   friends? Did the whole tumult of my soul, for which neither time nor
   speech was sufficient, reach them? Yet went the whole into Thine ears,
   all of which I bellowed out from the sightings of my heart; and my
   desire was before Thee, and the light of mine eyes was not with me;
   [492] for that was within, I without. Nor was that in place, but my
   attention was directed to things contained in place; but there did I
   find no resting-place, nor did they receive me in such a way as that I
   could say, "It is sufficient, it is well;" nor did they let me turn
   back, where it might be well enough with me. For to these things was I
   superior, but inferior to Thee; and Thou art my true joy when I am
   subjected to Thee, and Thou hadst subjected to me what Thou createdst
   beneath me. [493] And this was the true temperature and middle region
   of my safety, to continue in Thine image, and by serving Thee to have
   dominion over the body. But when I lifted myself proudly against Thee,
   and "ran against the Lord, even on His neck, with the thick bosses" of
   my buckler, [494] even these inferior things were placed above me, and
   pressed upon me, and nowhere was there alleviation or breathing space.
   They encountered my sight on every side in crowds and troops, and in
   thought the images of bodies obtruded themselves as I was returning to
   Thee, as if they would say unto me, "Whither goest thou, unworthy and
   base one?" And these things had sprung forth out of my wound; for thou
   humblest the proud like one that is wounded, [495] and through my own
   swelling was I separated from Thee; yea, my too much swollen face
   closed up mine eyes.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [492] Ps. xxxvii. 9-11, Vulg.

   [493] Man can only control the forces of nature by yielding obedience
   to nature's laws; and our true joy and safety is only to be found being
   "subjected" to God. So Augustin says in another place, (De Trin. x. 7),
   the soul is enjoined to know itself, "in order that it may consider
   itself, and live according to its own nature; that is, seek to be
   regulated according to its own nature, viz. under Him to whom it ought
   to be subject, and above those things to which it is to be preferred;
   under Him by whom it ought to be ruled, above those things which it
   ought to rule."

   [494] Job xv. 26.

   [495] Ps. lxxxix. 11. Vulg.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--By God's Assistance He by Degrees Arrives at the Truth.

   12. "But Thou, O Lord, shall endure for ever," [496] yet not for ever
   art Thou angry with us, because Thou dost commiserate our dust and
   ashes; and it was pleasing in Thy sight to reform my deformity, and by
   inward stings didst Thou disturb me, that I should be dissatisfied
   until Thou wert made sure to my inward sight. And by the secret hand of
   Thy remedy was my swelling lessened, and the disordered and darkened
   eyesight of my mind, by the sharp anointings of healthful sorrows, was
   from day to day made whole.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [496] Ps. cii. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--He Compares the Doctrine of the Platonists Concerning the
   Logos With the Much More Excellent Doctrine of Christianity.

   13. And Thou, willing first to show me how Thou "resistest the proud,
   but givest grace unto the humble" [497] and by how great art act of
   mercy Thou hadst pointed out to men the path of humility, in that Thy
   "Word was made flesh" and dwelt among men,--Thou procuredst for me, by
   the instrumentality of one inflated with most monstrous pride, certain
   books of the Platonists, [498] translated from Greek into Latin. [499]
   And therein I read, not indeed in the same words, but to the selfsame
   effect, [500] enforced by many and divers reasons, that, "In the
   beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was
   God. The same was in the beginning with God. All things were made by
   Him; and without Him was not any thing made that was made." That which
   was made by Him is "life; and the life was the light of men. And the
   light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehendeth it not."
   [501] And that the soul of man, though it "bears witness of the light,"
   [502] yet itself "is not that light; [503] but the Word of God, being
   God, is that true light that lighteth every man that cometh into the
   world." [504] And that "He was in the world, and the world was made by
   Him, and the world knew Him not." [505] But that "He came unto His own,
   and His own received Him not. [506] But as many as received Him, to
   them gave He power to become the sons of God, even to them that believe
   on His name." [507] This I did not read there.

   14. In like manner, I read there that God the Word was born not of
   flesh, nor of blood, nor of the will of man, nor of the will of the
   flesh, but of God. But that "the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among
   us," [508] I read not there. For I discovered in those books that it
   was in many and divers ways said, that the Son was in the form of the
   Father, and "thought it not robbery to be equal with God," for that
   naturally He was the same substance. But that He emptied Himself, "and
   took upon Him the form of a servant, and was made in the likeness of
   men: and being found in fashion as a man, He humbled Himself, and
   became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross. Wherefore God
   also hath highly exalted Him" from the dead, "and given Him a name
   above every name; that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of
   things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth; and
   that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the
   glory of God the Father;" [509] those books have not. For that before
   all times, and above all times, Thy only-begotten Son remaineth
   unchangeably co-eternal with Thee; and that of "His fulness" souls
   receive, [510] that they may be blessed; and that by participation of
   the wisdom remaining in them they are renewed, that they may be wise,
   is there. But that "in due time Christ died for the ungodly," [511] and
   that Thou sparedst not Thine only Son, but deliveredst Him up for us
   all, [512] is not there. "Because Thou hast hid these things from the
   wise and prudent, and hast revealed them unto babes;" [513] that they
   "that labour and are heavy laden" might "come" unto Him and He might
   refresh them, [514] because He is "meek and lowly in heart." [515] "The
   meek will He guide in judgment; and the meek will He teach His way;"
   [516] looking upon our humility and our distress, and forgiving all our
   sins. [517] But such as are puffed up with the elation of would-be
   sublimer learning, do not hear Him saying, "Learn of Me; for I am meek
   and lowly in heart: and ye shall find rest unto your souls." [518]
   "Because that, when they knew God, they glorified Him not as God,
   neither were thankful; but became vain in their imaginations, and their
   foolish heart was darkened. Professing themselves to be wise, they
   became fools." [519]

   15. And therefore also did I read there, that they had changed the
   glory of Thy incorruptible nature into idols and divers forms,--"into
   an image made like to corruptible man, and to birds, and four-footed
   beasts, and creeping things," [520] namely, into that Egyptian food
   [521] for which Esau lost his birthright; [522] for that Thy first-born
   people worshipped the head of a four-footed beast instead of Thee,
   turning back in heart towards Egypt, and prostrating Thy image--their
   own soul--before the image "of an ox that eateth grass." [523] These
   things found I there; but I fed not on them. For it pleased Thee, O
   Lord, to take away the reproach of diminution from Jacob, that the
   elder should serve the younger; [524] and Thou hast called the Gentiles
   into Thine inheritance. And I had come unto Thee from among the
   Gentiles, and I strained after that gold which Thou willedst Thy people
   to take from Egypt, seeing that wheresoever it was it was Thine. [525]
   And to the Athenians Thou saidst by Thy apostle, that in Thee "we live,
   and move, and have our being;" as one of their own poets has said.
   [526] And verily these books came from thence. But I set not my mind on
   the idols of Egypt, whom they ministered to with Thy gold, [527] "who
   changed the truth of God into a lie, and worshipped and served the
   creature more than the Creator." [528]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [497] Jas. iv. 6, and l Pet. v. 5.

   [498] "This,"says Watts, "was likely to be the book of Amelius the
   Platonist, who hath indeed this beginning of St. John's Gospel, calling
   the apostle a barbarian." This Amelius was a disciple of Plotinus, who
   was the first to develope and formulate the Neo-Platonic doctrines, and
   of whom it is said that he would not have his likeness taken, nor be
   reminded of his birthday, because it would recall the existence of the
   body he so much despised. A popular account of the theories of
   Plotinus, and their connection with the doctrines of Plato and of
   Christianity respectively, will be found in Archer Butler's Lectures on
   Ancient Philosophy, vol. ii. pp. 348-358. For a more systematic view of
   his writings, see Ueberweg's History of Philosophy, sec. 68. Augustin
   alludes again in his De Vita Beata (sec. 4) to the influence the
   Platonic writings had on him at this time; and it is interesting to
   note how in God's providence they were drawing him to seek a fuller
   knowledge of Him, just as in his nineteenth year (book iii. sec. 7,
   above) the Hortensius of Cicero stimulated him to the pursuit of
   wisdom. Thus in his experience was exemplified the truth embodied in
   the saying of Clemens Alexandrinus,--"Philosophy led the Greeks to
   Christ, as the law did the Jews." Archbishop Trench, in his Hulsean
   Lectures (lecs. 1 and 3, 1846, "Christ the Desire of all Nations"),
   enters with interesting detail into this question, specially as it
   relates to the heathen world. "None," he says in lecture 3, "can
   thoughtfully read the early history of the Church without marking how
   hard the Jewish Christians found it to make their own the true idea of
   a Son of God, as indeed is witnessed by the whole Epistle to the
   Hebrews--how comparatively easy the Gentile converts; how the Hebrew
   Christians were continually in danger of sinking down into Ebionite
   heresies, making Christ but a man as other men, refusing to go on unto
   perfection, or to realize the truth of His higher nature; while, on the
   other hand, the genial promptness is as remarkable with which the
   Gentile Church welcomed and embraced the offered truth, God manifest in
   the flesh.' We feel that there must have been effectual preparations in
   the latter, which wrought its greater readiness for receiving and
   heartily embracing this truth when it arrived." The passage from
   Amelius the Platonist, referred to at the beginning of this note, is
   examined in Burton's Bampton Lectures, note 90. It has been adverted to
   by Eusebius, Theodoret, and perhaps by Augustin in the De Civ. Dei, x.
   29, quoted in note 2, sec. 25, below. See Kayes' Clement, pp. 116-124.

   [499] See i. sec. 23, note, above, and also his Life, in the last vol.
   of the Benedictine edition of his works, for a very fair estimate of
   his knowledge of Greek.

   [500] The Neo-Platonic ideas as to the "Word" or Logos, which Augustin
   (1) contrasts during the remainder of this book with the doctrine of
   the gospel, had its germ in the writings of Plato. The Greek term
   expresses both reason and the expression of reason in speech; and the
   Fathers frequently illustrate, by reference to this connection between
   ideas and uttered words, the fact that the "Word" that was with God had
   an incarnate existence in the world as the "Word" made flesh. By the
   Logos of the Alexandrian school something very different was meant from
   the Christian doctrine as to the incarnation, of which the above can
   only be taken as a dim illustration. It has been questioned, indeed,
   whether the philosophers, from Plotinus to the Gnostics of the time of
   St. John, believed the Logos and the supreme God to have in any sense
   separate "personalities." Dr. Burton, in his Bampton Lectures,
   concludes that they did not (lect. vii. p. 215, and note 93; compare
   Dorner, Person of Christ, i. 27, Clark); and quotes Origen when he
   points out to Celsus, that "while the heathen use the reason of God as
   another term for God Himself, the Christians use the term Logos for the
   Son of God." Another point of difference which appears in Augustin's
   review of Platonism above, is found in the Platonist's discarding the
   idea of the Logos becoming man. This the very genius of their
   philosophy forbade them to hold, since they looked on matter as impure.
   (2) It has been charged against Christianity by Gibbon and other
   sceptical writers, that it has borrowed largely from the doctrines of
   Plato; and it has been said that this doctrine of the Logos was taken
   from them by Justin Martyr. This charge, says Burton (ibid. p. 194),
   "has laid open in its supporters more inconsistencies and more
   misstatements than any other which ever has been advanced." We have
   alluded in the note to book iii. sec. 8, above, to Justin Martyr's
   search after truth. He endeavoured to find it successively in the
   Stoical, the Peripatetic, the Pythagorean, and the Platonic schools;
   and he appears to have thought as highly of Plato's philosophy as did
   Augustin. He does not, however, fail to criticise his doctrine when
   inconsistent with Christianity (see Burton, ibid. notes 18 and 86).
   Justin Martyr has apparently been chosen for attack as being the
   earliest of the post-apostolic Fathers. Burton, however, shows that
   Ignatius, who knew St. John, and was bishop of Antioch thirty years
   before his death, used precisely the same expression as applied to
   Christ (ibid. p. 204). This would appear to be a conclusive answer to
   this objection. (3) It may be well to note here Burton's general
   conclusions as to the employment of this term Logos in St. John, since
   it occurs frequently in this part of the Confessions. Every one must
   have observed St. John's use of the term is peculiar as compared with
   the other apostles, but it is not always borne in mind that a
   generation probably elapsed between the date of his gospel and that of
   the other apostolic writings. In this interval the Gnostic heresy had
   made great advances; and it would appear that John, finding this term
   Logos prevalent when he wrote, infused into it a nobler meaning, and
   pointed out to those being led away by this heresy that there was
   indeed One who might be called "the Word"--One who was not, indeed,
   God's mind, or as the word that comes from the mouth and passes away,
   but One who, while He had been "made flesh" like unto us, was yet
   co-eternal with God. "You will perceive," says Archer Butler (Ancient
   Philosophy, vol. ii. p. 10), "how natural, or rather how necessary, is
   such a process, when you remember that this is exactly what every
   teacher must do who speaks of God to a heathen; he adopts the term, but
   he refines and exalts its meaning. Nor, indeed, is the procedure
   different in any use whatever of language in sacred senses and for
   sacred purposes. It has been justly remarked, by (I think) Isaac
   Casaubon, that the principle of all these adaptations is expressed in
   the sentence of St. Paul, On agnoountes eusebeite, touton ego
   katangello humin." On the charge against Christianity of having
   borrowed from heathenism, reference may be made to Trench's Hulsean
   Lectures, lect. i. (1846); and for the sources of Gnosticism, and St.
   John's treatment of heresies as to the "Word," lects. ii. and v. in
   Mansel's Gnostic Heresies will be consulted with profit.

   [501] John i. 1-5.

   [502] Ibid. i. 7, 8.

   [503] See note, sec. 23, below.

   [504] John i. 9.

   [505] Ibid. i. 10.

   [506] Ibid. i. 11.

   [507] Ibid. i. 12.

   [508] Ibid. i. 14.

   [509] Phil. ii. 6-11.

   [510] John i. 16.

   [511] Rom. v. 6.

   [512] Rom. viii. 32.

   [513] Matt. xi. 25.

   [514] Ibid. ver. 28.

   [515] Ibid. ver. 29.

   [516] Ps. xxv. 9.

   [517] Ibid. ver. 18.

   [518] Matt. xi. 29.

   [519] Rom. i. 21, 22.

   [520] Ibid. i. 23.

   [521] In the Benedictine edition we have reference to Augustin's in Ps.
   xlvi. 6, where he says: "We find the lentile is an Egyptian food, for
   it abounds in Egypt, whence the Alexandrian lentile is esteemed so as
   to be brought to our country, as if it grew not here. Esau, by desiring
   Egyptian food, lost his birthright; and so the Jewish people, of whom
   it is said they turned back in heart to Egypt, in a manner craved for
   lentiles, and lost their birthright." See Ex. xvi. 3; Num. xi. 5.

   [522] Gen. xxv. 33, 34.

   [523] Ps. cvi. 20; Ex. xxxii. 1-6.

   [524] Rom. ix. 12.

   [525] Similarly, as to all truth being God's, Justin Martyr says:
   "Whatever things were rightly said among all men are the property of us
   Christians" (Apol. ii. 13). In this he parallels what Augustin claims
   in another place (De Doctr. Christ. ii. 28): "Let every good and true
   Christian understand that wherever truth may be found, it belongs to
   his Master." Origen has a similar allusion to that of Augustin above
   (Ep. ad Gregor. vol. i. 30), but echoes the experience of our erring
   nature, when he says that the gold of Egypt more frequently becomes
   transformed into an idol, than into an ornament for the tabernacle of
   God. Augustin gives us at length his views on this matter in his De
   Doctr. Christ. ii. 60, 61: "If those who are called philosophers, and
   especially the Platonists, have said aught that is true and in harmony
   with our faith, we are not only not to shrink from it, but to claim it
   for our own use from those who have unlawful possession of it. For, as
   the Egyptians had not only the idols and heavy burdens which the people
   of Israel hated and fled from, but also vessels and ornaments of gold
   and silver, and garments, which the same people when going out of Egypt
   appropriated to themselves, designing them for a better use,--not doing
   this on their own authority, but by the command of God, the Egyptians
   themselves, in their ignorance, providing them with things which they
   themselves were not making a good use of (Ex. iii. 21, 22, xii. 35,
   36); in the same way all branches of heathen learning have not only
   false and superstitious fancies and heavy burdens of unnecessary toil,
   which every one of us, when going out under the leadership of Christ
   from the fellowship of the heathen ought to abhor and avoid, but they
   contain also liberal instruction which is better adapted to the use of
   the truth, and some most excellent precepts of morality; and some
   truths in regard even to the worship of the One God are found among
   them. Now these are, so to speak, their gold and silver, which they did
   not create themselves, but dug out of the mines of God's providence
   which are everywhere scattered abroad, and are perversely and
   unlawfully prostituting to the worship of devils. These, therefore, the
   Christian, when he separates himself in spirit from the miserable
   fellowship of these men, ought to take away from them, and to devote to
   their proper use in preaching the gospel. Their garments, also,--that
   is, human institutions such as are adapted to that intercourse with men
   which is indispensable in this life,--we must take and turn to a
   Christian use. And what else have many good and faithful men among our
   brethren done? Do we not see with what quantity of gold and silver, and
   garments, Cyprian, that most persuasive teacher and most blessed
   martyr, was loaded when he came out of Egypt? How much Lactantius
   brought with him! And Victorinus, and Optatus, and Hilary, not to speak
   of living men! How much Greeks out of number have borrowed! And, prior
   to all these, that most faithful servant of God, Moses, had done the
   same thing; for of him it is written that he was learned in all the
   wisdom of the Egyptians (Acts vii. 22)....For what was done at the time
   of the exodus was no doubt a type prefiguring what happens now."

   [526] Acts xvii. 28.

   [527] Hosea ii. 8.

   [528] Rom. i. 25.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--Divine Things are the More Clearly Manifested to Him Who
   Withdraws into the Recesses of His Heart.

   16. And being thence warned to return to myself, I entered into my
   inward self, Thou leading me on; and I was able to do it, for Thou wert
   become my helper. And I entered, and with the eye of my soul (such as
   it was) saw above the same eye of my soul, above my mind, the
   Unchangeable Light. [529] Not this common light, which all flesh may
   look upon, nor, as it were, a greater one of the same kind, as though
   the brightness of this should be much more resplendent, and with its
   greatness fill up all things. Not like this was that light, but
   different, yea, very different from all these. Nor was it above my mind
   as oil is above water, nor as heaven above earth; but above it was,
   because it made me, and I below it, because I was made by it. He who
   knows the Truth knows that Light; and he that knows it knoweth
   eternity. Love knoweth it. O Eternal Truth, and true Love, and loved
   Eternity! [530] Thou art my God; to Thee do I sigh both night and day.
   When I first knew Thee, Thou liftedst me up, that I might see there was
   that which I might see, and that yet it was not I that did see. And
   Thou didst beat back the infirmity of my sight, pouring forth upon me
   most strongly Thy beams of light, and I trembled with love and fear;
   and I found myself to be far off from Thee, in the region of
   dissimilarity, as if I heard this voice of Thine from on high: "I am
   the food of strong men; grow, and thou shalt feed upon me; nor shall
   thou convert me, like the food of thy flesh, into thee, but thou shall
   be converted into me." And I learned that Thou for iniquity dost
   correct man, and Thou dost make my soul to consume away like a spider.
   [531] And I said, "Is Truth, therefore, nothing because it is neither
   diffused through space, finite, nor infinite?" And Thou criedst to me
   from afar, "Yea, verily, I Am that I Am.'" [532] And I heard this, as
   things are heard in the heart, nor was there room for doubt; and I
   should more readily doubt that I live than that Truth is not, which is
   "clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made." [533]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [529] Not the "corporeal brightness" which as a Manichee he had
   believed in, and to which reference has been made in iii. secs. 10, 12,
   iv. sec. 3, and sec. 2, above. The Christian belief he indicates in his
   De Trin. viii. 2: "God is Light (1 John i. 5), not in such way that
   these eyes see, but in such way as the heart sees when it is said, He
   is Truth.'" See also note 1, sec. 23, above.

   [530] If we knew not God, he says, we could not love Him (De Trin.
   viii. 12); but in language very similar to that above, he tells us "we
   are men, created in the image of our Creator, whose eternity is true,
   and whose truth is eternal; whose love is eternal and true, and who
   Himself is the eternal, true, and adorable Trinity, without confusion,
   without separation", (De Civ. Dei, xi. 28); God, then, as even the
   Platonists hold, being the principle of all knowledge. "Let Him," he
   concludes, in his De Civ. Dei (viii. 4), "be sought in whom all things
   are secured to us, let Him be discovered in whom all truth becomes
   certain to us, let Him be loved in whom all becomes right to us."

   [531] Ps. xxxix. 11, Vulg.

   [532] Ex. iii. 14. Augustin, when in his De Civ. Dei (viii. 11, 12) he
   makes reference to this text, leans to the belief, from certain
   parallels between Plato's doctrines and those of the word of God, that
   he may have derived information concerning the Old Testament Scriptures
   from an interpreter when in Egypt. He says: "The most striking thing in
   this connection, and that which most of all inclines me almost to
   assent to the opinion that Plato was not ignorant of those writings, is
   the answer which was given to the question elicited from the holy Moses
   when the words of God were conveyed to him by the angel; for when he
   asked what was the name of that God who was commanding him to go and
   deliver the Hebrew people out of Egypt, this answer was given: I am who
   am; and thou shalt say to the children of Israel, He who is sent me
   unto you;' as though, compared with Him that truly is, because He is
   unchangeable, those things which have been created mutable are not,--a
   truth which Plato vehemently held, and most diligently commended. And I
   know not whether this sentiment is anywhere to be found in the books of
   those who were before Plato, unless in that book where it is said, I am
   who am; and thou shalt say to the children of Israel, Who is sent me
   unto you.' But we need not determine from what source he learned these
   things,--whether it was from the books of the ancients who preceded him
   or, as is more likely, from the words of the apostle (Rom. i. 20),
   Because that which is known of God has been manifested among them, for
   God hath manifested it to them. For His invisible things from the
   creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by those thing
   which have been made, also His eternal power and Godhead.'"--De Civ.
   Dei, viii. 11, 12.

   [533] Rom. i. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--That Creatures are Mutable and God Alone Immutable.

   17. And I viewed the other things below Thee, and perceived that they
   neither altogether are, nor altogether are not. They are, indeed,
   because they are from Thee; but are not, because they are not what Thou
   art. For that truly is which remains immutably. [534] It is good, then,
   for me to cleave unto God, [535] for if I remain not in Him, neither
   shall I in myself; but He, remaining in Himself, reneweth all things.
   [536] And Thou art the Lord my God, since Thou standest not in need of
   my goodness. [537]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [534] Therefore, he argues, is God called the I AM (De Nat. Boni, 19):
   for omnis mutatio facit non esse quod erat. Similarly, we find him
   speaking in his De Mor. Manich. (c. I.): "For that exists in the
   highest sense of the word which continues always the same, which is
   throughout like itself, which cannot in any part be corrupted or
   changed, which is not subject to time, which admits of no variation in
   its present as compared with its former condition. This is existence in
   its true sense." See also note 3, p. 158.

   [535] Ps. lxxiii. 28.

   [536] Wisd. vii. 27.

   [537] Ps. xvi. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--Whatever Things the Good God Has Created are Very Good.

   18. And it was made clear unto me that those things are good which yet
   are corrupted, which, neither were they supremely good, nor unless they
   were good, could be corrupted; because if supremely good, they were
   incorruptible, and if not good at all, there was nothing in them to be
   corrupted. For corruption harms, but, less it could diminish goodness,
   it could not harm. Either, then, corruption harms not, which cannot be;
   or, what is most certain, all which is corrupted is deprived of good.
   But if they be deprived of all good, they will cease to be. For if they
   be, and cannot be at all corrupted, they will become better, because
   they shall remain incorruptibly. And what more monstrous than to assert
   that those things which have lost all their goodness are made better?
   Therefore, if they shall be deprived of all good, they shall no longer
   be. So long, therefore, as they are, they are good; therefore
   whatsoever is, is good. That evil, then, which I sought whence it was,
   is not any substance; for were it a substance, it would be good. For
   either it would be an incorruptible substance, and so a chief good, or
   a corruptible substance, which unless it were good it could not be
   corrupted. I perceived, therefore, and it was made clear to me, that
   Thou didst make all things good, nor is there any substance at all that
   was not made by Thee; and because all that Thou hast made are not
   equal, therefore all things are; because individually they are good,
   and altogether very good, because our God made all things very good.
   [538]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [538] Gen. i. 31, and Ecclus. xxxix. 21. Evil, with Augustin, is a
   "privation of good." See iii. sec. 12, note, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--It is Meet to Praise the Creator for the Good Things
   Which are Made in Heaven and Earth.

   19. And to Thee is there nothing at all evil, and not only to Thee, but
   to Thy whole creation; because there is nothing without which can break
   in, and mar that order which Thou hast appointed it. But in the parts
   thereof, some things, because they harmonize not with others, are
   considered evil; [539] whereas those very things harmonize with others,
   and are good, and in themselves are good. And all these things which do
   not harmonize together harmonize with the inferior part which we call
   earth, having its own cloudy and windy sky concordant to it. Far be it
   from me, then, to say, "These things should not be." For should I see
   nothing but these, I should indeed desire better; but yet, if only for
   these, ought I to praise Thee; for that Thou art to be praised is shown
   from the "earth, dragons, and all deeps; fire, and hail; snow, and
   vapours; stormy winds fulfilling Thy word; mountains, and all hills;
   fruitful trees, and all cedars; beasts, and all cattle; creeping
   things, and flying fowl; kings of the earth, and all people; princes,
   and all judges of the earth; both young men and maidens; old men and
   children," praise Thy name. But when, "from the heavens," these praise
   Thee, praise Thee, our God, "in the heights," all Thy "angels," all Thy
   "hosts," "sun and moon," all ye stars and light, "the heavens of
   heavens," and the "waters that be above the heavens," praise Thy name.
   [540] I did not now desire better things, because I was thinking of
   all; and with a better judgment I reflected that the things above were
   better than those below, but that all were better than those above
   alone.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [539] See v. sec. 2, note 1, above, where Augustin illustrates the
   existence of good and evil by the lights and shades in a painting, etc.

   [540] Ps. cxlviii. 1-12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--Being Displeased with Some Part Of God's Creation, He
   Conceives of Two Original Substances.

   20. There is no wholeness in them whom aught of Thy creation displeased
   no more than there was in me, when many things which Thou madest
   displeased me. And, because my soul dared not be displeased at my God,
   it would not suffer aught to be Thine which displeased it. Hence it had
   gone into the opinion of two substances, and resisted not, but talked
   foolishly. And, returning thence, it had made to itself a god, through
   infinite measures of all space; and imagined it to be Thee, and placed
   it in its heart, and again had become the temple of its own idol, which
   was to Thee an abomination. But after Thou hadst fomented the head of
   me unconscious of it, and closed mine eyes lest they should "behold
   vanity," [541] I ceased from myself a little, and my madness was lulled
   to sleep; and I awoke in Thee, and saw Thee to be infinite, though in
   another way; and this sight was not derived from the flesh.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [541] Ps. cxix. 37.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XV.--Whatever Is, Owes Its Being to God.

   21. And I looked back on other things, and I perceived that it was to
   Thee they owed their being, and that they were all bounded in Thee; but
   in another way, not as being in space, but because Thou holdest all
   things in Thine hand in truth: and all things are true so far as they
   have a being; nor is there any falsehood, unless that which is not is
   thought to be. And I saw that all things harmonized, not with their
   places only, but with their seasons also. And that Thou, who only art
   eternal, didst not begin to work after innumerable spaces of times; for
   that all spaces of times, both those which have passed and which shall
   pass, neither go nor come, save through Thee, working and abiding.
   [542]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [542] See xi. secs. 15, 16, 26, etc., below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVI.--Evil Arises Not from a Substance, But from the Perversion
   of the Will.

   22. And I discerned and found it no marvel, that bread which is
   distasteful to an unhealthy palate is pleasant to a healthy one; and
   that the light, which is painful to sore eyes, is delightful to sound
   ones. And Thy righteousness displeaseth the wicked; much more the viper
   and little worm, which Thou hast created good, fitting in with inferior
   parts of Thy creation; with which the wicked themselves also fit in,
   the more in proportion as they are unlike Thee, but with the superior
   creatures, in proportion as they become like to Thee. [543] And I
   inquired what iniquity was, and ascertained it not to be a substance,
   but a perversion of the will, bent aside from Thee, O God, the Supreme
   Substance, towards these lower things, and casting out its bowels,
   [544] and swelling outwardly.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [543] See v. sec. 2, note 1, above.

   [544] Ecclus x. 9. Commenting on this passage of the Apocrypha (De Mus.
   vi. 40), he says, that while the soul's happiness and life is in God,
   "what is to go into outer things, but to cast out its inward parts,
   that is, to place itself far from God--not by distance of place, but by
   the affection of the mind?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVII.--Above His Changeable Mind, He Discovers the Unchangeable
   Author of Truth.

   23. And I marvelled that I now loved Thee, and no phantasm instead of
   Thee. And yet I did not merit to enjoy my God, but was transported to
   Thee by Thy beauty, and presently torn away from Thee by mine own
   weight, sinking with grief into these inferior things. This weight was
   carnal custom. Yet was there a remembrance of Thee with me; nor did I
   any way doubt that there was one to whom I might cleave, but that I was
   not yet one who could cleave unto Thee; for that the body which is
   corrupted presseth down the soul, and the earthly dwelling weigheth
   down the mind which thinketh upon many things. [545] And most certain I
   was that Thy "invisible things from the creation of the world are
   clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even Thy
   eternal power and Godhead." [546] For, inquiring whence it was that I
   admired the beauty of bodies whether celestial or terrestrial, and what
   supported me in judging correctly on things mutable, and pronouncing,
   "This should be thus, this not,"--inquiring, then, whence I so judged,
   seeing I did so judge, I had found the unchangeable and true eternity
   of Truth, above my changeable mind. And thus, by degrees, I passed from
   bodies to the soul, which makes use of the senses of the body to
   perceive; and thence to its inward [547] faculty, to which the bodily
   senses represent outward things, and up to which reach the capabilities
   of beasts; and thence, again, I passed on to the reasoning faculty,
   [548] unto which whatever is received from the senses of the body is
   referred to be judged, which also, finding itself to be variable in me,
   raised itself up to its own intelligence, and from habit drew away my
   thoughts, withdrawing itself from the crowds of contradictory
   phantasms; that so it might find out that light [549] by which it was
   besprinkled, when, without all doubting, it cried out, "that the
   unchangeable was to be preferred before the changeable;" whence also it
   knew that unchangeable, which, unless it had in some way known, it
   could have had no sure ground for preferring it to the changeable. And
   thus, with the flash of a trembling glance, it arrived at that which
   is. And then I saw Thy invisible things understood by the things that
   are made. [550] But I was not able to fix my gaze thereon; and my
   infirmity being beaten back, I was thrown again on my accustomed
   habits, carrying along with me naught but a loving memory thereof, and
   an appetite for what I had, as it were, smelt the odour of, but was not
   yet able to eat.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [545] Wisd. ix. 15.

   [546] Rom. i. 20.

   [547] See above, sec. 10.

   [548] Here, and more explicitly in sec. 25, we have before us what has
   been called the "trichotomy" of man. This doctrine Augustin does not
   deny in theory, but appears to consider (De Anima, iv. 32) it prudent
   to overlook in practice. The biblical view of psychology may well be
   considered here not only on its own account, but as enabling us clearly
   to apprehend this passage and that which follows it. It is difficult to
   understand how any one can doubt that St. Paul, when speaking in 1
   Thess. v. 23, of our "spirit, soul, and body being preserved unto the
   coming of our Lord Jesus Christ," implies a belief in a kind of trinity
   in man. And it is very necessary to the understanding of other
   Scriptures that we should realize what special attributes pertain to
   the soul and the spirit respectively. It may be said, generally, that
   the soul (psuche) is that passionate and affectionate nature which is
   common to us and the inferior creatures, while the spirit (pneuma) is
   the higher intellectual nature which is peculiar to man. Hence our Lord
   in His agony in the garden says (Matt. xxvi. 38), "My Soul is exceeding
   sorrowful"--the soul being liable to emotions of pleasure and pain. In
   the same passage (ver 41) he says to the apostles who had slept during
   His great agony, "The Spirit indeed is willing, but the flesh is weak,"
   so that the spirit is the seat of the will. And that the spirit is also
   the seat of consciousness we gather from St. Paul's words (1 Cor. ii.
   11), "What man knoweth the things of a man, save the spirit of man
   which is in him? even so the things of God knoweth no man, but the
   Spirit of God." And it is on the spirit of man that the Spirit of God
   operates; whence we read (Rom. viii. 16), "The Spirit beareth witness
   with our spirit, that we are the children of God." It is important to
   note that the word "flesh" (sarx) has its special significance, as
   distinct from body. The word comes to us from the Hebrew through the
   Hellenistic Greek of the LXX., and in biblical language (see Bishop
   Pearson's Præfatio Parænetica to his edition of the LXX.) stands for
   our human nature with it worldly surroundings and liability to
   temptation; so that when it is said, "The Word was made flesh," we have
   what is equivalent to, "The Word put on human nature." It is,
   therefore, the flesh and the spirit that are ever represented in
   conflict one with the other when men are in the throes of temptation.
   So it must be while life lasts; for it is characteristic of our
   position in the world that we possess soulish bodies (to employ the
   barbarous but expressive word of Dr. Candlish in his Life in a Risen
   Saviour, p. 182), and only on the morning of the resurrection will the
   body be spiritual and suited to the new sphere of its existence: "It is
   sown a natural [psuchikon, "soulish"] body, it is raised a spiritual
   [pneumatikon] body" (1 Cor. xv. 44); "for," as Augustin says in his
   Enchiridion (c. xci.), "just as now the body is called animate (or,
   using the Greek term, as above, instead of the Latin, "soulish"),
   though it is a body and not a soul, so then the body shall be called
   spiritual, though it shall be a body, not a spirit....No part of our
   nature shall be in discord with another; but as we shall be free from
   enemies without, so we shall not have ourselves for enemies within."
   For further information on this most interesting subject, see
   Delitzsch, Biblical Psychology, ii. 4 ("The True and False
   Trichotomy"); Olshausen, Opuscula Theologica, iv. ("De Trichotomia")
   and cc. 2, 17, and 18 of R. W. Evans' Ministry of the Body, where the
   subject is discussed with thoughtfulness and spiritual insight. This
   matter is also treated of in the introductory chapters of Schlegel's
   Philosophy of Life.

   [549] That light which illumines the soul, he tells us in his De Gen.
   ad Lit. (xii. 31), is God Himself, from whom all light cometh; and,
   though created in His image and likeness, when it tries to discover
   Him, palpitat infirmitate, et minus valet. In sec. 13, above, speaking
   of Platonism, he describes it as holding "that the soul of man, though
   it bears witness of the Light,' yet itself is not that Light.'" In his
   De Civ. Dei, x. 2, he quotes from Plotinus (mentioned in note 2, sec.
   13, above) in regard to the Platonic doctrine as to enlightenment from
   on high. He says: "Plotinus, commenting on Plato, repeatedly and
   strongly asserts that not even the soul, which they believe to be the
   soul of the world, derives its blessedness from any other source than
   we do, viz. from that Light which is distinct from it and created it,
   and by whose intelligible illumination it enjoys light in things
   intelligible. He also compares those spiritual things to the vast and
   conspicuous heavenly bodies, as if God were the sun, and the soul the
   moon; for they suppose that the moon derives its light from the sun.
   That great Platonist, therefore, says that the rational soul, or rather
   the intellectual soul,--in which class he comprehends the souls of the
   blessed immortal who inhabit heaven,--has no nature superior to it save
   God, the Creator of the world and the soul itself, and that these
   heavenly spirits derive their blessed life, and the light of truth,
   from the same source as ourselves, agreeing with the gospel where we
   read, There was a man sent from God, whose name was John. The same came
   for a witness, to bear witness of that Light, that through Him all
   might believe. He was not that Light, but that he might bear witness of
   the Light. That was the true Light, which lighteth every man that
   cometh into the world' (John i. 6-9);--a distinction which sufficiently
   proves that the rational or intellectual soul, such as John had, cannot
   be its own light, but needs to receive illumination from another, the
   true Light. This John himself avows when he delivers his witness (ibid.
   16): We have all received of His fulness.'" Comp. Tertullian, De
   Testim. Anim., and the note to iv. sec. 25, above, where other
   references to God's being the Father of Lights are given.

   [550] Rom. i. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVIII.--Jesus Christ, the Mediator, is the Only Way of Safety.

   24. And I sought a way of acquiring strength sufficient to enjoy Thee;
   but I found it not until I embraced that "Mediator between God and man,
   the man Christ Jesus," [551] "who is over all, God blessed for ever,"
   [552] calling unto me, and saying, "I am the way, the truth, and the
   life," [553] and mingling that food which I was unable to receive with
   our flesh. For "the Word was made flesh," [554] that Thy wisdom, by
   which Thou createdst all things, might provide milk for our infancy.
   For I did not grasp my Lord Jesus,--I, though humbled, grasped not the
   humble One; [555] nor did I know what lesson that infirmity of His
   would teach us. For Thy Word, the Eternal Truth, pre-eminent above the
   higher parts of Thy creation, raises up those that are subject unto
   Itself; but in this lower world built for Itself a humble habitation of
   our clay, whereby He intended to abase from themselves such as would be
   subjected and bring them over unto Himself, allaying their swelling,
   and fostering their love; to the end that they might go on no further
   in self-confidence, but rather should become weak, seeing before their
   feet the Divinity weak by taking our "coats of skins;" [556] and
   wearied, might cast themselves down upon It, and It rising, might lift
   them up.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [551] 1 Tim. ii. 5.

   [552] Rom. ix. 5.

   [553] John xiv. 6.

   [554] John i. 14.

   [555] Christ descended that we may ascend. See iv. sec. 19, notes 1 and
   3, above.

   [556] Gen. iii. 21. Augustin frequently makes these "coats of skin"
   symbolize the mortality to which our first parents became subject by
   being deprived of the tree of life (see iv. sec. 15, note 3, above);
   and in his Enarr. in Ps. (ciii. 1, 8), he says they are thus symbolical
   inasmuch as the skin is only taken from animals when dead.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIX.--He Does Not Yet Fully Understand the Saying of John, that
   "The Word Was Made Flesh."

   25. But I thought differently, thinking only of my Lord Christ as of a
   man of excellent wisdom, to whom no man could be equalled; especially
   for that, being wonderfully born of a virgin, He seemed, through the
   divine care for us, to have attained so great authority of
   leadership,--for an example of contemning temporal things for the
   obtaining of immortality. But what mystery there was in, "The Word was
   made flesh," [557] I could not even imagine. Only I had learnt out of
   what is delivered to us in writing of Him, that He did eat, drink,
   sleep, walk, rejoice in spirit, was sad, and discoursed; that flesh
   alone did not cleave unto Thy Word, but with the human soul and body.
   All know thus who know the unchangeableness of Thy Word, which I now
   knew as well as I could, nor did I at all have any doubt about it. For,
   now to move the limbs of the body at will, now not; now to be stirred
   by some affection, now not; now by signs to enunciate wise sayings, now
   to keep silence, are properties of a soul and mind subject to change.
   And should these things be falsely written of Him, all the rest would
   risk the imputation, nor would there remain in those books any saving
   faith for the human race. Since, then, they were written truthfully, I
   acknowledged a perfect man to be in Christ--not the body of a man only,
   nor with the body a sensitive soul without a rational, but a very man;
   whom, not only as being a form of truth, but for a certain great
   excellency of human nature and a more perfect participation of wisdom,
   I decided was to be preferred before others. But Alypius imagined the
   Catholics to believe that God was so clothed with flesh, that, besides
   God and flesh, there was no soul in Christ, and did not think that a
   human mind was ascribed to Him. And, because He was thoroughly
   persuaded that the actions which were recorded of Him could not be
   performed except by a vital and rational creature, he moved the more
   slowly towards the Christian faith. But, learning afterwards that this
   was the error of the Apollinarian heretics, [558] he rejoiced in the
   Catholic faith, and was conformed to it. But somewhat later it was, I
   confess, that I learned how in the sentence, "The Word was made flesh,"
   the Catholic truth can be distinguished from the falsehood of Photinus.
   [559] For the disapproval of heretics makes the tenets of Thy Church
   and sound doctrine to stand out boldly. [560] For there must be also
   heresies, that the approved may be made manifest among the weak. [561]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [557] We have already seen, in note 1, sec. 13, above, how this text
   (1) runs counter to Platonic beliefs as to the Logos. The following
   passage from Augustin's De Civ. Dei, x. 29, is worth putting on record
   in this connection:--"Are ye ashamed to be corrected? This is the vice
   of the proud. It is forsooth, a degradation for learned men to pass
   from the school of Plato to the discipleship of Christ, who by His
   Spirit taught a fisherman to think and to say, In the beginning was the
   Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The same was in
   the beginning with God. All things were made by Him, and without Him
   was not any thing made that was made. In Him was life; and the life was
   the light of men. And the light shineth in darkness; and the darkness
   comprehended it not' (John i. 1-5). The old saint Simplicianus,
   afterwards Bishop of Milan, used to tell me that a certain Platonist
   was in the habit of saying that this opening passage of the holy Gospel
   entitled, According to John,' should be written in letters of gold, and
   hung up in all churches in the most conspicuous place. But the proud
   scorn to take God for their Master, because the Word was made flesh and
   dwelt among us' (John i. 14). So that with these miserable creatures it
   is not enough that they are sick, but they boast of their sickness, and
   are ashamed of the medicine which could heal them. And doing so, they
   secure not elevation, but a more disastrous fall." This text, too, as
   Irenæus has remarked, (2) entirely opposes the false teaching of the
   Docetæ, who, as their name imports, believed, with the Manichæans, that
   Christ only appeared to have a body; as was the case, they said, with
   the angels entertained by Abraham (see Burton's Bampton Lectures, lect.
   6). It is curious to note here that Augustin maintained that the Angel
   of the Covenant was not an anticipation, as it were, of the incarnation
   of the Word, but only a created angel (De Civ. Dei, xvi. 29, and De
   Trin. iii. 11), thus unconsciously playing into the hands of the
   Arians. See Bull's Def. Fid. Nic. i. 1, sec. 2, etc., and iv. 3, sec.
   14.

   [558] The founder of this heresy was Apollinaris the younger, Bishop of
   Laodicea, whose erroneous doctrine was condemned at the Council of
   Constantinople, A.D. 381. Note 4, sec. 23, above, on the "trichotomy,"
   affords help in understanding it. Apollinaris seems to have desired to
   exalt the Saviour, not to detract from His honour, like Arius. Before
   his time men had written much on the divine and much on the human side
   of our Lord's nature. He endeavoured to show (see Dorner's Person of
   Christ, A. ii. 252, etc., Clark) in what the two natures united
   differed from human nature. He concluded that our Lord had no need of
   the human pneuma, and that its place was supplied by the divine nature,
   so that God "the Word," the body and the psuche, constituted the being
   of the Saviour. Dr. Pusey quotes the following passages hereon:--"The
   faithful who believes and confesses in the Mediator a real human, i.e.
   our nature, although God the Word, taking it in a singular manner,
   sublimated it into the only Son of God, so that He who took it, and
   what He took, was one person in the Trinity. For, after man was
   assumed, there became not a quaternity but remained the Trinity, that
   assumption making in an ineffable way the truth of one person in God
   and man. Since we do not say that Christ is only God, as do the
   Manichæan heretics, nor only man, as the Photinian heretics, nor in
   such wise man as not to have anything which certainly belongs to human
   nature, whether the soul, or in the soul itself the rational mind, or
   the flesh not taken of the woman, but made of the Word, converted and
   changed into flesh, which three false and vain statements made three
   several divisions of the Apollinarian heretics; but we say that Christ
   is true God, born of God the Father, without any beginning of time, and
   also true man, born of a human mother in the fulness of time; and that
   His humanity, whereby He is inferior to the Father, does not derogate
   from His divinity, whereby He is equal to the Father" (De Dono Persev.
   sec. ult.). "There was formerly a heresy--its remnants perhaps still
   exist--of some called Apollinarians. Some of them said that that man
   whom the Word took, when the Word was made flesh,' had not the human,
   i.e. rational (logikon) mind, but was only a soul without human
   intelligence, but that the very Word of God was in that man instead of
   a mind. They were cast out,--the Catholic faith rejected them, and they
   made a heresy. It was established in the Catholic faith that that man
   whom the wisdom of God took had nothing less than other men, with
   regard to the integrity of man's nature, but as to the excellency of
   His person, had more than other men. For other men may be said to be
   partakers of the Word of God, having the Word of God, but none of them
   can be called the Word of God, which He was called when it is said, The
   Word was made flesh' " (in Ps. xxix., Enarr. ii. sec. 2). "But when
   they reflected that, if their doctrine were true, they must confess
   that the only-begotten Son of God, the Wisdom and Word of the Father,
   by whom all things were made, is believed to have taken a sort of brute
   with the figure of a human body, they were dissastisfied with
   themselves; yet not so as to amend, and confess that the whole man was
   assumed by the wisdom of God, without any diminution of nature, but
   still more boldly denied to Him the soul itself, and everything of any
   worth in man, and said that He only took human flesh" (De 83, Div.
   Quæst. qu. 80). Reference on the questions touched on in this note may
   be made to Neander's Church History, ii. 401, etc. (Clark); and
   Hagenbach, History of Doctrines, i. 270 (Clark).

   [559] See notes on p. 107.

   [560] Archbishop Trench's words on this sentence in the Confessions
   (Hulsean Lectures, lect. v. 1845) have a special interest in the
   present attitude of the Roman Church:--"Doubtless there is a true idea
   of scriptural developments which has always been recognised, to which
   the great Fathers of the Church have set their seal; this, namely, that
   the Church, informed and quickened by the Spirit of God, more and more
   discovers what in Holy Scripture is given her; but not this, that she
   unfolds by an independent power anything further therefrom. She has
   always possessed what she now possesses of doctrine and truth, only not
   always with the same distinctness of consciousness. She has not added
   to her wealth, but she has become more and more aware of that wealth;
   her dowry has remained always the same, but that dowry was so rich and
   so rare, that only little by little she has counted over and taken
   stock and inventory of her jewels. She has consolidated her doctrine,
   compelled to this by the challenges and provocation of enemies, or
   induced to it by the growing sense of her own needs." Perhaps no one,
   to turn from the Church to individual men, has been more indebted than
   was Augustin to controversies with heretics for the evolvement of
   truth.

   [561] 1 Cor. xi. 19.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XX.--He Rejoices that He Proceeded from Plato to the Holy
   Scriptures, and Not the Reverse.

   26. But having then read those books of the Platonists, and being
   admonished by them to search for incorporeal truth, I saw Thy invisible
   things, understood by those things that are made; [562] and though
   repulsed, I perceived what that was, which through the darkness of my
   mind I was not allowed to contemplate,--assured that Thou wert, and
   wert infinite, and yet not diffused in space finite or infinite; and
   that Thou truly art, who art the same ever, [563] varying neither in
   part nor motion; and that all other things are from Thee, on this most
   sure ground alone, that they are. Of these things was I indeed assured,
   yet too weak to enjoy Thee. I chattered as one well skilled; but had I
   not sought Thy way in Christ our Saviour, I would have proved not
   skilful, but ready to perish. For now, filled with my punishment, I had
   begun to desire to seem wise; yet mourned I not, but rather was puffed
   up with knowledge. [564] For where was that charity building upon the
   "foundation" of humility, "which is Jesus Christ"? [565] Or, when would
   these books teach me it? Upon these, therefore, I believe, it was Thy
   pleasure that I should fall before I studied Thy Scriptures, that it
   might be impressed on my memory how I was affected by them; and that
   afterwards when I was subdued by Thy books, and when my wounds were
   touched by Thy healing fingers, I might discern and distinguish what a
   difference there is between presumption and confession,--between those
   who saw whither they were to go, yet saw not the way, and the way which
   leadeth not only to behold but to inhabit the blessed country. [566]
   For had I first been moulded in Thy Holy Scriptures, and hadst Thou, in
   the familiar use of them, grown sweet unto me, and had I afterwards
   fallen upon those volumes, they might perhaps have withdrawn me from
   the solid ground of piety; or, had I stood firm in that wholesome
   disposition which I had thence imbibed, I might have thought that it
   could have been attained by the study of those books alone.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [562] Rom. i. 20.

   [563] See sec. 17, note, above.

   [564] 1 Cor. viii. 1.

   [565] 1 Cor. iii. 11.

   [566] We have already quoted a passage from Augustin's Sermons (v. sec.
   5, note 7, above), where Christ as God is described as the country we
   seek, while as man He is the way to go to it. The Fathers frequently
   point out in their controversies with the philosophers that it little
   profited that they should know of a goal to be attained unless they
   could learn the way to reach it. And, in accordance with the sentiment,
   Augustin says: "For it is as man that He is the Mediator and the Way.
   Since, if the way lieth between him who goes and the place whither he
   goes, there is hope of his reaching it; but if there be no way, or if
   he know not where it is, what boots it to know whither he should go?"
   (De Civ. Dei, xi. 2.) And again, in his De Trin. iv. 15: "But of what
   use is it for the proud man, who, on that account, is ashamed to embark
   upon the ship of wood, to behold from afar his country beyond the sea?
   Or how can it hurt the humble man not to behold it from so great a
   distance, when he is actually coming to it by that wood upon which the
   other disdains to be borne?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXI.--What He Found in the Sacred Books Which are Not to Be
   Found in Plato.

   27. Most eagerly, then, did I seize that venerable writing of Thy
   Spirit, but more especally the Apostle Paul; [567] and those
   difficulties vanished away, in which he at one time appeared to me to
   contradict himself, and the text of his discourse not to agree with the
   testimonies of the Law and the Prophets. And the face of that pure
   speech appeared to me one and the same; and I learned to "rejoice with
   trembling." [568] So I commenced, and found that whatsoever truth I had
   there read was declared here with the recommendation of Thy grace; that
   he who sees may not so glory as if he had not received [569] not only
   that which he sees, but also that he can see (for what hath he which he
   hath not received?); and that he may not only be admonished to see
   Thee, who art ever the same, but also may be healed, to hold Thee; and
   that he who from afar off is not able to see, may still walk on the way
   by which he may reach, behold, and possess Thee. For though a man
   "delight in the law of God after the inward man," [570] what shall he
   do with that other law in his members which warreth against the law of
   his mind, and bringeth him into captivity to the law of sin, which is
   in his members? [571] For Thou art righteous, O Lord, but we have
   sinned and committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, [572] and Thy
   hand is grown heavy upon us, and we are justly delivered over unto that
   ancient sinner, the governor of death; for he induced our will to be
   like his will, whereby he remained not in Thy truth. What shall
   "wretched man" do? "Who shall deliver him from the body of this death,"
   but Thy grace only, "through Jesus Christ our Lord,'" [573] whom Thou
   hast begotten co-eternal, and createdst [574] in the beginning of Thy
   ways, in whom the Prince of this world found nothing worthy of death,
   [575] yet killed he Him, and the handwriting which was contrary to us
   was blotted out? [576] This those writings contain not. Those pages
   contain not the expression of this piety,--the tears of confession, Thy
   sacrifice, a troubled spirit, "a broken and a contrite heart," [577]
   the salvation of the people, the espoused city, [578] the earnest of
   the Holy Ghost, [579] the cup of our redemption. [580] No man sings
   there, Shall not my soul be subject unto God? For of Him cometh my
   salvation, for He is my God and my salvation, my defender, I shall not
   be further moved. [581] No one there hears Him calling, "Come unto me
   all ye that labour." They scorn to learn of Him, because He is meek and
   lowly of heart; [582] for "Thou hast hid those things from the wise and
   prudent, and hast revealed them unto babes." [583] For it is one thing,
   from the mountain's wooded summit to see the land of peace, [584] and
   not to find the way thither,--in vain to attempt impassable ways,
   opposed and waylaid by fugitives and deserters, under their captain the
   "lion" [585] and the "dragon;" [586] and another to keep to the way
   that leads thither, guarded by the host of the heavenly general, where
   they rob not who have deserted the heavenly army, which they shun as
   torture. These things did in a wonderful manner sink into my bowels,
   when I read that "least of Thy apostles," [587] and had reflected upon
   Thy works, and feared greatly.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [567] Literally, "The venerable pen of Thy Spirit (Logos); words which
   would seem to imply a belief on Augustin's part in a verbal inspiration
   of Scripture. That he gave Scripture the highest honour as God's
   inspired word is clear not only from this, but other passages in his
   works. It is equally clear, however, that he gave full recognition to
   the human element in the word. See De Cons. Evang. ii. 12, where both
   these aspects are plainly discoverable. Compare also ibid. c. 24.

   [568] Ps. ii. 11.

   [569] l Cor. iv. 7.

   [570] Rom. vii. 22.

   [571] Ibid. ver. 23.

   [572] Song of the Three Children, 4 sq.

   [573] Rom. vii. 24, 25.

   [574] Prov. viii. 22, as quoted from the old Italic version. It must
   not be understood to teach that the Lord is a creature. (1) Augustin,
   as indeed is implied in the Confessions above, understands the passage
   of the incarnation of Christ, and in his De Doct. Christ. i. 38, he
   distinctly so applies it: "For Christ...desiring to be Himself the Way
   to those who are just setting out, determined to take a fleshly body.
   Whence also that expression, The Lord created me in the beginning of
   his Way,'--that is, that those who wish to come might begin their
   journey in Him." Again, in a remarkable passage in his De Trin. i. 24,
   he makes a similar application of the words: "According to the form of
   a servant, it is said, The Lord created me in the beginning of His
   ways.' Because, according to the form of God, he said, I am the Truth;'
   and, according to the form of a servant, I am the Way.'" (2) Again,
   creasti is from the LXX. ektise, which is that version's rendering in
   this verse of the Hebrew qnny. The Vulgate, more correctly translating
   from the Hebrew, gives possedit, thus corresponding to our English
   version, "The Lord possessed me," etc. The LXX. would appear to have
   made an erroneous rendering here, for ktizo is generally in that
   version the equivalent for vr', "to create," while qgh is usually
   rendered by ktaomai, "to possess," "to acquire." It is true that
   Gesenius supposes that in a few passages, and Prov. viii. 22 among
   them, qnh should be rendered "to create;" but these very passages our
   authorized version renders "to get," or "to possess;" and, as Dr.
   Tregelles observes, referring to M'Call on the Divine Sonship, "in all
   passages cited for that sense, to possess' appears to be the true
   meaning."

   [575] John xviii. 38.

   [576] Col. ii. 14.

   [577] Ps. li. 17.

   [578] Rev. xxi. 2.

   [579] 2 Cor. v. 5.

   [580] Ps. cxvi. 13.

   [581] Ps. lxii. 1, 2.

   [582] Matt. xi. 28, 29.

   [583] Matt. xi. 25.

   [584] Deut. xxxii. 49.

   [585] 1 Pet. v. 8.

   [586] Rev. xii. 3.

   [587] 1 Cor. xv. 9. In giving an account, remarks Pusey, of this period
   to his friend and patron Romanianus, St. Augustin seems to have blended
   together this and the history of his completed conversion, which was
   also wrought in connection with words in the same apostle, but the
   account of which he uniformly suppresses, for fear, probably, of
   injuring the individual to whom he was writing (see on book ix. sec. 4,
   note, below). "Since that vehement flame which was about to seize me as
   yet was not, I thought that by which I was slowly kindled was the very
   greatest. When lo! certain books, when they had distilled a very few
   drops of most precious unguent on that tiny flame, it is past belief,
   Romanianus, past belief, and perhaps past what even you believe of me
   (and what could I say more?), nay, to myself also is it past belief,
   what a conflagration of myself they lighted. What ambition, what human
   show, what empty love of fame, or, lastly, what incitement or band of
   this mortal life could hold me then? I turned speedily and wholly back
   into myself. I cast but a glance, I confess, as one passing on, upon
   that religion which was implanted into us as boys, and interwoven with
   our very inmost selves; but she drew me unknowing to herself. So then,
   stumbling, hurrying, hesitating, I seized the Apostle Paul; for never,'
   said I, could they have wrought such things, or lived as it is plain
   they did live, if their writings and arguments were opposed to this so
   high good.' I read the whole most intently and carefully. But then,
   never so little light having been shed thereon, such a countenance of
   wisdom gleamed upon me, that if I could exhibit it--I say not to you,
   who ever hungeredst after her, though unknown--but to your very
   adversary (see book vi. sec. 24, note, above), casting aside and
   abandoning whatever now stimulates him so keenly to whatsoever
   pleasures, he would, amazed, panting, enkindled, fly to her Beauty"
   (Con. Acad. ii. 5).
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book VIII.

   ------------------------

   He finally describes the thirty-second year of his age, the most
   memorable of his whole life, in which, being instructed by Simplicianus
   concerning the conversion of others, and the manner of acting, he is,
   after a severe struggle, renewed in his whole mind, and is converted
   unto God.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--He, Now Given to Divine Things, and Yet Entangled by the
   Lusts of Love, Consults Simplicianus in Reference to the Renewing of
   His Mind.

   1. O My God, let me with gratitude remember and confess unto Thee Thy
   mercies bestowed upon me. Let my bones be steeped in Thy love, and let
   them say, Who is like unto Thee, O Lord? [588] "Thou hast loosed my
   bonds, I will offer unto Thee the sacrifice of thanksgiving." [589] And
   how Thou hast loosed them I will declare; and all who worship Thee when
   they hear these things shall say: "Blessed be the Lord in heaven and
   earth, great and wonderful is His name." Thy words had stuck fast into
   my breast, and I was hedged round about by Thee on every side. [590] Of
   Thy eternal life I was now certain, although I had seen it "through a
   glass darkly." [591] Yet I no longer doubted that there was an
   incorruptible substance, from which was derived all other substance;
   nor did I now desire to be more certain of Thee, but more stedfast in
   Thee. As for my temporal life, all things were uncertain, and my heart
   had to be purged from the old leaven. [592] The "Way," [593] the
   Saviour Himself, was pleasant unto me, but as yet I disliked to pass
   through its straightness. And Thou didst put into my mind, and it
   seemed good in my eyes, to go unto Simplicianus, [594] who appeared to
   me a faithful servant of Thine, and Thy grace shone in him. I had also
   heard that from his very youth he had lived most devoted to Thee. Now
   he had grown into years, and by reason of so great age, passed in such
   zealous following of Thy ways, he appeared to me likely to have gained
   much experience; and so in truth he had. Out of which experience I
   desired him to tell me (setting before him my griefs) which would be
   the most fitting way for one afflicted as I was to walk in Thy way.

   2. For the Church I saw to be full, and one went this way, and another
   that. But it was displeasing to me that I led a secular life; yea, now
   that my passions had ceased to excite me as of old with hopes of honour
   and wealth, a very grievous burden it was to undergo so great a
   servitude. For, compared with Thy sweetness, and the beauty of Thy
   house, which I loved, [595] those things delighted me no longer. But
   still very tenaciously was I held by the love of women; nor did the
   apostle forbid me to marry, although he exhorted me to something
   better, especially wishing that all men were as he himself was. [596]
   But I, being weak, made choice of the more agreeable place, and because
   of this alone was tossed up and down in all beside, faint and
   languishing with withering cares, because in other matters I was
   compelled, though unwilling, to agree to a married life, to which I was
   given up and enthralled. I had heard from the mouth of truth that
   "there be eunuchs, which have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom
   of heaven's sake;" but, saith He, "he that is able to receive it, let
   him receive it." [597] Vain, assuredly, are all men in whom the
   knowledge of God is not, and who could not, out of the good things
   which are seen, find out Him who is good. [598] But I was no longer in
   that vanity; I had surmounted it, and by the united testimony of Thy
   whole creation had found Thee, our Creator, [599] and Thy Word, God
   with Thee, and together with Thee and the Holy Ghost [600] one God, by
   whom Thou createdst all things. There is yet another kind of impious
   men, who "when they knew God, they glorified Him not as God, neither
   were thankful." [601] Into this also had I fallen; but Thy right hand
   held me up, [602] and bore me away, and Thou placedst me where I might
   recover. For Thou hast said unto man, "Behold, the fear of the Lord,
   that is wisdom;" [603] and desire not to seem wise, [604] because,
   "Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools." [605] But I had
   now found the goodly pearl, [606] which, selling all that I had, [607]
   I ought to have bought; and I hesitated.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [588] Ps. xxxv. 10.

   [589] Ps. cxvi. 16, 17.

   [590] Job. i. 10.

   [591] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [592] 1 Cor. v. 7.

   [593] John xiv. 6.

   [594] "Simplicianus became a successor of the most blessed Ambrose,
   Bishop of the Church of Milan' (Aug. Retract. ii. 1). To him St.
   Augustin wrote two books, De Diversis Quæstionibus (Op. t. vi. p. 82
   sq.), and calls him father' (ibid.), speaks of his fatherly affections
   from his most benevolent heart, not recent or sudden, but tried and
   known' (Ep. 37), requests his remarks and corrections of any books of
   his which might chance to fall into his holy hands' (ibid.) St. Ambrose
   mentions his having traversed the whole world, for the sake of the
   faith, and of acquiring divine knowledge, and having given the whole
   period of this life to holy reading, night and day: that he had an
   acute mind, whereby he took in intellectual studies, and was in the
   habit of proving how far the books of philosophy were gone astray from
   the truth,' Ep. 65, sec 5, p. 1052, ed. Ben. See also Tillemont, H. E.
   t. 10, Art. S. Simplicien.'"--E. B. P.

   [595] Ps. xxvi. 8.

   [596] 1 Cor. vii. 7.

   [597] Matt. xix. 12.

   [598] Wisd. xiii. 1.

   [599] See iv. sec, 18, and note, above.

   [600] "And the Holy Ghost." These words, though in the text of the
   Benedictine edition are not, as the editors point out, found in the
   majority of the best mss.

   [601] Rom. i. 21.

   [602] Ps. xviii. 35.

   [603] Job xxviii. 28.

   [604] Prov. iii. 7.

   [605] Rom. i. 22.

   [606] In his Quæst. ex. Matt. 13, likewise, Augustin compares Christ to
   the pearl of great price, who is in every way able to satisfy the
   cravings of man.

   [607] Matt. xiii. 46.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--The Pious Old Man Rejoices that He Read Plato and the
   Scriptures, and Tells Him of the Rhetorician Victorinus Having Been
   Converted to the Faith Through the Reading of the Sacred Books.

   3. To Simplicianus then I went,--the father of Ambrose [608] (at that
   time a bishop) in receiving Thy grace, and whom he truly loved as a
   father. To him I narrated the windings of my error. But when I
   mentioned to him that I had read certain books of the Platonists, which
   Victorinus, sometime Professor of Rhetoric at Rome (who died a
   Christian, as I had been told), had translated into Latin, he
   congratulated me that I had not fallen upon the writings of other
   philosophers, which were full of fallacies and deceit, "after the
   rudiments of the world," [609] whereas they, [610] in many ways, led to
   the belief in God and His word. [611] Then, to exhort me to the
   humility of Christ, [612] hidden from the wise, and revealed to little
   ones, [613] he spoke of Victorinus himself, [614] whom, whilst he was
   at Rome, he had known very intimately; and of him he related that about
   which I will not be silent. For it contains great praise of Thy grace,
   which ought to be confessed unto Thee, how that most learned old man,
   highly skilled in all the liberal sciences, who had read, criticised,
   and explained so many works of the philosophers; the teacher of so many
   noble senators; who also, as a mark of his excellent discharge of his
   duties, had (which men of this world esteem a great honour) both
   merited and obtained a statue in the Roman Forum, he,--even to that age
   a worshipper of idols, and a participator in the sacrilegious rites to
   which almost all the nobility of Rome were wedded, and had inspired the
   people with the love of

   "The dog Anubis, and a medley crew

   Of monster gods [who] 'gainst Neptune stand in arms,

   'Gainst Venus and Minerva, steel-clad Mars," [615]

   whom Rome once conquered, now worshipped, all which old Victorinus had
   with thundering eloquence defended so many years,--he now blushed not
   to be the child of Thy Christ, and an infant at Thy fountain,
   submitting his neck to the yoke of humility, and subduing his forehead
   to the reproach of the Cross.

   4. O Lord, Lord, who hast bowed the heavens and come down, touched the
   mountains and they did smoke, [616] by what means didst Thou convey
   Thyself into that bosom? He used to read, as Simplicianus said, the
   Holy Scripture, most studiously sought after and searched into all the
   Christian writings, and said to Simplicianus,--not openly, but
   secretly, and as a friend,--"Know thou that I am a Christian." To which
   he replied, "I will not believe it, nor will I rank you among the
   Christians unless I see you in the Church of Christ." Whereupon he
   replied derisively, "Is it then the walls that make Christians?" And
   this he often said, that he already was a Christian; and Simplicianus
   making the same answer, the conceit of the "walls" was by the other as
   often renewed. For he was fearful of offending his friends, proud
   demon-worshippers, from the height of whose Babylonian dignity, as from
   cedars of Lebanon which had not yet been broken by the Lord, [617] he
   thought a storm of enmity would descend upon him. But after that, from
   reading and inquiry, he had derived strength, and feared lest he should
   be denied by Christ before the holy angels if he now was afraid to
   confess Him before men, [618] and appeared to himself guilty of a great
   fault in being ashamed of the sacraments [619] of the humility of Thy
   word, and not being ashamed of the sacrilegious rites of those proud
   demons, whose pride he had imitated and their rites adopted, he became
   bold-faced against vanity, and shame-faced toward the truth, and
   suddenly and unexpectedly said to Simplicianus,--as he himself informed
   me,--"Let us go to the church; I wish to be made a Christian." But he,
   not containing himself for joy, accompanied him. And having been
   admitted to the first sacraments of instruction, [620] he not long
   after gave in his name, that he might be regenerated by baptism,--Rome
   marvelling, and the Church rejoicing. The proud saw, and were enraged;
   they gnashed with their teeth, and melted away! [621] But the Lord God
   was the hope of Thy servant, and He regarded not vanities and lying
   madness. [622]

   5. Finally, when the hour arrived for him to make profession of his
   faith (which at Rome they who are about to approach Thy grace are wont
   to deliver [623] from an elevated place, in view of the faithful
   people, in a set form of words learnt by heart), [624] the presbyters,
   he said, offered Victorinus to make his profession more privately, as
   the custom was to do to those who were likely, through bashfulness, to
   be afraid; but he chose rather to profess his salvation in the presence
   of the holy assembly. For it was not salvation that he taught in
   rhetoric, and yet he had publicly professed that. How much less,
   therefore, ought he, when pronouncing Thy word, to dread Thy meek
   flock, who, in the delivery of his own words, had not feared the mad
   multitudes! So, then, when he ascended to make his profession, all, as
   they recognised him, whispered his name one to the other, with a voice
   of congratulation. And who was there amongst them that did not know
   him? And there ran a low murmur through the mouths of all the rejoicing
   multitude, "Victorinus! Victorinus!" Sudden was the burst of exultation
   at the sight of him; and suddenly were they hushed, that they might
   hear him. He pronounced the true faith with an excellent boldness, and
   all desired to take him to their very heart--yea, by their love and joy
   they took him thither; such were the hands with which they took him.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [608] Simplicianus succeeded Ambrose, 397 A.D. He has already been
   referred to, in the extract from De Civ. Dei, in note 1, p. 113, above
   as "the old saint Simplicianus, afterwards Bishop of Milan." In Ep. p.
   37, Augustin addresses him as "his father, most worthy of being
   cherished with respect and sincere affection." When Simplicianus is
   spoken of above as "the father of Ambrose in receiving Thy grace,"
   reference is doubtless made to his having been instrumental in his
   conversion--he having "begotten" him "through the gospel" (1 Cor. iv.
   15). Ambrose, when writing to him (Ep. 65), concludes, "Vale, et nos
   parentis affectu dilige, ut facis."

   [609] Col. ii. 8.

   [610] i.e. the Platonists.

   [611] In like manner Augustin, in his De Civ. Dei (viii. 5), says: "No
   philosophers come nearer to us than the Platonists;" and elsewhere, in
   the same book, he speaks, in exalted terms, of their superiority to
   other philosophers. When he speaks of the Platonists, he means the
   Neo-Platonists, from whom he conceived that he could best derive a
   knowledge of Plato, who had, by pursuing the Socratic method in
   concealing his opinions, rendered it difficult "to discover clearly
   what he himself thought on various matters, any more than it is to
   discover what were the real opinions of Socrates" (ibid. sec 4).
   Whether Plato himself had or not knowledge of the revelation contained
   in the Old Testament Scriptures, as Augustin supposed (De Civ. Dei,
   viii. 11, 12), it is clear that the later Platonists were considerably
   affected by Judaic ideas, even as the philosophizing Jews were indebted
   to Platonism. This view has been embodied in the proverb frequently
   found in the Fathers, Latin as well as Greek, E Platon philonizei e
   Philon platonizei. Archer Butler, in the fourth of his Lectures on
   Ancient Philosophy, treats of the vitality of Plato's teaching and the
   causes of its influence, and shows how in certain points there is a
   harmony between his ideas and the precepts of the gospel. On the
   difficulty of unravelling the subtleties of the Platonic philosophy,
   see Burton's Bampton Lectures (lect. 3).

   [612] See iv. sec. 19, above.

   [613] Matt. xi. 25.

   [614] "Victorinus, by birth an African, taught rhetoric at Rome under
   Constantius, and in extreme old age, giving himself up to the faith of
   Christ, wrote some books against Arius, dialectically [and so] very
   obscure, which are not understood but by the learned, and a commentary
   on the Apostle" [Paul] (Jerome, De Viris Ill. c. 101). It is of the
   same, probably, that Gennadius speaks (De Viris Ill. c. 60), "that he
   commented in a Christian and pious strain, but inasmuch as he was a man
   taken up with secular literature, and not trained in the Divine
   Scriptures by any teacher, he produced what was comparatively of little
   weight." Comp. Jerome, Præf. in Comm. in Gal., and see Tillemont, 1. c.
   p. 179, sq. Some of his works are extant.--E. B. P.

   [615] Æneid, viii. 736-8. The Kennedys.

   [616] Ps. cxliv. 5.

   [617] Ps. xxix. 5.

   [618] Luke ix. 26.

   [619] "The Fathers gave the name of sacrament, or mystery, to
   everything which conveyed one signification or property to unassisted
   reason, and another to faith. Hence Cyprian speaks of the sacraments'
   of the Lord's Prayer, meaning the hidden meaning conveyed therein,
   which could only be appreciated by a Christian. The Fathers sometimes
   speak of confirmation as a sacrament, because the chrism signified the
   grace of the Holy Ghost; and the imposition of hands was not merely a
   bare sign, but the form by which it was conveyed. See Bingham, book
   xii. c. 1, sec. 4. Yet at the same time they continually speak of two
   great sacraments of the Christian Church" (Palmer's Origines Liturgicæ,
   vol. ii. c. 6, sec. 1, p. 201).

   [620] That is, he became a catechumen. In addition to the information
   on this subject, already given in the note to book vi. sec. 2, above,
   the following references to it may prove instructive. (1) Justin
   Martyr, describing the manner of receiving converts into the Church in
   his day, says (Apol. i. 61): "As many as are persuaded and believe that
   what we teach and say is true and undertake to be able to live
   accordingly, are instructed to pray, and to entreat God with fasting
   for the remission of their sins that are past, we praying and fasting
   with them. Then they are brought by us where there is water, and are
   regenerated in the same manner in which we were ourselves regenerated.
   And this washing is called illumination, because they who learn these
   things are illuminated in their understandings." And again (ibid. 65):
   "We, after we have thus washed him who has been convinced and has
   assented to our teaching, bring him to the place where those who are
   called brethren are assembled, in order that we may offer hearty
   prayers, in common for ourselves and for the baptized [illuminated]
   person, and for all others in every place....Having ended the prayers,
   we salute one another with a kiss. There is then brought to the
   president of the brethren bread, and a cup of wine mixed with water;
   and he, taking them, gives praise and glory to the Father of the
   universe, through the name of the Son and of the Holy Ghost....And when
   the president has given thanks, and all the people have expressed their
   assent, those who are called by us deacons give to each of those
   present, to partake of, the bread and wine mixed with water over which
   the thanksgiving was pronounced, and to those who are absent they carry
   away a portion." And once more (ibid. 66): "This food is called among
   us Eucharistia [the Eucharist], of which no one is allowed to partake
   but the man who believes that the things which we teach are true, and
   who has been washed with the washing that is for the remission of sins,
   and unto regeneration, and who is so living as Christ has enjoined."
   (2) In Watts' translation, we have the following note on this episode
   in our text: "Here be divers particulars of the primitive fashion, in
   this story of Victorinus. First, being converted, he was to take some
   well-known Christian (who was to be his godfather) to go with him to
   the bishop, who, upon notice of it, admitted him a catechumenus, and
   gave him those six points of catechistical doctrine mentioned Heb. vi,
   1, 2. When the time of baptism drew near, the young Christian came to
   give in his heathen name, which was presently registered, submitting
   himself to examination. On the eve, was he, in a set form, first, to
   renounce the devil, and to pronounce, I confess to Thee, O Christ,
   repeating the Creed with it, in the form here recorded. The time for
   giving in their names must be within the two first weeks in Lent; and
   the solemn day to renounce upon was Maundy Thursday. So bids the
   Council of Laodicea (Can. 45 and 46)." The renunciation adverted to by
   Watts in the above passage may be traced to an early period in the
   writings of the Fathers. It is mentioned by Tertullian, Ambrose, and
   Jerome, and "in the fourth century," says Palmer (Origines Liturgicæ,
   c. 5, sec. 2, where the authorities will be found), "the renunciation
   was made with great solemnity. Cyril of Jerusalem, speaking to those
   who had been recently baptized, said, First, you have entered into the
   vestibule of the baptistry, and, standing towards the west, you have
   heard, and been commanded, and stretch forth your hands, and renounce
   Satan as if he were present.' This rite of turning to the west at the
   renunciation of Satan is also spoken of by Jerome, Gregory, Nazianzen,
   and Ambrose; and it was sometimes performed with exsufflations and
   other external signs of enmity to Satan, and rejection of him and his
   works. To the present day these customs remain in the patriarchate of
   Constantinople, where the candidates for baptism turn to the west to
   renounce Satan, stretching forth their hands and using an exsufflation
   as a sign of enmity against him. And the Monophysites of Antioch and
   Jerusalem, Alexandria and Armenia, also retain the custom of renouncing
   Satan with faces turned to the west."

   [621] Ps. cxii. 10.

   [622] Ps. xxxi. 6, 14, 18.

   [623] Literally, "give back," reddere.

   [624] Anciently, as Palmer has noted in the introduction to his
   Origines Liturgicæ, the liturgies of the various churches were learnt
   by heart. They probably began to be committed to writing about
   Augustin's day. The reference, however, in this place, is to the
   Apostles' Creed, which, Dr. Pusey in a note remarks, was delivered
   orally to the catechumens to commit it to memory, and by them delivered
   back, i.e. publicly repeated before they were baptized. "The symbol
   [creed] bearing hallowed testimony, which ye have together received,
   and are this day severally to give back [reddidistis], are the words in
   which the faith of our mother the Church is solidly constructed on a
   stable foundation, which is Christ the Lord. For other foundation can
   no man lay,' etc. Ye have received them, and given back [reddidistis]
   what ye ought to retain in heart and mind, what ye should repeat in
   your beds, think on in the streets, and forget not in your meals, and
   while sleeping in body, in heart watch therein. For this is the faith,
   and the rule of salvation, that We believe in God, the Father
   Almighty,'" etc. (Aug. Serm. 215, in Redditione Symboli). "On the
   Sabbath day [Saturday], when we shall keep a vigil through the mercy of
   God, ye will give back [reddituri] not the [Lord's] Prayer, but the
   Creed" (Serm. 58, sec. ult.). "What ye have briefly heard, ye ought not
   only to believe, but to commit to memory in so many words, and utter
   with your mouth" (Serm. 214, in Tradit. Symb. 3, sec. 2). "Nor, in
   order to retain the very words of the Creed, ought ye any wise to write
   it, but to learn it thoroughly by hearing, nor, when ye have learnt it,
   ought ye to write it, but always to keep and refresh it in your
   memories.--This is my covenant, which I will make with them after those
   days,' saith the Lord; I will place my law in their minds, and in their
   hearts will I write it.' To convey this, the Creed is learnt by
   hearing, and not written on tables or any other substance, but on the
   heart" (Serm. 212, sec. 2). See the Roman Liturgy (Assem, Cod. Liturg.
   t. i. p. 11 sq., 16), and the Gothic and Gallican (pp. 30 sq., 38 sq.,
   40 sq., etc.). "The renunciation of Satan," to quote once more from
   Palmer's Origines (c. 5, sec. 3), "was always followed by a profession
   of faith in Christ, as it is now in the English ritual....The promise
   of obedience and faith in Christ was made by the catechumens and
   sponsors, with their faces turned towards the east, as we learn from
   Cyril of Jerusalem and many other writers. Tertullian speaks of the
   profession of faith made at baptism, in the Father, Son, and Holy
   Spirit, and in the Church. Cyprian mentions the interrogation, Dost
   thou believe in eternal life, and remission of sins through the Holy
   Church?' Eusebius and many other Fathers also speak of the profession
   of faith made at this time; and it is especially noted in the
   Apostolical Constitutions, which were written in the East at the end of
   the third or beginning of the fourth century. The profession of faith
   in the Eastern churches has generally been made by the sponsor, or the
   person to be baptized, not in the form of answers to questions, but by
   repeating the Creed after the priest. In the Western churches, the
   immemorial custom has been, for the priest to interrogate the candidate
   for baptism, or his sponsor, on the principal articles of the Christian
   faith."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--That God and the Angels Rejoice More on the Return of One
   Sinner Than of Many Just Persons.

   6. Good God, what passed in man to make him rejoice more at the
   salvation of a soul despaired of, and delivered from greater danger,
   than if there had always been hope of him, or the danger had been less?
   For so Thou also, O merciful Father, dost "joy over one sinner that
   repenteth, more than over ninety and nine just persons that need no
   repentance." And with much joyfulness do we hear, whenever we hear, how
   the lost sheep is brought home again on the Shepherd's shoulders, while
   the angels rejoice, and the drachma is restored to Thy treasury, the
   neighhours rejoicing with the woman who found it; [625] and the joy of
   the solemn service of Thy house constraineth to tears, when in Thy
   house it is read of Thy younger son that he "was dead, and is alive
   again, and was lost, and is found." [626] For Thou rejoicest both in us
   and in Thy angels, holy through holy charity. For Thou art ever the
   same; for all things which abide neither the same nor for ever, Thou
   ever knowest after the same manner.

   7. What, then, passes in the soul when it more delights at finding or
   having restored to it the thing it loves than if it had always
   possessed them? Yea, and other things bear witness hereunto; and all
   things are full of witnesses, crying out, "So it is." The victorious
   commander triumpheth; yet he would not have conquered had he not
   fought, and the greater the peril of the battle, the more the rejoicing
   of the triumph. The storm tosses the voyagers, threatens shipwreck, and
   every one waxes pale at the approach of death; but sky and sea grow
   calm, and they rejoice much, as they feared much. A loved one is sick,
   and his pulse indicates danger; all who desire his safety are at once
   sick at heart: he recovers, though not able as yet to walk with his
   former strength, and there is such joy as was not before when he walked
   sound and strong. Yea, the very pleasures of human life--not those only
   which rush upon us unexpectedly, and against our wills, but those that
   are voluntary and designed--do men obtain by difficulties. There is no
   pleasure at all in eating and drinking unless the pains of hunger and
   thirst go before. And drunkards eat certain salt meats with the view of
   creating a troublesome heat, which the drink allaying causes pleasure.
   It is also the custom that the affianced bride should not immediately
   be given up, that the husband may not less esteem her whom, as
   betrothed, he longed not for. [627]

   8. This law obtains in base and accursed joy; in that joy also which is
   permitted and lawful; in the sincerity of honest friendship; and in Him
   who was dead, and lived again, had been lost, and was found. [628] The
   greater joy is everywhere preceded by the greater pain. What meaneth
   this, O Lord my God, when Thou art, an everlasting joy unto Thine own
   self, and some things about Thee are ever rejoicing in Thee? [629] What
   meaneth this, that this portion of things thus ebbs and flows,
   alternately offended and reconciled? Is this the fashion of them, and
   is this all Thou hast allotted to them, whereas from the highest heaven
   to the lowest earth, from the beginning of the world to its end, from
   the angel to the worm, from the first movement unto the last, Thou
   settedst each in its right place, and appointedst each its proper
   seasons, everything good after its kind? Woe is me! How high art Thou
   in the highest, and how deep in the deepest! Thou withdrawest no
   whither, and scarcely do we return to Thee.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [625] Luke xv. 4-10.

   [626] Luke xv. 32.

   [627] See ix. sec 19, note.

   [628] Luke xv. 32.

   [629] See xii. sec. 12, and xiii. sec. 11, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--He Shows by the Example of Victorinus that There is More
   Joy in the Conversion of Nobles.

   9. Haste, Lord, and act; stir us up, and call us back; inflame us, and
   draw us to Thee; stir us up, and grow sweet unto us; let us now love
   Thee, let us "run after Thee." [630] Do not many men, out of a deeper
   hell of blindness than that of Victorinus, return unto Thee, and
   approach, and are enlightened, receiving that light, which they that
   receive, receive power from Thee to become Thy sons? [631] But if they
   be less known among the people, even they that know them joy less for
   them. For when many rejoice together, the joy of each one is the fuller
   in that they are incited and inflamed by one another. Again, because
   those that are known to many influence many towards salvation, and take
   the lead with many to follow them. And, therefore, do they also who
   preceded them much rejoice in regard to them, because they rejoice not
   in them alone. May it be averted that in Thy tabernacle the persons of
   the rich should be accepted before the poor, or the noble before the
   ignoble; since rather "Thou hast chosen the weak things of the world to
   confound the things which are mighty and base things of the world, and
   things which are despised, hast Thou chosen, yea, and things which are
   not, to bring to naught things that are." [632] And yet, even that
   "least of the apostles," [633] by whose tongue Thou soundest out these
   words, when Paulus the proconsul [634] --his pride overcome by the
   apostle's warfare--was made to pass under the easy yoke [635] of Thy
   Christ, and became a provincial of the great King,--he also, instead of
   Saul, his former name, desired to be called Paul, [636] in testimony of
   so great a victory. For the enemy is more overcome in one of whom he
   hath more hold, and by whom he hath hold of more. But the proud hath he
   more hold of by reason of their nobility; and by them of more, by
   reason of their authority. [637] By how much the more welcome, then,
   was the heart of Victorinus esteemed, which the devil had held as an
   unassailable retreat, and the tongue of Victorinus, with which mighty
   and cutting weapon he had slain many; so much the more abundantly
   should Thy sons rejoice, seeing that our King hath bound the strong
   man, [638] and they saw his vessels taken from him and cleansed, [639]
   and made meet for Thy honour, and become serviceable for the Lord unto
   every good work. [640]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [630] Cant. i. 4.

   [631] John i. 12.

   [632] 1 Cor. i. 27, 28.

   [633] 1 Cor. xv. 9.

   [634] Acts. xiii. 12.

   [635] Matt. xi. 30.

   [636] "As Scipio, after the conquest of Africa, took the name of
   Africanus, so Saul also, being sent to preach to the Gentiles, brought
   back his trophy out of the first spoils won by the Church, the
   proconsul Sergius Paulus, and set up his banner, in that for Saul he
   was called Paul' (Jerome, Comm. in Ep. ad Philem. init). Origen
   mentions the same opinion (which is indeed suggested by the relation in
   the Acts), but thinks that the apostle had originally two names (Præf.
   in Comm. in Ep. ad Rom.), which, as a Roman, may very well have been,
   and yet that he made use of his Roman name Paul first in connection
   with the conversion of the proconsul; Chrysostom says that it was
   doubtless changed at the command of God, which is to be supposed, but
   still may have been at this time."--E. B. P.

   [637] "Satan makes choice of persons of place and power. These are
   either in the Commonwealth or church. If he can, he will secure the
   throne and the pulpit, as the two forts that command the whole
   line....A prince or a ruler may stand for a thousand; therefore saith
   Paul to Elymas when he would have turned the deputy from the faith, O
   full of all subtilty, thou child of the devil!' (Acts. xiii. 10). As if
   he had said, You have learned this of your father the devil,--to haunt
   the courts of princes, wind into the favour of great ones. There is a
   double policy Satan hath in gaining such to his side.--(a) None have
   such advantage to draw others to their way. Corrupt the captain, and it
   is hard if he bring not off his troop with him. When the princes--men
   of renown in their tribes--stood up with Korah, presently a multitude
   are drawn into the conspiracy (Num. xvi. 2, 19). Let Jeroboam set up
   idolatry, and Israel is soon in a snare. It is said [that] the people
   willingly walked after his commandment (Hos. v. 11). (b) Should the sin
   stay at court, and the infection go no further, yet the sin of such a
   one, though a good man, may cost a whole kingdom dear. Satan stood up
   against Israel, and provoked David to number Israel (1 Chron. xxi. 1).
   He owed Israel a spite, and he pays them home in their king's sin,
   which dropped in a fearful plague upon their heads,"--Gurnall, The
   Christian in Complete Armour, vol. i. part 2.

   [638] Matt. xii. 29.

   [639] Luke xi. 22, 25.

   [640] 2 Tim. ii. 21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--Of the Causes Which Alienate Us from God.

   10. But when that man of Thine, Simplicianus, related this to me about
   Victorinus, I burned to imitate him; and it was for this end he had
   related it. But when he had added this also, that in the time of the
   Emperor Julian, there was a law made by which Christians were forbidden
   to teach grammar and oratory, [641] and he, in obedience to this law,
   chose rather to abandon the wordy school than Thy word, by which Thou
   makest eloquent the tongues of the dumb, [642] --he appeared to me not
   more brave than happy, in having thus discovered an opportunity of
   waiting on Thee only, which thing I was sighing for, thus bound, not
   with the irons of another, but my own iron will. My will was the enemy
   master of, and thence had made a chain for me and bound me. Because of
   a perverse will was lust made; and lust indulged in became custom; and
   custom not resisted became necessity. By which links, as it were,
   joined together (whence I term it a "chain"), did a hard bondage hold
   me enthralled. [643] But that new will which had begun to develope in
   me, freely to worship Thee, and to wish to enjoy Thee, O God, the only
   sure enjoyment, was not able as yet to overcome my former wilfulness,
   made strong by long indulgence. Thus did my two wills, one old and the
   other new, one carnal, the other spiritual, contend within me; and by
   their discord they unstrung my soul.

   11. Thus came I to understand, from my own experience, what I had read,
   how that "the flesh lusteth against the Spirit, and the Spirit against
   the flesh." [644] I verily lusted both ways; [645] yet more in that
   which I approved in myself, than in that which I disapproved in myself.
   For in this last it was now rather not "I," [646] because in much I
   rather suffered against my will than did it willingly. And yet it was
   through me that custom became more combative against me, because I had
   come willingly whither I willed not. And who, then, can with any
   justice speak against it, when just punishment follows the sinner?
   [647] Nor had I now any longer my wonted excuse, that as yet I
   hesitated to be above the world and serve Thee, because my perception
   of the truth was uncertain; for now it was certain. But I, still bound
   to the earth, refused to be Thy soldier; and was as much afraid of
   being freed from all embarrassments, as we ought to fear to be
   embarrassed.

   12. Thus with the baggage of the world was I sweetly burdened, as when
   in slumber; and the thoughts wherein I meditated upon Thee were like
   unto the efforts of those desiring to awake, who, still overpowered
   with a heavy drowsiness, are again steeped therein. And as no one
   desires to sleep always, and in the sober judgment of all waking is
   better, yet does a man generally defer to shake off drowsiness, when
   there is a heavy lethargy in all his limbs, and, though displeased, yet
   even after it is time to rise with pleasure yields to it, so was I
   assured that it were much better for me to give up myself to Thy
   charity, than to yield myself to my own cupidity; but the former course
   satisfied and vanquished me, the latter pleased me and fettered me.
   [648] Nor had I aught to answer Thee calling to me, "Awake, thou that
   sleepest, and arise from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light."
   [649] And to Thee showing me on every side, that what Thou saidst was
   true, I, convicted by the truth, had nothing at all to reply, but the
   drawling and drowsy words: "Presently, lo, presently;" "Leave me a
   little while." But "presently, presently," had no present; and my
   "leave me a little while" went on for a long while. [650] In vain did I
   "delight in Thy law after the inner man," when "another law in my
   members warred against the law of my mind, and brought me into
   captivity to the law of sin which is in my members." For the law of sin
   is the violence of custom, whereby the mind is drawn and held, even
   against its will; deserving to be so held in that it so willingly falls
   into it. "O wretched man that I am! who shall deliver me from the body
   of this death" but Thy grace only, through Jesus Christ our Lord? [651]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [641] During the reign of Constantius, laws of a persecuting character
   were enacted against Paganism, which led multitudes nominally to adopt
   the Christian faith. When Julian the Apostate came to the throne, he
   took steps immediately to reinstate Paganism in all its ancient
   splendour. His court was filled with Platonic philosophers and
   diviners, and he sacrificed daily to the gods. But, instead of
   imitating the example of his predecessor, and enacting laws against the
   Christians, he endeavoured by subtlety to destroy their faith. In
   addition to the measures mentioned by Augustin above, he endeavoured to
   foment divisions in the Church by recalling the banished Donatists, and
   stimulating them to disseminate their doctrines, and he himself wrote
   treatises against it. In order, if possible, to counteract the
   influence of Christianity, he instructed his priests to imitate the
   Christians in their relief of the poor and care for the sick. But while
   in every way enacting measures of disability against the Christians, he
   showed great favour to the Jews, and with the view of confuting the
   predictions of Christ, went so far as to encourage them to rebuild the
   Temple.

   [642] Wisd. x. 21.

   [643] There would appear to be a law at work in the moral and spiritual
   worlds similar to that of gravitation in the natural, which "acts
   inversely as the square of the distance." As we are more affected, for
   example, by events that have taken place near us either in time or
   place, than by those which are more remote, so in spiritual things, the
   monitions of conscience would seem to become feeble with far greater
   rapidity than the continuance of our resistance would lead us to
   expect, while the power of sin, in like proportion, becomes strong.
   When tempted, men see not the end from the beginning. The allurement,
   however, which at first is but as a gossamer thread, is soon felt to
   have the strength of a cable. "Evil men and seducers wax worse and
   worse" (2 Tim. iii. 13), and when it is too late they learn that the
   embrace of the siren is but the prelude to destruction. "Thus,"as
   Gurnall has it (The Christian in Complete Armour, vol. i. part 2),
   "Satan leads poor creatures down into the depths of sin by winding
   stairs, that let them not see the bottom whither they are going....Many
   who at this day lie in open profaneness, never thought they should have
   rolled so far from their modest beginnings. O Christians, give not
   place to Satan, no, not an inch, in his first motions. He that is a
   beggar and a modest one without doors, will command the house if let
   in. Yield at first, and thou givest away thy strength to resist him in
   the rest; when the hem is worn, the whole garment will ravel out, if it
   be not mended by timely repentance." See Müller, Lehre von der Sünde,
   book v., where the beginnings and alarming progress of evil in the soul
   are graphically described. See ix. sec. 18, note, below.

   [644] Gal. v. 17.

   [645] See iv. sec. 26, note, and v. sec. 18, above.

   [646] Rom. vii. 20.

   [647] See v. sec. 2, note 6, above.

   [648] Illud placebat et vincebat; hoc libebat et vinciebat. Watts
   renders freely, "But notwithstanding that former course pleased and
   overcame my reason, yet did this latter tickle and enthrall my senses."

   [649] Eph. v. 14.

   [650] As Bishop Wilberforce, eloquently describing this condition of
   mind, says, in his sermon on The Almost Christian, "New, strange wishes
   were rising in his heart. The Mighty One was brooding over its
   currents, was stirring up its tides, was fain to overrule their
   troubled flow--to arise in open splendour on his eyes; to glorify his
   life with His own blessed presence. And he himself was evidently
   conscious of the struggle; he was almost won; he was drawn towards that
   mysterious birth, and he well-nigh yielded. He even knew what was
   passing within his soul; he could appreciate something of its
   importance, of the living value of that moment. If that conflict was
   indeed visible to higher powers around him; if they who longed to keep
   him in the kingdom of darkness, and they who were ready to rejoice at
   his repentance--if they could see the inner waters of that troubled
   heart, as they surged and eddied underneath these mighty influences,
   how must they have waited for the doubtful choice! how would they
   strain their observation to see if that Almost should turn into an
   Altogether, or die away again, and leave his heart harder than it had
   been before!"

   [651] Rom. vii. 22-24. This difficilis et periculosus locus (Serm.
   cliv. 1) he interprets differently at different periods of his life. In
   this place, as elsewhere in his writings, he makes the passage refer
   (according to the general interpretation in the Church up to that time)
   to man convinced of sin under the influence of the law, but not under
   grace. In his Retractations, however (i. 23, sec. 1), he points out
   that he had found reason to interpret the passage not of man convinced
   of sin, but of man renewed and regenerated in Christ Jesus. This is the
   view constantly taken in his anti-Pelagian writings, which were
   published subsequently to the date of his Confessions; and indeed this
   change in interpretation probably arose from the pressure of the
   Pelagian controversy (see Con. Duas Ep. Pel. i. 10, secs. 18 and 22),
   and the fear lest the old view should too much favour the heretics, and
   their exaltation of the powers of the natural man to the disparagement
   of the influence of the grace of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--Pontitianus' Account of Antony, the Founder of Monachism,
   and of Some Who Imitated Him.

   13. And how, then, Thou didst deliver me out of the bonds of carnal
   desire, wherewith I was most firmly fettered, and out of the drudgery
   of worldly business, will I now declare and confess unto Thy name, "O
   Lord, my strength and my Redeemer." [652] Amid increasing anxiety, I
   was transacting my usual affairs, and daily sighing unto Thee. I
   resorted as frequently to Thy church as the business, under the burden
   of which I groaned, left me free to do. Alypius was with me, being
   after the third sitting disengaged from his legal occupation, and
   awaiting further opportunity of selling his counsel, as I was wont to
   sell the power of speaking, if it can be supplied by teaching. But
   Nebridius had, on account of our friendship, consented to teach under
   Verecundus, a citizen and a grammarian of Milan, and a very intimate
   friend of us all; who vehemently desired, and by the right of
   friendship demanded from our company, the faithful aid he greatly stood
   in need of. Nebridius, then, was not drawn to this by any desire of
   gain (for he could have made much more of his learning had he been so
   inclined), but, as a most sweet and kindly friend, he would not be
   wanting in an office of friendliness, and slight our request. But in
   this he acted very discreetly, taking care not to become known to those
   personages whom the world esteems great; thus avoiding distraction of
   mind, which he desired to have free and at leisure as many hours as
   possible, to search, or read, or hear something concerning wisdom.

   14. Upon a certain day, then, Nebridius being away (why, I do not
   remember), lo, there came to the house to see Alypius and me,
   Pontitianus, a countryman of ours, in so far as he was an African, who
   held high office in the emperor's court. What he wanted with us I know
   not, but we sat down to talk together, and it fell out that upon a
   table before us, used for games, he noticed a book; he took it up,
   opened it, and, contrary to his expectation, found it to be the Apostle
   Paul,--for he imagined it to be one of those books which I was wearing
   myself out in teaching. At this he looked up at me smilingly, and
   expressed his delight and wonder that he had so unexpectedly found this
   book, and this only, before my eyes. For he was both a Christian and
   baptized, and often prostrated himself before Thee our God in the
   church, in constant and daily prayers. When, then, I had told him that
   I bestowed much pains upon these writings, a conversation ensued on his
   speaking of Antony, [653] the Egyptian monk, whose name was in high
   repute among Thy servants, though up to that time not familiar to us.
   When he came to know this, he lingered on that topic, imparting to us a
   knowledge of this man so eminent, and marvelling at our ignorance. But
   we were amazed, hearing Thy wonderful works most fully manifested in
   times so recent, and almost in our own, wrought in the true faith and
   the Catholic Church. We all wondered--we, that they were so great, and
   he, that we had never heard of them.

   15. From this his conversation turned to the companies in the
   monasteries, and their manners so fragrant unto Thee, and of the
   fruitful deserts of the wilderness, of which we knew nothing. And there
   was a monastery at Milan [654] full of good brethren, without the walls
   of the city, under the fostering care of Ambrose, and we were ignorant
   of it. He went on with his relation, and we listened intently and in
   silence. He then related to us how on a certain afternoon, at Triers,
   when the emperor was taken up with seeing the Circensian games, [655]
   he and three others, his comrades, went out for a walk in the gardens
   close to the city walls, and there, as they chanced to walk two and
   two, one strolled away with him, while the other two went by
   themselves; and these, in their rambling, came upon a certain cottage
   inhabited by some of Thy servants, "poor in spirit," of whom "is the
   kingdom of heaven," [656] where they found a book in which was written
   the life of Antony. This one of them began to read, marvel at, and be
   inflamed by it; and in the reading, to meditate on embracing such a
   life, and giving up his worldly employments to serve Thee. And these
   were of the body called "Agents for Public Affairs." [657] Then,
   suddenly being overwhelmed with a holy love and a sober sense of shame,
   in anger with himself, he cast his eyes upon his friend, exclaiming,
   "Tell me, I entreat thee, what end we are striving for by all these
   labours of ours. What is our aim? What is our motive in doing service?
   Can our hopes in court rise higher than to be ministers of the emperor?
   And in such a position, what is there not brittle, and fraught with
   danger, and by how many dangers arrive we at greater danger? And when
   arrive we thither? But if I desire to become a friend of God, behold, I
   am even now made it." Thus spake he, and in the pangs of the travail of
   the new life, he turned his eyes again upon the page and continued
   reading, and was inwardly changed where Thou sawest, and his mind was
   divested of the world, as soon became evident; for as he read, and the
   surging of his heart rolled along, he raged awhile, discerned and
   resolved on a better course, and now, having become Thine, he said to
   his friend, "Now have I broken loose from those hopes of ours, and am
   determined to serve God; and this, from this hour, in this place, I
   enter upon. If thou art reluctant to imitate me, hinder me not." The
   other replied that he would cleave to him, to share in so great a
   reward and so great a service. Thus both of them, being now Thine, were
   building a tower at the necessary cost, [658] --of forsaking all that
   they had and following Thee. Then Pontitianus, and he that had walked
   with him through other parts of the garden, came in search of them to
   the same place, and having found them, reminded them to return as the
   day had declined. But they, making known to him their resolution and
   purpose, and how such a resolve had sprung up and become confirmed in
   them, entreated them not to molest them, if they refused to join
   themselves unto them. But the others, no whit changed from their former
   selves, did yet (as he said) bewail themselves, and piously
   congratulated them, recommending themselves to their prayers; and with
   their hearts inclining towards earthly things, returned to the palace.
   But the other two, setting their affections upon heavenly things,
   remained in the cottage. And both of them had affianced brides, who,
   when they heard of this, dedicated also their virginity unto God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [652] Ps. xix. 14.

   [653] It may be well here to say a few words in regard to Monachism and
   Antony's relation to it:--(1) There is much in the later Platonism,
   with its austerities and bodily mortifications (see vii. sec. 13, note
   2, above), which is in common with the asceticism of the early Church.
   The Therapeutæ of Philo, indeed, of whom there were numbers in the
   neighbourhood of Alexandria in the first century, may be considered as
   the natural forerunners of the Egyptian monks. (2) Monachism, according
   to Sozomen (i. 12), had its origin in a desire to escape persecution by
   retirement into the wilderness. It is probable, however, that, as in
   the case of Paul the hermit of Thebais, the desire for freedom from the
   cares of life, so that by contemplation and mortification of the body,
   the logos or inner reason (which was held to be an emanation of God)
   might be purified, had as much to do with the hermit life as a fear of
   persecution. Mosheim, indeed (Ecc. Hist. i. part 2, c. 3), supposes
   Paul to have been influenced entirely by these Platonic notions. (3)
   Antony was born in the district of Thebes, A.D. 251, and visited Paul
   in the Egyptian desert a little before his death. To Antony is the
   world indebted for establishing communities of monks, as distinguished
   from the solitary asceticism of Paul; he therefore is rightly viewed as
   the founder of Monachism. He appears to have known little more than how
   to speak his native Coptic, yet during his long life (said to have been
   100 years) he by his fervent enthusiasm made for himself a name little
   inferior to that of the "king of men," Athanasius, whom in the time of
   the Arian troubles he stedfastly supported, and by whom his life has
   been handed down to us. Augustin, in his De Doctr. Christ. (Prol. sec.
   4), speaks of him as "a just and holy man, who, not being able to read
   himself, is said to have committed the Scriptures to memory through
   hearing them read by others, and by dint of wise meditation to have
   arrived at a thorough understanding of them." (4) According to Sozomen
   (iii. 14), monasteries had not been established in Europe A.D. 340.
   They were, Baronius tells us, introduced into Rome about that date by
   Athanasius, during a visit to that city. Athanasius mentions "ascetics"
   as dwelling at Rome A.D. 355. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, Martin, Bishop
   of Tours, and Jerome were enthusiastic suppporters of the system. (5)
   Monachism in Europe presented more of its practical and less of its
   contemplative side, than in its cradle in the East. An example of how
   the monks of the East did work for the good of others is seen in the
   instance of the monks of Pachomius; still in this respect, as in
   matters of doctrine, the West has generally shown itself more practical
   than the East. Probably climate and the style of living consequent
   thereon have much to do with this. Sulpicius Severus (dial. i. 2, De
   Vita Martini) may be taken to give a quaint illustration of this, when
   he makes one of his characters say, as he hears of the mode of living
   of the Eastern monks, that their diet was only suited to angels.
   However mistaken we may think the monkish systems to be, it cannot be
   concealed that in the days of anarchy and semi-barbarism they were
   oftentimes centres of civilisation. Certainly in its originating idea
   of meditative seclusion, there is much that is worthy of commendation;
   for, as Farindon has it (Works, iv. 130), "This has been the practice
   not only of holy men, but of heathen men. Thus did Tully, and Antony,
   and Crassus make way to that honour and renown which they afterwards
   purchased in eloquence (Cicero, De Officiis, ii. 13, viii. 7); thus did
   they pass a solitudine in scholas, a scholis in forum,--from their
   secret retirement into the schools, and from the schools into the
   pleading-place.'"

   [654] Augustin, when comparing Christian with Manichæan asceticism,
   says in his De Mor. Eccl. Cath. (sec. 70), "I saw at Milan a
   lodging-house of saints, in number not a few, presided over by one
   presbyter, a man of great excellence and learning." In the previous
   note we have given the generally received opinion, that the first
   monastery in Europe was established at Rome. It may be mentioned here
   that Muratori maintains that the institution was transplanted from the
   East first to Milan; others contend that the first European society was
   at Aquileia.

   [655] See vi. sec. 12, note 1, above.

   [656] Matt. v. 3. Roman commentators are ever ready to use this text of
   Scripture as an argument in favour of monastic poverty, and some may
   feel disposed from its context to imagine such an interpretation to be
   implied in this place. This, however, can hardly be so. Augustin
   constantly points out in his sermons, etc. in what the poverty that is
   pleasing to God consists. "Pauper Dei," he says (in Ps. cxxxi. 15), "in
   animo est, non in sacculo;" and his interpretation of this passage in
   his Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount (i. 3) is entirely opposed to
   the Roman view. We there read: "The poor in spirit are rightly
   understood here as meaning the humble and God-fearing, i.e. those who
   have not a spirit which puffeth up. Nor ought blessedness to begin at
   any other point whatever, if indeed it is to reach the highest wisdom.
   The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom' (Ps. cxi. 10);
   whereas, on the other hand also, pride' is entitled the beginning of
   all sin' (Ecclus. x. 13). Let the proud, therefore, seek after and love
   the kingdoms of the earth, but blessed are the poor in spirit, for
   theirs is the kingdom of heaven.'"

   [657] "Agentes in rebus. There was a society of them still about the
   court. Their militia or employments were to gather in the emperor's
   tributes; to fetch in offenders; to do Palatini obsequia, offices of
   court provide corn, etc., ride on errands like messengers of the
   chamber, lie abroad as spies and intelligencers. They were often
   preferred to places of magistracy in the provinces; such were called
   Principes or Magistriani. St. Hierome upon Abdias, c. 1, calls them
   messengers. They succeeded the Frumentarii, between which two and the
   Curiosi and the Speculatores there was not much difference."--W. W.

   [658] Luke xiv. 26-35.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--He Deplores His Wretchedness, that Having Been Born
   Thirty-Two Years, He Had Not Yet Found Out the Truth.

   16. Such was the story of Pontitianus. But Thou, O Lord, whilst he was
   speaking, didst turn me towards myself, taking me from behind my back,
   where I had placed myself while unwilling to exercise self-scrutiny;
   and Thou didst set me face to face with myself, that I might behold how
   foul I was, and how crooked and sordid, bespotted and ulcerous. And I
   beheld and loathed myself; and whither to fly from myself I discovered
   not. And if I sought to turn my gaze away from myself, he continued his
   narrative, and Thou again opposedst me unto myself, and thrustedst me
   before my own eyes, that I might discover my iniquity, and hate it.
   [659] I had known it, but acted as though I knew it not,--winked at it,
   and forgot it.

   17. But now, the more ardently I loved those whose healthful affections
   I heard tell of, that they had given up themselves wholly to Thee to be
   cured, the more did I abhor myself when compared with them. For many of
   my years (perhaps twelve) had passed away since my nineteenth, when, on
   the reading of Cicero's Hortensius, [660] I was roused to a desire for
   wisdom; and still I was delaying to reject mere worldly happiness, and
   to devote myself to search out that whereof not the finding alone, but
   the bare search, [661] ought to have been preferred before the
   treasures and kingdoms of this world, though already found, and before
   the pleasures of the body, though encompassing me at my will. But I,
   miserable young man, supremely miserable even in the very outset of my
   youth, had entreated chastity of Thee, and said, "Grant me chastity and
   continency, but not yet." For I was afraid lest Thou shouldest hear me
   soon, and soon deliver me from the disease of concupiscence, which I
   desired to have satisfied rather than extinguished. And I had wandered
   through perverse ways in a sacrilegious superstition; not indeed
   assured thereof, but preferring that to the others, which I did not
   seek religiously, but opposed maliciously.

   18. And I had thought that I delayed from day to day to reject worldly
   hopes and follow Thee only, because there did not appear anything
   certain whereunto to direct my course. And now had the day arrived in
   which I was to be laid bare to myself, and my conscience was to chide
   me. "Where art thou, O my tongue? Thou saidst, verily, that for an
   uncertain truth thou wert not willing to cast off the baggage of
   vanity. Behold, now it is certain, and yet doth that burden still
   oppress thee; whereas they who neither have so worn themselves out with
   searching after it, nor yet have spent ten years and more in thinking
   thereon, have had their shoulders unburdened, and gotten wings to fly
   away." Thus was I inwardly consumed and mightily confounded with an
   horrible shame, while Pontitianus was relating these things. And he,
   having finished his story, and the business he came for, went his way.
   And unto myself, what said I not within myself? With what scourges of
   rebuke lashed I not my soul to make it follow me, struggling to go
   after Thee! Yet it drew back; it refused, and exercised not itself. All
   its arguments were exhausted and confuted. There remained a silent
   trembling; and it feared, as it would death, to be restrained from the
   flow of that custom whereby it was wasting away even to death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [659] Ps. xxxvi. 2.

   [660] See iii. sec. 7, above.

   [661] It is interesting to compare with this passage the views
   contained in Augustin's three books, Con. Academicos,--the earliest of
   his extant works, and written about this time. Licentius there
   maintains that the "bare search" for truth renders a man happy, while
   Trygetius contends that the "finding alone" can produce happiness.
   Augustin does not agree with the doctrine of the former, and points out
   that while the Academics held the probable to be attainable, it could
   not be so without the true, by which the probable is measured and
   known. And, in his De Vita Beata, he contends that he who seeks truth
   and finds it not, has not attained happiness, and that though the grace
   of God be indeed guiding him, he must not expect complete happiness
   (Retractations, i. 2) till after death. Perhaps no sounder philosophy
   can be found than that evidenced in the life of Victor Hugo's good
   Bishop Myriel, who rested in the practice of love, and was content to
   look for perfect happiness, and a full unfolding of God's mysteries, to
   the future life:--"Aimez-vous les uns les autres, il declarait cela
   complet, ne souhaitait rien de plus et c'était là toute sa doctrine. Un
   jour, cet homme qui se croyait philosophe,' ce senateur, déjà nommé,
   dit à l'évêque: Mais voyez donc le spectacle du monde; guerre de tous
   contre tous; le plus fort a le plus d'ésprit. Votre aimez-vous les uns
   les autres est une bêtise.'--Eh bien,' répondit Monseigneur Bienvenu,
   sans disputer, si c'est une bêtise, l'âme doit s'y enfermer comme la
   perle dans l'huitre.' Il s'y enfermait donc, il y vivait, il s'en
   satisfaisait absolument, laissant de côté les questions prodigieuses
   qui attirent et qui épouvantent, les perspectives insoudables de
   l'abstraction, les précipices de la métaphysique, toutes ces
   profondeurs convergentes, pour l'apôtre, à Dieu, pour l'athée, au
   néant: la destinée, le bien et le mal, la guerre de l'être contre
   l'être, la conscience de l'homme, le somnambulisme pensif de l'animal,
   la transformation par la mort, la récapitulation d'existences qui
   contient le tombeau, la greffe incompréhensible des amours successifs
   sur le moi persistant, l'essence, la substance, le Nil et l'Ens, l'âme,
   la nature, la liberté, la nécessité; problèmes à pic, épaisseurs
   sinistres, où se penchent les gigantesques archanges de l'ésprit
   humain; formidables abimes que Lucrèce, Manon, Saint Paul, et Dante
   contemplent avec cet oeil fulgurant qui semble, en regardant fixement
   l'infini, y faire eclore les étoiles. Monseigneur Bienvenu était
   simplement un homme qui constatait du dehors les questions mystérieuses
   sans les scruter, sans les agiter, et sans en troubler son propre
   ésprit; et qui avait dans l'âme le grave respect de l'ombre."--Les
   Misérables, c. xiv.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--The Conversation with Alypius Being Ended, He Retires to
   the Garden, Whither His Friend Follows Him.

   19. In the midst, then, of this great strife of my inner dwelling,
   which I had strongly raised up against my soul in the chamber of my
   heart, [662] troubled both in mind and countenance, I seized upon
   Alypius, and exclaimed: "What is wrong with us? What is this? What
   heardest thou? The unlearned start up and take' heaven, [663] and we,
   with our learning, but wanting heart, see where we wallow in flesh and
   blood! Because others have preceded us, are we ashamed to follow, and
   not rather ashamed at not following?" Some such words I gave utterance
   to, and in my excitement flung myself from him, while he gazed upon me
   in silent astonishment. For I spoke not in my wonted tone, and my brow,
   cheeks, eyes, colour, tone of voice, all expressed my emotion more than
   the words. There was a little garden belonging to our lodging, of which
   we had the use, as of the whole house; for the master, our landlord,
   did not live there. Thither had the tempest within my breast hurried
   me, where no one might impede the fiery struggle in which I was engaged
   with myself, until it came to the issue that Thou knewest, though I did
   not. But I was mad that I might be whole, and dying that I might have
   life, knowing what evil thing I was, but not knowing what good thing I
   was shortly to become. Into the garden, then, I retired, Alypius
   following my steps. For his presence was no bar to my solitude; or how
   could he desert me so troubled? We sat down at as great a distance from
   the house as we could. I was disquieted in spirit, being most impatient
   with myself that I entered not into Thy will and covenant, O my God,
   which all my bones cried out unto me to enter, extolling it to the
   skies. And we enter not therein by ships, or chariots, or feet, no, nor
   by going so far as I had come from the house to that place where we
   were sitting. For not to go only, but to enter there, was naught else
   but to will to go, but to will it resolutely and thoroughly; not to
   stagger and sway about this way and that, a changeable and half-wounded
   will, wrestling, with one part falling as another rose.

   20. Finally, in the very fever of my irresolution, I made many of those
   motions with my body which men sometimes desire to do, but cannot, if
   either they have not the limbs, or if their limbs be bound with
   fetters, weakened by disease, or hindered in any other way. Thus, if I
   tore my hair, struck my forehead, or if, entwining my fingers, I
   clasped my knee, this I did because I willed it. But I might have
   willed and not done it, if the power of motion in my limbs had not
   responded. So many things, then, I did, when to have the will was not
   to have the power, and I did not that which both with an unequalled
   desire I longed more to do, and which shortly when I should will I
   should have the power to do; because shortly when I should will, I
   should will thoroughly. For in such things the power was one with the
   will, and to will was to do, and yet was it not done; and more readily
   did the body obey the slightest wish of the soul in the moving its
   limbs at the order of the mind, than the soul obeyed itself to
   accomplish in the will alone this its great will.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [662] Isa. xxvi. 20, and Matt. vi. 6.

   [663] Matt. xi. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--That the Mind Commandeth the Mind, But It Willeth Not
   Entirely.

   21. Whence is this monstrous thing? And why is it? Let Thy mercy shine
   on me, that I may inquire, if so be the hiding-places of man's
   punishment, and the darkest contritions of the sons of Adam, may
   perhaps answer me. Whence is this monstrous thing? and why is it? The
   mind commands the body, and it obeys forthwith; the mind commands
   itself, and is resisted. The mind commands the hand to be moved, and
   such readiness is there that the command is scarce to be distinguished
   from the obedience. Yet the mind is mind, and the hand is body. The
   mind commands the mind to will, and yet, though it be itself, it
   obeyeth not. Whence this monstrous thing? and why is it? I repeat, it
   commands itself to will, and would not give the command unless it
   willed; yet is not that done which it commandeth. But it willeth not
   entirely; therefore it commandeth not entirely. For so far forth it
   commandeth, as it willeth; and so far forth is the thing commanded not
   done, as it willeth not. For the will commandeth that there be a
   will;--not another, but itself. But it doth not command entirely,
   therefore that is not which it commandeth. For were it entire, it would
   not even command it to be, because it would already be. It is,
   therefore, no monstrous thing partly to will, partly to be unwilling,
   but an infirmity of the mind, that it doth not wholly rise, sustained
   by truth, pressed down by custom. And so there are two wills, because
   one of them is not entire; and the one is supplied with what the other
   needs.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--He Refutes the Opinion of the Manichæans as to Two Kinds of
   Minds,--One Good and the Other Evil.

   22. Let them perish from Thy presence, [664] O God, as "vain talkers
   and deceivers" [665] of the soul do perish, who, observing that there
   were two wills in deliberating, affirm that there are two kinds of
   minds in us,--one good, the other evil. [666] They themselves verily
   are evil when they hold these evil opinions; and they shall become good
   when they hold the truth, and shall consent unto the truth, that Thy
   apostle may say unto them, "Ye were sometimes darkness, but now are ye
   light in the Lord." [667] But, they, desiring to be light, not "in the
   Lord," but in themselves, conceiving the nature of the soul to be the
   same as that which God is, [668] are made more gross darkness; for that
   through a shocking arrogancy they went farther from Thee, "the true
   Light, which lighteth every man that cometh into the world." [669] Take
   heed what you say, and blush for shame; draw near unto Him and be
   "lightened," and your faces shall not be "ashamed." [670] I, when I was
   deliberating upon serving the Lord my God now, as I had long
   purposed,--I it was who willed, I who was unwilling. It was I, even I
   myself. I neither willed entirely, nor was entirely unwilling.
   Therefore was I at war with myself, and destroyed by myself. And this
   destruction overtook me against my will, and yet showed not the
   presence of another mind, but the punishment of mine own. [671] "Now,
   then, it is no more I that do it, but sin that dwelleth in me," [672]
   --the punishment of a more unconfined sin, in that I was a son of Adam.

   23. For if there be as many contrary natures as there are conflicting
   wills, there will not now be two natures only, but many. If any one
   deliberate whether he should go to their conventicle, or to the
   theatre, those men [673] at once cry out, "Behold, here are two
   natures,--one good, drawing this way, another bad, drawing back that
   way; for whence else is this indecision between conflicting wills?" But
   I reply that both are bad--that which draws to them, and that which
   draws back to the theatre. But they believe not that will to be other
   than good which draws to them. Supposing, then, one of us should
   deliberate, and through the conflict of his two wills should waver
   whether he should go to the theatre or to our church, would not these
   also waver what to answer? For either they must confess, which they are
   not willing to do, that the will which leads to our church is good, as
   well as that of those who have received and are held by the mysteries
   of theirs, or they must imagine that there are two evil natures and two
   evil minds in one man, at war one with the other; and that will not be
   true which they say, that there is one good and another bad; or they
   must be converted to the truth, and no longer deny that where any one
   deliberates, there is one soul fluctuating between conflicting wills.

   24. Let them no more say, then, when they perceive two wills to be
   antagonistic to each other in the same man, that the contest is between
   two opposing minds, of two opposing substances, from two opposing
   principles, the one good and the other bad. For Thou, O true God, dost
   disprove, check, and convince them; like as when both wills are bad,
   one deliberates whether he should kill a man by poison, or by the
   sword; whether he should take possession of this or that estate of
   another's, when he cannot both; whether he should purchase pleasure by
   prodigality, or retain his money by covetousness; whether he should go
   to the circus or the theatre, if both are open on the same day; or,
   thirdly, whether he should rob another man's house, if he have the
   opportunity; or, fourthly, whether he should commit adultery, if at the
   same time he have the means of doing so,--all these things concurring
   in the same point of time, and all being equally longed for, although
   impossible to be enacted at one time. For they rend the mind amid four,
   or even (among the vast variety of things men desire) more antagonistic
   wills, nor do they yet affirm that there are so many different
   substances. Thus also is it in wills which are good. For I ask them, is
   it a good thing to have delight in reading the apostle, or good to have
   delight in a sober psalm, or good to discourse on the gospel? To each
   of these they will answer, "It is good." What, then, if all equally
   delight us, and all at the same time? Do not different wills distract
   the mind, when a man is deliberating which he should rather choose? Yet
   are they all good, and are at variance until one be fixed upon, whither
   the whole united will may be borne, which before was divided into many.
   Thus, also, when above eternity delights us, and the pleasure of
   temporal good holds us down below, it is the same soul which willeth
   not that or this with an entire will, and is therefore torn asunder
   with grievous perplexities, while out of truth it prefers that, but out
   of custom forbears not this.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [664] Ps. lxviii. 2.

   [665] Titus i. 10.

   [666] And that therefore they were not responsible for their evil
   deeds, it not being they that sinned, but the nature of evil in them.
   See iv. sec. 26, and note, above, where the Manichæan doctrines in this
   matter are fully treated.

   [667] Eph. v. 8.

   [668] See iv. sec. 26, note, above.

   [669] John i. 9.

   [670] Ps. xxxiv. 5.

   [671] See v. sec. 2, note 6, above, and x. sec. 5, note, below.

   [672] Rom. vii. 17.

   [673] The Manichæans.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--In What Manner the Spirit Struggled with the Flesh, that
   It Might Be Freed from the Bondage of Vanity.

   25. Thus was I sick and tormented, accusing myself far more severely
   than was my wont, tossing and turning me in my chain till that was
   utterly broken, whereby I now was but slightly, but still was held. And
   Thou, O Lord, pressedst upon me in my inward parts by a severe mercy,
   redoubling the lashes of fear and shame, lest I should again give way,
   and that same slender remaining tie not being broken off, it should
   recover strength, and enchain me the faster. For I said mentally, "Lo,
   let it be done now, let it be done now." And as I spoke, I all but came
   to a resolve. I all but did it, yet I did it not. Yet fell I not back
   to my old condition, but took up my position hard by, and drew breath.
   And I tried again, and wanted but very little of reaching it, and
   somewhat less, and then all but touched and grasped it; and yet came
   not at it, nor touched, nor grasped it, hesitating to die unto death,
   and to live unto life; and the worse, whereto I had been habituated,
   prevailed more with me than the better, which I had not tried. And the
   very moment in which I was to become another man, the nearer it
   approached me, the greater horror did it strike into me; but it did not
   strike me back, nor turn me aside, but kept me in suspense.

   26. The very toys of toys, and vanities of vanities, my old mistresses,
   still enthralled me; they shook my fleshly garment, and whispered
   softly, "Dost thou part with us? And from that moment shall we no more
   be with thee for ever? And from that moment shall not this or that be
   lawful for thee for ever?" And what did they suggest to me in the words
   "this or that?" What is it that they suggested, O my God? Let Thy mercy
   avert it from the soul of Thy servant. What impurities did they
   suggest! What shame! And now I far less than half heard them, not
   openly showing themselves and contradicting me, but muttering, as it
   were, behind my back, and furtively plucking me as I was departing, to
   make me look back upon them. Yet they did delay me, so that I hesitated
   to burst and shake myself free from them, and to leap over whither I
   was called,--an unruly habit saying to me, "Dost thou think thou canst
   live without them?"

   27. But now it said this very faintly; for on that side towards which I
   had set my face, and whither I trembled to go, did the chaste dignity
   of Continence appear unto me, cheerful, but not dissolutely gay,
   honestly alluring me to come and doubt nothing, and extending her holy
   hands, full of a multiplicity of good examples, to receive and embrace
   me. There were there so many young men and maidens, a multitude of
   youth and every age, grave widows and ancient virgins, and Continence
   herself in all, not barren, but a fruitful mother of children of joys,
   by Thee, O Lord, her Husband. And she smiled on me with an encouraging
   mockery, as if to say, "Canst not thou do what these youths and maidens
   can? Or can one or other do it of themselves, and not rather in the
   Lord their God? The Lord their God gave me unto them. Why standest thou
   in thine own strength, and so standest not? Cast thyself upon Him; fear
   not, He will not withdraw that thou shouldest fall; cast thyself upon
   Him without fear, He will receive thee, and heal thee." And I blushed
   beyond measure, for I still heard the muttering of those toys, and hung
   in suspense. And she again seemed to say, "Shut up thine ears against
   those unclean members of thine upon the earth, that they may be
   mortified. [674] They tell thee of delights, but not as doth the law of
   the Lord thy God." [675] This controversy in my heart was naught but
   self against self. But Alypius, sitting close by my side, awaited in
   silence [676] the result of my unwonted emotion.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [674] Col. iii. 5.

   [675] Ps. cxix. 85, Old ver.

   [676] As in nature, the men of science tell us, no two atoms touch, but
   that, while an inner magnetism draws them together, a secret repulsion
   keeps them apart, so it is with human souls. Into our deepest feelings
   our dearest friends cannot enter. In the throes of conversion, for
   example, God's ministering servants may assist, but He alone can bring
   the soul to the birth. So it was here in the case of Augustin. He felt
   that now even the presence of his dear friend would be a burden,--God
   alone could come near, so as to heal the sore wound of his spirit--and
   Alypius was a friend who knew how to keep silence, and to await the
   issue of his friend's profound emotion. How comfortable a thing to find
   in those who would give consolation the spirit that animated the
   friends of Job, when "they sat down with him upon the ground seven days
   and seven nights, and none spake a word unto him; for they saw that his
   grief was very great" (Job ii. 13). Well has Rousseau said: "Les
   consolations indiscrètes ne font qu' aigrir les violentes afflictions.
   L' indifference et la froideur trouvent aisément des paroles, mais la
   tristesse et le silence sont alors le vrai langage de l'amitié." A
   beautiful exemplification of this is found in Victor Hugo's portrait of
   Bishop Myriel, in Les Misérables (c. iv.), from which we have quoted a
   few pages back:--"Il savait s'asseoir et se taire de longues heures
   auprès de l'homme que avait perdu la femme qu'ii aimait, de la mére qui
   avait perdu son enfant. Comme il savait le moment de se taire, il
   savait aussi le moment de parler. O admirable consolateur! il ne
   cherchait pas à effacer la douleur par l'oubli, mais à l'agrandir et à
   la dignifier par l'ésperance."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--Having Prayed to God, He Pours Forth a Shower of Tears,
   And, Admonished by a Voice, He Opens the Book and Reads the Words in
   Rom. XIII. 13; By Which, Being Changed in His Whole Soul, He Discloses
   the Divine Favour to His Friend and His Mother.

   28. But when a profound reflection had, from the secret depths of my
   soul, drawn together and heaped up all my misery before the sight of my
   heart, there arose a mighty storm, accompanied by as mighty a shower of
   tears. Which, that I might pour forth fully, with its natural
   expressions, I stole away from Alypius; for it suggested itself to me
   that solitude was fitter for the business of weeping. [677] So I
   retired to such a distance that even his presence could not be
   oppressive to me. Thus was it with me at that time, and he perceived
   it; for something, I believe, I had spoken, wherein the sound of my
   voice appeared choked with weeping, and in that state had I risen up.
   He then remained where we had been sitting, most completely astonished.
   I flung myself down, how, I know not, under a certain fig-tree, giving
   free course to my tears, and the streams of mine eyes gushed out, an
   acceptable sacrifice unto Thee. [678] And, not indeed in these words,
   yet to this effect, spake I much unto Thee,--"But Thou, O Lord, how
   long?" [679] "How long, Lord? Wilt Thou be angry for ever? Oh, remember
   not against us former iniquities;" [680] for I felt that I was
   enthralled by them. I sent up these sorrowful cries,--"How long, how
   long? Tomorrow, and tomorrow? Why not now? Why is there not this hour
   an end to my uncleanness?"

   29. I was saying these things and weeping in the most bitter contrition
   of my heart, when, lo, I heard the voice as of a boy or girl, I know
   not which, coming from a neighbouring house, chanting, and oft
   repeating, "Take up and read; take up and read." Immediately my
   countenance was changed, and I began most earnestly to consider whether
   it was usual for children in any kind of game to sing such words; nor
   could I remember ever to have heard the like. So, restraining the
   torrent of my tears, I rose up, interpreting it no other way than as a
   command to me from Heaven to open the book, and to read the first

   Chapter I should light upon. For I had heard of Antony, [681] that,
   accidentally coming in whilst the gospel was being read, he received
   the admonition as if what was read were addressed to him, "Go and sell
   that thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in
   heaven; and come and follow me." [682] And by such oracle was he
   forthwith converted unto Thee. So quickly I returned to the place where
   Alypius was sitting; for there had I put down the volume of the
   apostles, when I rose thence. I grasped, opened, and in silence read
   that paragraph on which my eyes first fell,--"Not in rioting and
   drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and
   envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision
   for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts thereof." [683] No further would I
   read, nor did I need; for instantly, as the sentence ended,--by a
   light, as it were, of security infused into my heart,--all the gloom of
   doubt vanished away.

   30. Closing the book, then, and putting either my finger between, or
   some other mark, I now with a tranquil countenance made it known to
   Alypius. And he thus disclosed to me what was wrought in him, which I
   knew not. He asked to look at what I had read. I showed him; and he
   looked even further than I had read, and I knew not what followed. This
   it was, verily, "Him that is weak in the faith, receive ye;" [684]
   which he applied to himself, and discovered to me. By this admonition
   was he strengthened; and by a good resolution and purpose, very much in
   accord with his character (wherein, for the better, he was always far
   different from me), without any restless delay he joined me. Thence we
   go in to my mother. We make it known to her,--she rejoiceth. We relate
   how it came to pass,--she leapeth for joy, and triumpheth, and blesseth
   Thee, who art "able to do exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or
   think; [685] for she perceived Thee to have given her more for me than
   she used to ask by her pitiful and most doleful groanings. For Thou
   didst so convert me unto Thyself, that I sought neither a wife, nor any
   other of this world's hopes,--standing in that rule of faith [686] in
   which Thou, so many years before, had showed me unto her in a vision.
   And thou didst turn her grief into a gladness, [687] much more
   plentiful than she had desired, and much dearer and chaster than she
   used to crave, by having grandchildren of my body.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [677] See note 3, page 71.

   [678] 1 Pet. ii. 5.

   [679] Ps. vi. 3

   [680] Ps. lxxix. 5, 8.

   [681] See his Life by St. Athanasius, secs. 2, 3.

   [682] Matt. xix. 2l.

   [683] Rom. xiii. 13, 14.

   [684] Rom. xiv. 1.

   [685] Eph. iii. 20.

   [686] See book iii. sec. 19.

   [687] Ps. xxx. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book IX.

   ------------------------

   He speaks of his design of forsaking the profession of rhetoric; of the
   death of his friends, Nebridius and Verecundus; of having received
   baptism in the thirty-third year of his age; and of the virtues and
   death of his mother, Monica.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--He Praises God, the Author of Safety, and Jesus Christ, the
   Redeemer, Acknowledging His Own Wickedness.

   1. "O Lord, truly I am Thy servant; I am Thy servant, and the son of
   Thine handmaid: Thou hast loosed my bonds. I will offer to Thee the
   sacrifice of thanksgiving." [688] Let my heart and my tongue praise
   Thee, and let all my bones say, "Lord, who is like unto Thee?" [689]
   Let them so say, and answer Thou me, and "say unto my soul, I am Thy
   salvation." [690] Who am I, and what is my nature? How evil have not my
   deeds been; or if not my deeds, my words; or if not my words, my will?
   But Thou, O Lord, art good and merciful, and Thy right hand had respect
   unto the profoundness of my death, and removed from the bottom of my
   heart that abyss of corruption. And this was the result, that I willed
   not to do what I willed, and willed to do what thou willedst. [691] But
   where, during all those years, and out of what deep and secret retreat
   was my free will summoned forth in a moment, whereby I gave my neck to
   Thy "easy yoke," and my shoulders to Thy "light burden," [692] O Christ
   Jesus, "my strength and my Redeemer"? [693] How sweet did it suddenly
   become to me to be without the delights of trifles! And what at one
   time I feared to lose, it was now a joy to me to put away. [694] For
   Thou didst cast them away from me, Thou true and highest sweetness.
   Thou didst cast them away, and instead of them didst enter in Thyself,
   [695] --sweeter than all pleasure, though not to flesh and blood;
   brighter than all light, but more veiled than all mysteries; more
   exalted than all honour, but not to the exalted in their own conceits.
   Now was my soul free from the gnawing cares of seeking and getting, and
   of wallowing and exciting the itch of lust. And I babbled unto Thee my
   brightness, my riches, and my health, the Lord my God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [688] Ps. cxvi. 16, 17.

   [689] Ibid. xxxv. 10.

   [690] Ibid. xxxv. 3.

   [691] Volebas, though a few mss. have nolebas; and Watts accordingly
   renders "nilledst."

   [692] Matt. xi. 30.

   [693] Ps. xix. 14.

   [694] Archbishop Trench, in his exposition of the parable of the Hid
   Treasure, which the man who found sold all that he had to buy, remarks
   on this passage of the Confessions: "Augustin excellently illustrates
   from his own experience this part of the parable. Describing the crisis
   of his own conversion, and how easy he found it, through this joy, to
   give up all those pleasures of sin that he had long dreaded to be
   obliged to renounce, which had long held him fast bound in the chains
   of evil custom, and which if he renounced, it had seemed to him as
   though life itself would not be worth the living, he exclaims, How
   sweet did it suddenly become to me,'" etc.

   [695] His love of earthly things was expelled by the indwelling love of
   God, "for," as he says in his De Musica, vi. 52, "the love of the
   things of time could only be expelled by some sweetness of things
   eternal." Compare also Dr. Chalmers' sermon on The Expulsive Power of a
   New Affection (the ninth of his "Commercial Discourses"), where this
   idea is expanded.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--As His Lungs Were Affected, He Meditates Withdrawing
   Himself from Public Favour.

   2. And it seemed good to me, as before Thee, not tumultuously to snatch
   away, but gently to withdraw the service of my tongue from the talker's
   trade; that the young, who thought not on Thy law, nor on Thy peace,
   but on mendacious follies and forensic strifes, might no longer
   purchase at my mouth equipments for their vehemence. And opportunely
   there wanted but a few days unto the Vacation of the Vintage; [696] and
   I determined to endure them, in order to leave in the usual way, and,
   being redeemed by Thee, no more to return for sale. Our intention then
   was known to Thee; but to men--excepting our own friends--was it not
   known. For we had determined among ourselves not to let it get abroad
   to any; although Thou hadst given to us, ascending from the valley of
   tears, [697] and singing the song of degrees, "sharp arrows," and
   destroying coals, against the "deceitful tongue," [698] which in giving
   counsel opposes, and in showing love consumes, as it is wont to do with
   its food.

   3. Thou hadst penetrated our hearts with Thy charity, and we carried
   Thy words fixed, as it were, in our bowels; and the examples of Thy
   servant, whom of black Thou hadst made bright, and of dead, alive,
   crowded in the bosom of our thoughts, burned and consumed our heavy
   torpor, that we might not topple into the abyss; and they enkindled us
   exceedingly, that every breath of the deceitful tongue of the gainsayer
   might inflame us the more, not extinguish us. Nevertheless, because for
   Thy name's sake which Thou hast sanctified throughout the earth, this,
   our vow and purpose, might also find commenders, it looked like a
   vaunting of oneself not to wait for the vacation, now so near, but to
   leave beforehand a public profession, and one, too, under general
   observation; so that all who looked on this act of mine, and saw how
   near was the vintage-time I desired to anticipate, would talk of me a
   great deal as if I were trying to appear to be a great person. And what
   purpose would it serve that people should consider and dispute about my
   intention, and that our good should be evil spoken of? [699]

   4. Furthermore, this very summer, from too great literary labour, my
   lungs [700] began to be weak, and with difficulty to draw deep breaths;
   showing by the pains in my chest that they were affected, and refusing
   too loud or prolonged speaking. This had at first been a trial to me,
   for it compelled me almost of necessity to lay down that burden of
   teaching; or, if I could be cured and become strong again, at least to
   leave it off for a while. But when the full desire for leisure, that I
   might see that Thou art the Lord, [701] arose, and was confirmed in me,
   my God, Thou knowest I even began to rejoice that I had this excuse
   ready,--and that not a feigned one,--which might somewhat temper the
   offence taken by those who for their sons' good wished me never to have
   the freedom of sons. Full, therefore, with such joy, I bore it till
   that period of time had passed,--perhaps it was some twenty days,--yet
   they were bravely borne; for the cupidity which was wont to sustain
   part of this weighty business had departed, and I had remained
   overwhelmed had not its place been supplied by patience. Some of Thy
   servants, my brethren, may perchance say that I sinned in this, in that
   having once fully, and from my heart, entered on Thy warfare, I
   permitted myself to sit a single hour in the seat of falsehood. I will
   not contend. But hast not Thou, O most merciful Lord, pardoned and
   remitted this sin also, with my others, so horrible and deadly, in the
   holy water?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [696] "In harvest and vintage time had the lawyers their vacation. So
   Minutius Felix. Scholars, their Non Terminus, as here; yea, divinity
   lectures and catechizings then ceased. So Cyprian, Ep. 2. The law terms
   gave way also to the great festivals of the Church. Theodosius forbade
   any process to go out from fifteen days before Easter till the Sunday
   after. For the four Terms, see Caroli Calvi, Capitula, Act viii. p.
   90."--W. W.

   [697] Ps. lxxxiv. 6.

   [698] Ps. cxx. 3, 4, according to the Old Ver. This passage has many
   difficulties we need not enter into. The Vulgate, however, we may say,
   renders verse 3: "Quid detur tibi aut quid apponatur tibi ad linguam
   dolosam,"--that is, shall be given as a defence against the tongues of
   evil speakers. In this way Augustin understands it, and in his
   commentary on this place makes the fourth verse give the answer to the
   third. Thus, "sharp arrows" he interprets to be the word of God, and
   "destroying coals" those who, being converted to Him, have become
   examples to the ungodly.

   [699] Rom. xiv. 16.

   [700] In his De Vita Beata, sec. 4, and Con. Acad. i. 3, he also
   alludes to this weakness of his chest. He was therefore led to give up
   his professorship, partly from this cause, and partly from a desire to
   devote himself more entirely to God's service. See also p. 115, note.

   [701] Ps. xlvi. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--He Retires to the Villa of His Friend Verecundus, Who Was
   Not Yet a Christian, and Refers to His Conversion and Death, as Well as
   that of Nebridius.

   5. Verecundus was wasted with anxiety at that our happiness, since he,
   being most firmly held by his bonds, saw that he would lose our
   fellowship. For he was not yet a Christian, though his wife was one of
   the faithful; [702] and yet hereby, being more firmly enchained than by
   anything else, was he held back from that journey which we had
   commenced. Nor, he declared, did he wish to be a Christian on any other
   terms than those that were impossible. However, he invited us most
   courteously to make use of his country house so long as we should stay
   there. Thou, O Lord, wilt "recompense" him for this "at the
   resurrection of the just," [703] seeing that Thou hast already given
   him "the lot of the righteous." [704] For although, when we were absent
   at Rome, he, being overtaken with bodily sickness, and therein being
   made a Christian, and one of the faithful, departed this life, yet
   hadst Thou mercy on him, and not on him only, but on us also; [705]
   lest, thinking on the exceeding kindness of our friend to us, and
   unable to count him in Thy flock, we should be tortured with
   intolerable grief. Thanks be unto Thee, our God, we are Thine. Thy
   exhortations, consolations, and faithful promises assure us that Thou
   now repayest Verecundus for that country house at Cassiacum, where from
   the fever of the world we found rest in Thee, with the perpetual
   freshness of Thy Paradise, in that Thou hast forgiven him his earthly
   sins, in that mountain flowing with milk, [706] that fruitful
   mountain,--Thine own.

   6. He then was at that time full of grief; but Nebridius was joyous.
   Although he also, not being yet a Christian, had fallen into the pit of
   that most pernicious error of believing Thy Son to be a phantasm, [707]
   yet, coming out thence, he held the same belief that we did; not as yet
   initiated in any of the sacraments of Thy Church, but a most earnest
   inquirer after truth. [708] Whom, not long after our conversion and
   regeneration by Thy baptism, he being also a faithful member of the
   Catholic Church, and serving Thee in perfect chastity and continency
   amongst his own people in Africa, when his whole household had been
   brought to Christianity through him, didst Thou release from the flesh;
   and now he lives in Abraham's bosom. Whatever that may be which is
   signified by that bosom, [709] there lives my Nebridius, my sweet
   friend, Thy son, O Lord, adopted of a freedman; there he liveth. For
   what other place could there be for such a soul? There liveth he,
   concerning which he used to ask me much,--me, an inexperienced, feeble
   one. Now he puts not his ear unto my mouth, but his spiritual mouth
   unto Thy fountain, and drinketh as much as he is able, wisdom according
   to his desire,--happy without end. Nor do I believe that he is so
   inebriated with it as to forget me, [710] seeing Thou, O Lord, whom he
   drinketh, art mindful of us. Thus, then, were we comforting the
   sorrowing Verecundus (our friendship being untouched) concerning our
   conversion, and exhorting him to a faith according to his condition, I
   mean, his married state. And tarrying for Nebridius to follow us, which
   being so near, he was just about to do, when, behold, those days passed
   over at last; for long and many they seemed, on account of my love of
   easeful liberty, that I might sing unto Thee from my very marrow. My
   heart said unto Thee,--I have sought Thy face; "Thy face, Lord, will I
   seek." [711]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [702] See vi. sec. 1, note, above.

   [703] Luke xiv. 14.

   [704] Ps. cxxv. 2.

   [705] Phil. ii. 27.

   [706] Literally, In monte incaseato, "the mountain of curds," from the
   Old Ver. of Ps. lxviii. 16. The Vulgate renders coagulatus. But the
   Authorized Version is nearer the true meaning, when it renders gvnnym,
   hunched, as "high." The LXX. renders it teturomenos, condensed, as if
   from gvynh, cheese. This divergence arises from the unused root gvn, to
   be curved, having derivatives meaning (1) "hunch-backed," when applied
   to the body, and (2) "cheese" or "curds," when applied to milk.
   Augustin, in his exposition of this place, makes the "mountain" to be
   Christ, and parallels it with Isa. ii. 2; and the "milk" he interprets
   of the grace that comes from Him for Christ's little ones: Ipse est
   mons incaseatus, propter parvulos gratia tanquam lacte nutriendos.

   [707] See. v. 16, note, above.

   [708] See vi. 17, note 6, above.

   [709] Though Augustin, in his Quæst. Evang. ii. qu. 38, makes Abraham's
   bosom to represent the rest into which the Gentiles entered after the
   Jews had put it from them, yet he, for the most part, in common with
   the early Church (see Serm. xiv. 3; Con. Faust. xxxiii. 5; and Eps.
   clxiv. 7, and clxxxvii. Compare also Tertullian, De Anima, lviii),
   takes it to mean the resting-place of the souls of the righteous after
   death. Abraham's bosom, indeed, is the same as the "Paradise" of Luke
   xxiii. 43. The souls of the faithful after they are delivered from the
   flesh are in "joy and felicity" (De Civ. Dei, i. 13, and xiii. 19); but
   they will not have "their perfect consummation and bliss both in body
   and soul" until the morning of the resurrection, when they shall be
   endowed with "spiritual bodies." See note p. 111; and for the
   difference between the ades of Luke xvi. 23, that is, the place of
   departed spirits,--into which it is said in the Apostles' Creed Christ
   descended,--and geenna, or Hell, see Campbell on The Gospels, i. 253.
   In the A.V. both Greek words are rendered "Hell."

   [710] See sec. 37, note, below.

   [711] Ps. xxvii. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--In the Country He Gives His Attention to Literature, and
   Explains the Fourth Psalm in Connection with the Happy Conversion of
   Alypius. He is Troubled with Toothache.

   7. And the day arrived on which, in very deed, I was to be released
   from the Professorship of Rhetoric, from which in intention I had been
   already released. And done it was; and Thou didst deliver my tongue
   whence Thou hadst already delivered my heart; and full of joy I blessed
   Thee for it, and retired with all mine to the villa. [712] What I
   accomplished here in writing, which was now wholly devoted to Thy
   service, though still, in this pause as it were, panting from the
   school of pride, my books testify, [713] --those in which I disputed
   with my friends, and those with myself alone [714] before Thee; and
   what with the absent Nebridius, my letters [715] testify. And when can
   I find time to recount all Thy great benefits which Thou bestowedst
   upon us at that time, especially as I am hasting on to still greater
   mercies? For my memory calls upon me, and pleasant it is to me, O Lord,
   to confess unto Thee, by what inward goads Thou didst subdue me, and
   how Thou didst make me low, bringing down the mountains and hills of my
   imaginations, and didst straighten my crookedness, and smooth my rough
   ways; [716] and by what means Thou also didst subdue that brother of my
   heart, Alypius, unto the name of Thy only-begotten, our Lord and
   Saviour Jesus Christ, which he at first refused to have inserted in our
   writings. For he rather desired that they should savour of the "cedars"
   of the schools, which the Lord hath now broken down, [717] than of the
   wholesome herbs of the Church, hostile to serpents.

   8. What utterances sent I up unto Thee, my God, when I read the Psalms
   of David, [718] those faithful songs and sounds of devotion which
   exclude all swelling of spirit, when new to Thy true love, at rest in
   the villa with Alypius, a catechumen like myself, my mother cleaving
   unto us,--in woman's garb truly, but with a man's faith, with the
   peacefulness of age, full of motherly love and Christian piety! What
   utterances used I to send up unto Thee in those Psalms, and how was I
   inflamed towards Thee by them, and burned to rehearse them, if it were
   possible, throughout the whole world, against the pride of the human
   race! And yet they are sung throughout the whole world, and none can
   hide himself from Thy heat. [719] With what vehement and bitter sorrow
   was I indignant at the Manichæans; whom yet again I pitied, for that
   they were ignorant of those sacraments, those medicaments, and were mad
   against the antidote which might have made them sane! I wished that
   they had been somewhere near me then, and, without my being aware of
   their presence, could have beheld my face, and heard my words, when I
   read the fourth Psalm in that time of my leisure,--how that Psalm
   wrought upon me. When I called upon Thee, Thou didst hear me, O God of
   my righteousness; Thou hast enlarged me when I was in distress; have
   mercy upon me, and hear my prayer. [720] Oh that they might have heard
   what I uttered on these words, without my knowing whether they heard or
   no, lest they should think that I spake it because of them! For, of a
   truth, neither should I have said the same things, nor in the way I
   said them, if I had perceived that I was heard and seen by them; and
   had I spoken them, they would not so have received them as when I spake
   by and for myself before Thee, out of the private feelings of my soul.

   9. I alternately quaked with fear, and warmed with hope, and with
   rejoicing in Thy mercy, O Father. And all these passed forth, both by
   mine eyes and voice, when Thy good Spirit, turning unto us, said, O ye
   sons of men, how long will ye be slow of heart? "How long will ye love
   vanity, and seek after leasing?" [721] For I had loved vanity, and
   sought after leasing. And Thou, O Lord, hadst already magnified Thy
   Holy One, raising Him from the dead, and setting Him at Thy right hand,
   [722] whence from on high He should send His promise, [723] the
   Paraclete, "the Spirit of Truth." [724] And He had already sent Him,
   [725] but I knew it not; He had sent Him, because He was now magnified,
   rising again from the dead, and ascending into heaven. For till then
   "the Holy Ghost was not yet given, because that Jesus was not yet
   glorified." [726] And the prophet cries out, How long will ye be slow
   of heart? How long will ye love vanity, and seek after leasing? Know
   this, that the Lord hath magnified His Holy One. He cries out, "How
   long?" He cries out, "Know this," and I, so long ignorant, "loved
   vanity, and sought after leasing." And therefore I heard and trembled,
   because these words were spoken unto such as I remembered that I myself
   had been. For in those phantasms which I once held for truths was there
   "vanity" and "leasing." And I spake many things loudly and earnestly,
   in the sorrow of my remembrance, which, would that they who yet "love
   vanity and seek after leasing" had heard! They would perchance have
   been troubled, and have vomited it forth, and Thou wouldest hear them
   when they cried unto Thee; [727] for by a true [728] death in the flesh
   He died for us, who now maketh intercession for us [729] with Thee.

   10. I read further, "Be ye angry, and sin not." [730] And how was I
   moved, O my God, who had now learned to "be angry" with myself for the
   things past, so that in the future I might not sin! Yea, to be justly
   angry; for that it was not another nature of the race of darkness [731]
   which sinned for me, as they affirm it to be who are not angry with
   themselves, and who treasure up to themselves wrath against the day of
   wrath, and of the revelation of Thy righteous judgment. [732] Nor were
   my good things [733] now without, nor were they sought after with eyes
   of flesh in that sun; [734] for they that would have joy from without
   easily sink into oblivion, and are wasted upon those things which are
   seen and temporal, and in their starving thoughts do lick their very
   shadows. Oh, if only they were wearied out with their fasting, and
   said, "Who will show us any good?" [735] And we would answer, and they
   hear, O Lord. The light of Thy countenance is lifted up upon us. [736]
   For we are not that Light, which lighteth every man, [737] but we are
   enlightened by Thee, that we, who were sometimes darkness, may be light
   in Thee. [738] Oh that they could behold the internal Eternal, [739]
   which having tasted I gnashed my teeth that I could not show It to
   them, while they brought me their heart in their eyes, roaming abroad
   from Thee, and said, "Who will show us any good?" But there, where I
   was angry with myself in my chamber, where I was inwardly pricked,
   where I had offered my "sacrifice," slaying my old man, and beginning
   the resolution of a new life, putting my trust in Thee, [740] --there
   hadst Thou begun to grow sweet unto me, and to "put gladness in my
   heart." [741] And I cried out as I read this outwardly, and felt it
   inwardly. Nor would I be increased [742] with worldly goods, wasting
   time and being wasted by time; whereas I possessed in Thy eternal
   simplicity other corn, and wine, and oil. [743]

   11. And with a loud cry from my heart, I called out in the following
   verse, "Oh, in peace!" and "the self-same!" [744] Oh, what said he, "I
   will lay me down and sleep!" [745] For who shall hinder us, when "shall
   be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swallowed up in
   victory?" [746] And Thou art in the highest degree "the self-same," who
   changest not; and in Thee is the rest which forgetteth all labour, for
   there is no other beside Thee, nor ought we to seek after those many
   other things which are not what Thou art; but Thou, Lord, only makest
   me to dwell in hope. [747] These things I read, and was inflamed; but
   discovered not what to do with those deaf and dead, of whom I had been
   a pestilent member,--a bitter and a blind declaimer against the
   writings be-honied with the honey of heaven and luminous with Thine own
   light; and I was consumed on account of the enemies of this Scripture.

   12. When shall I call to mind all that took place in those holidays?
   Yet neither have I forgotten, nor will I be silent about the severity
   of Thy scourge, and the amazing quickness of Thy mercy. [748] Thou
   didst at that time torture me with toothache; [749] and when it had
   become so exceeding great that I was not able to speak, it came into my
   heart to urge all my friends who were present to pray for me to Thee,
   the God of all manner of health. And I wrote it down on wax, [750] and
   gave it to them to read. Presently, as with submissive desire we bowed
   our knees, that pain departed. But what pain? Or how did it depart? I
   confess to being much afraid, my Lord my God, seeing that from my
   earliest years I had not experienced such pain. And Thy purposes were
   profoundly impressed upon me; and, rejoicing in faith, I praised Thy
   name. And that faith suffered me not to be at rest in regard to my past
   sins, which were not yet forgiven me by Thy baptism.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [712] As Christ went into the wilderness after His baptism (Matt. iv.
   1), and Paul into Arabia after his conversion (Gal. i. 17), so did
   Augustin here find in his retirement a preparation for his future work.
   He tells us of this time of his life (De Ordin. i. 6) that his habit
   was to spend the beginning or end, and often almost half the night, in
   watching and searching for truth, and says further (ibid. 29), that "he
   almost daily asked God with tears that his wounds might be healed, and
   often proved to himself that he was unworthy to be healed as soon as he
   wished."

   [713] These books are (Con. Acad. i. 4) his three disputations Against
   the Academics, his De Vita Beata, begun (ibid. 6) "Idibus Novembris die
   ejus natali;" and (Retract. i. 3) his two books De Ordine.

   [714] That is, his two books of Soliloquies. In his Retractations, i.
   4, sec 1, he tells us that in these books he held an argument,--me
   interrogans, mihique respondens, tanquam duo essemus, ratio et ego.

   [715] Several of these letters to Nebridius will be found in the two
   vols. of Letters in this series.

   [716] Luke iii. 5.

   [717] Ps. xxix. 5.

   [718] Reference may with advantage be made to Archbishop Trench's
   Hulsean Lectures (1845), who in his third lect., on "The Manifoldness
   of Scripture," adverts to this very passage, and shows in an
   interesting way how the Psalms have ever been to the saints of God, as
   Luther said, "a Bible in little," affording satisfaction to their needs
   in every kind of trial, emergency, and experience.

   [719] Ps. xix. 6.

   [720] Ps. iv. 1.

   [721] Ibid. ver. 23.

   [722] Eph. i. 20.

   [723] Luke xxiv. 49.

   [724] John xiv. 16, 17.

   [725] Acts ii. 1-4.

   [726] John vii. 39.

   [727] Ps. iv. 1.

   [728] See v. 16, note, above.

   [729] Rom. viii. 34.

   [730] Eph. iv. 26.

   [731] See iv. 26, note, above.

   [732] Rom. ii. 5.

   [733] Ps. iv. 6.

   [734] See v. 12, note, above.

   [735] Ps. iv. 6.

   [736] Ibid.

   [737] John i. 9.

   [738] Eph. v. 8.

   [739] Internum æternum, but some mss. read internum lumen æternum.

   [740] Ps. iv. 5.

   [741] Ps. iv. 7.

   [742] That is, lest they should distract him from the true riches. For,
   as he says in his exposition of the fourth Psalm, "Cum dedita
   temporalibus voluptatibus anima semper exardescit cupiditate, nec
   satiari potest." He knew that the prosperity of the soul (3 John 2)
   might be injuriously affected by the prosperity of the body; and
   disregarding the lower life (bios) and its "worldly goods," he pressed
   on to increase the treasure he had within,--the true life (zoe) which
   he had received from God. See also Enarr. in Ps. xxxviii. 6.

   [743] Ps. iv. 7.

   [744] Ibid. ver. 8, Vulg.

   [745] Ps. iv. 8; in his comment whereon, Augustin applies this passage
   as above.

   [746] 1 Cor. xv. 54.

   [747] Ps. iv. 9, Vulg.

   [748] Compare the beautiful Talmudical legend quoted by Jeremy Taylor
   (Works, viii. 397, Eden's ed.), that of the two archangels, Gabriel and
   Michael, Gabriel has two wings that he may "fly swiftly" (Dan. ix. 21)
   to bring the message of peace, while Michael has but one, that he may
   labour in his flight when he comes forth on his ministries of justice.

   [749] In his Soliloquies (see note, sec. 7, above), he refers in i. 21
   to this period. He there tells us that his pain was so great that it
   prevented his learning anything afresh, and only permitted him to
   revolve in his mind what he had already learnt. Compare De Quincey's
   description of the agonies he had to endure from tooth ache in his
   Confessions of an Opium Eater.

   [750] That is, on the waxen tablet used by the ancients. The iron
   stilus, or pencil, used for writing, was pointed at one end and
   flattened at the other--the flattened circular end being used to erase
   the writing by smoothing down the wax. Hence vertere stilum signifies
   to put out or correct. See sec. 19, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--At the Recommendation of Ambrose, He Reads the Prophecies
   of Isaiah, But Does Not Understand Them.

   13. The vintage vacation being ended, I gave the citizens of Milan
   notice that they might provide their scholars with another seller of
   words; because both of my election to serve Thee, and my inability, by
   reason of the difficulty of breathing and the pain in my chest, to
   continue the Professorship. And by letters I notified to Thy bishop,
   [751] the holy man Ambrose, my former errors and present resolutions,
   with a view to his advising me which of Thy books it was best for me to
   read, so that I might be readier and fitter for the reception of such
   great grace. He recommended Isaiah the Prophet; [752] I believe,
   because he foreshows more clearly than others the gospel, and the
   calling of the Gentiles. But I, not understanding the first portion of
   the book, and imagining the whole to be like it, laid it aside,
   intending to take it up hereafter, when better practised in our Lord's
   words.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [751] Antistiti.

   [752] In his De Civ. Dei, xviii. 29, he likewise alludes to the
   evangelical character of the writings of Isaiah.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--He is Baptized at Milan with Alypius and His Son
   Adeodatus. The Book "De Magistro."

   14. Thence, when the time had arrived at which I was to give in my
   name, [753] having left the country, we returned to Milan. Alypius also
   was pleased to be born again with me in Thee, being now clothed with
   the humility appropriate to Thy sacraments, and being so brave a tamer
   of the body, as with unusual fortitude to tread the frozen soil of
   Italy with his naked feet. We took into our company the boy Adeodatus,
   born of me carnally, of my sin. Well hadst Thou made him. He was barely
   fifteen years, yet in wit excelled many grave and learned men. [754] I
   confess unto Thee Thy gifts, O Lord my God, Creator of all, and of
   exceeding power to reform our deformities; for of me was there naught
   in that boy but the sin. For that we fostered him in Thy discipline,
   Thou inspiredst us, none other,--Thy gifts I confess unto Thee. There
   is a book of ours, which is entitled The Master. [755] It is a dialogue
   between him and me. Thou knowest that all things there put into the
   mouth of the person in argument with me were his thoughts in his
   sixteenth year. Many others more wonderful did I find in him. That
   talent was a source of awe to me. And who but Thou could be the worker
   of such marvels? Quickly didst Thou remove his life from the earth; and
   now I recall him to mind with a sense of security, in that I fear
   nothing for his childhood or youth, or for his whole self. We took him
   coeval with us in Thy grace, to be educated in Thy discipline; and we
   were baptized, [756] and solicitude about our past life left us. Nor
   was I satiated in those days with the wondrous sweetness of considering
   the depth of Thy counsels concerning the salvation of the human race.
   How greatly did I weep in Thy hymns and canticles, deeply moved by the
   voices of Thy sweet-speaking Church! The voices flowed into mine ears,
   and the truth was poured forth into my heart, whence the agitation of
   my piety overflowed, and my tears ran over, and blessed was I therein.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [753] "They were baptized at Easter, and gave up their names before the
   second Sunday in Lent, the rest of which they were to spend in fasting,
   humility, prayer, and being examined in the scrutinies (Tertull. Lib.
   de Bapt. c. 20). Therefore went they to Milan, that the bishop might
   see their preparation. Adjoining to the cathedrals were there certain
   lower houses for them to lodge and be exercised in, till the day of
   baptism" (Euseb. x. 4).--W. W. See also Bingham, x. 2, sec. 6; and
   above, note 4, p. 89; note 4, p. 118, and note 8, p. 118.

   [754] In his De Vita Beata, sec. 6, he makes a similar illusion to the
   genius of Adeodatus.

   [755] This book, in which he and his son are the interlocutors, will be
   found in vol. i. of the Benedictine edition, and is by the editors
   assumed to be written about A.D. 389. Augustin briefly gives its
   argument in his Retractations, i. 12. He says: "There it is disputed,
   sought, and discovered that there is no master who teaches man
   knowledge save God, as it is written in the gospel (Matt. xxiii. 10),
   One is your Master, even Christ.'"

   [756] He was baptized by Ambrose, and tradition says, as he came out of
   the water, they sang alternate verses of the Te Deum (ascribed by some
   to Ambrose), which, in the old offices of the English Church is called
   "The Song of Ambrose and Augustin." In his Con. Julian. Pelag. i. 10,
   he speaks of Ambrose as being one whose devoted labours and perils were
   known throughout the whole Roman world, and says: "In Christo enim Jesu
   per evangelium ipse me genuit, et eo Christi ministro lavacrum
   regenerationis accepti." See also the last sec. of his De Nupt. et
   Concup., and Ep. cxlvii. 23. In notes 3, p. 50, and 4, p. 89, will be
   found references to the usages of the early Church as to baptism.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--Of the Church Hymns Instituted at Milan; Of the Ambrosian
   Persecution Raised by Justina; And of the Discovery of the Bodies of
   Two Martyrs.

   15. Not long had the Church of Milan begun to employ this kind of
   consolation and exhortation, the brethren singing together with great
   earnestness of voice and heart. For it was about a year, or not much
   more, since Justina, the mother of the boy-Emperor Valentinian,
   persecuted [757] Thy servant Ambrose in the interest of her heresy, to
   which she had been seduced by the Arians. The pious people kept guard
   in the church, prepared to die with their bishop, Thy servant. There my
   mother, Thy handmaid, bearing a chief part of those cares and
   watchings, lived in prayer. We, still unmelted by the heat of Thy
   Spirit, were yet moved by the astonished and disturbed city. At this
   time it was instituted that, after the manner of the Eastern Church,
   hymns and psalms should be sung, lest the people should pine away in
   the tediousness of sorrow; which custom, retained from then till now,
   is imitated by many, yea, by almost all of Thy congregations throughout
   the rest of the world.

   16. Then didst Thou by a vision make known to Thy renowned bishop [758]
   the spot where lay the bodies of Gervasius and Protasius, the martyrs
   (whom Thou hadst in Thy secret storehouse preserved uncorrupted for so
   many years), whence Thou mightest at the fitting time produce them to
   repress the feminine but royal fury. For when they were revealed and
   dug up and with due honour transferred to the Ambrosian Basilica, not
   only they who were troubled with unclean spirits (the devils confessing
   themselves) were healed, but a certain man also, who had been blind
   [759] many years, a well-known citizen of that city, having asked and
   been told the reason of the people's tumultuous joy, rushed forth,
   asking his guide to lead him thither. Arrived there, he begged to be
   permitted to touch with his handkerchief the bier of Thy saints, whose
   death is precious in Thy sight. [760] When he had done this, and put it
   to his eyes, they were forthwith opened. Thence did the fame spread;
   thence did Thy praises burn,--shine; thence was the mind of that enemy,
   though not yet enlarged to the wholeness of believing, restrained from
   the fury of persecuting. Thanks be to Thee, O my God. Whence and
   whither hast Thou thus led my remembrance, that I should confess these
   things also unto Thee,--great, though I, forgetful, had passed them
   over? And yet then, when the "savour" of Thy "ointments" was so
   fragrant, did we not "run after Thee." [761] And so I did the more
   abundantly weep at the singing of Thy hymns, formerly panting for Thee,
   and at last breathing in Thee, as far as the air can play in this house
   of grass.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [757] The Bishop of Milan who preceded Ambrose was an Arian, and though
   Valentinian the First approved the choice of Ambrose as bishop,
   Justina, on his death, greatly troubled the Church. Ambrose
   subsequently had great influence over both Valentinian the Second and
   his brother Gratian. The persecution referred to above, says Pusey, was
   "to induce him to give up to the Arians a church,--the Portian Basilica
   without the walls; afterwards she asked for the new Basilica within the
   walls, which was larger." See Ambrose, Epp. 20-22; Serm. c. Auxentium
   de Basilicis Tradendis, pp. 852-880, ed. Bened.; cf. Tillemont, Hist.
   Eccl. St. Ambroise, art. 44-48, pp. 76-82. Valentinian was then at
   Milan. See next sec., the beginning of note.

   [758] Antistiti.

   [759] Augustin alludes to this, amongst other supposed miracles, in his
   De Civ. Dei, xxii. 8; and again in Serm. cclxxxvi. sec. 4, where he
   tells us that the man, after being cured, made a vow that he would for
   the remainder of his life serve in that Basilica where the bodies of
   the martyrs lay. St. Ambrose also examines the miracle at great length
   in one of his sermons. We have already referred in note 5, p. 69 to the
   origin of these false miracles in the early Church. Lecture vi. series
   2, of Blunt's Lectures on the Right Use of the Early Fathers, is
   devoted to an examination of the various passages in the Ante-Nicene
   Fathers where the continuance of miracles in the Church is either
   expressed or implied. The reader should also refer to the note on p.
   485 of vol. ii. of the City of God, in this series.

   [760] Ps. cxvi. 15.

   [761] Cant. i. 3, 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--Of the Conversion of Evodius, and the Death of His
   Mother When Returning with Him to Africa; And Whose Education He
   Tenderly Relates.

   17. Thou, who makest men to dwell of one mind in a house, [762] didst
   associate with us Evodius also, a young man of our city, who, when
   serving as an agent for Public Affairs, [763] was converted unto Thee
   and baptized prior to us; and relinquishing his secular service,
   prepared himself for Thine. We were together, [764] and together were
   we about to dwell with a holy purpose. We sought for some place where
   we might be most useful in our service to Thee, and were going back
   together to Africa. And when we were at the Tiberine Ostia my mother
   died. Much I omit, having much to hasten. Receive my confessions and
   thanksgivings, O my God, for innumerable things concerning which I am
   silent. But I will not omit aught that my soul has brought forth as to
   that Thy handmaid who brought me forth,--in her flesh, that I might be
   born to this temporal light, and in her heart, that I might be born to
   life eternal. [765] I will speak not of her gifts, but Thine in her;
   for she neither made herself nor educated herself. Thou createdst her,
   nor did her father nor her mother know what a being was to proceed from
   them. And it was the rod of Thy Christ, the discipline of Thine only
   Son, that trained her in Thy fear, in the house of one of Thy faithful
   ones, who was a sound member of Thy Church. Yet this good discipline
   did she not so much attribute to the diligence of her mother, as that
   of a certain decrepid maid-servant, who had carried about her father
   when an infant, as little ones are wont to be carried on the backs of
   elder girls. For which reason, and on account of her extreme age and
   very good character, was she much respected by the heads of that
   Christian house. Whence also was committed to her the care of her
   master's daughters, which she with diligence performed, and was earnest
   in restraining them when necessary, with a holy severity, and
   instructing them with a sober sagacity. For, excepting at the hours in
   which they were very temperately fed at their parents' table, she used
   not to permit them, though parched with thirst, to drink even water;
   thereby taking precautions against an evil custom, and adding the
   wholesome advice, "You drink water only because you have not control of
   wine; but when you have come to be married, and made mistresses of
   storeroom and cellar, you will despise water, but the habit of drinking
   will remain." By this method of instruction, and power of command, she
   restrained the longing of their tender age, and regulated the very
   thirst of the girls to such a becoming limit, as that what was not
   seemly they did not long for.

   18. And yet--as Thine handmaid related to me, her son--there had stolen
   upon her a love of wine. For when she, as being a sober maiden, was as
   usual bidden by her parents to draw wine from the cask, the vessel
   being held under the opening, before she poured the wine into the
   bottle, she would wet the tips of her lips with a little, for more than
   that her inclination refused. For this she did not from any craving for
   drink, but out of the overflowing buoyancy of her time of life, which
   bubbles up with sportiveness, and is, in youthful spirits, wont to be
   repressed by the gravity of elders. And so unto that little, adding
   daily littles (for "he that contemneth small things shall fall by
   little and little"), [766] she contracted such a habit as, to drink off
   eagerly her little cup nearly full of wine. Where, then, was the
   sagacious old woman with her earnest restraint? Could anything prevail
   against a secret disease if Thy medicine, O Lord, did not watch over
   us? Father, mother, and nurturers absent, Thou present, who hast
   created, who callest, who also by those who are set over us workest
   some good for the salvation of our souls, what didst Thou at that time,
   O my God? How didst Thou heal her? How didst Thou make her whole? Didst
   Thou not out of another woman's soul evoke a hard and bitter insult, as
   a surgeon's knife from Thy secret store, and with one thrust remove all
   that putrefaction? [767] For the maidservant who used to accompany her
   to the cellar, falling out, as it happens, with her little mistress,
   when she was alone with her, cast in her teeth this vice, with very
   bitter insult, calling her a "wine-bibber." Stung by this taunt, she
   perceived her foulness, and immediately condemned and renounced it.
   Even as friends by their flattery pervert, so do enemies by their
   taunts often correct us. Yet Thou renderest not unto them what Thou
   dost by them, but what was proposed by them. For she, being angry,
   desired to irritate her young mistress, not to cure her; and did it in
   secret, either because the time and place of the dispute found them
   thus, or perhaps lest she herself should be exposed to danger for
   disclosing it so late. But Thou, Lord, Governor of heavenly and earthly
   things, who convertest to Thy purposes the deepest torrents, and
   disposest the turbulent current of the ages, [768] healest one soul by
   the unsoundness of another; lest any man, when he remarks this, should
   attribute it unto his own power if another, whom he wishes to be
   reformed, is so through a word of his.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [762] Ps. lxviii. 6.

   [763] See viii. sec. 15, note, above.

   [764] We find from his Retractations (i. 7, sec. 1), that at this time
   he wrote his De Moribus Ecclesiæ Catholicæ and his De Moribus
   Manichæorum. He also wrote (ibid. 8, sec. I) his De Animæ Quantitate,
   and (ibid. 9, sec. I) his three books De Libero Arbitrio.

   [765] In his De Vita Beata and in his De Dono Persev. he attributes all
   that he was to his mother's tears and prayers.

   [766] Ecclus. xix. 1. Augustin frequently alludes to the subtle power
   of little things. As when he says,--illustrating (Serm. cclxxviii.) by
   the plagues of Egypt,--tiny insects, if they be numerous enough, will
   be as harmful as the bite of great beasts; and (Serm. lvi.) a hill of
   sand, though composed of tiny grains, will crush a man as surely as the
   same weight of lead. Little drops (Serm. lviii.) make the river, and
   little leaks sink the ship; wherefore, he urges, little things must not
   be despised. "Men have usually," says Sedgwick in his Anatomy of Secret
   Sins, "been first wading in lesser sins who are now swimming in great
   transgressions." It is in the little things of evil that temptation has
   its greatest strength. The snowflake is little and not to be accounted
   of, but from its multitudinous accumulation results the dread power of
   the avalanche. Satan often seems to act as it is said Pompey did, when
   he could not gain entrance to a city. He persuaded the citizens to
   admit a few of his weak and wounded soldiers, who, when they had become
   strong, opened the gates to his whole army. But if little things have
   such subtlety in temptation, they have likewise higher ministries. The
   Jews, in their Talmudical writings, have many parables illustrating how
   God by little things tries and proves men to see if they are fitted for
   greater things. They say, for example, that He tried David when keeping
   sheep in the wilderness, to see whether he would be worthy to rule over
   Israel, the sheep of his inheritance. See Ch. Schoettgen, Hor. Heb. et
   Talmud, i. 300.

   [767] "Animam oportet assiduis saliri tentationibus,' says St. Ambrose.
   Some errors and offences do rub salt upon a good man's integrity, that
   it may not putrefy with presumption."--Bishop Hacket's Sermons, p 210.

   [768] Not only is this true in private, but in public concerns. Even in
   the crucifixion of our Lord, the wicked rulers did (Acts. iv. 26) what
   God's hand and God's counsel had before determined to be done. Perhaps
   by reason of His infinite knowledge it is that God, who knows our
   thoughts long before (Ps. cxxxix. 2, 4), weaves man's self-willed
   purposes into the pattern which His inscrutable providence has before
   ordained. Or, to use Augustin's own words (De Civ. Dei, xxii. 2), "It
   is true that wicked men do many things contrary to God's will; but so
   great is His wisdom and power, that all things which seem adverse to
   His purpose do still tend towards those just and good ends and issues
   which He Himself has foreknown."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--He Describes the Praiseworthy Habits of His Mother; Her
   Kindness Towards Her Husband and Her Sons.

   19. Being thus modestly and soberly trained, and rather made subject by
   Thee to her parents, than by her parents to Thee, when she had arrived
   at a marriageable age, she was given to a husband whom she served as
   her lord. And she busied herself to gain him to Thee, preaching Thee
   unto him by her behaviour; by which Thou madest her fair, and
   reverently amiable, and admirable unto her husband. For she so bore the
   wronging of her bed as never to have any dissension with her husband on
   account of it. For she waited for Thy mercy upon him, that by believing
   in Thee he might become chaste. And besides this, as he was earnest in
   friendship, so was he violent in anger; but she had learned that an
   angry husband should not be resisted, neither in deed, nor even in
   word. But so soon as he was grown calm and tranquil, and she saw a
   fitting moment, she would give him a reason for her conduct, should he
   have been excited without cause. In short, while many matrons, whose
   husbands were more gentle, carried the marks of blows on their
   dishonoured faces, and would in private conversation blame the lives of
   their husbands, she would blame their tongues, monishing them gravely,
   as if in jest: "That from the hour they heard what are called the
   matrimonial tablets [769] read to them, they should think of them as
   instruments whereby they were made servants; so, being always mindful
   of their condition, they ought not to set themselves in opposition to
   their lords." And when they, knowing what a furious husband she
   endured, marvelled that it had never been reported, nor appeared by any
   indication, that Patricius had beaten his wife, or that there had been
   any domestic strife between them, even for a day, and asked her in
   confidence the reason of this, she taught them her rule, which I have
   mentioned above. They who observed it experienced the wisdom of it, and
   rejoiced; those who observed it not were kept in subjection, and
   suffered.

   20. Her mother-in-law, also, being at first prejudiced against her by
   the whisperings of evil-disposed servants, she so conquered by
   submission, persevering in it with patience and meekness, that she
   voluntarily disclosed to her son the tongues of the meddling servants,
   whereby the domestic peace between herself and her daughter-in-law had
   been agitated, begging him to punish them for it. When, therefore, he
   had--in conformity with his mother's wish, and with a view to the
   discipline of his family, and to ensure the future harmony of its
   members--corrected with stripes those discovered, according to the will
   of her who had discovered them, she promised a similar reward to any
   who, to please her, should say anything evil to her of her
   daughter-in-law. And, none now daring to do so, they lived together
   with a wonderful sweetness of mutual good-will.

   21. This great gift Thou bestowedst also, my God, my mercy, upon that
   good handmaid of Thine, out of whose womb Thou createdst me, even that,
   whenever she could, she showed herself such a peacemaker between any
   differing and discordant spirits, that when she had heard on both sides
   most bitter things, such as swelling and undigested discord is wont to
   give vent to, when the crudities of enmities are breathed out in bitter
   speeches to a present friend against an absent enemy, she would
   disclose nothing about the one unto the other, save what might avail to
   their reconcilement. A small good this might seem to me, did I not know
   to my sorrow countless persons, who, through some horrible and
   far-spreading infection of sin, not only disclose to enemies mutually
   enraged the things said in passion against each other, but add some
   things that were never spoken at all; whereas, to a generous man, it
   ought to seem a small thing not to incite or increase the enmities of
   men by ill-speaking, unless he endeavour likewise by kind words to
   extinguish them. Such a one was she,--Thou, her most intimate
   Instructor, teaching her in the school of her heart.

   22. Finally, her own husband, now towards the end of his earthly
   existence, did she gain over unto Thee; and she had not to complain of
   that in him, as one of the faithful, which, before he became so, she
   had endured. She was also the servant of Thy servants. Whosoever of
   them knew her, did in her much magnify, honour, and love Thee; for that
   through the testimony of the fruits of a holy conversation, they
   perceived Thee to be present in her heart. For she had "been the wife
   of one man," had requited her parents, had guided her house piously,
   was "well-reported of for good works," had "brought up children," [770]
   as often travailing in birth of them [771] as she saw them swerving
   from Thee. Lastly, to all of us, O Lord (since of Thy favour Thou
   sufferest Thy servants to speak), who, before her sleeping in Thee,
   [772] lived associated together, having received the grace of Thy
   baptism, did she devote, care such as she might if she had been mother
   of us all; served us as if she had been child of all.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [769] That is, not only from the time of actual marriage, but from the
   time of betrothal, when the contract was written upon tablets (see note
   10, p. 133), and signed by the contracting parties. The future wife was
   then called sponsa sperata or pacta. Augustin alludes to this above
   (vii. sec. 7), when he says, "It is also the custom that the affianced
   bride (pactæ sponsæ) should not immediately be given up, that the
   husband may not less esteem her whom, as betrothed, he longed not for"
   (non suspiraverit sponsus). It should be remembered, in reading this
   section, that women amongst the Romans were not confined after the
   Eastern fashion of the Greeks to separate apartments, but had charge of
   the domestic arrangements and the training of the children.

   [770] 1 Tim. v. 4, 9, 10, 14.

   [771] Gal. iv. 19.

   [772] 1 Thess. iv. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--A Conversation He Had with His Mother Concerning the
   Kingdom of Heaven.

   23. As the day now approached on which she was to depart this life
   (which day Thou knewest, we did not), it fell out--Thou, as I believe,
   by Thy secret ways arranging it--that she and I stood alone, leaning in
   a certain window, from which the garden of the house we occupied at
   Ostia could be seen; at which place, removed from the crowd, we were
   resting ourselves for the voyage, after the fatigues of a long journey.
   We then were conversing alone very pleasantly; and, "forgetting those
   things which are behind, and reaching forth unto those things which are
   before," [773] we were seeking between ourselves in the presence of the
   Truth, which Thou art, of what nature the eternal life of the saints
   would be, which eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath entered
   into the heart of man. [774] But yet we opened wide the mouth of our
   heart, after those supernal streams of Thy fountain, "the fountain of
   life," which is "with Thee;" [775] that being sprinkled with it
   according to our capacity, we might in some measure weigh so high a
   mystery.

   24. And when our conversation had arrived at that point, that the very
   highest pleasure of the carnal senses, and that in the very brightest
   material light, seemed by reason of the sweetness of that life not only
   not worthy of comparison, but not even of mention, we, lifting
   ourselves with a more ardent affection towards "the Selfsame," [776]
   did gradually pass through all corporeal things, and even the heaven
   itself, whence sun, and moon, and stars shine upon the earth; yea, we
   soared higher yet by inward musing, and discoursing, and admiring Thy
   works; and we came to our own minds, and went beyond them, that we
   might advance as high as that region of unfailing plenty, where Thou
   feedest Israel [777] for ever with the food of truth, and where life is
   that Wisdom by whom all these things are made, both which have been,
   and which are to come; and she is not made, but is as she hath been,
   and so shall ever be; yea, rather, to "have been," and "to be
   hereafter," are not in her, but only "to be," seeing she is eternal,
   for to "have been" and "to be hereafter" are not eternal. And while we
   were thus speaking, and straining after her, we slightly touched her
   with the whole effort of our heart; and we sighed, and there left bound
   "the first-fruits of the Spirit;" [778] and returned to the noise of
   our own mouth, where the word uttered has both beginning and end. And
   what is like unto Thy Word, our Lord, who remaineth in Himself without
   becoming old, and "maketh all things new"? [779]

   25. We were saying, then, If to any man the tumult of the flesh were
   silenced,--silenced the phantasies of earth, waters, and
   air,--silenced, too, the poles; yea, the very soul be silenced to
   herself, and go beyond herself by not thinking of herself,--silenced
   fancies and imaginary revelations, every tongue, and every sign, and
   whatsoever exists by passing away, since, if any could hearken, all
   these say, "We created not ourselves, but were created by Him who
   abideth for ever:" If, having uttered this, they now should be
   silenced, having only quickened our ears to Him who created them, and
   He alone speak not by them, but by Himself, that we may hear His word,
   not by fleshly tongue, nor angelic voice, nor sound of thunder, nor the
   obscurity of a similitude, but might hear Him--Him whom in these we
   love--without these, like as we two now strained ourselves, and with
   rapid thought touched on that Eternal Wisdom which remaineth over all.
   If this could be sustained, and other visions of a far different kind
   be withdrawn, and this one ravish, and absorb, and envelope its
   beholder amid these inward joys, so that his life might be eternally
   like that one moment of knowledge which we now sighed after, were not
   this "Enter thou into the joy of Thy Lord"? [780] And when shall that
   be? When we shall all rise again; but all shall not be changed. [781]

   26. Such things was I saying; and if not after this manner, and in
   these words, yet, Lord, Thou knowest, that in that day when we were
   talking thus, this world with all its delights grew contemptible to us,
   even while we spake. Then said my mother, "Son, for myself, I have no
   longer any pleasure in aught in this life. What I want here further,
   and why I am here, I know not, now that my hopes in this world are
   satisfied. There was indeed one thing for which I wished to tarry a
   little in this life, and that was that I might see thee a Catholic
   Christian before I died. [782] My God has exceeded this abundantly, so
   that I see thee despising all earthly felicity, made His servant,--what
   do I here?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   [773] Phil. iii. 13.

   [774] 1 Cor. ii. 9.; Isa. lxiv. 4.

   [775] Ps. xxxvi. 9.

   [776] Ps. iv. 8, Vulg.

   [777] Ps. lxxx. 5.

   [778] Rom. viii. 23.

   [779] Wisd. vii. 27.

   [780] Matt. xxv. 21.

   [781] 1 Cor. xv. 51, however, is, "we shall all be changed."

   [782] Dean Stanley (Canterbury Sermons, serm. 10) draws the following,
   amongst other lessons, from God's dealings with Augustin. "It is an
   example," he says, "like the conversion of St. Paul, of the fact that
   from time to time God calls His servants not by gradual, but by sudden
   changes. These conversions are, it is true, the exceptions and not the
   rule of Providence, but such examples as Augustin show us that we must
   acknowledge the truth of the exceptions when they do occur. It is also
   an instance how, even in such sudden conversions, previous good
   influences have their weight. The prayers of his mother, the silent
   influence of his friend, the high character of Ambrose, the preparation
   for Christian truth in the writings of heathen philosophers, were all
   laid up, as it were, waiting for the spark, and, when it came, the fire
   flashed at once through every corner of his soul."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--His Mother, Attacked by Fever, Dies at Ostia.

   27. What reply I made unto her to these things I do not well remember.
   However, scarcely five days after, or not much more, she was prostrated
   by fever; and while she was sick, she one day sank into a swoon, and
   was for a short time unconscious of visible things. We hurried up to
   her; but she soon regained her senses, and gazing on me and my brother
   as we stood by her, she said to us inquiringly, "Where was I?" Then
   looking intently at us stupefied with grief, "Here," saith she, "shall
   you bury your mother." I was silent, and refrained from weeping; but my
   brother said something, wishing her, as the happier lot, to die in her
   own country and not abroad. She, when she heard this, with anxious
   countenance arrested him with her eye, as savouring of such things, and
   then gazing at me, "Behold," saith she, "what he saith;" and soon after
   to us both she saith, "Lay this body anywhere, let not the care for it
   trouble you at all. This only I ask, that you will remember me at the
   Lord's altar, wherever you be." And when she had given forth this
   opinion in such words as she could, she was silent, being in pain with
   her increasing sickness.

   28. But, as I reflected on Thy gifts, O thou invisible God, which Thou
   instillest into the hearts of Thy faithful ones, whence such marvellous
   fruits do spring, I did rejoice and give thanks unto Thee, calling to
   mind what I knew before, how she had ever burned with anxiety
   respecting her burial-place, which she had provided and prepared for
   herself by the body of her husband. For as they had lived very
   peacefully together, her desire had also been (so little is the human
   mind capable of grasping things divine) that this should be added to
   that happiness, and be talked of among men, that after her wandering
   beyond the sea, it had been granted her that they both, so united on
   earth, should lie in the same grave. But when this uselessness had,
   through the bounty of Thy goodness, begun to be no longer in her heart,
   I knew not, and I was full of joy admiring what she had thus disclosed
   to me; though indeed in that our conversation in the window also, when
   she said, "What do I here any longer?" she appeared not to desire to
   die in her own country. I heard afterwards, too, that at the time we
   were at Ostia, with a maternal confidence she one day, when I was
   absent, was speaking with certain of my friends on the contemning of
   this life, and the blessing of death; and when they--amazed at the
   courage which Thou hadst given to her, a woman--asked her whether she
   did not dread leaving her body at such a distance from her own city,
   she replied, "Nothing is far to God; nor need I fear lest He should be
   ignorant at the end of the world of the place whence He is to raise me
   up." On the ninth day, then, of her sickness, the fifty-sixth year of
   her age, and the thirty-third of mine, was that religious and devout
   soul set free from the body.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--How He Mourned His Dead Mother.

   29. I closed her eyes; and there flowed a great sadness into my heart,
   and it was passing into tears, when mine eyes at the same time, by the
   violent control of my mind, sucked back the fountain dry, and woe was
   me in such a struggle! But, as soon as she breathed her last the boy
   Adeodatus burst out into wailing, but, being checked by us all, he
   became quiet. In like manner also my own childish feeling, which was,
   through the youthful voice of my heart, finding escape in tears, was
   restrained and silenced. For we did not consider it fitting to
   celebrate that funeral with tearful plaints and groanings; [783] for on
   such wise are they who die unhappy, or are altogether dead, wont to be
   mourned. But she neither died unhappy, nor did she altogether die. For
   of this were we assured by the witness of her good conversation, her
   "faith unfeigned," [784] and other sufficient grounds.

   3o. What, then, was that which did grievously pain me within, but the
   newly-made wound, from having that most sweet and dear habit of living
   together suddenly broken off? I was full of joy indeed in her
   testimony, when, in that her last illness, flattering my dutifulness,
   she called me "kind," and recalled, with great affection of love, that
   she had never heard any harsh or reproachful sound come out of my mouth
   against her. But yet, O my God, who madest us, how can the honour which
   I paid to her be compared with her slavery for me? As, then, I was left
   destitute of so great comfort in her, my soul was stricken, and that
   life torn apart as it were, which, of hers and mine together, had been
   made but one.

   31. The boy then being restrained from weeping, Evodius took up the
   Psalter, and began to sing--the whole house responding--the Psalm, "I
   will sing of mercy and judgment: unto Thee, O Lord." [785] But when
   they heard what we were doing, many brethren and religious women came
   together; and whilst they whose office it was were, according to
   custom, making ready for the funeral, I, in a part of the house where I
   conveniently could, together with those who thought that I ought not to
   be left alone, discoursed on what was suited to the occasion; and by
   this alleviation of truth mitigated the anguish known unto Thee--they
   being unconscious of it, listened intently, and thought me to be devoid
   of any sense of sorrow. But in Thine ears, where none of them heard,
   did I blame the softness of my feelings, and restrained the flow of my
   grief, which yielded a little unto me; but the paroxysm returned again,
   though not so as to burst forth into tears, nor to a change of
   countenance, though I knew what I repressed in my heart. And as I was
   exceedingly annoyed that these human things had such power over me,
   [786] which in the due order and destiny of our natural condition must
   of necessity come to pass, with a new sorrow I sorrowed for my sorrow,
   and was wasted by a twofold sadness.

   32. So, when the body was carried forth, we both went and returned
   without tears. For neither in those prayers which we poured forth unto
   Thee when the sacrifice of our redemption [787] was offered up unto
   Thee for her,--the dead body being now placed by the side of the grave,
   as the custom there is, prior to its being laid therein,--neither in
   their prayers did I shed tears; yet was I most grievously sad in secret
   all the day, and with a troubled mind entreated Thee, as I was able, to
   heal my sorrow, but Thou didst not; fixing, I believe, in my memory by
   this one lesson the power of the bonds of all habit, even upon a mind
   which now feeds not upon a fallacious word. It appeared to me also a
   good thing to go and bathe, I having heard that the bath [balneum] took
   its name from the Greek balaneion, because it drives trouble from the
   mind. Lo, this also I confess unto Thy mercy, "Father of the
   fatherless," [788] that I bathed, and felt the same as before I had
   done so. For the bitterness of my grief exuded not from my heart. Then
   I slept, and on awaking found my grief not a little mitigated; and as I
   lay alone upon my bed, there came into my mind those true verses of Thy
   Ambrose, for Thou art--

   "Deus creator omnium,

   Polique rector, vestiens

   Diem decora lumine,

   Noctem sopora gratia;

   Artus solutos ut quies

   Reddat laboris usui,

   Mentesque fessas allevet,

   Luctusque solvat anxios." [789]

   33. And then little by little did I bring back my former thoughts of
   Thine handmaid, her devout conversation towards Thee, her holy
   tenderness and attentiveness towards us, which was suddenly taken away
   from me; and it was pleasant to me to weep in Thy sight, for her and
   for me, concerning her and concerning myself. And I set free the tears
   which before I repressed, that they might flow at their will, spreading
   them beneath my heart; and it rested in them, for Thy ears were nigh
   me,--not those of man, who would have put a scornful interpretation on
   my weeping. But now in writing I confess it unto Thee, O Lord! Read it
   who will, and interpret how he will; and if he finds me to have sinned
   in weeping for my mother during so small a part of an hour,--that
   mother who was for a while dead to mine eyes, who had for many years
   wept for me, that I might live in Thine eyes,--let him not laugh at me,
   but rather, if he be a man of a noble charity, let him weep for my sins
   against Thee, the Father of all the brethren of Thy Christ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [783] For this would be to sorrow as those that have no hope.
   Chrysostom accordingly frequently rebukes the Roman custom of hiring
   persons to wail for the dead (see e.g. Hom. xxxii. in Matt.); and
   Augustin in Serm. 2 of his De Consol. Mor. makes the same objection,
   and also reproves those Christians who imitated the Romans in wearing
   black as the sign of mourning. But still (as in his own case on the
   death of his mother) he admits that there is a grief at the departure
   of friends that is both natural and seemly. In a beautiful passage in
   his De Civ. Dei (xix. 8), he says: "That he who will have none of this
   sadness must, if possible, have no friendly intercourse....Let him
   burst with ruthless insensibility the bonds of every human
   relationship;" and he continues: "Though the cure is effected all the
   more easily and rapidly the better condition the soul is in, we must
   not on this account suppose that there is nothing at all to heal." See
   p. 140, note 2, below.

   [784] 1 Tim. i. 5.

   [785] Ps. ci. 1. "I suppose they continued to the end of Psalm cii.
   This was the primitive fashion; Nazianzen says that his speechless
   sister Gorgonia's lips muttered the fourth Psalm: I will lie down in
   peace and sleep.' As St. Austen lay a dying, the company prayed
   (Possid.). That they had prayers between the departure and burial, see
   Tertull. De Anima, c. 51. They used to sing both at the departure and
   burial. Nazianzen, Orat. 10, says, the dead Cæsarius was carried from
   hymns to hymns. The priests were called to sing (Chrysost. Hom. 70, ad
   Antioch). They sang the 116th Psalm usually (see Chrysost. Hom. 4, in
   c. 2, ad Hebræos)."--W. W. See also note 13, p. 141, below.

   [786] In addition to the remarks quoted in note 1, see Augustin's
   recognition of the naturalness and necessity of exercising human
   affections, such as sorrow, in his De Civ. Dei, xiv. 9.

   [787] "Here my Popish translator says, that the sacrifice of the mass
   was offered for the dead. That the ancients had communion with their
   burials, I confess. But for what? (1) To testify their dying in the
   communion of the Church. (2) To give thanks for their departure. (3) To
   Pray God to give them place in His Paradise, (4) and a part in the
   first resurrection; but not as a propitiatory sacrifice to deliver them
   out of purgatory, which the mass is now only meant for."--W. W. See
   also note 13, p. 141.

   [788] Ps. lxviii. 5.

   [789] Rendered as follows in a translation of the first ten books of
   the Confessions, described on the title-page as "Printed by J. C., for
   John Crook, and are to be sold at the sign of the Ship,' in St. Paul's
   Churchyard. 1660":-- "O God, the world's great Architect, Who dost
   heaven's rowling orbs direct; Cloathing the day with beauteous light,
   And with sweet slumbers silent night; When wearied limbs new vigour
   gain From rest, new labours to sustain, When hearts oppressed do meet
   relief, And anxious minds forget their grief." See x. sec. 52, below,
   where this hymn is referred to.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--He Entreats God for Her Sins, and Admonishes His Readers
   to Remember Her Piously.

   34. But,--my heart being now healed of that wound, in so far as it
   could be convicted of a carnal [790] affection,--I pour out unto Thee,
   O our God, on behalf of that Thine handmaid, tears of a far different
   sort, even that which flows from a spirit broken by the thoughts of the
   dangers of every soul that dieth in Adam. And although she, having been
   "made alive" in Christ [791] even before she was freed from the flesh
   had so lived as to praise Thy name both by her faith and conversation,
   yet dare I not say [792] that from the time Thou didst regenerate her
   by baptism, no word went forth from her mouth against Thy precepts.
   [793] And it hath been declared by Thy Son, the Truth, that "Whosoever
   shall say to his brother, Thou fool, shall be in danger of hell fire."
   [794] And woe even unto the praiseworthy life of man, if, putting away
   mercy, Thou shouldest investigate it. But because Thou dost not
   narrowly inquire after sins, we hope with confidence to find some place
   of indulgence with Thee. But whosoever recounts his true merits [795]
   to Thee, what is it that he recounts to Thee but Thine own gifts? Oh,
   if men would know themselves to be men; and that "he that glorieth"
   would "glory in the Lord!" [796]

   35. I then, O my Praise and my Life, Thou God of my heart, putting
   aside for a little her good deeds, for which I joyfully give thanks to
   Thee, do now beseech Thee for the sins of my mother. Hearken unto me,
   through that Medicine of our wounds who hung upon the tree, and who,
   sitting at Thy right hand, "maketh intercession for us." [797] I know
   that she acted mercifully, and from the heart [798] forgave her debtors
   their debts; do Thou also forgive her debts, [799] whatever she
   contracted during so many years since the water of salvation. Forgive
   her, O Lord, forgive her, I beseech Thee; "enter not into judgment"
   with her. [800] Let Thy mercy be exalted above Thy justice, [801]
   because Thy words are true, and Thou hast promised mercy unto "the
   merciful;" [802] which Thou gavest them to be who wilt "have mercy" on
   whom Thou wilt "have mercy," and wilt "have compassion" on whom Thou
   hast had compassion. [803]

   36. And I believe Thou hast already done that which I ask Thee; but
   "accept the free-will offerings of my mouth, O Lord." [804] For she,
   when the day of her dissolution was near at hand, took no thought to
   have her body sumptuously covered, or embalmed with spices; nor did she
   covet a choice monument, or desire her paternal burial-place. These
   things she entrusted not to us, but only desired to have her name
   remembered at Thy altar, which she had served without the omission of a
   single day; [805] whence she knew that the holy sacrifice was
   dispensed, by which the handwriting that was against us is blotted out;
   [806] by which the enemy was triumphed over, [807] who, summing up our
   offences, and searching for something to bring against us, found
   nothing in Him [808] in whom we conquer. Who will restore to Him the
   innocent blood? Who will repay Him the price with which He bought us,
   so as to take us from Him? Unto the sacrament of which our ransom did
   Thy handmaid bind her soul by the bond of faith. Let none separate her
   from Thy protection. Let not the "lion" and the "dragon" [809]
   introduce himself by force or fraud. For she will not reply that she
   owes nothing, lest she be convicted and got the better of by the wily
   deceiver; but she will answer that her "sins are forgiven" [810] by Him
   to whom no one is able to repay that price which He, owing nothing,
   laid down for us.

   37. May she therefore rest in peace with her husband, before or after
   whom she married none; whom she obeyed, with patience bringing forth
   fruit [811] unto Thee, that she might gain him also for Thee. And
   inspire, O my Lord my God, inspire Thy servants my brethren, Thy sons
   my masters, who with voice and heart and writings I serve, that so many
   of them as shall read these confessions may at Thy altar remember
   Monica, Thy handmaid, together with Patricius, her sometime husband, by
   whose flesh Thou introducedst me into this life, in what manner I know
   not. May they with pious affection be mindful of my parents in this
   transitory light, of my brethren that are under Thee our Father in our
   Catholic mother, and of my fellow-citizens in the eternal Jerusalem,
   which the wandering of Thy people sigheth for from their departure
   until their return. That so my mother's last entreaty to me may,
   through my confessions more than through my prayers, be more abundantly
   fulfilled to her through the prayers of many. [812]

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [790] Rom. viii. 7.

   [791] 1 Cor. xv. 22. The universalists of every age have interpreted
   the word "all" here so as to make salvation by Christ Jesus extend to
   every child of Adam. If their interpretation were true, Monica's spirit
   need not have been troubled at the thought of the danger of
   unregenerate souls. But Augustin in his De Civ. Dei, xiii. 23, gives
   the import of the word: "Not that all who die in Adam shall be members
   of Christ--for the great majority shall be punished in eternal
   death,--but he uses the word all' in both clauses because, as no one
   dies in an animal body except in Adam, so no one is quickened a
   spiritual body save in Christ." See x. sec. 68, note 1, below.

   [792] For to have done so would have been to go perilously near to the
   heresy of the Pelagians, who laid claim to the possibility of attaining
   perfection in this life by the power of free-will, and without the
   assistance of divine grace; and went even so far, he tells us (Ep.
   clxxvi. 2), as to say that those who had so attained need not utter the
   petition for forgiveness in the Lord's Prayer,--ut ei non sit jam
   necessarium dicere "Dimitte nobis debita nostra." Those in our own day
   who enunciate perfectionist theories,-- though, it is true, not denying
   the grace of God as did these,--may well ponder Augustin's forcible
   words in his De Pecc. Mer. et Rem. iii. 13: "Optandum est ut fiat,
   conandum est ut fiat, supplicandum est ut fiat; non tamen quasi factum
   fuerit, confitendum." We are indeed commanded to be perfect (Matt. v.
   48); and the philosophy underlying the command is embalmed in the words
   of the proverb, "Aim high, and you will strike high." But he who lives
   nearest to God will have the humility of heart which will make him
   ready to confess that in His sight he is a "miserable sinner." Some
   interesting remarks on this subject will be found in Augustin's De Civ.
   Dei, xiv. 9, on the text, "If we say we have no sin," etc. (1 John i.
   8.) On sins after baptism, see note on next section.

   [793] Matt. xii. 36.

   [794] Matt. v. 22.

   [795] There is a passage parallel to this in his Ep. to Sextus (cxciv.
   19). "Merits" therefore would appear to be used simply in the sense of
   good actions. Compare sec. 17, above, xiii. sec. 1, below, and Ep. cv.
   That righteousness is not by merit, appears from Ep. cxciv.; Ep.
   clxxvii., to Innocent; and Serm.ccxciii.

   [796] 2 Cor. x. 17.

   [797] Rom. viii. 34.

   [798] Matt. xviii. 35.

   [799] Matt. vi. 12. Augustin here as elsewhere applies this petition in
   the Lord's Prayer to the forgiveness of sins after baptism. He does so
   constantly. For example, in his Ep. cclxv. he says: "We do not ask for
   those to be forgiven which we doubt not were forgiven in baptism; but
   those which, though small, are frequent, and spring from the frailty of
   human nature." Again, in his Con Ep. Parmen. ii. 10, after using almost
   the same words, he points out that it is a prayer against daily sins;
   and in his De Civ. Dei, xxi. 27, where he examines the passage in
   relation to various erroneous beliefs, he says it "was a daily prayer
   He [Christ] was teaching, and it was certainly to disciples already
   justified He was speaking. What, then, does He mean by your sins'
   (Matt. vi. 14), but those sins from which not even you who are
   justified and sanctified can be free?" See note on the previous
   section; and also for the feeling in the early Church as to sins after
   baptism, the note on i. sec. 17, above.

   [800] Ps. cxliii. 2.

   [801] Jas. ii. 13.

   [802] Matt. v. 7.

   [803] Rom. ix. 15.

   [804] Ps. cxix. 108.

   [805] See v. sec. 17, above.

   [806] Col. ii. 14.

   [807] See his De Trin. xiii. 18, the passage beginning, "What then is
   the righteousness by which the devil was conquered?"

   [808] John xiv. 30.

   [809] Ps. xci. 13.

   [810] Matt. ix. 2.

   [811] Luke viii. 15.

   [812] The origin of prayers for the dead dates back probably to the
   close of the second century. In note 1, p. 90, we have quoted from
   Tertullian's De Corona Militis, where he says "Oblationes pro defunctis
   pro natalitiis annua die facimus." In his De Monogamia, he speaks of a
   widow praying for her departed husband, that "he might have rest, and
   be a partaker in the first resurrection." From this time a catena of
   quotations from the Fathers might be given, if space permitted, showing
   how, beginning with early expressions of hope for the dead, there, in
   process of time, arose prayers even for the unregenerate, until at last
   there was developed purgatory on the one side, and creature-worship on
   the other. That Augustin did not entertain the idea of creature-worship
   will be seen from his Ep. to Maximus, xvii. 5. In his De Dulcit. Quæst.
   2 (where he discusses the whole question), he concludes that prayer
   must not be made for all, because all have not led the same life in the
   flesh. Still, in his Enarr. in Ps. cviii. 17, he argues from the case
   of the rich man in the parable, that the departed do certainly "have a
   care for us." Aërius, towards the close of the fourth century, objected
   to prayers for the dead, chiefly on the ground (see Usher's Answer to a
   Jesuit, iii. 258) of their uselessness. In the Church of England, as
   will be seen by reference to Keeling's Liturgicæ Britannicæ, pp. 210,
   335, 339, and 341, prayers for the dead were eliminated from the second
   Prayer Book; and to the prudence of this step Palmer bears testimony in
   his Origines Liturgicæ, iv. 10, justifying it on the ground that the
   retaining of these prayers implied a belief in her holding the doctrine
   of purgatory. Reference may be made to Epiphanius, Adv. Hær. 75; Bishop
   Bull, Sermon 3; and Bingham, xv. 3, secs. 15, 16, and xxiii. 3, sec.
   13.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book X.

   ------------------------

   Having manifested what he was and what he is, he shows the great fruit
   of his confession; and being about to examine by what method God and
   the happy life may be found, he enlarges on the nature and power of
   memory. Then he examines his own acts, thoughts and affections, viewed
   under the threefold division of temptation; and commemorates the Lord,
   the one mediator of God and men.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--In God Alone is the Hope and Joy of Man.

   1. Let me know Thee, O Thou who knowest me; let me know Thee, as I am
   known. [813] O Thou strength of my soul, enter into it, and prepare it
   for Thyself, that Thou mayest have and hold it without "spot or
   wrinkle." [814] This is my hope, "therefore have I spoken;" [815] and
   in this hope do I rejoice, when I rejoice soberly. Other things of this
   life ought the less to be sorrowed for, the more they are sorrowed for;
   and ought the more to be sorrowed for, the less men do sorrow for them.
   For behold, "Thou desirest truth," [816] seeing that he who does it
   "cometh to the light." [817] This wish I to do in confession in my
   heart before Thee, and in my writing before many witnesses.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [813] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [814] Eph. v. 27.

   [815] Ps. cxvi. 10.

   [816] Ps. 1i. 6.

   [817] John iii. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--That All Things are Manifest to God. That Confession Unto
   Him is Not Made by the Words of the Flesh, But of the Soul, and the Cry
   of Reflection.

   2. And from Thee, O Lord, unto whose eyes the depths of man's
   conscience are naked, [818] what in me could be hidden though I were
   unwilling to confess to Thee? For so should I hide Thee from myself,
   not myself from Thee. But now, because my groaning witnesseth that I am
   dissatisfied with myself, Thou shinest forth, and satisfiest, and art
   beloved and desired; that I may blush for myself, and renounce myself,
   and choose Thee, and may neither please Thee nor myself, except in
   Thee. To Thee, then, O Lord, am I manifest, whatever I am, and with
   what fruit I may confess unto Thee I have spoken. Nor do I it with
   words and sounds of the flesh, but with the words of the soul, and that
   cry of reflection which Thine ear knoweth. For when I am wicked, to
   confess to Thee is naught but to be dissatisfied with myself; but when
   I am truly devout, it is naught but not to attribute it to myself,
   because Thou, O Lord, dost "bless the righteous;" [819] but first Thou
   justifiest him "ungodly." [820] My confession, therefore, O my God, in
   Thy sight, is made unto Thee silently, and yet not silently. For in
   noise it is silent, in affection it cries aloud. For neither do I give
   utterance to anything that is right unto men which Thou hast not heard
   from me before, nor dost Thou hear anything of the kind from me which
   Thyself saidst not first unto me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [818] Heb. iv. 13.

   [819] Ps. v. 12.

   [820] Rom. iv. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--He Who Confesseth Rightly Unto God Best Knoweth Himself.

   3. What then have I to do with men, that they should hear my
   confessions, as if they were going to cure all my diseases? [821] A
   people curious to know the lives of others, but slow to correct their
   own. Why do they desire to hear from me what I am, who are unwilling to
   hear from Thee what they are? And how can they tell, when they hear
   from me of myself, whether I speak the truth, seeing that no man
   knoweth what is in man, "save the spirit of man which is in him "?
   [822] But if they hear from Thee aught concerning themselves, they will
   not be able to say, "The Lord lieth." For what is it to hear from Thee
   of themselves, but to know themselves? And who is he that knoweth
   himself and saith, "It is false," unless he himself lieth? But because
   "charity believeth all things" [823] (amongst those at all events whom
   by union with itself it maketh one), I too, O Lord, also so confess
   unto Thee that men may hear, to whom I cannot prove whether I confess
   the truth, yet do they believe me whose ears charity openeth unto me.

   4. But yet do Thou, my most secret Physician, make clear to me what
   fruit I may reap by doing it. For the confessions of my past
   sins,--which Thou hast "forgiven" and "covered," [824] that Thou
   mightest make me happy in Thee, changing my soul by faith and Thy
   sacrament,--when they are read and heard, stir up the heart, that it
   sleep not in despair and say, "I cannot;" but that it may awake in the
   love of Thy mercy and the sweetness of Thy grace, by which he that is
   weak is strong, [825] if by it he is made conscious of his own
   weakness. As for the good, they take delight in hearing of the past
   errors of such as are now freed from them; and they delight, not
   because they are errors, but because they have been and are so no
   longer. For what fruit, then, O Lord my God, to whom my conscience
   maketh her daily confession, more confident in the hope of Thy mercy
   than in her own innocency,--for what fruit, I beseech Thee, do I
   confess even to men in Thy presence by this book what I am at this
   time, not what I have been? For that fruit I have both seen and spoken
   of, but what I am at this time, at the very moment of making my
   confessions, divers people desire to know, both who knew me and who
   knew me not,--who have heard of or from me,--but their ear is not at my
   heart, where I am whatsoever I am. They are desirous, then, of hearing
   me confess what I am within, where they can neither stretch eye, nor
   ear, nor mind; they desire it as those willing to believe,--but will
   they understand? For charity, by which they are good, says unto them
   that I do not lie in my confessions, and she in them believes me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [821] Ps. ciii. 3.

   [822] 1 Cor. ii. 11.

   [823] 1 Cor. xiii. 7.

   [824] Ps. xxxii. 1.

   [825] 2 Cor. xii. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--That in His Confessions He May Do Good, He Considers
   Others.

   5. But for what fruit do they desire this? Do they wish me happiness
   when they learn how near, by Thy gift, I come unto Thee; and to pray
   for me, when they learn how much I am kept back by my own weight? To
   such will I declare myself. For it is no small fruit, O Lord my God,
   that by many thanks should be given to Thee on our behalf, [826] and
   that by many Thou shouldest be entreated for us. Let the fraternal soul
   love that in me which Thou teachest should be loved, and lament that in
   me which Thou teachest should be lamented. Let a fraternal and not an
   alien soul do this, nor that "of strange children, whose mouth speaketh
   vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falsehood," [827] but
   that fraternal one which, when it approves me, rejoices for me, but
   when it disapproves me, is sorry for me; because whether it approves or
   disapproves it loves me. To such will I declare myself; let them
   breathe freely at my good deeds, and sigh over my evil ones. My good
   deeds are Thy institutions and Thy gifts, my evil ones are my
   delinquencies and Thy judgments. [828] Let them breathe freely at the
   one, and sigh over the other; and let hymns and tears ascend into Thy
   sight out of the fraternal hearts--Thy censers. [829] And do Thou, O
   Lord, who takest delight in the incense of Thy holy temple, have mercy
   upon me according to Thy great mercy, [830] "for Thy name's sake;"
   [831] and on no account leaving what Thou hast begun in me, do Thou
   complete what is imperfect in me.

   6. This is the fruit of my confessions, not of what I was, but of what
   I am, that I may confess this not before Thee only, in a secret
   exultation with trembling, [832] and a secret sorrow with hope, but in
   the ears also of the believing sons of men,--partakers of my joy, and
   sharers of my mortality, my fellow-citizens and the companions of my
   pilgrimage, those who are gone before, and those that are to follow
   after, and the comrades of my way. These are Thy servants, my brethren,
   those whom Thou wishest to be Thy sons; my masters, whom Thou hast
   commanded me to serve, if I desire to live with and of Thee. But this
   Thy word were little to me did it command in speaking, without going
   before in acting. This then do I both in deed and word, this I do under
   Thy wings, in too great danger, were it not that my soul, under Thy
   wings, is subject unto Thee, and my weakness known unto Thee. I am a
   little one, but my Father liveth for ever, and my Defender is
   "sufficient" [833] for me. For He is the same who begat me and who
   defends me; and Thou Thyself art all my good; even Thou, the
   Omnipotent, who art with me, and that before I am with Thee. To such,
   therefore, whom Thou commandest me to serve will I declare, not what I
   was, but what I now am, and what I still am. But neither do I judge
   myself. [834] Thus then I would be heard.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [826] 2 Cor. i. 11.

   [827] Ps. cxliv. 11.

   [828] In note 9, p. 79, we have seen how God makes man's sin its own
   punishment. Reference may also be made to Augustin's Con. Advers. Leg.
   et Proph. i. 14, where he argues that "the punishment of a man's
   disobedience is found in himself, when he in his turn cannot get
   obedience even from himself." And again, in his De Lib. Arb. v. 18, he
   says, God punishes by taking from him that which he does not use well,
   "et qui recte facere cum possit noluit amittat posse cum velit." See
   also Serm. clxxi. 4, and Ep. cliii.

   [829] Rev. viii. 3.

   [830] Ps. li. l.

   [831] Ps. xxv. 11.

   [832] Ps. ii. 11.

   [833] 2 Cor. xii. 9.

   [834] 1 Cor. iv. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--That Man Knoweth Not Himself Wholly.

   7. For it is Thou, Lord, that judgest me; [835] for although no "man
   knoweth the things of a man, save the spirit of man which is in him,"
   [836] yet is there something of man which "the spirit of man which is
   in him" itself knoweth not. But Thou, Lord, who hast made him, knowest
   him wholly. I indeed, though in Thy sight I despise myself, and reckon
   "myself but dust and ashes," [837] yet know something concerning Thee,
   which I know not concerning myself. And assuredly "now we see through a
   glass darkly," not yet "face to face." [838] So long, therefore, as I
   be "absent" from Thee, I am more "present" with myself than with Thee;
   [839] and yet know I that Thou canst not suffer violence; [840] but for
   myself I know not what temptations I am able to resist, and what I am
   not able. [841] But there is hope, because Thou art faithful, who wilt
   not suffer us to be tempted above that we are able, but wilt with the
   temptation also make a way to escape, that we may be able to bear it.
   [842] I would therefore confess what I know concerning myself; I will
   confess also what I know not concerning myself. And because what I do
   know of myself, I know by Thee enlightening me; and what I know not of
   myself, so long I know not until the time when my "darkness be as the
   noonday" [843] in Thy sight.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [835] 1 Cor. iv. 4.

   [836] 1 Cor. ii. 11.

   [837] Gen. xviii. 27.

   [838] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [839] 2 Cor. v. 6.

   [840] See Nebridius' argument against the Manichæans, as to God's not
   being violable, in vii. sec. 3, above, and the note thereon.

   [841] See his Enarr. in Ps. lv. 8 and xciii. 19, where he beautifully
   describes how the winds and waves of temptation will be stilled if
   Christ be present in the ship. See also Serm. lxiii.; and Eps. cxxx.
   22, and clxxvii. 4.

   [842] 1 Cor. x. 13.

   [843] Isa. lviii. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--The Love of God, in His Nature Superior to All Creatures,
   is Acquired by the Knowledge of the Senses and the Exercise of Reason.

   8. Not with uncertain, but with assured consciousness do I love Thee, O
   Lord. Thou hast stricken my heart with Thy word, and I loved Thee. And
   also the heaven, and earth, and all that is therein, behold, on every
   side they say that I should love Thee; nor do they cease to speak unto
   all, "so that they are without excuse." [844] But more profoundly wilt
   Thou have mercy on whom Thou wilt have mercy, and compassion on whom
   Thou wilt have compassion, [845] otherwise do both heaven and earth
   tell forth Thy praises to deaf ears. But what is it that I love in
   loving Thee? Not corporeal beauty, nor the splendour of time, nor the
   radiance of the light, so pleasant to our eyes, nor the sweet melodies
   of songs of all kinds, nor the fragrant smell of flowers, and
   ointments, and spices, not manna and honey, not limbs pleasant to the
   embracements of flesh. I love not these things when I love my God; and
   yet I love a certain kind of light, and sound, and fragrance, and food,
   and embracement in loving my God, who is the light, sound, fragrance,
   food, and embracement of my inner man--where that light shineth unto my
   soul which no place can contain, where that soundeth which time
   snatcheth not away, where there is a fragrance which no breeze
   disperseth, where there is a food which no eating can diminish, and
   where that clingeth which no satiety can sunder. This is what I love,
   when I love my God.

   9. And what is this? I asked the earth; and it answered, "I am not He;"
   and whatsoever are therein made the same confession. I asked the sea
   and the deeps, and the creeping things that lived, and they replied,
   "We are not thy God, seek higher than we." I asked the breezy air, and
   the universal air with its inhabitants answered, "Anaximenes [846] was
   deceived, I am not God." I asked the heavens, the sun, moon, and stars:
   "Neither," say they, "are we the God whom thou seekest." And I answered
   unto all these things which stand about the door of my flesh, "Ye have
   told me concerning my God, that ye are not He; tell me something about
   Him." And with a loud voice they exclaimed, "He made us." My
   questioning was my observing of them; and their beauty was their reply.
   [847] And I directed my thoughts to myself, and said, "Who art thou?"
   And I answered, "A man." And lo, in me there appear both body and soul,
   the one without, the other within. By which of these should I seek my
   God, whom I had sought through the body from earth to heaven, as far as
   I was able to send messengers--the beams of mine eyes? But the better
   part is that which is inner; for to it, as both president and judge,
   did all these my corporeal messengers render the answers of heaven and
   earth and all things therein, who said, "We are not God, but He made
   us." These things was my inner man cognizant of by the ministry of the
   outer; I, the inner man, knew all this--I, the soul, through the senses
   of my body. I asked the vast bulk of the earth of my God, and it
   answered me, "I am not He, but He made me."

   10. Is not this beauty visible to all whose senses are unimpaired? Why
   then doth it not speak the same things unto all? Animals, the very
   small and the great, see it, but they are unable to question it,
   because their senses are not endowed with reason to enable them to
   judge on what they report. But men can question it, so that "the
   invisible things of Him . . . are clearly seen, being understood by the
   things that are made;" [848] but by loving them, they are brought into
   subjection to them; and subjects are not able to judge. Neither do the
   creatures reply to such as question them, unless they can judge; nor
   will they alter their voice (that is, their beauty), [849] if so be one
   man only sees, another both sees and questions, so as to appear one way
   to this man, and another to that; but appearing the same way to both,
   it is mute to this, it speaks to that--yea, verily, it speaks unto all
   but they only understand it who compare that voice received from
   without with the truth within. For the truth declareth unto me,
   "Neither heaven, nor earth, nor any body is thy God." This, their
   nature declareth unto him that beholdeth them. "They are a mass; a mass
   is less in part than in the whole." Now, O my soul, thou art my better
   part, unto thee I speak; for thou animatest the mass of thy body,
   giving it life, which no body furnishes to a body but thy God is even
   unto thee the Life of life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [844] Rom. i. 20.

   [845] Rom. ix. 15.

   [846] Anaximenes of Miletus was born about 520 B.C. According to his
   philosophy the air was animate, and from it, as from a first principle,
   all things in heaven, earth, and sea sprung, first by condensation
   (puknosis), and after that by a process of rarefaction (araiosis). See
   Ep. cxviii. 23; and Aristotle, Phys. iii. 4. Compare this theory and
   that of Epicurus (p. 100, above) with those of modern physicists; and
   see thereon The Unseen Universe, arts. 85, etc., and 117, etc.

   [847] In Ps. cxliv. 13, the earth he describes as "dumb," but as
   speaking to us while we meditate upon its beauty--Ipsa inquisitio
   interrogatio est.

   [848] Rom. i. 20.

   [849] See note 2 to previous section.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--That God is to Be Found Neither from the Powers of the
   Body Nor of the Soul.

   11. What then is it that I love when I love my God? Who is He that is
   above the head of my soul? By my soul itself will I mount up unto Him.
   I will soar beyond that power of mine whereby I cling to the body, and
   fill the whole structure of it with life. Not by that power do I find
   my God; for then the horse and the mule, "which have no understanding,"
   [850] might find Him, since it is the same power by which their bodies
   also live. But there is another power, not that only by which I
   quicken, but that also by which I endow with sense my flesh, which the
   Lord hath made for me; bidding the eye not to hear, and the ear not to
   see; but that, for me to see by, and this, for me to hear by; and to
   each of the other senses its own proper seat and office, which being
   different, I, the single mind, do through them govern. I will soar also
   beyond this power of mine; for this the horse and mule possess, for
   they too discern through the body.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [850] Ps. xxxii. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.----Of the Nature and the Amazing Power of Memory.

   12. I will soar, then, beyond this power of my nature also, ascending
   by degrees unto Him who made me. And I enter the fields and roomy
   chambers of memory, where are the treasures of countless images,
   imported into it from all manner of things by the senses. There is
   treasured up whatsoever likewise we think, either by enlarging or
   diminishing, or by varying in any way whatever those things which the
   sense hath arrived at; yea, and whatever else hath been entrusted to it
   and stored up, which oblivion hath not yet engulfed and buried. When I
   am in this storehouse, I demand that what I wish should be brought
   forth, and some things immediately appear; others require to be longer
   sought after, and are dragged, as it were, out of some hidden
   receptacle; others, again, hurry forth in crowds, and while another
   thing is sought and inquired for, they leap into view, as if to say,
   "Is it not we, perchance?" These I drive away with the hand of my heart
   from before the face of my remembrance, until what I wish be discovered
   making its appearance out of its secret cell. Other things suggest
   themselves without effort, and in continuous order, just as they are
   called for,--those in front giving place to those that follow, and in
   giving place are treasured up again to be forthcoming when I wish it.
   All of which takes place when I repeat a thing from memory.

   13. All these things, each of which entered by its own avenue, are
   distinctly and under general heads there laid up: as, for example,
   light, and all colours and forms of bodies, by the eyes; sounds of all
   kinds by the ears; all smells by the passage of the nostrils; all
   flavours by that of the mouth; and by the sensation of the whole body
   is brought in what is hard or soft, hot or cold, smooth or rough, heavy
   or light, whether external or internal to the body. All these doth that
   great receptacle of memory, with its many and indescribable
   departments, receive, to be recalled and brought forth when required;
   each, entering by its own door, is hid up in it. And yet the things
   themselves do not enter it, but only the images of the things perceived
   are there ready at hand for thought to recall. And who can tell how
   these images are formed, notwithstanding that it is evident by which of
   the senses each has been fetched in and treasured up? For even while I
   live in darkness and silence, I can bring out colours in memory if I
   wish, and discern between black and white, and what others I wish; nor
   yet do sounds break in and disturb what is drawn in by mine eyes, and
   which I am considering, seeing that they also are there, and are
   concealed, laid up, as it were, apart. For these too I can summon if I
   please, and immediately they appear. And though my tongue be at rest,
   and my throat silent, yet can I sing as much as I will; and those
   images of colours, which notwithstanding are there, do not interpose
   themselves and interrupt when another treasure is under consideration
   which flowed in through the ears. So the remaining things carried in
   and heaped up by the other senses, I recall at my pleasure. And I
   discern the scent of lilies from that of violets while smelling
   nothing; and I prefer honey to grape-syrup, a smooth thing to a rough,
   though then I neither taste nor handle, but only remember.

   14. These things do I within, in that vast chamber of my memory. For
   there are nigh me heaven, earth, sea, and whatever I can think upon in
   them, besides those which I have forgotten. There also do I meet with
   myself, and recall myself,--what, when, or where I did a thing, and how
   I was affected when I did it. There are all which I remember, either by
   personal experience or on the faith of others. Out of the same supply
   do I myself with the past construct now this, now that likeness of
   things, which either I have experienced, or, from having experienced,
   have believed; and thence again future actions, events, and hopes, and
   upon all these again do I meditate as if they were present. "I will do
   this or that," say I to myself in that vast womb of my mind, filled
   with the images of things so many and so great, "and this or that shall
   follow upon it." "Oh that this or that might come to pass!" "God avert
   this or that!" Thus speak I to myself; and when I speak, the images of
   all I speak about are present, out of the same treasury of memory; nor
   could I say anything at all about them were the images absent.

   15. Great is this power of memory, exceeding great, O my God,--an inner
   chamber large and boundless! Who has plumbed the depths thereof? Yet it
   is a power of mine, and appertains unto my nature; nor do I myself
   grasp all that I am. Therefore is the mind too narrow to contain
   itself. And where should that be which it doth not contain of itself?
   Is it outside and not in itself? How is it, then, that it doth not
   grasp itself? A great admiration rises upon me; astonishment seizes me.
   And men go forth to wonder at the heights of mountains, the huge waves
   of the sea, the broad flow of the rivers, the extent of the ocean, and
   the courses of the stars, and omit to wonder at themselves; nor do they
   marvel that when I spoke of all these things, I was not looking on them
   with my eyes, and yet could not speak of them unless those mountains,
   and waves, and rivers, and stars which I saw, and that ocean which I
   believe in, I saw inwardly in my memory, and with the same vast spaces
   between as when I saw them abroad. But I did not by seeing appropriate
   them when I looked on them with my eyes; nor are the things themselves
   with me, but their images. And I knew by what corporeal sense each made
   impression on me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--Not Only Things, But Also Literature and Images, are Taken
   from the Memory, and are Brought Forth by the Act of Remembering.

   16. And yet are not these all that the illimitable capacity of my
   memory retains. Here also is all that is apprehended of the liberal
   sciences, and not yet forgotten--removed as it were into an inner
   place, which is not a place; nor are they the images which are
   retained, but the things themselves. For what is literature, what skill
   in disputation, whatsoever I know of all the many kinds of questions
   there are, is so in my memory, as that I have not taken in the image
   and left the thing without, or that it should have sounded and passed
   away like a voice imprinted on the ear by that trace, whereby it might
   be recorded, as though it sounded when it no longer did so; or as an
   odour while it passes away, and vanishes into wind, affects the sense
   of smell, whence it conveys the image of itself into the memory, which
   we realize in recollecting; or like food, which assuredly in the belly
   hath now no taste, and yet hath a kind of taste in the memory, or like
   anything that is by touching felt by the body, and which even when
   removed from us is imagined by the memory. For these things themselves
   are not put into it, but the images of them only are caught up, with a
   marvellous quickness, and laid up, as it were, in most wonderful
   garners, and wonderfully brought forth when we remember.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--Literature is Not Introduced to the Memory Through the
   Senses, But is Brought Forth from Its More Secret Places.

   17. But truly when I hear that there are three kinds of questions,
   "Whether a thing is?--what it is?--of what kind it is?" I do indeed
   hold fast the images of the sounds of which these words are composed,
   and I know that those sounds passed through the air with a noise, and
   now are not. But the things themselves which are signified by these
   sounds I never arrived at by any sense of the body, nor ever perceived
   them otherwise than by my mind; and in my memory have I laid up not
   their images, but themselves, which, how they entered into me, let them
   tell if they are able. For I examine all the gates of my flesh, but
   find not by which of them they entered. For the eyes say, "If they were
   coloured, we announced them." The ears say, "If they sounded, we gave
   notice of them." The nostrils say, "If they smell, they passed in by
   us." The sense of taste says, "If they have no flavour, ask not me."
   The touch says, "If it have not body, I handled it not, and if I never
   handled it, I gave no notice of it." Whence and how did these things
   enter into my memory? I know not how. For when I learned them, I gave
   not credit to the heart of another man, but perceived them in my own;
   and I approved them as true, and committed them to it, laying them up,
   as it were, whence I might fetch them when I willed. There, then, they
   were, even before I learned them, but were not in my memory. Where were
   they, then, or wherefore, when they were spoken, did I acknowledge
   them, and say, "So it is, it is true," unless as being already in the
   memory, though so put back and concealed, as it were, in more secret
   caverns, that had they not been drawn forth by the advice of another I
   would not, perchance, have been able to conceive of them?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--What It is to Learn and to Think.

   18. Wherefore we find that to learn these things, whose images we drink
   not in by our senses, but perceive within as they are by themselves,
   without images, is nothing else but by meditation as it were to
   concentrate, and by observing to take care that those notions which the
   memory did before contain scattered and confused, be laid up at hand,
   as it were, in that same memory, where before they lay concealed,
   scattered and neglected, and so the more easily present themselves to
   the mind well accustomed to observe them. And how many things of this
   sort does my memory retain which have been found out already, and, as I
   said, are, as it were, laid up ready to hand, which we are said to have
   learned and to have known; which, should we for small intervals of time
   cease to recall, they are again so submerged and slide back, as it
   were, into the more remote chambers, that they must be evolved thence
   again as if new (for other sphere they have none), and must be
   marshalled [cogenda] again that they may become known; that is to say,
   they must be collected [colligenda], as it were, from their dispersion;
   whence we have the word cogitare. For cogo [I collect] and cogito [I
   recollect] have the same relation to each other as ago and agito, facio
   and factito. But the mind has appropriated to itself this word
   [cogitation], so that not that which is collected anywhere, but what is
   collected, [851] that is marshalled, [852] in the mind, is properly
   said to be "cogitated." [853]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [851] Colligitur.

   [852] Cogitur.

   [853] Cogitari.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--On the Recollection of Things Mathematical.

   19. The memory containeth also the reasons and innumerable laws of
   numbers and dimensions, none of which hath any sense of the body
   impressed, seeing they have neither colour, nor sound, nor taste, nor
   smell, nor sense of touch. I have heard the sound of the words by which
   these things are signified when they are discussed; but the sounds are
   one thing, the things another. For the sounds are one thing in Greek,
   another in Latin; but the things themselves are neither Greek, nor
   Latin, nor any other language. I have seen the lines of the craftsmen,
   even the finest, like a spider's web; but these are of another kind,
   they are not the images of those which the eye of my flesh showed me;
   he knoweth them who, without any idea whatsoever of a body, perceives
   them within himself. I have also observed the numbers of the things
   with which we number all the senses of the body; but those by which we
   number are of another kind, nor are they the images of these, and
   therefore they certainly are. Let him who sees not these things mock me
   for saying them; and I will pity him, whilst he mocks me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--Memory Retains All Things.

   20. All these things I retain in my memory, and how I learnt them I
   retain. I retain also many things which I have heard most falsely
   objected against them, which though they be false, yet is it not false
   that I have remembered them; and I remember, too, that I have
   distinguished between those truths and these falsehoods uttered against
   them; and I now see that it is one thing to distinguish these things,
   another to remember that I often distinguished them, when I often
   reflected upon them. I both remember, then, that I have often
   understood these things, and what I now distinguish and comprehend I
   store away in my memory, that hereafter I may remember that I
   understood it now. Therefore also I remember that I have remembered; so
   that if afterwards I shall call to mind that I have been able to
   remember these things, it will be through the power of memory that I
   shall call it to mind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--Concerning the Manner in Which Joy and Sadness May Be
   Brought Back to the Mind and Memory.

   21. This same memory contains also the affections of my mind; not in
   the manner in which the mind itself contains them when it suffers them,
   but very differently according to a power peculiar to memory. For
   without being joyous, I remember myself to have had joy; and without
   being sad, I call to mind my past sadness; and that of which I was once
   afraid, I remember without fear; and without desire recall a former
   desire. Again, on the contrary, I at times remember when joyous my past
   sadness, and when sad my joy. Which is not to be wondered at as regards
   the body; for the mind is one thing, the body another. If I, therefore,
   when happy, recall some past bodily pain, it is not so strange a thing.
   But now, as this very memory itself is mind (for when we give orders to
   have a thing kept in memory, we say, "See that you bear this in mind;"
   and when we forget a thing, we say, "It did not enter my mind," and,
   "It slipped from my mind," thus calling the memory itself mind), as
   this is so, how comes it to pass that when being joyful I remember my
   past sorrow, the mind has joy, the memory sorrow,--the mind, from the
   joy than is in it, is joyful, yet the memory, from the sadness that is
   in it, is not sad? Does not the memory perchance belong unto the mind?
   Who will say so? The memory doubtless is, so to say, the belly of the
   mind, and joy and sadness like sweet and bitter food, which, when
   entrusted to the memory, are, as it were, passed into the belly, where
   they can be reposited, but cannot taste. It is ridiculous to imagine
   these to be alike; and yet they are not utterly unlike.

   22. But behold, out of my memory I educe it, when I affirm that there
   be four perturbations of the mind,--desire, joy, fear, sorrow; and
   whatsoever I shall be able to dispute on these, by dividing each into
   its peculiar species, and by defining it, there I find what I may say,
   and thence I educe it; yet am I not disturbed by any of these
   perturbations when by remembering them I call them to mind; and before
   I recollected and reviewed them, they were there; wherefore by
   remembrance could they be brought thence. Perchance, then, even as meat
   is in ruminating brought up out of the belly, so by calling to mind are
   these educed from the memory. Why, then, does not the disputant, thus
   recollecting, perceive in the mouth of his meditation the sweetness of
   joy or the bitterness of sorrow? Is the comparison unlike in this
   because not like in all points? For who would willingly discourse on
   these subjects, if, as often as we name sorrow or fear, we should be
   compelled to be sorrowful or fearful? And yet we could never speak of
   them, did we not find in our memory not merely the sounds of the names,
   according to the images imprinted on it by the senses of the body, but
   the notions of the things themselves, which we never received by any
   door of the flesh, but which the mind itself, recognising by the
   experience of its own passions, entrusted to the memory, or else which
   the memory itself retained without their being entrusted to it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XV.--In Memory There are Also Images of Things Which are
   Absent.

   23. But whether by images or no, who can well affirm? For I name a
   stone, I name the sun, and the things themselves are not present to my
   senses, but their images are near to my memory. I name some pain of the
   body, yet it is not present when there is no pain; yet if its image
   were not in my memory, I should be ignorant what to say concerning it,
   nor in arguing be able to distinguish it from pleasure. I name bodily
   health when sound in body; the thing itself is indeed present with me,
   but unless its image also were in my memory, I could by no means call
   to mind what the sound of this name signified. Nor would sick people
   know, when health was named, what was said, unless the same image were
   retained by the power of memory, although the thing itself were absent
   from the body. I name numbers whereby we enumerate; and not their
   images, but they themselves are in my memory. I name the image of the
   sun, and this, too, is in my memory. For I do not recall the image of
   that image, but itself, for the image itself is present when I remember
   it. I name memory, and I know what I name. But where do I know it,
   except in the memory itself? Is it also present to itself by its image,
   and not by itself?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVI.--The Privation of Memory is Forgetfulness.

   24. When I name forgetfulness, and know, too, what I name, whence
   should I know it if I did not remember it? I do not say the sound of
   the name, but the thing which it signifies which, had I forgotten, I
   could not know what that sound signified. When, therefore, I remember
   memory, then is memory present with itself, through itself. But when I
   remember forgetfulness, there are present both memory and
   forgetfulness,--memory, whereby I remember, forgetfulness, which I
   remember. But what is forgetfulness but the privation of memory? How,
   then, is that present for me to remember, since, when it is so, I
   cannot remember? But if what we remember we retain in memory, yet,
   unless we remembered forgetfulness, we could never at the hearing of
   the name know the thing meant by it, then is forgetfulness retained by
   memory. Present, therefore, it is, lest we should forget it; and being
   so, we do forget. Is it to be inferred from this that forgetfulness,
   when we remember it, is not present to the memory through itself, but
   through its image; because, were forgetfulness present through itself,
   it would not lead us to remember, but to forget? Who will now
   investigate this? Who shall understand how it is?

   25. Truly, O Lord, I labour therein, and labour in myself. I am become
   a troublesome soil that requires overmuch labour. For we are not now
   searching out the tracts of heaven, or measuring the distances of the
   stars, or inquiring about the weight of the earth. It is I myself--I,
   the mind--who remember. It is not much to be wondered at, if what I
   myself am not be far from me. But what is nearer to me than myself?
   And, behold, I am not able to comprehend the force of my own memory,
   though I cannot name myself without it. For what shall I say when it is
   plain to me that I remember forgetfulness? Shall I affirm that which I
   remember is not in my memory? Or shall I say that forgetfulness is in
   my memory with the view of my not forgetting? Both of these are most
   absurd. What third view is there? How can I assert that the image of
   forgetfulness is retained by my memory, and not forgetfulness itself,
   when I remember it? And how can I assert this, seeing that when the
   image of anything is imprinted on the memory, the thing itself must of
   necessity be present first by which that image may be imprinted? For
   thus do I remember Carthage; thus, all the places to which I have been;
   thus, the faces of men whom I have seen, and things reported by the
   other senses; thus, the health or sickness of the body. For when these
   objects were present, my memory received images from them, which, when
   they were present, I might gaze on and reconsider in my mind, as I
   remembered them when they were absent. If, therefore, forgetfulness is
   retained in the memory through its image, and not through itself, then
   itself was once present, that its image might be taken. But when it was
   present, how did it write its image on the memory, seeing that
   forgetfulness by its presence blots out even what it finds already
   noted? And yet, in whatever way, though it be incomprehensible and
   inexplicable, yet most certain I am that I remember also forgetfulness
   itself, whereby what we do remember is blotted out.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVII.--God Cannot Be Attained Unto by the Power of Memory,
   Which Beasts and Birds Possess.

   26. Great is the power of memory; very wonderful is it, O my God, a
   profound and infinite manifoldness; and this thing is the mind, and
   this I myself am. What then am I, O my God? Of what nature am I? A life
   various and manifold, and exceeding vast. Behold, in the numberless
   fields, and caves, and caverns of my memory, full without number of
   numberless kinds of things, either through images, as all bodies are;
   or by the presence of the things themselves, as are the arts; or by
   some notion or observation, as the affections of the mind are, which,
   even though the mind doth not suffer, the memory retains, while
   whatsoever is in the memory is also in the mind: through all these do I
   run to and fro, and fly; I penetrate on this side and that, as far as I
   am able, and nowhere is there an end. So great is the power of memory,
   so great the power of life in man, whose life is mortal. What then
   shall I do, O Thou my true life, my God? I will pass even beyond this
   power of mine which is called memory--I will pass beyond it, that I may
   proceed to Thee, O Thou sweet Light. What sayest Thou to me? Behold, I
   am soaring by my mind towards Thee who remainest above me. I will also
   pass beyond this power of mine which is called memory, wishful to reach
   Thee whence Thou canst be reached, and to cleave unto Thee whence it is
   possible to cleave unto Thee. For even beasts and birds possess memory,
   else could they never find their lairs and nests again, nor many other
   things to which they are used; neither indeed could they become used to
   anything, but by their memory. I will pass, then, beyond memory also,
   that I may reach Him who has separated me from the four-footed beasts
   and the fowls of the air, making me wiser than they. I will pass beyond
   memory also, but where shall I find Thee, O Thou truly good and assured
   sweetness? But where shall I find Thee? If I find Thee without memory,
   then am I unmindful of Thee. And how now shall I find Thee, if I do not
   remember Thee?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVIII.--A Thing When Lost Could Not Be Found Unless It Were
   Retained in the Memory.

   27. For the woman who lost her drachma, and searched for it with a
   lamp, [854] unless she had remembered it, would never have found it.
   For when it was found, whence could she know whether it were the same,
   had she not remembered it? I remember to have lost and found many
   things; and this I know thereby, that when I was searching for any of
   them, and was asked, "Is this it?" "Is that it?" I answered "No," until
   such time as that which I sought were offered to me. Which had I not
   remembered,--whatever it were,--though it were offered me, yet would I
   not find it, because I could not recognise it. And thus it is always,
   when we search for and find anything that is lost. Notwithstanding, if
   anything be by accident lost from the sight, not from the memory,--as
   any visible body,--the image of it is retained within, and is searched
   for until it be restored to sight; and when it is found, it is
   recognised by the image which is within. Nor do we say that we have
   found what we had lost unless we recognise it; nor can we recognise it
   unless we remember it. But this, though lost to the sight, was retained
   in the memory.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [854] Luke xv. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIX.--What It is to Remember.

   28. But how is it when the memory itself loses anything, as it happens
   when we forget anything and try to recall it? Where finally do we
   search, but in the memory itself? And there, if perchance one thing be
   offered for another, we refuse it, until we meet with what we seek; and
   when we do, we exclaim, "This is it!" which we should not do unless we
   knew it again, nor should we recognise it unless we remembered it.
   Assuredly, therefore, we had forgotten it. Or, had not the whole of it
   slipped our memory, but by the part by which we had hold was the other
   part sought for; since the memory perceived that it did not revolve
   together as much as it was accustomed to do, and halting, as if from
   the mutilation of its old habit, demanded the restoration of that which
   was wanting. For example, if we see or think of some man known to us,
   and, having forgotten his name, endeavour to recover it, whatsoever
   other thing presents itself is not connected with it; because it was
   not used to be thought of in connection with him, and is consequently
   rejected, until that is present whereon the knowledge reposes fittingly
   as its accustomed object. And whence, save from the memory itself, does
   that present itself? For even when we recognise it as put in mind of it
   by another, it is thence it comes. For we do not believe it as
   something new, but, as we recall it, admit what was said to be correct.
   But if it were entirely blotted out of the mind, we should not, even
   when put in mind of it, recollect it. For we have not as yet entirely
   forgotten what we remember that we have forgotten. A lost notion, then,
   which we have entirely forgotten, we cannot even search for.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XX.--We Should Not Seek for God and the Happy Life Unless We
   Had Known It.

   29. How, then, do I seek Thee, O Lord? For when I seek Thee, my God, I
   seek a happy life. [855] I will seek Thee, that my soul may live. [856]
   For my body liveth by my soul, and my soul liveth by Thee. How, then,
   do I seek a happy life, seeing that it is not mine till I can say, "It
   is enough!" in that place where I ought to say it? How do I seek it? Is
   it by remembrance, as though I had forgotten it, knowing too that I had
   forgotten it? or, longing to learn it as a thing unknown, which either
   I had never known, or had so forgotten it as not even to remember that
   I had forgotten it? Is not a happy life the thing that all desire, and
   is there any one who altogether desires it not? But where did they
   acquire the knowledge of it, that they so desire it? Where have they
   seen it, that they so love it? Truly we have it, but how I know not.
   Yea, there is another way in which, when any one hath it, he is happy;
   and some there be that are happy in hope. These have it in an inferior
   kind to those that are happy in fact; and yet are they better off than
   they who are happy neither in fact nor in hope. And even these, had
   they it not in some way, would not so much desire to be happy, which
   that they do desire is most certain. How they come to know it, I cannot
   tell, but they have it by some kind of knowledge unknown to me, who am
   in much doubt as to whether it be in the memory; for if it be there,
   then have we been happy once; whether all individually, or as in that
   man who first sinned, in whom also we all died, [857] and from whom we
   are all born with misery, I do not now ask; but I ask whether the happy
   life be in the memory? For did we not know it, we should not love it.
   We hear the name, and we all acknowledge that we desire the thing; for
   we are not delighted with the sound only. For when a Greek hears it
   spoken in Latin, he does not feel delighted, for he knows not what is
   spoken; but we are delighted, [858] as he too would be if he heard it
   in Greek; because the thing itself is neither Greek nor Latin, which
   Greeks and Latins, and men of all other tongues, long so earnestly to
   obtain. It is then known unto all, and could they with one voice be
   asked whether they wished to be happy, without doubt they would all
   answer that they would. And this could not be unless the thing itself,
   of which it is the name, were retained in their memory.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [855] See note, p. 75, above.

   [856] Amos v. 4.

   [857] 1 Cor. xv. 22; see p. 140, note 3, and note p. 73, above.

   [858] That is, as knowing Latin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXI.--How a Happy Life May Be Retained in the Memory.

   30. But is it so as one who has seen Carthage remembers it? No. For a
   happy life is not visible to the eye, because it is not a body. Is it,
   then, as we remember numbers? No. For he that hath these in his
   knowledge strives not to attain further; but a happy life we have in
   our knowledge, and, therefore, do we love it, while yet we wish further
   to attain it that we may be happy. Is it, then, as we remember
   eloquence? No. For although some, when they hear this name, call the
   thing to mind, who, indeed, are not yet eloquent, and many who wish to
   be so, whence it appears to be in their knowledge; yet have these by
   their bodily perceptions noticed that others are eloquent, and been
   delighted with it, and long to be so,--although they would not be
   delighted save for some interior knowledge, nor desire to be so unless
   they were delighted,--but a happy life we can by no bodily perception
   make experience of in others. Is it, then, as we remember joy? It may
   be so; for my joy I remember, even when sad, like as I do a happy life
   when I am miserable. Nor did I ever with perception of the body either
   see, hear, smell, taste, or touch my joy; but I experienced it in my
   mind when I rejoiced; and the knowledge of it clung to my memory, so
   that I can call it to mind sometimes with disdain and at others with
   desire, according to the difference of the things wherein I now
   remember that I rejoiced. For even from unclean things have I been
   bathed with a certain joy, which now calling to mind, I detest and
   execrate; at other times, from good and honest things, which, with
   longing, I call to mind, though perchance they be not nigh at hand, and
   then with sadness do I call to mind a former joy.

   31. Where and when, then, did I experience my happy life, that I should
   call it to mind, and love and long for it? Nor is it I alone or a few
   others who wish to be happy, but truly all; which, unless by certain
   knowledge we knew, we should not wish with so certain a will. But how
   is this, that if two men be asked whether they would wish to serve as
   soldiers one, it may be, would reply that he would, the other that he
   would not; but if they were asked whether they would wish to be happy,
   both of them would unhesitatingly say that they would; and this one
   would wish to serve, and the other not, from no other motive but to be
   happy? Is it, perchance, that as one joys in this, and another in that,
   so do all men agree in their wish for happiness, as they would agree,
   were they asked, in wishing to have joy,--and this joy they call a
   happy life? Although, then, one pursues joy in this way, and another in
   that, all have one goal, which they strive to attain, namely, to have
   joy. This life, being a thing which no one can say he has not
   experienced, it is on that account found in the memory, and recognised
   whenever the name of a happy life is heard.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXII.--A Happy Life is to Rejoice in God, and for God.

   32. Let it be far, O Lord,--let it be far from the heart of Thy servant
   who confesseth unto Thee; let it be far from me to think myself happy,
   be the joy what it may. For there is a joy which is not granted to the
   "wicked," [859] but to those who worship Thee thankfully, whose joy
   Thou Thyself art. And the happy life is this,--to rejoice unto Thee, in
   Thee, and for Thee; this it is, and there is no other. [860] But those
   who think there is another follow after another joy, and that not the
   true one. Their will, however, is not turned away from some shadow of
   joy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [859] Isa. xlviii. 22.

   [860] Since "life eternal is the supreme good," as he remarks in his De
   Civ. Dei, xix. 4. Compare also ibid. viii. sec. 8, where he argues that
   the highest good is God, and that he who loves Him is in the enjoyment
   of that good. See also note on the chief good, p. 75, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIII.--All Wish to Rejoice in the Truth.

   33. It is not, then, certain that all men wish to be happy, since those
   who wish not to rejoice in Thee, which is the only happy life, do not
   verily desire the happy life. Or do all desire this, but because "the
   flesh lusteth against the spirit, and the spirit against the flesh," so
   that they "cannot do the things that they would," [861] they fall upon
   that which they are able to do, and with that are content; because that
   which they are not able to do, they do not so will as to make them
   able? [862] For I ask of every man, whether he would rather rejoice in
   truth or in falsehood. They will no more hesitate to say, "in truth,"
   than to say, "that they wish to be happy." For a happy life is joy in
   the truth. For this is joy in Thee, who art "the truth," [863] O God,
   "my light," [864] "the health of my countenance, and my God." [865] All
   wish for this happy life; this life do all wish for, which is the only
   happy one; joy in the truth do all wish for. [866] I have had
   experience of many who wished to deceive, but not one who wished to be
   deceived. Where, then, did they know this happy life, save where they
   knew also the truth? For they love it, too, since they would not be
   deceived. And when they love a happy life, which is naught else but joy
   in the truth, assuredly they love also the truth; which yet they would
   not love were there not some knowledge of it in the memory. Wherefore,
   then, do they not rejoice in it? Why are they not happy? Because they
   are more entirely occupied with other things which rather make them
   miserable, than that which would make them happy, which they remember
   so little of. For there is yet a little light in men; let them
   walk--let them "walk," that the "darkness" seize them not. [867]

   34. Why, then, doth truth beget hatred [868] and that man of thine,
   [869] preaching the truth become an enemy unto them, whereas a happy
   life is loved, which is naught else but joy in the truth; unless that
   truth is loved in such a sort as that those who love aught else wish
   that to be the truth which they love, and, as they are willing to be
   deceived, are unwilling to be convinced that they are so? Therefore do
   they hate the truth for the sake of that thing which they love instead
   of the truth. They love truth when she shines on them, and hate her
   when she rebukes them. For, because they are not willing to be
   deceived, and wish to deceive, they love her when she reveals herself,
   and hate her when she reveals them. On that account shall she so
   requite them, that those who were unwilling to be discovered by her she
   both discovers against their will, and discovers not herself unto them.
   Thus, thus, truly thus doth the human mind, so blind and sick, so base
   and unseemly, desire to lie concealed, but wishes not that anything
   should be concealed from it. But the opposite is rendered unto
   it,--that itself is not concealed from the truth, but the truth is
   concealed from it. Yet, even while thus wretched, it prefers to rejoice
   in truth rather than in falsehood. Happy then will it be, when, no
   trouble intervening, it shall rejoice in that only truth by whom all
   things else are true.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [861] Gal. v. 17.

   [862] See viii. sec. 20, above.

   [863] John xiv. 6.

   [864] Ps. xxvii. 1.

   [865] Ps. xlii. 11.

   [866] See sec. 29, above.

   [867] John xii. 35.

   [868] "Veritas parit odium." Compare Terence, Andria, i. 1, 41:
   "Obsequiam amicos, veritas odium parit."

   [869] John viii. 40.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIV.--He Who Finds Truth, Finds God.

   35. Behold how I have enlarged in my memory seeking Thee, O Lord; and
   out of it have I not found Thee. Nor have I found aught concerning
   Thee, but what I have retained in memory from the time I learned Thee.
   For from the time I learned Thee have I never forgotten Thee. For where
   I found truth, there found I my God, who is the Truth itself, [870]
   which from the time I learned it have I not forgotten. And thus since
   the time I learned Thee, Thou abidest in my memory; and there do I find
   Thee whensoever I call Thee to remembrance, and delight in Thee. These
   are my holy delights, which Thou hast bestowed upon me in Thy mercy,
   having respect unto my poverty.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [870] See iv. c. 12, and vii. c. 10, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXV.--He is Glad that God Dwells in His Memory.

   36. But where in my memory abidest Thou, O Lord, where dost Thou there
   abide? What manner of chamber hast Thou there formed for Thyself? What
   sort of sanctuary hast Thou erected for Thyself? Thou hast granted this
   honour to my memory, to take up Thy abode in it; but in what quarter of
   it Thou abidest, I am considering. For in calling Thee to mind, [871] I
   soared beyond those parts of it which the beasts also possess, since I
   found Thee not there amongst the images of corporeal things; and I
   arrived at those parts where I had committed the affections of my mind,
   nor there did I find Thee. And I entered into the very seat of my mind,
   which it has in my memory, since the mind remembers itself also--nor
   wert Thou there. For as Thou art not a bodily image, nor the affection
   of a living creature, as when we rejoice, condole, desire, fear,
   remember, forget, or aught of the kind; so neither art Thou the mind
   itself, because Thou art the Lord God of the mind; and all these things
   are changed, but Thou remainest unchangeable over all, yet vouchsafest
   to dwell in my memory, from the time I learned Thee. But why do I now
   seek in what part of it Thou dwellest, as if truly there were places in
   it? Thou dost dwell in it assuredly, since I have remembered Thee from
   the time I learned Thee, and I find Thee in it when I call Thee to
   mind.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [871] In connection with Augustin's views as to memory, Locke's Essay
   on the Human Understanding, ii. 10, and Stewart's Philosophy of the
   Human Mind, c. 6, may be profitably consulted.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVI.--God Everywhere Answers Those Who Take Counsel of Him.

   37. Where, then, did I find Thee, so as to be able to learn Thee? For
   Thou wert not in my memory before I learned Thee. Where, then, did I
   find Thee, so as to be able to learn Thee, but in Thee above me? Place
   there is none; we go both "backward" and "forward," [872] and there is
   no place. Everywhere, O Truth, dost Thou direct all who consult Thee,
   and dost at once answer all, though they consult Thee on divers things.
   Clearly dost Thou answer, though all do not with clearness hear. All
   consult Thee upon whatever they wish, though they hear not always that
   which they wish. He is Thy best servant who does not so much look to
   hear that from Thee which he himself wisheth, as to wish that which he
   heareth from Thee.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [872] Job xxiii. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVII.--He Grieves that He Was So Long Without God.

   38. Too late did I love Thee, O Fairness, so ancient, and yet so new!
   Too late did I love Thee! For behold, Thou wert within, and I without,
   and there did I seek Thee; I, unlovely, rushed heedlessly among the
   things of beauty Thou madest. [873] Thou wert with me, but I was not
   with Thee. Those things kept me far from Thee, which, unless they were
   in Thee, were not. Thou calledst, and criedst aloud, and forcedst open
   my deafness. Thou didst gleam and shine, and chase away my blindness.
   Thou didst exhale odours, and I drew in my breath and do pant after
   Thee. I tasted, and do hunger and thirst. Thou didst touch me, and I
   burned for Thy peace.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [873] See p. 74, note 1, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVIII.--On the Misery of Human Life.

   39. When I shall cleave unto Thee with all my being, then shall I in
   nothing have pain and labour; and my life shall be a real life, being
   wholly full of Thee. But now since he whom Thou fillest is the one Thou
   liftest up, I am a burden to myself, as not being full of Thee. Joys of
   sorrow contend with sorrows of joy; and on which side the victory may
   be I know not. Woe is me! Lord, have pity on me. My evil sorrows
   contend with my good joys; and on which side the victory may be I know
   not. Woe is me! Lord, have pity on me. Woe is me! Lo, I hide not my
   wounds; Thou art the Physician, I the sick; Thou merciful, I miserable.
   Is not the life of man upon earth a temptation? [874] Who is he that
   wishes for vexations and difficulties? Thou commandest them to be
   endured, not to be loved. For no man loves what he endures, though he
   may love to endure. For notwithstanding he rejoices to endure, he would
   rather there were naught for him to endure. [875] In adversity, I
   desire prosperity; in prosperity, I fear adversity. What middle place,
   then, is there between these, where human life is not a temptation? Woe
   unto the prosperity of this world, once and again, from fear of
   misfortune and a corruption of joy! Woe unto the adversities of this
   world, once and again, and for the third time, from the desire of
   prosperity; and because adversity itself is a hard thing, and makes
   shipwreck of endurance! Is not the life of man upon earth a temptation,
   and that without intermission? [876]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [874] Job vii. 1. The Old Ver. rendering tsv' by tentatio, after the
   LXX. peiraterion. The Vulg. has militia, which ="warfare" in margin of
   A.V.

   [875] "It will not be safe," says Anthony Farindon (vol. iv. Christ's
   Temptation, serm. 107), "for us to challenge and provoke a temptation,
   but to arm and prepare ourselves against it; to stand upon our guard,
   and neither to offer battle nor yet refuse it. Sapiens feret ista, non
   eliget: It is the part of a wise man not to seek for evil, but to
   endure it.' And to this end it concerneth every man to exercise ten
   pneumatiken sunesin, his spiritual wisdom,' that he may discover
   Spiritus ductiones et diaboli seductiones, the Spirit's leadings and
   the devil's seducements.'" See also Augustin's Serm. lxxvi. 4, and p.
   79, note 9, above.

   [876] We have ever to endure temptation, either in the sense of a
   testing, as when it is said, "God did tempt Abraham" (Gen. xxii. 1); or
   with the additional idea of yielding to the temptation, and so
   committing sin, as in the use of the word in the Lord's Prayer (Matt.
   vi. 13); for, as Dyke says in his Michael and the Dragon (Works, i.
   203, 204): "No sooner have we bathed and washed our souls in the waters
   of Repentance, but we must presently expect the fiery darts of Satan's
   temptations to be driving at us. What we get and gain from Satan by
   Repentance, he seeks to regain and recover by his Temptations. We must
   not think to pass quietly out of Egypt without Pharaoh's pursuit, nor
   to travel the wilderness of this world without the opposition of the
   Amalekites." Compare Augustin, In Ev. Joann. Tract. xliii. 6, and Serm.
   lvii. 9. See also p. 79, note 3, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIX.--All Hope is in the Mercy of God.

   40. And my whole hope is only in Thy exceeding great mercy. Give what
   Thou commandest, and command what Thou wilt. Thou imposest continency
   upon us, [877] "nevertheless, when I perceived," saith one, "that I
   could not otherwise obtain her, except God gave her me; . . . that was
   a point of wisdom also to know whose gift she was." [878] For by
   continency are we bound up and brought into one, whence we were
   scattered abroad into many. For he loves Thee too little who loves
   aught with Thee, which he loves not for Thee, [879] O love, who ever
   burnest, and art never quenched! O charity, my God, kindle me! Thou
   commandest continency; give what Thou commandest, and command what Thou
   wilt.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [877] In his 38th Sermon, he distinguishes between continentia and
   sustinentia; the first guarding us from the allurements of worldliness
   and sin, while the second enables us to endure the troubles of life.

   [878] Wisd. viii. 21.

   [879] In his De Trin. ix. 13 ("In what desire and love differ"), he
   says, that when the creature is loved for itself, and the love of it is
   not referred to its Creator, it is desire (cupiditas) and not true
   love. See also p. 129, note 8, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXX.--Of the Perverse Images of Dreams, Which He Wishes to Have
   Taken Away.

   41. Verily, Thou commandest that I should be continent from the "lust
   of the flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life." [880]
   Thou hast commanded me to abstain from concubinage; and as to marriage
   itself, Thou hast advised something better than Thou hast allowed. And
   because Thou didst give it, it was done; and that before I became a
   dispenser of Thy sacrament. But there still exist in my memory--of
   which I have spoken much--the images of such things as my habits had
   fixed there; and these rush into my thoughts, though strengthless, when
   I am awake; but in sleep they do so not only so as to give pleasure,
   but even to obtain consent, and what very nearly resembles reality.
   [881] Yea, to such an extent prevails the illusion of the image, both
   in my soul and in my flesh, that the false persuade me, when sleeping,
   unto that which the true are not able when waking. Am I not myself at
   that time, O Lord my God? And there is yet so much difference between
   myself and myself, in that instant wherein I pass back from waking to
   sleeping, or return from sleeping to waking! Where, then, is the reason
   which when waking resists such suggestions? And if the things
   themselves be forced on it, I remain unmoved. Is it shut up with the
   eyes? Or is it put to sleep with the bodily senses? But whence, then,
   comes it to pass, that even in slumber we often resist, and, bearing
   our purpose in mind, and continuing most chastely in it, yield no
   assent to such allurements? And there is yet so much difference that,
   when it happeneth otherwise, upon awaking we return to peace of
   conscience; and by this same diversity do we discover that it was not
   we that did it, while we still feel sorry that in some way it was done
   in us.

   42. Is not Thy hand able, O Almighty God, to heal all the diseases of
   my soul, [882] and by Thy more abundant grace to quench even the
   lascivious motions of my sleep? Thou wilt increase in me, O Lord, Thy
   gifts more and more, that my soul may follow me to Thee, disengaged
   from the bird-lime of concupiscence; that it may not be in rebellion
   against itself, and even in dreams not simply not, through sensual
   images, commit those deformities of corruption, even to the pollution
   of the flesh, but that it may not even consent unto them. For it is no
   great thing for the Almighty, who is "able to do . . . above all that
   we ask or think," [883] to bring it about that no such influence--not
   even so slight a one as a sign might restrain--should afford
   gratification to the chaste affection even of one sleeping; and that
   not only in this life, but at my present age. But what I still am in
   this species of my ill, have I confessed unto my good Lord; rejoicing
   with trembling [884] in that which Thou hast given me, and bewailing
   myself for that wherein I am still imperfect; trusting that Thou wilt
   perfect Thy mercies in me, even to the fulness of peace, which both
   that which is within and that which is without [885] shall have with
   Thee, when death is swallowed up in victory. [886]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [880] 1 John ii. 16. Dilating on Ps. viii. he makes these three roots
   of sin to correspond to the threefold nature of our Lord's temptation
   in the wilderness. See also p. 80, note 5, above.

   [881] In Augustin's view, then, dreams appear to result from our
   thoughts and feelings when awake. In this he has the support of
   Aristotle (Ethics, i. 13), as also that of Solomon, who says (Eccles.
   v. 3), "A dream cometh through the multitude of business." An apt
   illustration of this is found in the life of the great Danish sculptor,
   Thorwaldsen. It is said that he could not satisfy himself with his
   models for The Christ, in the Frauenkirche at Copenhagen,--as Da Vinci
   before him was never able to paint the face of the Christ in His noble
   fresco of the Last Supper,--and that it was only in consequence of a
   dream (that dream doubtless the result of his stedfast search for an
   ideal) that this great work was accomplished. But see Ep. clix.

   [882] Ps. ciii. 3.

   [883] Eph. iii. 20.

   [884] Ps. ii. 11.

   [885] See note 4, p. 140, above.

   [886] 1 Cor. xv. 54.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXI.--About to Speak of the Temptations of the Lust of the
   Flesh, He First Complains of the Lust of Eating and Drinking.

   43. There is another evil of the day that I would were "sufficient"
   unto it. [887] For by eating and drinking we repair the daily decays of
   the body, until Thou destroyest both food and stomach, when Thou shall
   destroy my want with an amazing satiety, and shalt clothe this
   corruptible with an eternal incorruption. [888] But now is necessity
   sweet unto me, and against this sweetness do I fight, lest I be
   enthralled; and I carry on a daily war by fasting, [889] oftentimes
   "bringing my body into subjection," [890] and my pains are expelled by
   pleasure. For hunger and thirst are in some sort pains; they consume
   and destroy like unto a fever, unless the medicine of nourishment
   relieve us. The which, since it is at hand through the comfort we
   receive of Thy gifts, with which land and water and air serve our
   infirmity, our calamity is called pleasure.

   44. This much hast Thou taught me, that I should bring myself to take
   food as medicine. But during the time that I am passing from the
   uneasiness of want to the calmness of satiety, even in the very passage
   doth that snare of concupiscence lie in wait for me. For the passage
   itself is pleasure, nor is there any other way of passing thither,
   whither necessity compels us to pass. And whereas health is the reason
   of eating and drinking, there joineth itself as an hand-maid a perilous
   delight, which mostly tries to precede it, in order that I may do for
   her sake what I say I do, or desire to do, for health's sake. Nor have
   both the same limit; for what is sufficient for health is too little
   for pleasure. And oftentimes it is doubtful whether it be the necessary
   care of the body which still asks nourishment, or whether a sensual
   snare of desire offers its ministry. In this uncertainty does my
   unhappy soul rejoice, and therein prepares an excuse as a defence, glad
   that it doth not appear what may be Sufficient for the moderation of
   health, that so under the pretence of health it may conceal the
   business of pleasure. These temptations do I daily endeavour to resist,
   and I summon Thy right hand to my help, and refer my excitements to
   Thee, because as yet I have no resolve in this matter.

   45. I hear the voice of my God commanding, let not "your hearts be
   overcharged with surfeiting and drunkenness." [891] "Drunkenness," it
   is far from me; Thou wilt have mercy, that it approach not near unto
   me. But "surfeiting" sometimes creepeth upon Thy servant; Thou wilt
   have mercy, that it may be far from me. For no man can be continent
   unless Thou give it. [892] Many things which we pray for dost Thou give
   us; and what good soever we receive before we prayed for it, do we
   receive from Thee, and that we might afterwards know this did we
   receive it from Thee. Drunkard was I never, but I have known drunkards
   to be made sober men by Thee. Thy doing, then, was it, that they who
   never were such might not be so, as from Thee it was that they who have
   been so heretofore might not remain so always; and from Thee, too was
   it, that both might know from whom it was. I heard another voice of
   Thine, "Go not after thy lusts, but refrain thyself from thine
   appetites." [893] And by Thy favour have I heard this saying likewise,
   which I have much delighted in, "Neither if we eat, are we the better;
   neither if we eat not, are we the worse;" [894] which is to say, that
   neither shall the one make me to abound, nor the other to be wretched.
   I heard also another voice, "For I have learned, in whatsoever state I
   am, therewith to be content, I know both how to be abased, and I know
   how to abound . . . I can do all things through Christ which
   strengtheneth me." [895] Lo! a soldier of the celestial camp--not dust
   as we are. But remember, O Lord, "that we are dust," [896] and that of
   dust Thou hast created man; [897] and he "was lost, and is found."
   [898] Nor could he do this of his own power, seeing that he whom I so
   loved, saying these things through the afflatus of Thy inspiration, was
   of that same dust. "I can," saith he, "do all things through Him which
   strengtheneth me." [899] Strengthen me, that I may be able. Give what
   Thou commandest, and command what Thou wilt. [900] He confesses to have
   received, and when he glorieth, he glorieth in the Lord. [901] Another
   have I heard entreating that he might receive,--"Take from me," saith
   he, "the greediness of the belly;" [902] by which it appeareth, O my
   holy God, that Thou givest when what Thou commandest to be done is
   done.

   46. Thou hast taught me, good Father, that "unto the pure all things
   are pure;" [903] but "it is evil for that man who eateth with offence;"
   [904] "and that every creature of Thine is good, and nothing to be
   refused, if it be received with, thanksgiving;" [905] and that "meat
   commendeth us not to God;" [906] and that no man should "judge us in
   meat or in drink;" [907] and that he that eateth, let him not despise
   him that eateth not; and let not him that eateth not judge him that
   eateth. [908] These things have I learned, thanks and praise be unto
   Thee, O my God and Master, who dost knock at my ears and enlighten my
   heart; deliver me out of all temptation. It is not the uncleanness of
   meat that I fear, but the uncleanness of lusting. I know that
   permission was granted unto Noah to eat every kind of flesh [909] that
   was good for food; [910] that Elias was fed with flesh; [911] that
   John, endued with a wonderful abstinence, was not polluted by the
   living creatures (that is, the locusts [912] ) which he fed on. I know,
   too, that Esau was deceived by a longing for lentiles, [913] and that
   David took blame to himself for desiring water, [914] and that our King
   was tempted not by flesh but bread. [915] And the people in the
   wilderness, therefore, also deserved reproof, not because they desired
   flesh, but because, in their desire for food, they murmured against the
   Lord. [916]

   47. Placed, then, in the midst of these temptations, I strive daily
   against longing for food and drink. For it is not of such a nature as
   that I am able to resolve to cut it off once for all, and not touch it
   afterwards, as I was able to do with concubinage. The bridle of the
   throat, therefore, is to be held in the mean of slackness and
   tightness. [917] And who, O Lord, is he who is not in some degree
   carried away beyond the bounds of necessity? Whoever he is, he is
   great; let him magnify Thy name. But I am not such a one, "for I am a
   sinful man." [918] Yet do I also magnify Thy name; and He who hath
   "overcome the world" [919] maketh intercession to Thee for my sins,
   [920] accounting me among the "feeble members" of His body, [921]
   because Thine eyes saw that of him which was imperfect; and in Thy book
   all shall be written. [922]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [887] Matt. vi. 34.

   [888] 1 Cor. xv. 54.

   [889] In Augustin's time, and indeed till the Council of Orleans, A.D.
   538, fasting appears to have been left pretty much to the individual
   conscience. We find Tertullian in his De Jejunio lamenting the slight
   observance it received during his day. We learn, however, from the
   passage in Justin Martyr, quoted in note 4, on p. 118, above, that in
   his time it was enjoined as a preparation for Baptism.

   [890] 1 Cor. ix. 27.

   [891] Luke xxi. 34.

   [892] Wisd. viii. 21.

   [893] Ecclus. xviii. 30.

   [894] 1 Cor. viii. 8.

   [895] Phil. iv. 11-14.

   [896] Ps. ciii. 14.

   [897] Gen. iii. 19.

   [898] Luke xv. 32.

   [899] Phil. iv. 13.

   [900] In his De Dono Persev. sec. 53, he tells us that these words were
   quoted to Pelagius, when at Rome, by a certain bishop, and that they
   excited him to contradict them so warmly as nearly to result in a
   rupture between Pelagius and the bishop.

   [901] 1 Cor. i. 31.

   [902] Ecclus. xxiii. 6.

   [903] Titus i. 15.

   [904] Rom. xiv. 20.

   [905] 1 Tim. iv. 4.

   [906] 1 Cor. viii. 8.

   [907] Col. ii. 16.

   [908] Rom. xiii. 23.

   [909] He here refers to the doctrine of the Manichæans in the matter of
   eating flesh. In his De Mor. Manich. secs. 36, 37, he discusses the
   prohibition of flesh to the "Elect." From Ep. ccxxxvi. we find that the
   "Hearers" had not to practice abstinence from marriage and from eating
   flesh. For other information on this subject, see notes, pp. 66 and 83.

   [910] Gen. ix. 3.

   [911] 1 Kings xvii. 6.

   [912] Matt. iii. 4.

   [913] Gen. xxv. 34.

   [914] 2 Sam. xxiii. 15-17.

   [915] Matt. iv. 3.

   [916] Num. xi.

   [917] So all God's gifts are to be used, but not abused; and those who
   deny the right use of any, do so by virtually accepting the principle
   of asceticism. As Augustin, in his De Mor. Ecc. Cath. sec. 39, says of
   all transient things, we "should use them as far as is required for the
   purposes and duties of life, with the moderation of an employer instead
   of the ardour of a lover."

   [918] Luke v. 8.

   [919] John xvi. 33.

   [920] Rom. viii. 34.

   [921] 1 Cor. xii. 22.

   [922] Ps. cxxxix. 16; he similarly applies this passage when commenting
   on it in Ps. cxxxviii. 21, and also in Serm. cxxxv.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXII.--Of the Charms of Perfumes Which are More Easily
   Overcome.

   48. With the attractions of odours I am not much troubled. When absent
   I do not seek them; when present I do not refuse them; and am prepared
   ever to be without them. At any rate thus I appear to myself; perchance
   I am deceived. For that also is a lamentable darkness wherein my
   capacity that is in me is concealed, so that my mind, making inquiry
   into herself concerning her own powers, ventures not readily to credit
   herself; because that which is already in it is, for the most part,
   concealed, unless experience reveal it. And no man ought to feel secure
   [923] in this life, the whole of which is called a temptation, [924]
   that he, who could be made better from worse, may not also from better
   be made worse. Our sole hope, our sole confidence, our sole assured
   promise, is Thy mercy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [923] "For some," says Thomas Taylor (Works, vol. I. "Christ's
   Temptation," p. 11), "through vain prefidence of God's protection, run
   in times of contagion into infected houses, which upon just calling a
   man may: but for one to run out of his calling in the way of an
   ordinary visitation, he shall find that God's angels have commission to
   protect him no longer than he is in his way (Ps. xci. 11), and that
   being out of it, this arrow of the Lord shall sooner hit him than
   another that is not half so confident." We should not, as Fuller
   quaintly says, "hollo in the ears of a sleeping temptation;" and when
   we are tempted, let us remember that if (Hibbert, Syntagma Theologicum,
   p. 342) "a giant knock while the door is shut, he may with ease be
   still kept out; but if once open, that he gets in but a limb of
   himself, then there is no course left to keep out the remaining bulk."
   See also Augustin on Peter's case, De Corrept. et Grat. c. 9.

   [924] Job vii. 1, Old Vers. See p. 153, note 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXIII.--He Overcame the Pleasures of the Ear, Although in the
   Church He Frequently Delighted in the Song, Not in the Thing Sung.

   49. The delights of the ear had more powerfully inveigled and conquered
   me, but Thou didst unbind and liberate me. Now, in those airs which Thy
   words breathe soul into, when sung with a sweet and trained voice, do I
   somewhat repose; yet not so as to cling to them, but so as to free
   myself when I wish. But with the words which are their life do they,
   that they may gain admission into me, strive after a place of some
   honour in my heart; and I can hardly assign them a fitting one.
   Sometimes I appear to myself to give them more respect than, is
   fitting, as I perceive that our minds are more devoutly and earnestly
   elevated into a flame of piety by the holy words themselves when they
   are thus sung, than when they are not; and that all affections of our
   spirit, by their own diversity, have their appropriate measures in the
   voice and singing, wherewith by I know not what secret relationship
   they are stimulated. But the gratification of my flesh, to which the
   mind ought never to be given over to be enervated, often beguiles me,
   while the sense does not so attend on reason as to follow her
   patiently; but having gained admission merely for her sake, it strives
   even to run on before her, and be her leader. Thus in these things do I
   sin unknowing, but afterwards do I know it.

   50. Sometimes, again, avoiding very earnestly this same deception, I
   err out of too great preciseness; and sometimes so much as to desire
   that every air of the pleasant songs to which David's Psalter is often
   used, be banished both from my ears and those of the Church itself; and
   that way seemed unto me safer which I remembered to have been often
   related to me of Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, who obliged the
   reader of the psalm to give utterance to it with so slight an
   inflection of voice, that it was more like speaking than singing.
   Notwithstanding, when I call to mind the tears I shed at the songs of
   Thy Church, at the outset of my recovered faith, and how even now I am
   moved not by the singing but by what is sung, when they are sung with a
   clear and skilfully modulated voice, I then acknowledge the great
   utility of this custom. Thus vacillate I between dangerous pleasure and
   tried soundness; being inclined rather (though I pronounce no
   irrevocable opinion upon the subject) to approve of the use of singing
   in the church, that so by the delights of the ear the weaker minds may
   be stimulated to a devotional frame. Yet when it happens to me to be
   more moved by the singing than by what is sung, I confess myself to
   have sinned criminally, and then I would rather not have heard the
   singing. See now the condition I am in! Weep with me, and weep for me,
   you who so control your inward feelings as that good results ensue. As
   for you who do not thus act, these things concern you not. But Thou, O
   Lord my God, give ear, behold and see, and have mercy upon me, and heal
   me, [925] --Thou, in whose sight I am become a puzzle to myself; and
   "this is my infirmity." [926]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [925] Ps. vi. 2.

   [926] Ps. lxxvii. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXIV.--Of the Very Dangerous Allurements of the Eyes; On
   Account of Beauty of Form, God, the Creator, is to Be Praised.

   51. There remain the delights of these eyes of my flesh, concerning
   which to make my confessions in the hearing of the ears of Thy temple,
   those fraternal and devout ears; and so to conclude the temptations of
   "the lust of the flesh" [927] which still assail me, groaning and
   desiring to be clothed upon with my house from heaven. [928] The eyes
   delight in fair and varied forms, and bright and pleasing colours.
   Suffer not these to take possession of my soul; let God rather possess
   it, He who made these things "very good" [929] indeed; yet is He my
   good, not these. And these move me while awake, during the day; nor is
   rest from them granted me, as there is from the voices of melody,
   sometimes, in silence, from them all. For that queen of colours, the
   light, flooding all that we look upon, wherever I be during the day,
   gliding past me in manifold forms, doth soothe me when busied about
   other things, and not noticing it. And so strongly doth it insinuate
   itself, that if it be suddenly withdrawn it is looked for longingly,
   and if long absent doth sadden the mind.

   52. O Thou Light, which Tobias saw, [930] when, his eyes being closed,
   he taught his son the way of life; himself going before with the feet
   of charity, never going astray. Or that which Isaac saw, when his
   fleshly "eyes were dim, so that he could not see" [931] by reason of
   old age; it was permitted him, not knowingly to bless his sons, but in
   blessing them to know them. Or that which Jacob saw, when he too, blind
   through great age, with an enlightened heart, in the persons of his own
   sons, threw light upon the races of the future people, presignified in
   them; and laid his hands, mystically crossed, upon his grandchildren by
   Joseph, not as their father, looking outwardly, corrected them, but as
   he himself distinguished them. [932] This is the light, the only one,
   and all those who see and love it are one. But that corporeal light of
   which I was speaking seasoneth the life of the world for her blind
   lovers, with a tempting and fatal sweetness. But they who know how to
   praise Thee for it, "O God, the world's great Architect," [933] take it
   up in Thy hymn, and are not taken up with it [934] in their sleep. Such
   desire I to be. I resist seductions of the eyes, lest my feet with
   which I advance on Thy way be entangled; and I raise my invisible eyes
   to Thee, that Thou wouldst be pleased to "pluck my feet out of the
   net." [935] Thou dost continually pluck them out, for they are
   ensnared. Thou never ceasest to pluck them out, but I, constantly
   remain fast in the snares set all around me; because Thou "that keepest
   Israel shall neither slumber nor sleep." [936]

   53. What numberless things, made by divers arts and manufactures, both
   in our apparel, shoes, vessels, and every kind of work, in pictures,
   too, and sundry images, and these going far beyond necessary and
   moderate use and holy signification, have men added for the enthralment
   of the eyes; following outwardly what they make, forsaking inwardly Him
   by whom they were made, yea, and destroying that which they themselves
   were made! But I, O my God and my Joy, do hence also sing a hymn unto
   Thee, and offer a sacrifice of praise unto my Sanctifier, [937] because
   those beautiful patterns, which through the medium of men's souls are
   conveyed into their artistic hands, [938] emanate from that Beauty
   which is above our souls, which my soul sigheth after day and night.
   But as for the makers and followers of those outward beauties, they
   from thence derive the way of approving them, but not of using them.
   [939] And though they see Him not, yet is He there, that they might not
   go astray, but keep their strength for Thee, [940] and not dissipate it
   upon delicious lassitudes. And I, though I both say and perceive this,
   impede my course with such beauties, but Thou dost rescue me, O Lord,
   Thou dost rescue me; "for Thy loving-kindness is before mine eyes."
   [941] For I am taken miserably, and Thou rescuest me mercifully;
   sometimes not perceiving it, in that I had come upon them hesitatingly;
   at other times with pain, because I was held fast by them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [927] 1 John ii. 16.

   [928] 2 Cor. v. 2.

   [929] Gen. i. 31.

   [930] Tobit iv.

   [931] Gen. xxvii. 1.

   [932] Gen. xlviii. 13-19.

   [933] From the beginning of the hymn of St. Ambrose, part of which is
   quoted, ix. sec. 32, above.

   [934] Assumunt eam, in hymno tuo, non absumuntur ab ea.

   [935] Ps. xxv. 15.

   [936] Ps. cxxi. 4.

   [937] Sanctificatori meo, but some mss. have sacreficatori.

   [938] See xi. sec. 7, and note, below.

   [939] See note 6, sec. 40, above.

   [940] Ps. lviii. 10, Vulg.

   [941] Ps. xxvi. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXV.--Another Kind of Temptation is Curiosity, Which is
   Stimulated by the Lust of the Eyes.

   54. In addition to this there is another form of temptation, more
   complex in its peril. For besides that concupiscence of the flesh which
   lieth in the gratification of all senses and pleasures, wherein its
   slaves who "are far from Thee perish," [942] there pertaineth to the
   soul, through the same senses of the body, a certain vain and curious
   longing, cloaked under the name of knowledge and learning, not of
   having pleasure in the flesh, but of making experiments through the
   flesh. This longing, since it originates in an appetite for knowledge,
   and the sight being the chief amongst the senses in the acquisition of
   knowledge, is called in divine language, "the lust of the eyes." [943]
   For seeing belongeth properly to the eyes; yet we apply this word to
   the other senses also, when we exercise them in the search after
   knowledge. For we do not say, Listen how it glows, smell how it
   glistens, taste how it shines, or feel how it flashes, since all these
   are said to be seen. And yet we say not only, See how it shineth, which
   the eyes alone can perceive; but also, See how it soundeth, see how it
   smelleth, see how it tasteth, see how hard it is. And thus the general
   experience of the senses, as was said before, is termed "the lust of
   the eyes," because the function of seeing, wherein the eyes hold the
   pre-eminence, the other senses by way of similitude take possession of,
   whensoever they seek out any knowledge.

   55. But by this is it more clearly discerned, when pleasure and when
   curiosity is pursued by the senses; for pleasure follows after objects
   that are beautiful, melodious, fragrant, savoury, soft; but curiosity,
   for experiment's sake, seeks the contrary of these,--not with a view of
   undergoing uneasiness, but from the passion of experimenting upon and
   knowing them. For what pleasure is there to see, in a lacerated corpse,
   that which makes you shudder? And yet if it lie near, we flock thither,
   to be made sad, and to turn pale. Even in sleep they fear lest they
   should see it. Just as if when awake any one compelled them to go and
   see it, or any report of its beauty had attracted them! Thus also is it
   with the other senses, which it were tedious to pursue. From this
   malady of curiosity are all those strange sights exhibited in the
   theatre. Hence do we proceed to search out the secret powers of nature
   (which is beside our end), which to know profits not, [944] and wherein
   men desire nothing but to know. Hence, too, with that same end of
   perverted knowledge we consult magical arts. Hence, again, even in
   religion itself, is God tempted, when signs and wonders are eagerly
   asked of Him,--not desired for any saving end, but to make trial only.

   56. In this so vast a wilderness, replete with snares and dangers, lo,
   many of them have I lopped off, and expelled from my heart, as Thou, O
   God of my salvation, hast enabled me to do. And yet when dare I say,
   since so many things of this kind buzz around our daily life,--when
   dare I say that no such thing makes me intent to see it, or creates in
   me vain solicitude? It is true that the theatres never now carry me
   away, nor do I now care to know the courses of the stars, nor hath my
   soul at any time consulted departed spirits; all sacrilegious oaths I
   abhor. O Lord my God, to whom I owe all humble and single-hearted
   service, with what subtlety of suggestion does the enemy influence me
   to require some sign from Thee! But by our King, and by our pure land
   chaste country Jerusalem, I beseech Thee, that as any consenting unto
   such thoughts is far from me, so may it always be farther and farther.
   But when I entreat Thee for the salvation of any, the end I aim at is
   far otherwise, and Thou who doest what Thou wilt, givest and wilt give
   me willingly to "follow" Thee. [945]

   57. Nevertheless, in how many most minute and contemptible things is
   our curiosity daily tempted, and who can number how often we succumb?
   How often, when people are narrating idle tales, do we begin by
   tolerating them, lest we should give offence unto the weak; and then
   gradually we listen willingly! I do not now-a-days go to the circus to
   see a dog chasing a hare; [946] but if by chance I pass such a coursing
   in the fields, it possibly distracts me even from some serious thought,
   and draws me after it,--not that I turn the body of my beast aside, but
   the inclination of my mind. And except Thou, by demonstrating to me my
   weakness, dost speedily warn me, either through the sight itself, by
   some reflection to rise to Thee, or wholly to despise and pass it by,
   I, vain one, am absorbed by it. How is it, when sitting at home, a
   lizard catching flies, or a spider entangling them as they rush into
   her nets, oftentimes arrests me? Is the feeling of curiosity not the
   same because these are such tiny creatures? From them I proceed to
   praise Thee, the wonderful Creator and Disposer of all things; but it
   is not this that first attracts my attention. It is one thing to get up
   quickly, and another not to fall, and of such things is my life full;
   and my only hope is in Thy exceeding great mercy. For when this heart
   of ours is made the receptacle of such things, and bears crowds of this
   abounding vanity, then are our prayers often interrupted and disturbed
   thereby; and whilst in Thy presence we direct the voice of our heart to
   Thine ears, this so great a matter is broken off by the influx of I
   know not what idle thoughts.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [942] Ps. lxiii. 27.

   [943] 1 John ii. 16.

   [944] Augustin's great end was to attain the knowledge of God. Hence,
   in his Soliloquia, i. 7, we read: "Deum et animam scire cupio. Nihilne
   plus? Nihil omnino." And he only esteemed the knowledge of physical
   laws so far as they would lead to Him. (See v. sec. 7, above, and the
   note there.) In his De Ordine, ii. 14, 15, etc., writing at the time of
   his conversion, he had contended that the knowledge of the liberal
   sciences would lead to a knowledge of the divine wisdom; but in his
   Retractations (i. 3, sec. 2) he regrets this, pointing out that while
   many holy men have not this knowledge, many who have it are not holy.
   Compare also Enchir. c. 16; Serm. lxviii. 1, 2; and De Civ. Dei, ix.
   22.

   [945] John xxi. 22.

   [946] In allusion to those venatios, or hunting scenes, in which the
   less savage animals were slain. These were held in the circus, which
   was sometimes planted for the occasion, so as to resemble a forest. See
   Smith's Greek and Roman Antiquities, under "Venatio," and vi. sec. 13,
   note, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXVI.--A Third Kind is "Pride" Which is Pleasing to Man, Not
   to God.

   58. Shall we, then, account this too amongst such things as are to be
   lightly esteemed, or shall anything restore us to hope, save Thy
   complete mercy, since Thou hast begun to change us? And Thou knowest to
   what extent Thou hast already changed me, Thou who first healest me of
   the lust of vindicating myself, that so Thou mightest forgive all my
   remaining "iniquities," and heal all my "diseases," and redeem my life
   from corruption, and crown me with "loving-kindness and tender
   mercies," and satisfy my desire with "good things;" [947] who didst
   restrain my pride with Thy fear, and subdue my neck to Thy "yoke." And
   now I bear it, and it is "light" [948] unto me, because so hast Thou
   promised, and made it, and so in truth it was, though I knew it not,
   when I feared to take it up. But, O Lord,--Thou who alone reignest
   without pride, because Thou art the only true Lord, who hast no
   lord,--hath this third kind of temptation left me, or can it leave me
   during this life?

   59. The desire to be feared and loved of men, with no other view than
   that I may experience a joy therein which is no joy, is a miserable
   life, and unseemly ostentation. Hence especially it arises that we do
   not love Thee, nor devoutly fear Thee. And therefore dost Thou resist
   the proud, but givest grace unto the humble; [949] and Thou thunderest
   upon the ambitious designs of the world, and "the foundations of the
   hills" tremble. [950] Because now certain offices of human society
   render it necessary to be loved and feared of men, the adversary of our
   true blessedness presseth hard upon us, everywhere scattering his
   snares of "well done, well done;" that while acquiring them eagerly, we
   may be caught unawares, and disunite our joy from Thy truth, and fix it
   on the deceits of men; and take pleasure in being loved and feared, not
   for Thy sake, but in Thy stead, by which means, being made like unto
   him, he may have them as his, not in harmony of love, but in the
   fellowship of punishment; who aspired to exalt his throne in the north,
   [951] that dark and cold they might serve him, imitating Thee in
   perverse and distorted ways. But we, O Lord, lo, we are Thy "little
   flock;" [952] do Thou possess us, stretch Thy wings over us, and let us
   take refuge under them. Be Thou our glory; let us be loved for Thy
   sake, and Thy word feared in us. They who desire to be commended of men
   when Thou blamest, will not be defended of men when Thou judgest; nor
   will they be delivered when Thou condemnest. But when not the sinner is
   praised in the desires of his soul, nor he blessed who doeth unjustly,
   [953] but a man is praised for some gift that Thou hast bestowed upon
   him, and he is more gratified at the praise for himself, than that he
   possesses the gift for which he is praised, such a one is praised while
   Thou blamest. And better truly is he who praised than the one who was
   praised. For the gift of God in man was pleasing to the one, while the
   other was better pleased with the gift of man than that of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [947] Ps. ciii. 3-5.

   [948] Matt. xi. 30.

   [949] Jas. iv. 6.

   [950] Ps. xviii. 7.

   [951] Isa. xiv. 13, 14.

   [952] Luke xii. 32.

   [953] Ps. x. 3, in Vulg. and LXX.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXVII.--He is Forcibly Goaded on by the Love of Praise.

   60. By these temptations, O Lord, are we daily tried; yea, unceasingly
   are we tried. Our daily "furnace" [954] is the human tongue. And in
   this respect also dost Thou command us to be continent. Give what Thou
   commandest, and command what Thou wilt. Regarding this matter, Thou
   knowest the groans of my heart, and the rivers [955] of mine eyes. For
   I am not able to ascertain how far I am clean of this plague, and I
   stand in great fear of my "secret faults," [956] which Thine eyes
   perceive, though mine do not. For in other kinds of temptations I have
   some sort of power of examining myself; but in this, hardly any. For,
   both as regards the pleasures of the flesh and an idle curiosity, I see
   how far I have been able to hold my mind in check when I do without
   them, either voluntarily or by reason of their not being at hand; [957]
   for then I inquire of myself how much more or less troublesome it is to
   me not to have them. Riches truly which are sought for in order that
   they may minister to some one of these three "lusts," [958] or to two,
   or the whole of them, if the mind be not able to see clearly whether,
   when it hath them, it despiseth them, they may be cast on one side,
   that so it may prove itself. But if we desire to test our power of
   doing without praise, need we live ill, and that so flagitiously and
   immoderately as that every one who knows us shall detest us? What
   greater madness than this can be either said or conceived? But if
   praise both is wont and ought to be the companion of a good life and of
   good works, we should as little forego its companionship as a good life
   itself. But unless a thing be absent, I do not know whether I shall be
   contented or troubled at being without it.

   61. What, then, do I confess unto Thee, O Lord, in this kind of
   temptation? What, save that I am delighted with praise, but more with
   the truth itself than with praise? For were I to have my choice,
   whether I had rather, being mad, or astray on all things, be praised by
   all men, or, being firm and well-assured in the truth, be blamed by
   all, I see which I should choose. Yet would I be unwilling that the
   approval of another should even add to my joy for any good I have. Yet
   I admit that it doth increase it, and, more than that, that dispraise
   doth diminish it. And when I am disquieted at this misery of mine, an
   excuse presents itself to me, the value of which Thou, God, knowest,
   for it renders me uncertain. For since it is not continency alone that
   Thou hast enjoined upon us, that is, from what things to hold back our
   love, but righteousness also, that is, upon what to bestow it, and hast
   wished us to love not Thee only, but also our neighbour, [959] --often,
   when gratified by intelligent praise, I appear to myself to be
   gratified by the proficiency or towardliness of my neighbour, and again
   to be sorry for evil in him when I hear him dispraise either that which
   he understands not, or is good. For I am sometimes grieved at mine own
   praise, either when those things which I am displeased at in myself be
   praised in me, or even lesser and trifling goods are more valued than
   they should be. But, again, how do I know whether I am thus affected,
   because I am unwilling that he who praiseth me should differ from me
   concerning myself--not as being moved with consideration for him, but
   because the same good things which please me in myself are more
   pleasing to me when they also please another? For, in a sort, I am not
   praised when my judgment of myself is not praised; since either those
   things which are displeasing to me are praised, or those more so which
   are less pleasing to me. Am I then uncertain of myself in this matter?

   62. Behold, O Truth, in Thee do I see that I ought not to be moved at
   my own praises for my own sake, but for my neighbour's good. And
   whether it be so, in truth I know not. For concerning this I know less
   of myself than dost Thou. I beseech Thee now, O my God, to reveal to me
   myself also, that I may confess unto my brethren, who are to pray for
   me, what I find in myself weak. Once again let me more diligently
   examine myself. [960] If, in mine own praise, I am moved with
   consideration for my neighbour, why am I less moved if some other man
   be unjustly dispraised than if it be myself? Why am I more irritated at
   that reproach which is cast upon myself, than at that which is with
   equal injustice cast upon another in my presence? Am I ignorant of this
   also? or does it remain that I deceive myself, [961] and do not the
   "truth" [962] before Thee in my heart and tongue? Put such madness far
   from me, O Lord, lest my mouth be to me the oil of sinners, to anoint
   my head. [963]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [954] Isa. xlviii. 10, and Prov. xxvii. 21.

   [955] Lam. iii. 48.

   [956] Ps. xix. 12. See note 5, page 47, above.

   [957] In his De Vera Relig. sec. 92, he points out that adversity also,
   when it comes to a good man, will disclose to him how far his heart is
   set on worldly things: "Hoc enim sine amore nostro aderat, quod sine
   dolore discedit."

   [958] 1 John ii. 16. See beginning of sec. 41, above.

   [959] Lev. xix. 18. See book xii. secs. 35, 41, below.

   [960] It may be well, in connection with the striking piece of
   soul-anatomy in this and the last two sections, to advert to other
   passages in which Augustin speaks of the temptation arising from the
   praise of men. In Serm. cccxxxix. 1, he says that he does not
   altogether dislike praise when it comes from the good, though feeling
   it to be a snare, and does not reject it: "Ne ingrati sint quibus
   prædico." That is, as he says above, he accepted it for his
   "neighbour's good," since, had his neighbour not been ready to give
   praise, it would have indicated a wrong condition of heart in him. We
   are, therefore, as he argues in his De Serm. Dom. in Mon. ii. 1, 2, 6,
   to see that the design of our acts be not that men should see and
   praise us (compare also Enarr. in Ps. lxv. 2). If they praise us it is
   well, since it shows that their heart is right; but if we "act rightly
   only because of the praise of men" (Matt. vi. 2, 5), we seek our own
   glory and not that of God. See also Serms. xciii. 9, clix. 10, etc.;
   and De Civ. Dei, v. 13, 14.

   [961] Gal. vi. 3.

   [962] 1 John i. 8.

   [963] Ps. cxli. 5, according to the Vulg. and LXX. The Authorized
   Version (with which the Targum is in accord) gives the more probable
   sense, when it makes the oil to be that of the righteous and not that
   of the sinner: "Let the righteous smite me, it shall be a kindness; and
   let him reprove me, it shall be an excellent oil, which shall not break
   my head."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXVIII.--Vain-Glory is the Highest Danger.

   63. "I am poor and needy," [964] yet better am I while in secret
   groanings I displease myself, and seek for Thy mercy, until what is
   lacking in me be renewed and made complete, even up to that peace of
   which the eye of the proud is ignorant. Yet the word which proceedeth
   out of the mouth, and actions known to men, have a most dangerous
   temptation from the love of praise, which, for the establishing of a
   certain excellency of our own, gathers together solicited suffrages. It
   tempts, even when within I reprove myself for it, on the very ground
   that it is reproved; and often man glories more vainly of the very
   scorn of vain-glory; wherefore it is not any longer scorn of vain-glory
   whereof it glories, for he does not truly contemn it when he inwardly
   glories.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [964] Ps. cix. 22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXIX.--Of the Vice of Those Who, While Pleasing Themselves,
   Displease God.

   64. Within also, within is another evil, arising out of the same kind
   of temptation; whereby they become empty who please themselves in
   themselves, although they please not, or displease, or aim at pleasing
   others. But in pleasing themselves, they much displease Thee, not
   merely taking pleasure in things not good as if they were good, but in
   Thy good things as though they were their own; or even as if in Thine,
   yet as though of their own merits; or even as if though of Thy grace,
   yet not with friendly rejoicings, but as envying that grace to others.
   [965] In all these and similar perils and labours Thou perceivest the
   trembling of my heart, and I rather feel my wounds to be cured by Thee
   than not inflicted by me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [965] See his De Civ. Dei, v. 20, where he compares the truly pious
   man, who attributes all his good to God's mercy, "giving thanks for
   what in him is healed, and pouring out prayers for the healing of that
   which is yet unhealed," with the philosophers who make their chief end
   pleasure or human glory.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XL.--The Only Safe Resting-Place for the Soul is to Be Found in
   God.

   65. Where hast Thou not accompanied me, O Truth, [966] teaching me both
   what to avoid and what to desire, when I submitted to Thee what I could
   perceive of sublunary things, and asked Thy counsel? With my external
   senses, as I could, I viewed the world, and noted the life which my
   body derives from me, and these my senses. Thence I advanced inwardly
   into the recesses of my memory,--the manifold rooms, wondrously full of
   multitudinous wealth; and I considered and was afraid, and could
   discern none of these things without Thee, and found none of them to be
   Thee. Nor was I myself the discoverer of these things,--I, who went
   over them all, and laboured to distinguish and to value everything
   according to its dignity, accepting some things upon the report of my
   senses, and questioning about others which I felt to be mixed up with
   myself, distinguishing and numbering the reporters themselves, and in
   the vast storehouse of my memory investigating some things, laying up
   others, taking out others. Neither was I myself when I did this (that
   is, that ability of mine whereby I did it), nor was it Thou, for Thou
   art that never-failing light which I took counsel of as to them all,
   whether they were what they were, and what was their worth; and I heard
   Thee teaching and commanding me. And this I do often; this is a delight
   to me, and, as far as I can get relief from necessary duties, to this
   gratification do I resort. Nor in all these which I review when
   consulting Thee, find I a secure place for my soul, save in Thee, into
   whom my scattered members may be gathered together, and nothing of me
   depart from Thee. [967] And sometimes Thou dost introduce me to a most
   rare affection, inwardly, to an inexplicable sweetness, which, if it
   should be perfected in me, I know not to what point that life might not
   arrive. But by these wretched weights [968] of mine do I relapse into
   these things, and am sucked in by my old customs, and am held, and
   sorrow much, yet am much held. To such an extent does the burden of
   habit press us down. In this way I can be, but will not; in that I
   will, but cannot,--on both ways miserable.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [966] See xii. sec. 35, below.

   [967] See ix. sec. 10, note, above, and xi. sec. 39, below.

   [968] Heb. xii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XLI.--Having Conquered His Triple Desire, He Arrives at
   Salvation.

   66. And thus have I reflected upon the wearinesses of my sins, in that
   threefold "lust," [969] and have invoked Thy right hand to my aid. For
   with a wounded heart have I seen Thy brightness, and being beaten back
   I exclaimed, "Who can attain unto it?" "I am cut off from before Thine
   eyes." [970] Thou art the Truth, who presidest over all things, but I,
   through my covetousness, wished not to lose Thee, but with Thee wished
   to possess a lie; as no one wishes so to speak falsely as himself to be
   ignorant of the truth. So then I lost Thee, because Thou deignest not
   to be enjoyed with a lie.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [969] See p. 153, note 7, above.

   [970] Ps. xxxi. 22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XLII.--In What Manner Many Sought the Mediator.

   67. Whom could I find to reconcile me to Thee? Was I to solicit the
   angels? By what prayer? By what sacraments? Many striving to return
   unto Thee, and not able of themselves, have, as I am told, tried this,
   and have fallen into a longing for curious visions, [971] and were held
   worthy to be deceived. For they, being exalted, sought Thee by the
   pride of learning, thrusting themselves forward rather than beating
   their breasts, and so by correspondence of heart drew unto themselves
   the princes of the air, [972] the conspirators and companions in pride,
   by whom, through the power of magic, [973] they were deceived, seeking
   a mediator by whom they might be cleansed; but none was there. For the
   devil it was, transforming himself into an angel of light. [974] And he
   much allured proud flesh, in that he had no fleshly body. For they were
   mortal, and sinful; but Thou, O Lord, to whom they arrogantly sought to
   be reconciled, art immortal, and sinless. But a mediator between God
   and man ought to have something like unto God, and something like unto
   man; lest being in both like unto man, he should be far from God; or if
   in both like unto God, he should be far from man, and so should not be
   a mediator. That deceitful mediator, then, by whom in Thy secret
   judgments pride deserved to be deceived, hath one thing in common with
   man, that is, sin; another he would appear to have with God, and, not
   being clothed with mortality of flesh, would boast that he was
   immortal. [975] But since "the wages of sin is death," [976] this hath
   he in common with men, that together with them he should be condemned
   to death.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [971] It would be easy so to do, since even amongst believers, as we
   find from Evodius' letter to Augustin (Ep. clvi.), there was a
   prevalent belief that the blessed dead visited the earth, and that
   visions had an important bearing on human affairs. See also Augustin's
   answer to Evodius, in Ep. clix.; Chrysostom, De Sacer. vi. 4; and on
   Visions, see sec. 41, note, above.

   [972] Eph. ii. 2.

   [973] See note 5, p. 69, above.

   [974] 2 Cor. xi. 14.

   [975] In his De Civ. Dei, x. 24, in speaking of the Incarnation of
   Christ as a mystery unintelligible to Porphyry's pride, he has a
   similar passage, in which he speaks of the "true and benignant
   Mediator," and the "malignant and deceitful mediators." See vii. sec.
   24, above.

   [976] Rom. vi. 23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XLIII.--That Jesus Christ, at the Same Time God and Man, is the
   True and Most Efficacious Mediator.

   68. But the true Mediator, whom in Thy secret mercy Thou hast pointed
   out to the humble, and didst send, that by His example [977] also they
   might learn the same humility--that "Mediator between God and men, the
   man Christ Jesus," [978] appeared between mortal sinners and the
   immortal Just One--mortal with men, just with God; that because the
   reward of righteousness is life and peace, He might, by righteousness
   conjoined with God, cancel the death of justified sinners, which He
   willed to have in common with them. [979] Hence He was pointed out to
   holy men of old; to the intent that they, through faith in His Passion
   to come, [980] even as we through faith in that which is past, might be
   saved. For as man He was Mediator; but as the Word He was not between,
   [981] because equal to God, and God with God, and together with the
   Holy Spirit [982] one God.

   69. How hast Thou loved us, [983] O good Father, who sparedst not Thine
   only Son, but deliveredst Him up for us wicked ones! [984] How hast
   Thou loved us, for whom He, who thought it no robbery to be equal with
   Thee, "became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross;" [985]
   He alone "free among the dead," [986] that had power to lay down His
   life, and power to take it again; [987] for us was He unto Thee both
   Victor and Victim, and the Victor as being the Victim; for us was He
   unto Thee both Priest and Sacrifice, and Priest as being the Sacrifice;
   of slaves making us Thy sons, by being born of Thee, and serving us.
   Rightly, then, is my hope strongly fixed on Him, that Thou wilt heal
   all my diseases [988] by Him who sitteth at Thy right hand and maketh
   intercession for us; [989] else should I utterly despair. [990] For
   numerous and great are my infirmities, yea, numerous and great are
   they; but Thy medicine is greater. We might think that Thy Word was
   removed from union with man, and despair of ourselves had He not been
   "made flesh and dwelt among us." [991]

   70. Terrified by my sins and the load of my misery, I had resolved in
   my heart, and meditated flight into the wilderness; [992] but Thou
   didst forbid me, and didst strengthen me, saying, therefore, Christ
   "died for all, that they which live should not henceforth live unto
   themselves, but unto Him which died for them." [993] Behold, O Lord, I
   cast my care upon Thee, [994] that I may live, and "behold wondrous
   things out of Thy law." [995] Thou knowest my unskilfulness and my
   infirmities; teach me, and heal me. Thine only Son--He "in whom are hid
   all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge" [996] --hath redeemed me
   with His blood. Let not the proud speak evil of me, [997] because I
   consider my ransom, and eat and drink, and distribute; and poor, desire
   to be satisfied from Him, together with those who eat and are
   satisfied, and they praise the Lord that seek him. [998]

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [977] See notes 3, p. 71, and 9 and 11, p. 74, above.

   [978] 1 Tim. ii. 5.

   [979] Not that our Lord is to be supposed, as some have held, to have
   been under the law of death in Adam, because "in Adam all die" (1 Cor.
   xv. 22; see the whole of c. 23, in De Civ. Dei, xiii, and compare ix.
   sec. 34, note 3, above); for he says in Serm. ccxxxii. 5: "As there was
   nothing in us from which life could spring, so there was nothing in Him
   from which death could come." He laid down His life (John x. 18), and
   as being partaker of the divine nature, could see no corruption (Acts
   ii. 27). This is the explanation Augustin gives in his comment on Ps.
   lxxxv. 5 (quoted in the next section) of Christ's being "free among the
   dead." So also in his De Trin. xiii. 18, he says he was thus free
   because "solus enim a debito mortis liber est mortuus." The true
   analogy between the first and second Adam is surely then to be found in
   our Lord's being free from the law of death by reason of His divine
   nature, and Adam before his transgression being able to avert death by
   partaking of the Tree of Life. Christ was, it is true, a child of Adam,
   but a child of Adam miraculously born. See note 3, p. 73, above.

   [980] See De Trin. iv. 2; and Trench, Hulsean Lectures (1845), latter
   part of lect. iv.

   [981] Medius, alluding to mediator immediately before. See his De Civ.
   Dei, ix. 15, and xi. 2, for an enlargement of this distinction between
   Christ as man and Christ as the Word. Compare also De Trin. i. 20 and
   xiii. 13; and Mansel, Bampton Lectures, lect. v. note 20.

   [982] Some mss. omit Cum spiritu sancto.

   [983] Christ did not, as in the words of a well-known hymn, "change the
   wrath to love." For, as Augustin remarks in a very beautiful passage in
   Ev. Joh. Tract. cx. 6, God loved us before the foundation of the world,
   and the reconcilement wrought by Christ must not be "so understood as
   if the Son reconciled us unto Him in this respect, that He now began to
   love those whom He formerly hated, in the same way as enemy is
   reconciled to enemy, so that thereafter they become friends, and mutual
   love takes the place of their mutual hatred; but we were reconciled
   unto Him who already loved us, but with whom we were at enmity because
   of our sin. Whether I say the truth on this let the apostle testify,
   when he says: God commendeth His love towards us, in that, while we
   were yet sinners, Christ died for us'" (Rom. v. 8, 9). He similarly
   applies the text last quoted in his De Trin. xiii. 15. See also ibid.
   sec. 21, where he speaks of the wrath of God, and ibid. iv. 2. Compare
   Archbishop Thomson, Bampton Lectures, lect. vii., and note 95.

   [984] Rom. viii. 34, which is not "for us wicked ones," but "for us
   all," as the Authorized Version has it; and we must not narrow the
   words. Augustin, in Ev. Joh. Tract. cx. 2, it will be remembered, when
   commenting on John xvii. 21, "that they all may be one...that the world
   may believe Thou hast sent me," limits "the world" to the believing
   world, and continues (ibid.sec. 4), "Ipsi sunt enim mundus, non
   permanens inimicus, qualis est mundis damnationi prædestinatus." On
   Christ being a ransom for all, see Archbishop Thomson, Bampton
   Lectures, lect. vii. part 5, and note 101.

   [985] Phil. ii. 6, 8.

   [986] Ps. lxxxviii. 5; see sec. 68, note, above.

   [987] John x. 18.

   [988] Ps. ciii. 3.

   [989] Rom. viii. 34.

   [990] See note 11, p. 140, above.

   [991] John i. 14.

   [992] Ps. lv. 7.

   [993] 2 Cor. v. 15.

   [994] Ps. lv. 22.

   [995] Ps. cxix. 18.

   [996] Col. ii. 3. Compare Dean Mansel, Bampton Lectures, lect. v. and
   note 22.

   [997] Ps. cxix. 122, Old Ver. He may perhaps here allude to the
   spiritual pride of the Donatists, who, holding rigid views as to purity
   of discipline, disparaged both his life and doctrine, pointing to his
   Manichæanism and the sinfulness of life before baptism. In his Answer
   to Petilian, iii. 11, 20, etc., and Serm. 3, sec. 19, on Ps. xxxvi., he
   alludes at length to the charges brought against him, referring then
   finally to his own confessions in book iii. above.

   [998] Ps. xxii. 26. Augustin probably alludes here to the Lord's
   Supper, in accordance with the general Patristic interpretation.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XI.

   ------------------------

   The design of his confessions being declared, he seeks from God the
   knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, and begins to expound the words of
   Genesis I. I, concerning the creation of the world. The questions of
   rash disputers being refuted, "What did God before he created the
   world?" That he might the better overcome his opponents, he adds a
   copious disquisition concerning time.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--By Confession He Desires to Stimulate Towards God His Own
   Love and That of His Readers.

   1. O Lord, since eternity is Thine, art Thou ignorant of the things
   which I say unto Thee? Or seest Thou at the time that which cometh to
   pass in time? Why, therefore, do I place before Thee so many relations
   of things? Not surely that Thou mightest know them through me, but that
   I may awaken my own love and that of my readers towards Thee, that we
   may all say, "Great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised." [999] I
   have already said, and shall say, for the love of Thy love do I this.
   For we also pray, and yet Truth says, "Your Father knoweth what things
   ye have need of before ye ask Him." [1000] Therefore do we make known
   unto Thee our love, in confessing unto Thee our own miseries and Thy
   mercies upon us, that Thou mayest free us altogether, since Thou hast
   begun, that we may cease to be wretched in ourselves, and that we may
   be blessed in Thee; since Thou hast called us, that we may be poor in
   spirit, and meek, and mourners, and hungering and athirst after
   righteousness, and merciful, and pure in heart, and peacemakers. [1001]
   Behold, I have told unto Thee many things, which I could and which I
   would, for Thou first wouldest that I should confess unto Thee, the
   Lord my God, for Thou art good, since Thy "mercy endureth for ever."
   [1002]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [999] Ps. xcvi. 4. See note 3, page 45, above.

   [1000] Matt. vi. 8.

   [1001] Matt. v. 3-9.

   [1002] Ps. cxviii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--He Begs of God that Through the Holy Scriptures He May Be
   Led to Truth.

   2. But when shall I suffice with the tongue of my pen to express all
   Thy exhortations, and all Thy terrors, and comforts, and guidances,
   whereby Thou hast led me to preach Thy Word and to dispense Thy
   Sacrament [1003] unto Thy people? And if I suffice to utter these
   things in order, the drops [1004] of time are dear to me. Long time
   have I burned to meditate in Thy law, and in it to confess to Thee my
   knowledge and ignorance, the beginning of Thine enlightening, and the
   remains of my darkness, until infirmity be swallowed up by strength.
   And I would not that to aught else those hours should flow away, which
   I find free from the necessities of refreshing my body, and the care of
   my mind, and of the service which we owe to men, and which, though we
   owe not, even yet we pay. [1005]

   3. O Lord my God, hear my prayer, and let Thy mercy regard my longing,
   since it bums not for myself alone, but because it desires to benefit
   brotherly charity; and Thou seest into my heart, that so it is. I would
   sacrifice to Thee the service of my thought and tongue; and do Thou
   give what I may offer unto Thee. For "I am poor and needy," [1006] Thou
   rich unto all that call upon Thee, [1007] who free from care carest for
   us. Circumcise from all rashness and from all lying my inward and
   outward lips. [1008] Let Thy Scriptures be my chaste delights. Neither
   let me be deceived in them, nor deceive out of them. [1009] Lord, hear
   and pity, O Lord my God, light of the blind, and strength of the weak;
   even also light of those that see, and strength of the strong, hearken
   unto my soul, and hear it crying "out of the depths." [1010] For unless
   Thine ears be present in the depths also, whither shall we go? whither
   shall we cry? "The day is Thine, and the night also is Thine." [1011]
   At Thy nod the moments flee by. Grant thereof space for our meditations
   amongst the hidden things of Thy law, nor close it against us who
   knock. For not in vain hast Thou willed that the obscure secret of so
   many pages should be written. Nor is it that those forests have not
   their harts, [1012] betaking themselves therein, and ranging, and
   walking, and feeding, lying down, and ruminating. Perfect me, O Lord,
   and reveal them unto me. Behold, Thy voice is my joy, Thy voice
   surpasseth the abundance of pleasures. Give that which I love, for I do
   love; and this hast Thou given. Abandon not Thine own gifts, nor
   despise Thy grass that thirsteth. Let me confess unto Thee whatsoever I
   shall have found in Thy books, and let me hear the voice of praise, and
   let me imbibe Thee, and reflect on the wonderful things of Thy law;
   [1013] even from the beginning, wherein Thou madest the heaven and the
   earth, unto the everlasting kingdom of Thy holy city that is with Thee.

   4. Lord, have mercy on me and hear my desire. For I think that it is
   not of the earth, nor of gold and silver, and precious stones, nor
   gorgeous apparel, nor honours and powers, nor the pleasures of the
   flesh, nor necessaries for the body, and this life of our pilgrimage;
   all which are added to those that seek Thy kingdom and Thy
   righteousness. [1014] Behold, O Lord my God, whence is my desire. The
   unrighteous have told me of delights, but not such as Thy law, O Lord.
   [1015] Behold whence is my desire. Behold, Father, look and see, and
   approve; and let it be pleasing in the sight of Thy mercy, that I may
   find grace before Thee, that the secret things of Thy Word may be
   opened unto me when I knock. [1016] I beseech, by our Lord Jesus
   Christ, Thy Son, "the Man of Thy right hand, the Son of man, whom Thou
   madest strong for Thyself," [1017] as Thy Mediator and ours, through
   whom Thou hast sought us, although not seeking Thee, but didst seek us
   that we might seek Thee, [1018] --Thy Word through whom Thou hast made
   all things, [1019] and amongst them me also, Thy Only-begotten, through
   whom Thou hast called to adoption the believing people, and therein me
   also. I beseech Thee through Him, who sitteth at Thy right hand, and
   "maketh intercession for us," [1020] "in whom are hid all treasures of
   wisdom and knowledge." [1021] Him [1022] do I seek in Thy books. Of Him
   did Moses write; [1023] this saith Himself; this saith the Truth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1003] He very touchingly alludes in Serm. ccclv. 2 to the way in which
   he was forced against his will (as was frequently the custom in those
   days), first, to become a presbyter (A.D. 391), and, four years later,
   coadjutor to Valerius, Bishop of Hippo (Ep. xxxi. 4, and Ep. ccxiii.
   4), whom on his death he succeeded. His own wish was to establish a
   monastery, and to this end he sold his patrimony, "which consisted of
   only a few small fields" (Ep. cxxvi. 7). He absolutely dreaded to
   become a bishop, and as he knew his name was highly esteemed in the
   Church, he avoided cities in which the see was vacant. His former
   backsliding had made him humble; and he tells us in the sermon above
   referred to, "Cavebam hoc, et agebam quantam poteram, ut in loco humili
   salvarer ne in alto periclitarer." Augustin also alludes to his
   ordination in Ep. xxi., addressed to Bishop Valerius.

   [1004] "He alludes to the hour-glasses of his time, which went by
   water, as ours do now by sand."--W. W.

   [1005] Augustin, in common with other bishops, had his time much
   invaded by those who sought his arbitration or judicial decision in
   secular matters, and in his De Op. Monach. sec. 37, he says, what many
   who have much mental toil will readily appreciate, that he would rather
   have spent the time not occupied in prayer and the study of the
   Scriptures in working with his hands, as did the monks, than have to
   bear these tumultuosissimas perplexitates. In the year 426 we find him
   (Ep. ccxiii) designating Eraclius, in public assembly, as his successor
   in the see, and to relieve him (though, meanwhile, remaining a
   presbyter) of these anxious duties. See vi. sec. 15, and note 1, above;
   and also ibid. sec. 3.

   [1006] Ps. lxxxvi. 1.

   [1007] Rom. x. 12.

   [1008] Ex. vi. 12.

   [1009] Augustin is always careful to distinguish between the certain
   truths of faith and doctrine which all may know, and the mysteries of
   Scripture which all have not the ability equally to apprehend. "Among
   the things," he says (De Doctr. Christ. ii. 14), "that are plainly laid
   down in Scripture, are to be found all matters that concern faith, and
   the manner of life." As to the Scriptures that are obscure, he is slow
   to come to conclusions, lest he should "be deceived in them or deceive
   out of them." In his De Gen. ad Lit. i. 37, he gives a useful warning
   against forcing our own meaning on Scripture in doubtful questions,
   and, ibid. viii. 5, we have the memorable words: "Melius est dubitare
   de rebus occultis, quam litigare de incertis." For examples of how
   careful he is in such matters not to go beyond what is written, see his
   answer to the question raised by Evodius,--a question which reminds us
   of certain modern speculations (see The Unseen Universe, arts. 61, 201,
   etc.),--whether the soul on departing from the body has not still a
   body of some kind, and at least some of the senses proper to a body;
   and also (Ep. clxiv.) his endeavours to unravel Evodius' difficulties
   as to Christ's preaching to the spirits in prison (1 Pet. iii. 18-21).
   Similarly, he says, as to the Antichrist of 2 Thess. ii. 1-7 (De Civ.
   Dei, xx. 19): "I frankly confess I know not what he means. I will,
   nevertheless, mention such conjectures as I have heard or read." See
   notes, pp. 64 and 92, above.

   [1010] Ps. cxxx. 1.

   [1011] Ps. lxxiv. 16.

   [1012] Ps. xxix. 9. In his comment on this place as given in the Old
   Version, "vox Domini perficientis cervos," he makes the forest with its
   thick darkness to symbolize the mysteries of Scripture, where the harts
   ruminating thereon represent the pious Christian meditating on those
   mysteries (see vi. sec. 3, note, above). In this same passage he speaks
   of those who are thus being perfected as overcoming the poisoned
   tongues. This is an allusion to the fabled power the stags had of
   enticing serpents from their holes by their breath, and then destroying
   them. Augustin is very fond of this kind of fable from natural history.
   In his Enarr. in Ps. cxxix. and cxli., we have similar allusions to the
   supposed habits of stags; and, ibid. ci., we have the well-known fable
   of the pelican in its charity reviving its young, and feeding them with
   its own blood. This use of fables was very common with the mediæval
   writers, and those familiar with the writings of the sixteenth and
   seventeenth centuries will recall many illustrations of it amongst the
   preachers of those days.

   [1013] Ps. xxvi. 7.

   [1014] Matt. vi. 33.

   [1015] Ps. cxix. 85.

   [1016] See p. 48, note 5, above.

   [1017] Ps. lxxx. 17.

   [1018] See note 9, p. 74, above.

   [1019] John i. 3.

   [1020] Rom. viii. 34.

   [1021] Col. ii. 3.

   [1022] Many mss., however, read ipsos, and not ipsum.

   [1023] John v. 4-6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--He Begins from the Creation of the World--Not
   Understanding the Hebrew Text.

   5. Let me hear and understand how in the beginning Thou didst make the
   heaven and the earth. [1024] Moses wrote this; he wrote and
   departed,--passed hence from Thee to Thee. Nor now is he before me; for
   if he were I would hold him, and ask him, and would adjure him by Thee
   that he would open unto me these things, and I would lend the ears of
   my body to the sounds bursting forth from his mouth. And should he
   speak in the Hebrew tongue, in vain would it beat on my senses, nor
   would aught touch my mind; but if in Latin, I should know what he said.
   But whence should I know whether he said what was true? But if I knew
   this even, should I know it from him? Verily within me, within in the
   chamber of my thought, Truth, neither Hebrew, [1025] nor Greek, nor
   Latin, nor barbarian, without the organs of voice and tongue, without
   the sound of syllables, would say, "He speaks the truth," and I,
   forthwith assured of it, confidently would say unto that man of Thine,
   "Thou speakest the truth." As, then, I cannot inquire of him, I beseech
   Thee,--Thee, O Truth, full of whom he spake truth,--Thee, my God, I
   beseech, forgive my sins; and do Thou, who didst give to that Thy
   servant to speak these things, grant to me also to understand them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1024] Gen. i. 1.

   [1025] Augustin was not singular amongst the early Fathers in not
   knowing Hebrew, for of the Greeks only Origen, and of the Latins
   Jerome, knew anything of it. We find him confessing his ignorance both
   here and elsewhere (Enarr. in Ps. cxxxvi. 7, and De Doctr. Christ. ii.
   22); and though he recommends a knowledge of Hebrew as well as Greek,
   to correct "the endless diversity of the Latin translators" (De Doctr.
   Christ. ii. 16); he speaks as strongly as does Grinfield, in his
   Apology for the Septuagint, in favour of the claims of that version to
   "biblical and canonical authority" (Eps. xxviii., lxxi., and lxxv.; De
   Civ. Dei, xviii. 42, 43; De Doctr. Christ. ii. 22). He discountenanced
   Jerome's new translation, probably from fear of giving offence, and, as
   we gather from Ep. lxxi. 5, not without cause. From the tumult he there
   describes as ensuing upon Jerome's version being read, the outcry would
   appear to have been as great as when, on the change of the old style of
   reckoning to the new, the ignorant mob clamoured to have back their
   eleven days!
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--Heaven and Earth Cry Out that They Have Been Created by
   God.

   6. Behold, the heaven and earth are; they proclaim that they were made,
   for they are changed and varied. Whereas whatsoever hath not been made,
   and yet hath being, hath nothing in it which there was not before; this
   is what it is to be changed and varied. They also proclaim that they
   made not themselves; "therefore we are, because we have been made; we
   were not therefore before we were, so that we could have made
   ourselves." And the voice of those that speak is in itself an evidence.
   Thou, therefore, Lord, didst make these things; Thou who art beautiful,
   for they are beautiful; Thou who art good, for they are good; Thou who
   art, for they are. Nor even so are they beautiful, nor good, nor are
   they, as Thou their Creator art; compared with whom they are neither
   beautiful, nor good, nor are at all. [1026] These things we know,
   thanks be to Thee. And our knowledge, compared with Thy knowledge, is
   ignorance.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1026] It was the doctrine of Aristotle that excellence of character is
   the proper object of love, and in proportion as we recognise such
   excellence in others are we attracted to become like them (see
   Sidgwick's Methods of Ethics, book iv. c. 5, sec. 4). If this be true
   of the creature, how much more should it be so of the Creator, who is
   the perfection of all that we can conceive of goodness and truth.
   Compare De Trin. viii. 3-6, De Vera Relig. 57, and an extract from
   Athanese Coquerel in Archbishop Thomson's Bampton Lectures, note 73.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--God Created the World Not from Any Certain Matter, But in
   His Own Word.

   7. But how didst Thou make the heaven and the earth, and what was the
   instrument of Thy so mighty work? For it was not as a human worker
   fashioning body from body, according to the fancy of his mind, in
   somewise able to assign a form which it perceives in itself by its
   inner eye. [1027] And whence should he be able to do this, hadst not
   Thou made that mind? And he assigns to it already existing, and as it
   were having a being, a form, as clay, or stone, or wood, or gold, or
   such like. And whence should these things be, hadst not Thou appointed
   them? Thou didst make for the workman his body,--Thou the mind
   commanding the limbs,--Thou the matter whereof he makes anything,
   [1028] --Thou the capacity whereby he may apprehend his art, and see
   within what he may do without,--Thou the sense of his body, by which,
   as by an interpreter, he may from mind unto matter convey that which he
   doeth, and report to his mind what may have been done, that it within
   may consult the truth, presiding over itself, whether it be well done.
   All these things praise Thee, the Creator of all. But how dost Thou
   make them? How, O God, didst Thou make heaven and earth? Truly, neither
   in the heaven nor in the earth didst Thou make heaven and earth; nor in
   the air, nor in the waters, since these also belong to the heaven and
   the earth; nor in the whole world didst Thou make the whole world;
   because there was no place wherein it could be made before it was made,
   that it might be; nor didst Thou hold anything in Thy hand wherewith to
   make heaven and earth. For whence couldest Thou have what Thou hadst
   not made, whereof to make anything? For what is, save because Thou art?
   Therefore Thou didst speak and they were made, [1029] and in Thy Word
   Thou madest these things. [1030]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1027] See x. sec 40, note 6, and sec. 53, above.

   [1028] That is, the artificer makes, God creates. The creation of
   matter is distinctively a doctrine of revelation. The ancient
   philosophers believed in the eternity of matter. As Lucretius puts it
   (i. 51): "Nullam rem e nihilo gigni divinitus unquam." See Burton,
   Bampton Lectures, lect. iii. and notes 18-21, and Mansel, Bampton
   Lectures, lect. iii. note 12. See also p. 76, note 8, above, for the
   Manichæan doctrine as to the hule; and The Unseen Universe, arts. 85,
   86, 151, and 160, for the modern doctrine of "continuity." See also
   Kalisch, Commentary on Gen. i. 1.

   [1029] Ps. xxxiii. 9.

   [1030] Ibid. ver. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--He Did Not, However, Create It by a Sounding and Passing
   Word.

   8. But how didst Thou speak? Was it in that manner in which the voice
   came from the cloud, saying, "This is my beloved Son"? [1031] For that
   voice was uttered and passed away, began and ended. The syllables
   sounded and passed by, the second after the first, the third after the
   second, and thence in order, until the last after the rest, and silence
   after the last. Hence it is clear and plain that the motion of a
   creature expressed it, itself temporal, obeying Thy Eternal will. And
   these thy words formed at the time, the outer ear conveyed to the
   intelligent mind, whose inner ear lay attentive to Thy eternal word.
   But it compared these words sounding in time with Thy eternal word in
   silence, and said, "It is different, very different. These words are
   far beneath me, nor are they, since they flee and pass away; but the
   Word of my Lord remaineth above me for ever." If, then, in sounding and
   fleeting words Thou didst say that heaven and earth should be made, and
   didst thus make heaven and earth, there was already a corporeal
   creature before heaven and earth by whose temporal motions that voice
   might take its course in time. But there was nothing corporeal before
   heaven and earth; or if there were, certainly Thou without a transitory
   voice hadst created that whence Thou wouldest make the passing voice,
   by which to say that the heaven and the earth should be made. For
   whatsoever that were of which such a voice was made, unless it were
   made by Thee, it could not be at all. By what word of Thine was it
   decreed that a body might be made, whereby these words might be made?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1031] Matt. xvii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--By His Co-Eternal Word He Speaks, and All Things are
   Done.

   9. Thou callest us, therefore, to understand the Word, God with Thee,
   God, [1032] which is spoken eternally, and by it are all things spoken
   eternally. For what was spoken was not finished, and another spoken
   until all were spoken; but all things at once and for ever. For
   otherwise have we time and change, and not a true eternity, nor a true
   immortality. This I know, O my God, and give thanks. I know, I confess
   to Thee, O Lord, and whosoever is not unthankful to certain truth,
   knows and blesses Thee with me. We know, O Lord, we know; since in
   proportion as anything is not what it was, and is what it was not, in
   that proportion does it die and arise. Not anything, therefore, of Thy
   Word giveth place and cometh into place again, because it is truly
   immortal and eternal. And, therefore, unto the Word co-eternal with
   Thee, Thou dost at once and for ever say all that Thou dost say; and
   whatever Thou sayest shall be made, is made; nor dost Thou make
   otherwise than by speaking; yet all things are not made both together
   and everlasting which Thou makest by speaking.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1032] John i. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--That Word Itself is the Beginning of All Things, in the
   Which We are Instructed as to Evangelical Truth.

   10. Why is this, I beseech Thee, O Lord my God? I see it, however; but
   how I shall express it, I know not, unless that everything which begins
   to be and ceases to be, then begins and ceases when in Thy eternal
   Reason it is known that it ought to begin or cease where nothing
   beginneth or ceaseth. The same is Thy Word, which is also "the
   Beginning," because also It speaketh unto us. [1033] Thus, in the
   gospel He speaketh through the flesh; and this sounded outwardly in the
   ears of men, that it might be believed and sought inwardly, and that it
   might be found in the eternal Truth, where the good and only Master
   teacheth all His disciples. There, O Lord, I hear Thy voice, the voice
   of one speaking unto me, since He speaketh unto us who teacheth us. But
   He that teacheth us not, although He speaketh, speaketh not to us.
   Moreover, who teacheth us, unless it be the immutable Truth? For even
   when we are admonished through a changeable creature, we are led to the
   Truth immutable. There we learn truly while we stand and hear Him, and
   rejoice greatly "because of the Bridegroom's voice," [1034] restoring
   us to that whence we are. And, therefore, the Beginning, because unless
   It remained, there would not, where we strayed, be whither to return.
   But when we return from error, it is by knowing that we return. But
   that we may know, He teacheth us, because He is the Beginning and
   speaketh unto us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1033] John viii. 25, Old Ver. Though some would read, Qui et loquitur,
   making it correspond to the Vulgate, instead of Quia et loquitur, as
   above, the latter is doubtless the correct reading, since we find the
   text similarly quoted in Ev. Joh. Tract. xxxviii. 11, where he enlarges
   on "The Beginning," comparing principium with arche. It will assist to
   the understanding of this section to refer to the early part of the
   note on p. 107, above, where the Platonic view of the Logos, as
   endiathetos and prophorikos, or in the "bosom of the Father" and "made
   flesh," is given; which terminology, as Dr. Newman tells us (Arians,
   pt. i. c. 2, sec. 4), was accepted by the Church. Augustin,
   consistently with this idea, says (on John viii. 25, as above): "For if
   the Beginning, as it is in itself, had remained so with the Father as
   not to receive the form of a servant and speak as man with men, how
   could they have believed in Him, since their weak hearts could not have
   heard the word intelligently without some voice that would appeal to
   their senses? Therefore, said He, believe me to be the Beginning; for
   that you may believe, I not only am, but also speak to you." Newman, as
   quoted above, may be referred to for the significance of arche as
   applied to the Son, and ibid. sec. 3, also, on the "Word." For the
   difference between a mere "voice" and the "Word," compare Aug. Serm.
   ccxciii. sec. 3, and Origen, In Joann. ii. 36.

   [1034] John iii. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--Wisdom and the Beginning.

   11. In this Beginning, O God, hast Thou made heaven and earth,--in Thy
   Word, in Thy Son, in Thy Power, in Thy Wisdom, in Thy Truth, wondrously
   speaking and wondrously making. Who shall comprehend? who shall relate
   it? What is that which shines through me, and strikes my heart without
   injury, and I both shudder and burn? I shudder inasmuch as I am unlike
   it; and I burn inasmuch as I am like it. It is Wisdom itself that
   shines through me, clearing my cloudiness, which again overwhelms me,
   fainting from it, in the darkness and amount of my punishment. For my
   strength is brought down in need, [1035] so that I cannot endure my
   blessings, until Thou, O Lord, who hast been gracious to all mine
   iniquities, heal also all mine infirmities; because Thou shalt also
   redeem my life from corruption, and crown me with Thy loving-kindness
   and mercy, and shalt satisfy my desire with good things, because my
   youth shall be renewed like the eagle's. [1036] For by hope we are
   saved; and through patience we await Thy promises. [1037] Let him that
   is able hear Thee discoursing within. I will with confidence cry out
   from Thy oracle, How wonderful are Thy works, O Lord, in Wisdom hast
   Thou made them all. [1038] And this Wisdom is the Beginning, and in
   that Beginning hast Thou made heaven and earth.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1035] Ps. xxxi. 10.

   [1036] Ps. ciii. 3-5.

   [1037] Rom. viii. 24, 25.

   [1038] Ps. civ. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--The Rashness of Those Who Inquire What God Did Before He
   Created Heaven and Earth.

   12. Lo, are they not full of their ancient way, who say to us, "What
   was God doing before He made heaven and earth? For if," say they, "He
   were unoccupied, and did nothing, why does He not for ever also, and
   from henceforth, cease from working, as in times past He did? For if
   any new motion has arisen in God, and a new will, to form a creature
   which He had never before formed, however can that be a true eternity
   where there ariseth a will which was not before? For the will of God is
   not a creature, but before the creature; because nothing could be
   created unless the will of the Creator were before it. The will of God,
   therefore, pertaineth to His very Substance. But if anything hath
   arisen in the Substance of God which was not before, that Substance is
   not truly called eternal. But if it was the eternal will of God that
   the creature should be, why was not the creature also from eternity?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--They Who Ask This Have Not as Yet Known the Eternity of
   God, Which is Exempt from the Relation of Time.

   13. Those who say these things do not as yet understand Thee, O Thou
   Wisdom of God, Thou light of souls; not as yet do they understand how
   these things be made which are made by and in Thee. They even endeavour
   to comprehend things eternal; but as yet their heart flieth about in
   the past and future motions of things, and is still wavering. Who shall
   hold it and fix it, that it may rest a little, and by degrees catch the
   glory of that everstanding eternity, and compare it with the times
   which never stand, and see that it is incomparable; and that a long
   time cannot become long, save from the many motions that pass by, which
   cannot at the same instant be prolonged; but that in the Eternal
   nothing passeth away, but that the whole is present; but no time is
   wholly present; and let him see that all time past is forced on by the
   future, and that all the future followeth from the past, and that all,
   both past and future, is created and issues from that which is always
   present? Who will hold the heart of man, that it may stand still, and
   see how the still-standing eternity, itself neither future nor past,
   uttereth the times future and past? Can my hand accomplish this, or the
   hand of my mouth by persuasion bring about a thing so great? [1039]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1039] See note 12, p. 174, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--What God Did Before the Creation of the World.

   14. Behold, I answer to him who asks, "What was God doing before He
   made heaven and earth?" I answer not, as a certain person is reported
   to have done facetiously (avoiding the pressure of the question), "He
   was preparing hell," saith he, "for those who pry into mysteries." It
   is one thing to perceive, another to laugh,--these things I answer not.
   For more willingly would I have answered, "I know not what I know not,"
   than that I should make him a laughing-stock who asketh deep things,
   and gain praise as one who answereth false things. But I say that Thou,
   our God, art the Creator of every creature; and if by the term "heaven
   and earth" every creature is understood, I boldly say, "That before God
   made heaven and earth, He made not anything. For if He did, what did He
   make unless the creature?" And would that I knew whatever I desire to
   know to my advantage, as I know that no creature was made before any
   creature was made.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--Before the Times Created by God, Times Were Not.

   15. But if the roving thought of any one should wander through the
   images of bygone time, and wonder that Thou, the God Almighty, and
   All-creating, and All-sustaining, the Architect of heaven and earth,
   didst for innumerable ages refrain from so great a work before Thou
   wouldst make it, let him awake and consider that he wonders at false
   things. For whence could innumerable ages pass by which Thou didst not
   make, since Thou art the Author and Creator of all ages? Or what times
   should those be which were not made by Thee? Or how should they pass by
   if they had not been? Since, therefore, Thou art the Creator of all
   times, if any time was before Thou madest heaven and earth, why is it
   said that Thou didst refrain from working? For that very time Thou
   madest, nor could times pass by before Thou madest times. But if before
   heaven and earth there was no time, why is it asked, What didst Thou
   then? For there was no "then" when time was not.

   16. Nor dost Thou by time precede time; else wouldest not Thou precede
   all times. But in the excellency of an ever-present eternity, Thou
   precedest all times past, and survivest all future times, because they
   are future, and when they have come they will be past; but "Thou art
   the same, and Thy years shall have no end." [1040] Thy years neither go
   nor come; but ours both go and come, that all may come. All Thy years
   stand at once since they do stand; nor were they when departing
   excluded by coming years, because they pass not away; but all these of
   ours shall be when all shall cease to be. Thy years are one day, and
   Thy day is not daily, but today; because Thy today yields not with
   tomorrow, for neither doth it follow yesterday. Thy today is eternity;
   therefore didst Thou beget the Co-eternal, to whom Thou saidst, "This
   day have I begotten Thee." [1041] Thou hast made all time; and before
   all times Thou art, nor in any time was there not time.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1040] Ps. cii. 27.

   [1041] Ps. ii. 7, and Heb. v. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--Neither Time Past Nor Future, But the Present Only,
   Really is.

   17. At no time, therefore, hadst Thou not made anything, because Thou
   hadst made time itself. And no times are co-eternal with Thee, because
   Thou remainest for ever; but should these continue, they would not be
   times. For what is time? Who can easily and briefly explain it? Who
   even in thought can comprehend it, even to the pronouncing of a word
   concerning it? But what in speaking do we refer to more familiarly and
   knowingly than time? And certainly we understand when we speak of it;
   we understand also when we hear it spoken of by another. What, then, is
   time? If no one ask of me, I know; if I wish to explain to him who
   asks, I know not. Yet I say with confidence, that I know that if
   nothing passed away, there would not be past time; and if nothing were
   coming, there would not be future time; and if nothing were, there
   would not be present time. Those two times, therefore, past and future,
   how are they, when even the past now is not; and the future is not as
   yet? But should the present be always present, and should it not pass
   into time past, time truly it could not be, but eternity. If, then,
   time present--if it be time--only comes into existence because it
   passes into time past, how do we say that even this is, whose cause of
   being is that it shall not be--namely, so that we cannot truly say that
   time is, unless because it tends not to be?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XV.--There is Only a Moment of Present Time.

   18. And yet we say that "time is long and time is short;" nor do we
   speak of this save of time past and future. A long time past, for
   example, we call a hundred years ago; in like manner a long time to
   come, a hundred years hence. But a short time past we call, say, ten
   days ago: and a short time to come, ten days hence. But in what sense
   is that long or short which is not? For the past is not now, and the
   future is not yet. Therefore let us not say, "It is long;" but let us
   say of the past, "It hath been long," and of the future, "It will be
   long." O my Lord, my light, shall not even here Thy truth deride man?
   For that past time which was long, was it long when it was already
   past, or when it was as yet present? For then it might be long when
   there was that which could be long, but when past it no longer was;
   wherefore that could not be long which was not at all. Let us not,
   therefore, say, "Time past hath been long;" for we shall not find what
   may have been long, seeing that since it was past it is not; but let us
   say "that present time was long, because when it was present it was
   long." For it had not as yet passed away so as not to be, and therefore
   there was that which could be long. But after it passed, that ceased
   also to be long which ceased to be.

   19. Let us therefore see, O human soul, whether present time can be
   long; for to thee is it given to perceive and to measure periods of
   time. What wilt thou reply to me? Is a hundred years when present a
   long time? See, first, whether a hundred years can be present. For if
   the first year of these is current, that is present, but the other
   ninety and nine are future, and therefore they are not as yet. But if
   the second year is current, one is already past, the other present, the
   rest future. And thus, if we fix on any middle year of this hundred as
   present, those before it are past, those after it are future; wherefore
   a hundred years cannot be present. See at least whether that year
   itself which is current can be present. For if its first month be
   current, the rest are future; if the second, the first hath already
   passed, and the remainder are not yet. Therefore neither is the year
   which is current as a whole present; and if it is not present as a
   whole, then the year is not present. For twelve months make the year,
   of which each individual month which is current is itself present, but
   the rest are either past or future. Although neither is that month
   which is current present, but one day only: if the first, the rest
   being to come, if the last, the rest being past; if any of the middle,
   then between past and future.

   20. Behold, the present time, which alone we found could be called
   long, is abridged to the space scarcely of one day. But let us discuss
   even that, for there is not one day present as a whole. For it is made
   up of four-and-twenty hours of night and day, whereof the first hath
   the rest future, the last hath them past, but any one of the
   intervening hath those before it past, those after it future. And that
   one hour passeth away in fleeting particles. Whatever of it hath flown
   away is past, whatever remaineth is future. If any portion of time be
   conceived which cannot now be divided into even the minutest particles
   of moments, this only is that which may be called present; which,
   however, flies so rapidly from future to past, that it cannot be
   extended by any delay. For if it be extended, it is divided into the
   past and future; but the present hath no space. Where, therefore, is
   the time which we may call long? Is it nature? Indeed we do not say,
   "It is long," because it is not yet, so as to be long; but we say, "It
   will be long." When, then, will it be? For if even then, since as yet
   it is future, it will not be long, because what may be long is not as
   yet; but it shall be long, when from the future, which as yet is not,
   it shall already have begun to be, and will have become present, so
   that there could be that which may be long; then doth the present time
   cry out in the words above that it cannot be long.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVI.--Time Can Only Be Perceived or Measured While It is
   Passing.

   21. And yet, O Lord, we perceive intervals of times, and we compare
   them with themselves, and we say some are longer, others shorter. We
   even measure by how much shorter or longer this time may be than that;
   and we answer, "That this is double or treble, while that is but once,
   or only as much as that." But we measure times passing when we measure
   them by perceiving them; but past times, which now are not, or future
   times, which as yet are not, who can measure them? Unless, perchance,
   any one will dare to say, that that can be measured which is not. When,
   therefore, time is passing, it can be perceived and measured; but when
   it has passed, it cannot, since it is not.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVII.--Nevertheless There is Time Past and Future.

   2. I ask, Father, I do not affirm. O my God, rule and guide me. "Who is
   there who can say to me that there are not three times (as we learned
   when boys, and as we have taught boys), the past, present, and future,
   but only present, because these two are not? Or are they also; but when
   from future it becometh present, cometh it forth from some secret
   place, and when from the present it becometh past, doth it retire into
   anything secret? For where have they, who have foretold future things,
   seen these things, if as yet they are not? For that which is not cannot
   be seen. And they who relate things past could not relate them as true,
   did they not perceive them in their mind. Which things, if they were
   not, they could in no wise be discerned. There are therefore things
   both future and past.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVIII.--Past and Future Times Cannot Be Thought of But as
   Present.

   23. Suffer me, O Lord, to seek further; O my Hope, let not my purpose
   be confounded. For if there are times past and future, I desire to know
   where they are. But if as yet I do not succeed, I still know, wherever
   they are, that they are not there as future or past, but as present.
   For if there also they be future, they are not as yet there; if even
   there they be past, they are no longer there. Wheresoever, therefore,
   they are, whatsoever they are, they are only so as present. Although
   past things are related as true, they are drawn out from the
   memory,--not the things themselves, which have passed, but the words
   conceived from the images of the things which they have formed in the
   mind as footprints in their passage through the senses. My childhood,
   indeed, which no longer is, is in time past, which now is not; but when
   I call to mind its image, and speak of it, I behold it in the present,
   because it is as yet in my memory. Whether there be a like cause of
   foretelling future things, that of things which as yet are not the
   images may be perceived as already existing, I confess, my God, I know
   not. This certainly I know, that we generally think before on our
   future actions, and that this premeditation is present; but that the
   action whereon we premeditate is not yet, because it is future; which
   when we shall have entered upon, and have begun to do that which we
   were premeditating, then shall that action be, because then it is not
   future, but present.

   24. In whatever manner, therefore, this secret preconception of future
   things may be, nothing can be seen, save what is. But what now is is
   not future, but present. When, therefore, they say that things future
   are seen, it is not themselves, which as yet are not (that is, which
   are future); but their causes or their signs perhaps are seen, the
   which already are. Therefore, to those already beholding them, they are
   not future, but present, from which future things conceived in the mind
   are foretold. Which conceptions again now are, and they who foretell
   those things behold these conceptions present before them. Let now so
   multitudinous a variety of things afford me some example. I behold
   daybreak; I foretell that the sun is about to rise. That which I behold
   is present; what I foretell is future,--not that the sun is future,
   which already is; but his rising, which is not yet. Yet even its rising
   I could not predict unless I had an image of it in my mind, as now I
   have while I speak. But that dawn which I see in the sky is not the
   rising of the sun, although it may go before it, nor that imagination
   in my mind; which two are seen as present, that the other which is
   future may be foretold. Future things, therefore, are not as yet; and
   if they are not as yet, they are not. And if they are not, they cannot
   be seen at all; but they can be foretold from things present which now
   are, and are seen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIX.--We are Ignorant in What Manner God Teaches Future Things.

   25. Thou, therefore, Ruler of Thy creatures, what is the method by
   which Thou teachest souls those things which are future? For Thou hast
   taught Thy prophets. What is that way by which Thou, to whom nothing is
   future, dost teach future things; or rather of future things dost teach
   present? For what is not, of a certainty cannot be taught. Too far is
   this way from my view; it is too mighty for me, I cannot attain unto
   it; [1042] but by Thee I shall be enabled, when Thou shalt have granted
   it, sweet light of my hidden eyes.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1042] Ps. cxxxix. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XX.--In What Manner Time May Properly Be Designated.

   26. But what now is manifest and clear is, that neither are there
   future nor past things. Nor is it fitly said, "There are three times,
   past, present and future;" but perchance it might be fitly said, "There
   are three times; a present of things past, a present of things present,
   and a present of things future." For these three do somehow exist in
   the soul, and otherwise I see them not: present of things past, memory;
   present of things present, sight; present of things future,
   expectation. If of these things we are permitted to speak, I see three
   times, and I grant there are three. It may also be said, "There are
   three times, past, present and future," as usage falsely has it. See, I
   trouble not, nor gainsay, nor reprove; provided always that which is
   said may be understood, that neither the future, nor that which is
   past, now is. For there are but few things which we speak properly,
   many things improperly; but what we may wish to say is understood.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXI.--How Time May Be Measured.

   27. I have just now said, then, that we measure times as they pass,
   that we may be able to say that this time is twice as much as that one,
   or that this is only as much as that, and so of any other of the parts
   of time which we are able to tell by measuring. Wherefore, as I said,
   we measure times as they pass. And if any one should ask me, "Whence
   dost thou know?" I can answer, "I know, because we measure; nor can we
   measure things that are not; and things past and future are not." But
   how do we measure present time, since it hath not space? It is measured
   while it passeth; but when it shall have passed, it is not measured;
   for there will not be aught that can be measured. But whence, in what
   way, and whither doth it pass while it is being measured? Whence, but
   from the future? Which way, save through the present? Whither, but into
   the past? From that, therefore, which as yet is not, through that which
   hath no space, into that which now is not. But what do we measure,
   unless time in some space? For we say not single, and double, and
   triple, and equal, or in any other way in which we speak of time,
   unless with respect to the spaces of times. In what space, then, do we
   measure passing time? Is it in the future, whence it passeth over? But
   what yet we measure not, is not. Or is it in the present, by which it
   passeth? But no space, we do not measure. Or in the past, whither it
   passeth? But that which is not now, we measure not.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXII.--He Prays God that He Would Explain This Most Entangled
   Enigma.

   28. My soul yearns to know this most entangled enigma. Forbear to shut
   up, O Lord my God, good Father,--through Christ I beseech
   Thee,--forbear to shut up these things, both usual and hidden, from my
   desire, that it may be hindered from penetrating them; but let them
   dawn through Thy enlightening mercy, O Lord. Of whom shall I inquire
   concerning these things? And to whom shall I with more advantage
   confess my ignorance than to Thee, to whom these my studies, so
   vehemently kindled towards Thy Scriptures, are not troublesome? Give
   that which I love; for I do love, and this hast Thou given me. Give,
   Father, who truly knowest to give good gifts unto Thy children. [1043]
   Give, since I have undertaken to know, and trouble is before me until
   Thou dost open it. [1044] Through Christ, I beseech Thee, in His name,
   Holy of Holies, let no man interrupt me. For I believed, and therefore
   do I speak. [1045] This is my hope; for this do I live, that I may
   contemplate the delights of the Lord. [1046] Behold, Thou hast made my
   days old, [1047] and they pass away, and in what manner I know not. And
   we speak as to time and time, times and times,--"How long is the time
   since he said this?" "How long the time since he did this?" and, "How
   long the time since I saw that?" and, "This syllable hath double the
   time of that single short syllable." These words we speak, and these we
   hear; and we are understood, and we understand. They are most manifest
   and most usual, and the same things again lie hid too deeply, and the
   discovery of them is new.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1043] Matt. vii. 11.

   [1044] Ps. lxxiii. 16.

   [1045] Ps. cxvi. 10.

   [1046] Ps. xxvii. 4.

   [1047] Ps. xxxix. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIII.--That Time is a Certain Extension.

   29. I have heard from a learned man that the motions of the sun, moon,
   and stars constituted time, and I assented not. [1048] For why should
   not rather the motions of all bodies be time? What if the lights of
   heaven should cease, and a potter's wheel run round, would there be no
   time by which we might measure those revolutions, and say either that
   it turned with equal pauses, or, if it were moved at one time more
   slowly, at another more quickly, that some revolutions were longer,
   others less so? Or while we were saying this, should we not also be
   speaking in time? Or should there in our words be some syllables long,
   others short, but because those sounded in a longer time, these in a
   shorter? God grant to men to see in a small thing ideas common to
   things great and small. Both the stars and luminaries of heaven are
   "for signs and for seasons, and for days and years." [1049] No doubt
   they are; but neither should I say that the circuit of that wooden
   wheel was a day, nor yet should he say that therefore there was no
   time.

   30. I desire to know the power and nature of time, by which we measure
   the motions of bodies, and say (for example) that this motion is twice
   as long as that. For, I ask, since "day" declares not the stay only of
   the sun upon the earth, according to which day is one thing, night
   another, but also its entire circuit from east even to east,--according
   to which we say, "So many days have passed" (the nights being included
   when we say "so many days," and their spaces not counted
   apart),--since, then, the day is finished by the motion of the sun, and
   by his circuit from east to east, I ask, whether the motion itself is
   the day, or the period in which that motion is completed, or both? For
   if the first be the day, then would there be a day although the sun
   should finish that course in so small a space of time as an hour. If
   the second, then that would not be a day if from one sunrise to another
   there were but so short a period as an hour, but the sun must go round
   four-and-twenty times to complete a day. If both, neither could that be
   called a day if the sun should run his entire round in the space of an
   hour; nor that, if, while the sun stood still, so much time should pass
   as the sun is accustomed to accomplish his whole course in from morning
   to morning. I shall not therefore now ask, what that is which is called
   day, but what time is, by which we, measuring the circuit of the sun,
   should say that it was accomplished in half the space of time it was
   wont, if it had been completed in so small a space as twelve hours; and
   comparing both times, we should call that single, this double time,
   although the sun should run his course from east to east sometimes in
   that single, sometimes in that double time. Let no man then tell me
   that the motions of the heavenly bodies are times, because, when at the
   prayer of one the sun stood still in order that he might achieve his
   victorious battle, the sun stood still, but time went on. For in such
   space of time as was sufficient was that battle fought and ended.
   [1050] I see that time, then, is a certain extension. But do I see it,
   or do I seem to see it? Thou, O Light and Truth, wilt show me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1048] Compare Gillies (Analysis of Aristotle, c. 2, p. 138): "As our
   conception of space originates in that of body, and our conception of
   motion in that of space, so our conception of time originates in that
   of motion; and particularly in those regular and equable motions
   carried on in the heavens, the parts of which, from their perfect
   similarity to each other, are correct measures of the continuous and
   successive quantity called Time, with which they are conceived to
   co-exist. Time, therefore, may be defined the perceived number of
   successive movements; for, as number ascertains the greater or lesser
   quantity of things numbered, so time ascertains the greater or lesser
   quantity of motion performed." And with this accords Monboddo's
   definition of time (Ancient Metaphysics, vol. i. book 4, chap. i.), as
   "the measure of the duration of things that exist in succession by the
   motion of the heavenly bodies." See xii. sec. 40, and note, below.

   [1049] Gen. i. 14.

   [1050] Josh. x. 12-14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIV.--That Time is Not a Motion of a Body Which We Measure by
   Time.

   31. Dost Thou command that I should assent, if any one should say that
   time is "the motion of a body?" Thou dost not command me. For I hear
   that no body is moved but in time. This Thou sayest; but that the very
   motion of a body is time, I hear not; Thou sayest it not. For when a
   body is moved, I by time measure how long it may be moving from the
   time in which it began to be moved till it left off. And if I saw not
   whence it began, and it continued to be moved, so that I see not when
   it leaves off, I cannot measure unless, perchance, from the time I
   began until I cease to see. But if I look long, I only proclaim that
   the time is long, but not how long it may be because when we say, "How
   long," we speak by comparison, as, "This is as long as that," or, "This
   is double as long as that," or any other thing of the kind. But if we
   were able to note down the distances of places whence and whither
   cometh the body which is moved, or its parts, if it moved as in a
   wheel, we can say in how much time the motion of the body or its part,
   from this place unto that, was performed. Since, then, the motion of a
   body is one thing, that by which we measure how long it is another, who
   cannot see which of these is rather to be called time? For, although a
   body be sometimes moved, sometimes stand still, we measure not its
   motion only, but also its standing still, by time; and we say, "It
   stood still as much as it moved;" or, "It stood still twice or thrice
   as long as it moved;" and if any other space which our measuring hath
   either determined or imagined, more or less, as we are accustomed to
   say. Time, therefore, is not the motion of a body.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXV.--He Calls on God to Enlighten His Mind.

   32. And I confess unto Thee, O Lord, that I am as yet ignorant as to
   what time is, and again I confess unto Thee, O Lord, that I know that I
   speak these things in time, and that I have already long spoken of
   time, and that very "long" is not long save by the stay of time. How,
   then, know I this, when I know not what time is? Or is it, perchance,
   that I know not in what wise I may express what I know? Alas for me,
   that I do not at least know the extent of my own ignorance! Behold, O
   my God, before Thee I lie not. As I speak, so is my heart. Thou shalt
   light my candle; Thou, O Lord my God, wilt enlighten my darkness.
   [1051]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1051] Ps. viii. 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVI.--We Measure Longer Events by Shorter in Time.

   33. Doth not my soul pour out unto Thee truly in confession that I do
   measure times? But do I thus measure, O my God, and know not what I
   measure? I measure the motion of a body by time; and the time itself do
   I not measure? But, in truth, could I measure the motion of a body, how
   long it is, and how long it is in coming from this place to that,
   unless I should measure the time in which it is moved? How, therefore,
   do I measure this very time itself? Or do we by a shorter time measure
   a longer, as by the space of a cubit the space of a crossbeam? For
   thus, indeed, we seem by the space of a short syllable to measure the
   space of a long syllable, and to say that this is double. Thus we
   measure the spaces of stanzas by the spaces of the verses, and the
   spaces of the verses by the spaces of the feet, and the spaces of the
   feet by the spaces of the syllables, and the spaces of long by the
   spaces of short syllables; not measuring by pages (for in that manner
   we measure spaces, not times), but when in uttering the words they pass
   by, and we say, "It is a long stanza because it is made up of so many
   verses; long verses, because they consist of so many feet; long feet,
   because they are prolonged by so many syllables; a long syllable,
   because double a short one." But neither thus is any certain measure of
   time obtained; since it is possible that a shorter verse, if it be
   pronounced more fully, may take up more time than a longer one, if
   pronounced more hurriedly. Thus for a stanzas, thus for a foot, thus
   for a syllable. Whence it appeared to me that time is nothing else than
   protraction; but of what I know not. It is wonderful to me, if it be
   not of the mind itself. For what do I measure, I beseech Thee, O my
   God, even when I say either indefinitely, "This time is longer than
   that;" or even definitely, "This is double that?" That I measure time,
   I know. But I measure not the future, for it is not yet; nor do I
   measure the present, because it is extended by no space; nor do I
   measure the past, because it no longer is. What, therefore, do I
   measure? Is it times passing, not past? For thus had I said.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVII.--Times are Measured in Proportion as They Pass by.

   34. Persevere, O my mind, and give earnest heed. od is our helper; He
   made us, and not we ourselves. [1052] Give heed, where truth dawns. Lo,
   suppose the voice of a body begins to sound, and does sound, and sounds
   on, and lo! it ceases,--it is now silence, and that voice is past and
   is no longer a voice. It was future before it sounded, and could not be
   measured, because as yet it was not; and now it cannot, because it no
   longer is. Then, therefore, while it was sounding, it might, because
   there was then that which might be measured. But even then it did not
   stand still, for it was going and passing away. Could it, then, on that
   account be measured the more? For, while passing, it was being extended
   into some space of time, in which it might be measured, since the
   present hath no space. If, therefore, then it might be measured, lo!
   suppose another voice hath begun to sound, and still soundeth, in a
   continued tenor without any interruption, we can measure it while it is
   sounding; for when it shall have ceased to sound, it will be already
   past, and there will not be that which can be measured. Let us measure
   it truly, and let us say how much it is. But as yet it sounds, nor can
   it be measured, save from that instant in which it began to sound, even
   to the end in which it left off. For the interval itself we measure
   from some beginning unto some end. On which account, a voice which is
   not yet ended cannot be measured, so that it may be said how long or
   how short it may be; nor can it be said to be equal to another, or
   single or double in respect of it, or the like. But when it is ended,
   it no longer is. In what manner, therefore, may it be measured? And yet
   we measure times; still not those which as yet are not, nor those which
   no longer are, nor those which are protracted by some delay, nor those
   which have no limits. We, therefore, measure neither future times, nor
   past, nor present, nor those passing by; and yet we do measure times.

   35. Deus Creator omnium; this verse of eight syllables alternates
   between short and long syllables. The four short, then, the first,
   third, fifth and seventh, are single in respect of the four long, the
   second, fourth, sixth, and eighth. Each of these hath a double time to
   every one of those. I pronounce them, report on them, and thus it is,
   as is perceived by common sense. By common sense, then, I measure a
   long by a short syllable, and I find that it has twice as much. But
   when one sounds after another, if the former be short the latter long,
   how shall I hold the short one, and how measuring shall I apply it to
   the long, so that I may find out that this has twice as much, when
   indeed the long does not begin to sound unless the short leaves off
   sounding? That very long one I measure not as present, since I measure
   it not save when ended. But its ending is its passing away. What, then,
   is it that I can measure? Where is the short syllable by which I
   measure? Where is the long one which I measure? Both have sounded, have
   flown, have passed away, and are no longer; and still I measure, and I
   confidently answer (so far as is trusted to a practised sense), that as
   to space of time this syllable is single, that double. Nor could I do
   this, unless because they have past, and are ended. Therefore do I not
   measure themselves, which now are not, but something in my memory,
   which remains fixed.

   36. In thee, O my mind, I measure times. [1053] Do not overwhelm me
   with thy clamour. That is, do not overwhelm thyself with the multitude
   of thy impressions. In thee, I say, I measure times; the impression
   which things as they pass by make on thee, and which, when they have
   passed by, remains, that I measure as time present, not those things
   which have passed by, that the impression should be made. This I
   measure when I measure times. Either, then, these are times, or I do
   not measure times. What when we measure silence, and say that this
   silence hath lasted as long as that voice lasts? Do we not extend our
   thought to the measure of a voice, as if it sounded, so that we may be
   able to declare something concerning the intervals of silence in a
   given space of time? For when both the voice and tongue are still, we
   go over in thought poems and verses, and any discourse, or dimensions
   of motions; and declare concerning the spaces of times, how much this
   may be in respect of that, not otherwise than if uttering them we
   should pronounce them. Should any one wish to utter a lengthened sound,
   and had with forethought determined how long it should be, that man
   hath in silence verily gone through a space of time, and, committing it
   to memory, he begins to utter that speech, which sounds until it be
   extended to the end proposed; truly it hath sounded, and will sound.
   For what of it is already finished hath verily sounded, but what
   remains will sound; and thus does it pass on, until the present
   intention carry over the future into the past; the past increasing by
   the diminution of the future, until, by the consumption of the future,
   all be past.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1052] Ps. c. 3.

   [1053] With the argument in this and the previous sections, compare Dr.
   Reid's remarks in his Intellectual Powers, iii. 5: "We may measure
   duration by the succession of thoughts in the mind, as we measure
   length by inches or feet, but the notion or idea of duration must be
   antecedent to the mensuration of it, as the notion of length is
   antecedent to its being measured....Reason, from the contemplation of
   finite extended things, leads us necessarily to the belief of an
   immensity that contains them. In like manner, memory gives us the
   conception and belief of finite intervals of duration. From the
   contemplation of these, reason leads us necessarily to the belief of an
   eternity, which comprehends all things that have a beginning and an
   end." The student will with advantage examine a monograph on this
   subject by C. Fortlage, entitled, Aurelii Augustini doctrina de tempore
   ex libro xi. Confessionum depromta, Aristotelicæ, Kantianæ, aliarumque
   theoriarium recensione aucta, et congruis hodiernæ philosophiæ ideis
   amplificata (Heidelbergæ, 1836). He says that amongst all the
   philosophers none have so nearly approached truth as Augustin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVIII.--Time in the Human Mind, Which Expects, Considers, and
   Remembers.

   37. But how is that future diminished or consumed which as yet is not?
   Or how doth the past, which is no longer, increase, unless in the mind
   which enacteth this there are three things done? For it both expects,
   and considers, and remembers, that that which it expecteth, through
   that which it considereth, may pass into that which it remembereth.
   Who, therefore, denieth that future things as yet are not? But yet
   there is already in the mind the expectation of things future. And who
   denies that past things are now no longer? But, however, there is still
   in the mind the memory of things past. And who denies that time present
   wants space, because it passeth away in a moment? But yet our
   consideration endureth, through which that which may be present may
   proceed to become absent. Future time, which is not, is not therefore
   long; but a "long future" is "a long expectation of the future." Nor is
   time past, which is now no longer, long; but a long past is "a long
   memory of the past."

   38. I am about to repeat a psalm that I know. Before I begin, my
   attention is extended to the whole; but when I have begun, as much of
   it as becomes past by my saying it is extended in my memory; and the
   life of this action of mine is divided between my memory, on account of
   what I have repeated, and my expectation, on account of what I am about
   to repeat; yet my consideration is present with me, through which that
   which was future may be carried over so that it may become past. Which
   the more it is done and repeated, by so much (expectation being
   shortened) the memory is enlarged, until the whole expectation be
   exhausted, when that whole action being ended shall have passed into
   memory. And what takes place in the entire psalm, takes place also in
   each individual part of it, and in each individual syllable: this holds
   in the longer action, of which that psalm is perchance a portion; the
   same holds in the whole life of man, of which all the actions of man
   are parts; the same holds in the whole age of the sons of men, of which
   all the lives of men are parts.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIX.--That Human Life is a Distraction But that Through the
   Mercy of God He Was Intent on the Prize of His Heavenly Calling.

   39. But "because Thy loving-kindness is better than life," [1054]
   behold, my life is but a distraction, [1055] and Thy right hand upheld
   me [1056] in my Lord, the Son of man, the Mediator between Thee, [1057]
   The One, and us the many,--in many distractions amid many things,--that
   through Him I may apprehend in whom I have been apprehended, and may be
   recollected from my old days, following The One, forgetting the things
   that are past; and not distracted, but drawn on, [1058] not to those
   things which shall be and shall pass away, but to those things which
   are before, [1059] not distractedly, but intently, I follow on for the
   prize of my heavenly calling, [1060] where I may hear the voice of Thy
   praise, and contemplate Thy delights, [1061] neither coming nor passing
   away. But now are my years spent in mourning. [1062] And Thou, O Lord,
   art my comfort, my Father everlasting. But I have been divided amid
   times, the order of which I know not; and my thoughts, even the inmost
   bowels of my soul, are mangled with tumultuous varieties, until I flow
   together unto Thee, purged and molten in the fire of Thy love. [1063]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1054] Ps. lxiii. 3.

   [1055] Distentio. It will be observed that there is a play on the word
   throughout the section.

   [1056] Ps. lxiii. 8.

   [1057] 1 Tim. ii. 5.

   [1058] Non distentus sed extentus. So in Serm. cclv. 6, we have: "Unum
   nos extendat, ne multa distendant, et abrumpant ab uno."

   [1059] Phil. iii. 13.

   [1060] Phil. iii. 14. Many wish to attain the prize who never earnestly
   pursue it. And it may be said here in view of the subject of this book,
   that there is no stranger delusion than that which possesses the idle
   and the worldly as to the influence of time in ameliorating their
   condition. They have "good intentions," and hope that time in the
   future may do for them what it has not in the past. But in truth, time
   merely affords an opportunity for energy and life to work. To quote
   that lucid and nervous thinker, Bishop Copleston (Remains, p. 123):
   "One of the commonest errors is to regard time as agent. But in reality
   time does nothing and is nothing. We use it as a compendious expression
   for all those causes which operate slowly and imperceptibly; but,
   unless some positive cause is in action, no change takes place in the
   lapse of one thousand years; e. g., a drop of water encased in a cavity
   of silex."

   [1061] Ps. xxvi. 7.

   [1062] Ps. xxvii. 4.

   [1063] Ps. xxxi. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXX.--Again He Refutes the Empty Question, "What Did God Before
   the Creation of the World?"

   40. And I will be immoveable, and fixed in Thee, in my mould, Thy
   truth; nor will I endure the questions of men, who by a penal disease
   thirst for more than they can hold, and say, "What did God make before
   He made heaven and earth?" Or, "How came it into His mind to make
   anything, when He never before made anything?" Grant to them, O Lord,
   to think well what they say, and to see that where there is no time,
   they cannot say "never." What, therefore, He is said "never to have
   made," what else is it but to say, that in no time was it made? Let
   them therefore see that there could be no time without a created being,
   [1064] and let them cease to speak that vanity. Let them also be
   extended unto those things which are before, [1065] and understand that
   thou, the eternal Creator of all times, art before all times, and that
   no times are co-eternal with Thee, nor any creature, even if there be
   any creature beyond all times.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1064] He argues similarly in his De Civ. Dei, xi. 6: "That the world
   and time had but one beginning."

   [1065] Phil. iii. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXI.--How the Knowledge of God Differs from that of Man.

   41. O Lord my God, what is that secret place of Thy mystery, and how
   far thence have the consequences of my transgressions cast me? Heal my
   eyes, that I may enjoy Thy light. Surely, if there be a mind, so
   greatly abounding in knowledge and foreknowledge, to which all things
   past and future are so known as one psalm is well known to me, that
   mind is exceedingly wonderful, and very astonishing; because whatever
   is so past, and whatever is to come of after ages, is no more concealed
   from Him than was it hidden from me when singing that psalm, what and
   how much of it had been sung from the beginning, what and how much
   remained unto the end. But far be it that Thou, the Creator of the
   universe, the Creator of souls and bodies,--far be it that Thou
   shouldest know all things future and past. Far, far more wonderfully,
   and far more mysteriously, Thou knowest them. [1066] For it is not as
   the feelings of one singing known things, or hearing a known song,
   are--through expectation of future words, and in remembrance of those
   that are past--varied, and his senses divided, that anything happeneth
   unto Thee, unchangeably eternal, that is, the truly eternal [1067]
   Creator of minds. As, then, Thou in the Beginning knewest the heaven
   and the earth without any change of Thy knowledge, so in the Beginning
   didst Thou make heaven and earth without any distraction of Thy action.
   [1068] Let him who understandeth confess unto Thee; and let him who
   understandeth not, confess unto Thee. Oh, how exalted art Thou, and yet
   the humble in heart are Thy dwelling-place; for Thou raisest up those
   that are bowed down, [1069] and they whose exaltation Thou art fall
   not.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1066] Dean Mansel's argument, in his Bampton Lectures, as to our
   knowledge of the Infinite, is well worthy of consideration. He refers
   to Augustin's views on the subject of this book in note 13 to his third
   lecture, and in the text itself says: "The limited character of all
   existence which can be conceived as having a continuous duration, or as
   made up of successive moments, is so far manifest that it has been
   assumed almost as an axiom, by philosophical theologians, that in the
   existence of God there is no distinction between past, present, and
   future. In the changes of things,' say Augustin, there is a past and a
   future; in God there is a present, in which neither past nor future can
   be.' Eternity,' says Beethius, is the perfect possession of
   interminable life, and of all that life at once;' and Aquinas,
   accepting the definition, adds, Eternity has no succession, but exists
   all together.' But whether this assertion be literally true or not (and
   this we have no means of ascertaining), it is clear that such a mode of
   existence is altogether inconceivable by us, and that the words in
   which it is described represent not thought, but the refusal to think
   at all." See notes to xiii. 12, below.

   [1067] "With God, indeed, all things are arranged and fixed; and when
   He seemeth to act upon sudden motive, He doth nothing but what He
   foreknew that He should do from eternity" (Aug. in Ps. cvi. 35). With
   this passage may well be compared Dean Mansel's remarks (Bampton
   Lectures, lect. vi., and notes 23-25) on the doctrine, that the world
   is but a machine and is not under the continual government and
   direction of God. See also note 4, on p. 80 and note 2 on p. 136,
   above.

   [1068] See p. 166, note 2.

   [1069] Ps. cxlvi. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XII.

   ------------------------

   He continues his explanation of the first Chapter of Genesis according
   to the Septuagint, and by its assistance he argues, especially,
   concerning the double heaven, and the formless matter out of which the
   whole world may have been created; afterwards of the interpretations of
   others not disallowed, and sets forth at great length the sense of the
   Holy Scripture.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I .--The Discovery of Truth is Difficult, But God Has Promised
   that He Who Seeks Shall Find.

   1. My heart, O Lord, affected by the words of Thy Holy Scripture, is
   much busied in this poverty of my life; and therefore, for the most
   part, is the want of human intelligence copious in language, because
   inquiry speaks more than discovery, and because demanding is longer
   than obtaining, and the hand that knocks is more active than the hand
   that receives. We hold the promise; who shall break it? "If God be for
   us, who can be against us?" [1070] "Ask, and ye shall have; seek, and
   ye shall find; knock, and it shall be opened unto you: for every one
   that asketh receiveth; and he that seeketh findeth; and to him that
   knocketh it shall be opened." [1071] These are Thine own promises; and
   who need fear to be deceived where the Truth promiseth?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1070] Rom. viii. 31.

   [1071] Matt. vii. 7, 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--Of the Double Heaven,--The Visible, and the Heaven of
   Heavens.

   2. The weakness of my tongue confesseth unto Thy Highness, seeing that
   Thou madest heaven and earth. This heaven which I see, and this earth
   upon which I tread (from which is this earth that I carry about me),
   Thou hast made. But where is that heaven of heavens, [1072] O Lord, of
   which we hear in the words of the Psalm, The heaven of heavens are the
   Lord's, but the earth hath He given to the children of men? [1073]
   Where is the heaven, which we behold not, in comparison of which all
   this, which we behold, is earth? For this corporeal whole, not as a
   whole everywhere, hath thus received its beautiful figure in these
   lower parts, of which the bottom is our earth; but compared with that
   heaven of heavens, even the heaven of our earth is but earth; yea, each
   of these great bodies is not absurdly called earth, as compared with
   that, I know not what manner of heaven, which is the Lord's, not the
   sons' of men.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1072] That is, not the atmosphere which surrounds the earth, as when
   we say, "the birds of heaven" (Jer. iv. 25), "the dew of heaven" (Gen.
   xxvii. 28); nor that "firmament of heaven" (Gen. i. 17) in which the
   stars have their courses; nor both these together; but that "third
   heaven" to which Paul was "caught up" (2 Cor. xii. 1) in his rapture,
   and where God most manifests His glory, and the angels do Him homage.

   [1073] Ps. cxv. 16, after the LXX., Vulgate, and Syriac.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--Of the Darkness Upon the Deep, and of the Invisible and
   Formless Earth.

   3. And truly this earth was invisible and formless, [1074] and there
   was I know not what profundity of the deep upon which there was no
   light, [1075] because it had no form. Therefore didst Thou command that
   it should be written, that darkness was upon the face of the deep; what
   else was it than the absence of light? [1076] For had there been light,
   where should it have been save by being above all, showing itself
   aloft, and enlightening? Darkness therefore was upon it, because the
   light above was absent; as silence is there present where sound is not.
   And what is it to have silence there, but not to have sound there? Hast
   not Thou, O Lord, taught this soul which confesseth unto Thee? Hast not
   Thou taught me, O Lord, that before Thou didst form and separate this
   formless matter, there was nothing, neither colour, nor figure, nor
   body, nor spirit? Yet not altogether nothing; there was a certain
   formlessness without any shape.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1074] Gen. i. 2, as rendered by the Old Ver. from the LXX.: aoratos
   kai akataskeuastos. Kalisch in his Commentary translates thv vvhv:
   "dreariness and emptiness."

   [1075] The reader should keep in mind in reading what follows the
   Manichæan doctrine as to the kingdom of light and darkness. See notes,
   pp. 68 and 103, above.

   [1076] Compare De Civ. Dei, xi. 9, 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--From the Formlessness of Matter, the Beautiful World Has
   Arisen.

   4. What, then, should it be called, that even in some ways it might be
   conveyed to those of duller mind, save by some conventional word? But
   what, in all parts of the world, can be found nearer to a total
   formlessness than the earth and the deep? For, from their being of the
   lowest position, they are less beautiful than are the other higher
   parts, all transparent and shining. Why, therefore, may I not consider
   the formlessness of matter--which Thou hadst created without shape,
   whereof to make this shapely world--to be fittingly intimated unto men
   by the name of earth invisible and formless?
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--What May Have Been the Form of Matter.

   5. So that when herein thought seeketh what the sense may arrive at,
   and saith to itself, "It is no intelligible form, such as life or
   justice, because it is the matter of bodies; nor perceptible by the
   senses, because in the invisible and formless there is nothing which
   can be seen and felt;--while human thought saith these things to
   itself, it may endeavour either to know it by being ignorant, or by
   knowing it to be ignorant.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--He Confesses that at One Time He Himself Thought
   Erroneously of Matter.

   6. But were I, O Lord, by my mouth and by my pen to confess unto Thee
   the whole, whatever Thou hast taught me concerning that matter, the
   name of which hearing beforehand, and not understanding (they who could
   not understand it telling me of it), I conceived [1077] it as having
   innumerable and varied forms. And therefore did I not conceive it; my
   mind revolved in disturbed order foul and horrible "forms," but yet
   "forms;" and I called it formless, not that it lacked form, but because
   it had such as, did it appear, my mind would turn from, as unwonted and
   incongruous, and at which human weakness would be disturbed. But even
   that which I did conceive was formless, not by the privation of all
   form, but in comparison of more beautiful forms; and true reason
   persuaded me that I ought altogether to remove from it all remnants of
   any form whatever, if I wished to conceive matter wholly without form;
   and I could not. For sooner could I imagine that that which should be
   deprived of all form was not at all, than conceive anything between
   form and nothing,--neither formed, nor nothing, formless, nearly
   nothing. And my mind hence ceased to question my spirit, filled (as it
   was) with the images of formed bodies, and changing and varying them
   according to its will; and I applied myself to the bodies themselves,
   and looked more deeply into their mutability, by which they cease to be
   what they had been, and begin to be what they were not; and this same
   transit from form unto form I have looked upon to be through some
   formless condition, not through a very nothing; but I desired to know,
   not to guess. And if my voice and my pen should confess the whole unto
   Thee, whatsoever knots Thou hast untied for me concerning this
   question, who of my readers would endure to take in the whole? Nor yet,
   therefore, shall my heart cease to give Thee honour, and a song of
   praise, for those things which it is not able to express. For the
   mutability of mutable things is itself capable of all those forms into
   which mutable things are changed. And this mutability, what is it? Is
   it soul? Is it body? Is it the outer appearance of soul or body? Could
   it be said, "Nothing were something," and "That which is, is not," I
   would say that this were it; and yet in some manner was it already,
   since it could receive these visible and compound shapes.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1077] See iii. sec. 11, and p. 103, note, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--Out of Nothing God Made Heaven and Earth.

   7. And whence and in what manner was this, unless from Thee, from whom
   are all things, in so far as they are? But by how much the farther from
   Thee, so much the more unlike unto Thee; for it is not distance of
   place. Thou, therefore, O Lord, who art not one thing in one place, and
   otherwise in another, but the Self-same, and the Self-same, and the
   Self-same, [1078] Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God Almighty, didst in the
   beginning, [1079] which is of Thee, in Thy Wisdom, which was born of
   Thy Substance, create something, and that out of nothing. [1080] For
   Thou didst create heaven and earth, not out of Thyself, for then they
   would be equal to Thine Only-begotten, and thereby even to Thee; [1081]
   and in no wise would it be right that anything should be equal to Thee
   which was not of Thee. And aught else except Thee there was not whence
   Thou mightest create these things, O God, One Trinity, and Trine Unity;
   and, therefore, out of nothing didst Thou create heaven and earth,--a
   great thing and a small, because Thou art Almighty and Good, to make
   all things good, even the great heaven and the small earth. Thou wast,
   and there was nought else from which Thou didst create heaven and
   earth; two such things, one near unto Thee, the other near to nothing,
   [1082] --one to which Thou shouldest be superior, the other to which
   nothing should be inferior.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1078] See ix. sec. 11, above.

   [1079] See p. 166, note, above.

   [1080] See p. 165, note 2, above.

   [1081] In the beginning of sec. 10, book xi. of his De Civ. Dei, he
   similarly argues that the world was, not like the Son, "begotten of the
   simple good," but "created." See also note 8, p. 76, above.

   [1082] "Because at the first creation, it had no form nor thing in
   it."--W. W.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--Heaven and Earth Were Made "In the Beginning;"
   Afterwards the World, During Six Days, from Shapeless Matter.

   8. But that heaven of heavens was for Thee, O Lord; but the earth,
   which Thou hast given to the sons of men, [1083] to be seen and
   touched, was not such as now we see and touch. For it was invisible and
   "without form," [1084] and there was a deep over which there was not
   light; or, darkness was over the deep, that is, more than in the deep.
   For this deep of waters, now visible, has, even in its depths, a light
   suitable to its nature, perceptible in some manner unto fishes and
   creeping things in the bottom of it. But the entire deep was almost
   nothing, since hitherto it was altogether formless; yet there was then
   that which could be formed. For Thou, O Lord, hast made the world of a
   formless matter, which matter, out of nothing, Thou hast made almost
   nothing, out of which to make those great things which we, sons of men,
   wonder at. For very wonderful is this corporeal heaven, of which
   firmament, between water and water, the second day after the creation
   of light, Thou saidst, Let it be made, and it was made. [1085] Which
   firmament Thou calledst heaven, that is, the heaven of this earth and
   sea, which Thou madest on the third day, by giving a visible shape to
   the formless matter which Thou madest before all days. For even already
   hadst Thou made a heaven before all days, but that was the heaven of
   this heaven; because in the beginning Thou hadst made heaven and earth.
   But the earth itself which Thou hadst made was formless matter, because
   it was invisible and without form, and darkness was upon the deep. Of
   which invisible and formless earth, of which formlessness, of which
   almost nothing, Thou mightest make all these things of which this
   changeable world consists, and yet consisteth not; whose very
   changeableness appears in this, that times can be observed and numbered
   in it. Because times are made by the changes of things, while the
   shapes, whose matter is the invisible earth aforesaid, are varied and
   turned.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1083] Ps. cxv. 16.

   [1084] Gen. i. 2.

   [1085] Gen. i. 6-8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--That the Heaven of Heavens Was an Intellectual Creature,
   But that the Earth Was Invisible and Formless Before the Days that It
   Was Made.

   9. And therefore the Spirit, the Teacher of Thy servant [1086] when He
   relates that Thou didst in the Beginning create heaven and earth, is
   silent as to times, silent as to days. For, doubtless, that heaven of
   heavens, which Thou in the Beginning didst create, is some intellectual
   creature, which, although in no wise co-eternal unto Thee, the Trinity,
   is yet a partaker of Thy eternity, and by reason of the sweetness of
   that most happy contemplation of Thyself, doth greatly restrain its own
   mutability, and without any failure, from the time in which it was
   created, in clinging unto Thee, surpasses all the rolling change of
   times. But this shapelessness--this earth invisible and without
   form--has not itself been numbered among the days. For where there is
   no shape nor order, nothing either cometh or goeth; and where this is
   not, there certainly are no days, nor any vicissitude of spaces of
   times.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1086] Of Moses.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--He Begs of God that He May Live in the True Light, and May
   Be Instructed as to the Mysteries of the Sacred Books.

   10. Oh, let Truth, the light of my heart, [1087] not my own darkness,
   speak unto me! I have descended to that, and am darkened. But thence,
   even thence, did I love Thee. I went astray, and remembered Thee. I
   heard Thy voice behind me bidding me return, and scarcely did I hear it
   for the tumults of the unquiet ones. And now, behold, I return burning
   and panting after Thy fountain. Let no one prohibit me; of this will I
   drink, and so have life. Let me not be my own life; from myself have I
   badly lived,--death was I unto myself; in Thee do I revive. Do Thou
   speak unto me; do Thou discourse unto me. In Thy books have I believed,
   and their words are very deep. [1088]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1087] See note 2, p. 76, above.

   [1088] As Gregory the Great has it, Revelation is a river broad and
   deep, "In quo et agnus ambulet, et elephas natet." And these deep
   things of God are to be learned only by patient searching. We must,
   says St. Chrysostom (De Prec. serm. ii.), dive down into the sea as
   those who would fetch up pearls from its depths. The very
   mysteriousness of Scripture is, doubtless, intended by God to stimulate
   us to search the Scriptures, and to strengthen our spiritual insight
   (Enar. in Ps. cxlvi. 6). See also, p. 48, note 5; p. 164, note 2,
   above; and the notes on pp. 370, 371, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--What May Be Discovered to Him by God.

   11. Already hast Thou told me, O Lord, with a strong voice, in my inner
   ear, that Thou art eternal, having alone immortality. [1089] Since Thou
   art not changed by any shape or motion, nor is Thy will altered by
   times, because no will which changes is immortal. This in Thy sight is
   clear to me, and let it become more and more clear, I beseech Thee; and
   in that manifestation let me abide more soberly under Thy wings.
   Likewise hast Thou said to me, O Lord, with a strong voice, in my inner
   ear, that Thou hast made all natures and substances, which are not what
   Thou Thyself art, and yet they are; and that only is not from Thee
   which is not, and the motion of the will from Thee who art, to that
   which in a less degree is, because such motion is guilt and sin; [1090]
   and that no one's sin doth either hurt Thee, or disturb the order of
   Thy rule, [1091] either first or last. This, in Thy sight, is clear to
   me and let it become more and more clear, I beseech Thee; and in that
   manifestation let me abide more soberly under Thy wings.

   12. Likewise hast Thou said to me, with a strong voice, in my inner
   ear, that that creature, whose will Thou alone art, is not co-eternal
   unto Thee, and which, with a most persevering purity [1092] drawing its
   support from Thee, doth, in place and at no time, put forth its own
   mutability; [1093] and Thyself being ever present with it, unto whom
   with its entire affection it holds itself, having no future to expect
   nor conveying into the past what it remembereth, is varied by no
   change, nor extended into any times. [1094] O blessed one,--if any such
   there be,--in clinging unto Thy Blessedness; blest in Thee, its
   everlasting Inhabitant and its Enlightener! Nor do I find what the
   heaven of heavens, which is the Lord's, can be better called than Thine
   house, which contemplateth Thy delight without any defection of going
   forth to another; a pure mind, most peacefully one, by that stability
   of peace of holy spirits, [1095] the citizens of Thy city "in the
   heavenly places," above these heavenly places which are seen. [1096]

   13. Whence the soul, whose wandering has been made far away, may
   understand, if now she thirsts for Thee, if now her tears have become
   bread to her, while it is daily said unto her "Where is thy God?"
   [1097] if she now seeketh of Thee one thing, and desireth that she may
   dwell in Thy house all the days of her life. [1098] And what is her
   life but Thee? And what are Thy days but Thy eternity, as Thy years
   which fail not, because Thou art the same? Hence, therefore, can the
   soul, which is able, understand how far beyond all times Thou art
   eternal; when Thy house, which has not wandered from Thee, although it
   be not co-eternal with Thee, yet by continually and unfailingly
   clinging unto Thee, suffers no vicissitude of times. This in Thy sight
   is clear unto me, and may it become more and more clear unto me, I
   beseech Thee; and in this manifestation may I abide more soberly under
   Thy wings.

   14. Behold, I know not what shapelessness there is in those changes of
   these last and lowest creatures. And who shall tell me, unless it be
   some one who, through the emptiness of his own heart, wanders and is
   staggered by his own fancies? Who, unless such a one, would tell me
   that (all figure being diminished and consumed), if the formlessness
   only remain, through which the thing was changed and was turned from
   one figure into another, that that can exhibit the changes of times?
   For surely it could not be, because without the change of motions times
   are not, and there is no change where there is no figure.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1089] 1 Tim. vi. 16.

   [1090] For Augustin's view of evil as a "privation of good," see p. 64,
   note 1, above, and with it compare vii. sec. 22, above; Con. Secundin.
   c. 12; and De Lib. Arb. ii. 53. Parker, in his Theism, Atheism, etc. p.
   119, contends that God Himself must in some way be the author of evil,
   and a similar view is maintained by Schleiermacher, Christliche Glaube,
   sec. 80.

   [1091] See ii. sec. 13, and v. sec. 2, notes 4, 9, above.

   [1092] See iv. sec. 3, and note 1, above.

   [1093] See sec. 19, below.

   [1094] See xi. sec. 38, above, and sec. 18, below.

   [1095] See xiii. sec. 50, below.

   [1096] Eph. i. 20, etc.

   [1097] Ps. xlii. 2, 3, 10.

   [1098] Ps. xxvii. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--From the Formless Earth God Created Another Heaven and a
   Visible and Formed Earth.

   15. Which things considered as much as Thou givest, O my God, as much
   as Thou excitest me to "knock," and as much as Thou openest unto me
   when I knock, [1099] two things I find which Thou hast made, not within
   the compass of time, since neither is co-eternal with Thee. One, which
   is so formed that, without any failing of contemplation, without any
   interval of change, although changeable, yet not changed, it may fully
   enjoy Thy eternity and unchangeableness; the other, which was so
   formless, that it had not that by which it could be changed from one
   form into another, either of motion or of repose, whereby it might be
   subject unto time. But this Thou didst not leave to be formless, since
   before all days, in the beginning Thou createdst heaven and
   earth,--these two things of which I spoke. But the earth was invisible
   and without form, and darkness was upon the deep. [1100] By which words
   its shapelessness is conveyed unto us, that by degrees those minds may
   be drawn on which cannot wholly conceive the privation of all form
   without coming to nothing,--whence another heaven might be created, and
   another earth visible and well-formed, and water beautifully ordered,
   and whatever besides is, in the formation of this world, recorded to
   have been, not without days, created; because such things are so that
   in them the vicissitudes of times may take place, on account of the
   appointed changes of motions and of forms. [1101]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1099] Matt. vii. 7.

   [1100] Gen. i. 2.

   [1101] See end of sec. 40, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--Of the Intellectual Heaven and Formless Earth, Out of
   Which, on Another Day, the Firmament Was Formed.

   16. Meanwhile I conceive this, O my God, when I hear Thy Scripture
   speak, saying, In the beginning God made heaven and earth; but the
   earth was invisible and without form, and darkness was upon the deep,
   and not stating on what day Thou didst create these things. Thus,
   meanwhile, do I conceive, that it is on account of that heaven of
   heavens, that intellectual heaven, where to understand is to know all
   at once,--not "in part," not "darkly," not "through a glass," [1102]
   but as a whole, in manifestation, "face to face;" not this thing now,
   that anon, but (as has been said) to know at once without any change of
   times; and on account of the invisible and formless earth, without any
   change of times; which change is wont to have "this thing now, that
   anon," because, where there is no form there can be no distinction
   between "this" or "that;"--it is, then, on account of these two,--a
   primitively formed, and a wholly formless; the one heaven, but the
   heaven of heavens, the other earth, but the earth invisible and
   formless;--on account of these two do I meanwhile conceive that Thy
   Scripture said without mention of days, "In the beginning God created
   the heaven and the earth." For immediately it added of what earth it
   spake. And when on the second day the firmament is recorded to have
   been created, and called heaven, it suggests to us of which heaven He
   spake before without mention of days.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1102] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--Of the Depth of the Sacred Scripture, and Its Enemies.

   17. Wonderful is the depth of Thy oracles, whose surface is before us,
   inviting the little ones; and yet wonderful is the depth, O my God,
   wonderful is the depth. [1103] It is awe to look into it; and awe of
   honour, and a tremor of love. The enemies thereof I hate vehemently.
   [1104] Oh, if Thou wouldest slay them with Thy two-edged sword, [1105]
   that they be not its enemies! For thus do I love, that they should be
   slain unto themselves that they may live unto Thee. But behold others
   not reprovers, but praisers of the book of Genesis,--"The Spirit of
   God," say they, "Who by His servant Moses wrote these things, willed
   not that these words should be thus understood. He willed not that it
   should be understood as Thou sayest, but as we say." Unto whom, O God
   of us all, Thyself being Judge, do I thus answer.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1103] See p. 112, note 2, and p. 178, note 2, above. See also Trench,
   Hulsean Lectures (1845), lect. 6, "The Inexhaustibility of Scripture."

   [1104] Ps. cxxxix. 21.

   [1105] Ps. cxlix. 6. He refers to the Manichæans (see p. 71, note l).
   In his comment on this place, he interprets the "two-edged sword" to
   mean the Old and New Testament, called two-edged, he says, because it
   speaks of things temporal and eternal.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XV.--He Argues Against Adversaries Concerning the Heaven of
   Heavens.

   18. "Will you say that these things are false, which, with a strong
   voice, Truth tells me in my inner ear, concerning the very eternity of
   the Creator, that His substance is in no wise changed by time, nor that
   His will is separate from His substance? Wherefore, He willeth not one
   thing now, another anon, but once and for ever He willeth all things
   that He willeth; not again and again, nor now this, now that; nor
   willeth afterwards what He willeth not before, nor willeth not what
   before He willed. Because such a will is mutable and no mutable thing
   is eternal; but our God is eternal. [1106] Likewise He tells me, tells
   me in my inner ear, that the expectation of future things is turned to
   sight when they have come; and this same sight is turned to memory when
   they have passed. Moreover, all thought which is thus varied is
   mutable, and nothing mutable is eternal; but our God is eternal." These
   things I sum up and put together, and I find that my God, the eternal
   God, hath not made any creature by any new will, nor that His knowledge
   suffereth anything transitory.

   19. What, therefore, will ye say, ye objectors? Are these things false?
   "No," they say. "What is this? Is it false, then, that every nature
   already formed, or matter formable, is only from Him who is supremely
   good, because He is supreme? . . . . Neither do we deny this," say
   they. "What then? Do you deny this, that there is a certain sublime
   creature, clinging with so chaste a love with the true and truly
   eternal God, that although it be not co-eternal with Him, yet it
   separateth itself not from Him, nor floweth into any variety and
   vicissitude of times, but resteth in the truest contemplation of Him
   only?" Since Thou, O God, showest Thyself unto him, and sufficest him,
   who loveth Thee as much as Thou commandest, and, therefore, he
   declineth not from Thee, nor toward himself. [1107] This is the house
   of God, [1108] not earthly, nor of any celestial bulk corporeal, but a
   spiritual house and a partaker of Thy eternity, because without blemish
   for ever. For Thou hast made it fast for ever and ever; Thou hast given
   it a law, which it shall not pass. [1109] Nor yet is it co-eternal with
   Thee, O God, because not without beginning, for it was made.

   20. For although we find no time before it, for wisdom was created
   before all things, [1110] --not certainly that Wisdom manifestly
   co-eternal and equal unto Thee, our God, His Father, and by Whom all
   things were created, and in Whom, as the Beginning, Thou createdst
   heaven and earth; but truly that wisdom which has been created, namely,
   the intellectual nature, [1111] which, in the contemplation of light,
   is light. For this, although created, is also called wisdom. But as
   great as is the difference between the Light which enlighteneth and
   that which is enlightened, [1112] so great is the difference between
   the Wisdom that createth and that which hath been created; as between
   the Righteousness which justifieth, and the righteousness which has
   been made by justification. For we also are called Thy righteousness;
   for thus saith a certain servant of Thine: "That we might be made the
   righteousness of God in Him." [1113] Therefore, since a certain created
   wisdom was created before all things, the rational and intellectual
   mind of that chaste city of Thine, our mother which is above, and is
   free, [1114] and "eternal in the heavens" [1115] (in what heavens,
   unless in those that praise Thee, the "heaven of heavens," [1116]
   because this also is the "heaven of heavens," which is the
   Lord's)--although we find not time before it, because that which hath
   been created before all things also precedeth the creature of time, yet
   is the Eternity of the Creator Himself before it, from Whom, having
   been created, it took the beginning, although not of time,--for time as
   yet was not,--yet of its own very nature.

   21. Hence comes it so to be of Thee, our God, as to be manifestly
   another than Thou, and not the Self-same. [1117] Since, although we
   find time not only not before it, but not in it (it being proper ever
   to behold Thy face, nor is ever turned aside from it, wherefore it
   happens that it is varied by no change), yet is there in it that
   mutability itself whence it would become dark and cold, but that,
   clinging unto Thee with sublime love, it shineth and gloweth from Thee
   like a perpetual noon. O house, full of light and splendour! I have
   loved thy beauty, and the place of the habitation of the glory of my
   Lord, [1118] thy builder and owner. Let my wandering sigh after thee;
   and I speak unto Him that made thee, that He may possess me also in
   thee, seeing He hath made me likewise. "I have gone astray, like a lost
   sheep;" [1119] yet upon the shoulders of my Sheperd, [1120] thy
   builder, I hope that I may be brought back to thee.

   22. "What say ye to me, O ye objectors whom I was addressing, and who
   yet believe that Moses was the holy servant of God, and that his books
   were the oracles of the Holy Ghost? Is not this house of God, not
   indeed co-eternal with God, yet, according to its measure, eternal in
   the heavens, [1121] where in vain you seek for changes of times,
   because you will not find them? For that surpasseth all extension, and
   every revolving space of time, to which it is ever good to cleave fast
   to God." [1122] "It is," say they. "What, therefore, of those things
   which my heart cried out unto my God, when within it heard the voice of
   His praise, what then do you contend is false? Or is it because the
   matter was formless, wherein, as there was no form, there was no order?
   But where there was no order there could not be any change of times;
   and yet this almost nothing,' inasmuch as it was not altogether
   nothing, was verily from Him, from Whom is whatever is, in what state
   soever anything is." "This also," say they, "we do not deny."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1106] See xi. sec. 41, above.

   [1107] In his De Vera Relig. c. 13, he says: "We must confess that the
   angels are in their nature mutable as God is Immutable. Yet by that
   will with which they love God more than themselves, they remain firm
   and staple in Him, and enjoy His majesty, being most willingly subject
   to Him alone."

   [1108] In his Con. Adv. Leg. et Proph. i. 2, he speaks of all who are
   holy, whether angels or men, as being God's dwelling-place.

   [1109] Ps. cxlviii. 6.

   [1110] Ecclus. i. 4.

   [1111] "Pet. Lombard. lib. sent. 2, dist. 2, affirms that by Wisdom,
   Ecclus. i. 4, the angels be understood, the whole spiritual
   intellectual nature; namely, this highest heaven, in which the angels
   were created, and it by them instantly filled."--W. W.

   [1112] On God as the Father of Lights, see p. 76, note 2. In addition
   to the references there given, compare in Ev. Joh. Tract. ii. sec. 7;
   xiv. secs. 1, 2; and xxxv. sec. 3. See also p. 373, note, below.

   [1113] 2 Cor. v. 21.

   [1114] Gal. iv. 26.

   [1115] 2 Cor. v. 1.

   [1116] Ps. cxlviii. 4.

   [1117] Against the Manichæans. See iv. sec. 26, and part 2 of note on
   p. 76, above.

   [1118] Ps. xxvi. 8.

   [1119] Ps. cxix. 176.

   [1120] Luke xv. 5.

   [1121] 2 Cor. v. l.

   [1122] Ps. lxxiii. 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVI.--He Wishes to Have No Intercourse with Those Who Deny
   Divine Truth.

   23. With such as grant that all these things which Thy truth indicates
   to my mind are true, I desire to confer a little before Thee, O my God.
   For let those who deny these things bark and drown their own voices
   with their clamour as much as they please; I will endeavour to persuade
   them to be quiet, and to suffer Thy word to reach them. But should they
   be unwilling, and should they repel me, I beseech, O my God, that Thou
   "be not silent to me." [1123] Do Thou speak truly in my heart, for Thou
   only so speakest, and I will send them away blowing upon the dust from
   without, and raising it up into their own eyes; and will myself enter
   into my chamber, [1124] and sing there unto Thee songs of
   love,--groaning with groaning unutterable [1125] in my pilgrimage, and
   remembering Jerusalem, with heart raised up towards it, [1126]
   Jerusalem my country, Jerusalem my mother, and Thyself, the Ruler over
   it, the Enlightener, the Father, the Guardian, the Husband, the chaste
   and strong delight, the solid joy, and all good things ineffable, even
   all at the same time, because the one supreme and true Good. And I will
   not be turned away until Thou collect all that I am, from this
   dispersion [1127] and deformity, into the peace of that very dear
   mother, where are the first-fruits of my spirit, [1128] whence these
   things are assured to me, and Thou conform and confirm it for ever, my
   God, my Mercy. But with reference to those who say not that all these
   things which are true and false, who honour Thy Holy Scripture set
   forth by holy Moses, placing it, as with us, on the summit of an
   authority [1129] to be followed, and yet who contradict us in some
   particulars, I thus speak: Be Thou, O our God, judge between my
   confessions and their contradictions.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1123] Ps. xxviii. 1.

   [1124] Isa. xxvi. 20.

   [1125] Rom. viii. 26.

   [1126] Baxter has a noteworthy passage on our heavenly citizenship in
   his Saints' Rest: "As Moses, before he died, went up into Mount Nebo,
   to take a survey of the land of Canaan, so the Christian ascends the
   Mount of Contemplation, and by faith surveys his rest....As Daniel in
   his captivity daily opened his window towards Jerusalem, though far out
   of sight, when he went to God in his devotions, so may the believing
   soul, in this captivity of the flesh, look towards Jerusalem which is
   above' (Gal. iv. 26). And as Paul was to the Colossians (ii. 5) so may
   the believer be with the glorified spirits, though absent in the
   flesh,' yet with them in the spirit,' joying and beholding their
   heavenly order.' And as the lark sweetly sings while she soars on high,
   but is suddenly silenced when she falls to the earth, so is the frame
   of the soul most delightful and divine while it keeps in the views of
   God by contemplation. Alas, we make there too short a stay, fall down
   again, and lay by our music!" (Fawcett's Ed. p. 327).

   [1127] See ii. sec. 1; ix. sec. 10; x. sec. 40, note; ibid. sec. 65;
   and xi. sec. 39, above.

   [1128] See ix. sec. 24, above; and xiii. sec. 13, below.

   [1129] See p. 118, note 12, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVII.--He Mentions Five Explanations of the Words of Genesis I.
   I.

   24. For they say, "Although these things be true, yet Moses regarded
   not those two things, when by divine revelation he said, In the
   beginning God created the heaven and the earth.' [1130] Under the name
   of heaven he did not indicate that spiritual or intellectual creature
   which always beholds the face of God; nor under the name of earth, that
   shapeless matter." "What then?" "That man," say they, "meant as we say;
   this it is that he declared by those words." "What is that?" "By the
   name of heaven and earth," say they, "did he first wish to set forth,
   universally and briefly, all this visible world, that afterwards by the
   enumeration of the days he might distribute, as if in detail, all those
   things which it pleased the Holy Spirit thus to reveal. For such men
   were that rude and carnal people to which he spoke, that he judged it
   prudent that only those works of God as were visible should be
   entrusted to them." They agree, however, that the earth invisible and
   formless, and the darksome deep (out of which it is subsequently
   pointed out that all these visible things, which are known to all, were
   made and set in order during those "days"), may not unsuitably be
   understood of this formless matter.

   25. What, now, if another should say "That this same formlessness and
   confusion of matter was first introduced under the name of heaven and
   earth, because out of it this visible world, with all those natures
   which most manifestly appear in it, and which is wont to be called by
   the name of heaven and earth, was created and perfected"? But what if
   another should say, that "That invisible and visible nature is not
   inaptly called heaven and earth; and that consequently the universal
   creation, which God in His wisdom hath made,--that is, in the
   begining,'--was comprehended under these two words. Yet, since all
   things have been made, not of the substance of God, but out of nothing
   [1131] (because they are not that same thing that God is, and there is
   in them all a certain mutability, whether they remain, as doth the
   eternal house of God, or be changed, as are the soul and body of man),
   therefore, that the common matter of all things invisible and
   visible,--as yet shapeless, but still capable of form,--out of which
   was to be created heaven and earth (that is, the invisible and visible
   creature already formed), was spoken of by the same names by which the
   earth invisible and formless and the darkness upon the deep would be
   called; with this difference, however, that the earth invisible and
   formless is understood as corporeal matter, before it had any manner of
   form, but the darkness upon the deep as spiritual matter, before it was
   restrained at all of its unlimited fluidity, and before the
   enlightening of wisdom."

   26. Should any man wish, he may still say, "That the already perfected
   and formed natures, invisible and visible, are not signified under the
   name of heaven and earth when it is read, In the beginning God created
   the heaven and the earth;' but that the yet same formless beginning of
   things, the matter capable of being formed and made, was called by
   these names, because contained in it there were these confused things
   not as yet distinguished by their qualities and forms, the which now
   being digested in their own orders, are called heaven and earth, the
   former being the spiritual, the latter the corporeal creature."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1130] Gen. i. 1.

   [1131] See p. 165, note 4, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVIII.--What Error is Harmless in Sacred Scripture.

   27. All which things having been heard and considered, I am unwilling
   to contend about words, [1132] for that is profitable to nothing but to
   the subverting of the hearers. [1133] But the law is good to edify, if
   a man use it lawfully; [1134] for the end of it "is charity out of a
   pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned." [1135]
   And well did our Master know, upon which two commandments He hung all
   the Law and the Prophets. [1136] And what doth it hinder me, O my God,
   Thou light of my eyes in secret, while ardently confessing these
   things,--since by these words many things may be understood, all of
   which are yet true,--what, I say, doth it hinder me, should I think
   otherwise of what the writer thought than some other man thinketh?
   Indeed, all of us who read endeavour to trace out and to understand
   that which he whom we read wished to convey; and as we believe him to
   speak truly, we dare not suppose that he has spoken anything which we
   either know or suppose to be false. Since, therefore, each person
   endeavours to understand in the Holy Scriptures that which the writer
   understood, what hurt is it if a man understand what Thou, the light of
   all true-speaking minds, dost show him to be true although he whom he
   reads understood not this, seeing that he also understood a Truth, not,
   however, this Truth?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1132] See p. 164, note 2, above.

   [1133] 2 Tim. ii. 14.

   [1134] 1 Tim. i. 8.

   [1135] Ibid. ver. 5.

   [1136] Matt. xxii. 40. For he says in his Con. Faust. xvii. 6,
   remarking on John i. 17, a text which he often quotes in this
   connection: "The law itself by being fulfilled becomes grace and truth.
   Grace is the fulfilment of love." And so in ibid. xix. 27 we read:
   "From the words, I came not to destroy the law but to fulfil it,' we
   are not to understand that Christ by His precepts filled up what was
   wanting in the law; but what the literal command failed in doing from
   the pride and disobedience of men is accomplished by grace....So, the
   apostle says, faith worketh by love.'" So, again, we read in Serm.
   cxxv.: "Quia venit dare caritatem, et caritas perficit legem; merito
   dixit non veni legem solvere sed implere." And hence in his letter to
   Jerome (Ep. clxvii. 19), he speaks of the "royal law" as being "the law
   of liberty, which is the law of love." See p. 348, note 4, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIX.--He Enumerates the Things Concerning Which All Agree.

   28. For it is true, O Lord, that Thou hast made heaven and earth; it is
   also true, that the Beginning is Thy Wisdom, in Which Thou hast made
   all things. [1137] It is likewise true, that this visible world hath
   its own great parts, the heaven and the earth, which in a short compass
   comprehends all made and created natures. It is also true, that
   everything mutable sets before our minds a certain want of form,
   whereof it taketh a form, or is changed and turned. It is true, that
   that is subject to no times which so cleaveth to the changeless form as
   that, though it be mutable, it is not changed. It is true, that the
   formlessness, which is almost nothing, cannot have changes, of times.
   It is true, that that of which anything is made may by a certain mode
   of speech be called by the name of that thing which is made of it;
   whence that formlessness of which heaven and earth were made might it
   be called "heaven and earth." It is true, that of all things having
   form, nothing is nearer to the formless than the earth and the deep. It
   is true, that not only every created, and formed thing, but also
   whatever is capable of creation and of form, Thou hast made, "by whom
   are all things." [1138] It is true, that everything that is formed from
   that which is formless was formless before it was formed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1137] Ps. civ. 24. See p. 297 note 1, above.

   [1138] 1 Cor. viii. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XX.--Of the Words, "In the Beginning," Variously Understood.

   29. From all these truths, of which they doubt not whose inner eye Thou
   hast granted to see such things, and who immoveably believe Moses, Thy
   servant, to have spoken in the spirit of truth; from all these, then,
   he taketh one who saith, "In the beginning God created the heaven and
   the earth,"--that is, "In His Word, co-eternal with Himself, God made
   the intelligible and the sensible, or the spiritual and corporeal
   creature." He taketh another, who saith, "In the beginning God created
   the heaven and the earth,"--that is, "In His Word, co-eternal with
   Himself, God made the universal mass of this corporeal world, with all
   those manifest and known natures which it containeth." He, another, who
   saith, "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth," that
   is, "In His Word, co-eternal with Himself, God made the formless matter
   of the spiritual [1139] and corporeal creature." He, another, who
   saith, "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth,"--that
   is, "In His Word, co-eternal with Himself, God made the formless matter
   of the corporeal creature, wherein heaven and earth lay as yet
   confused, which being now distinguished and formed, we, at this day,
   see in the mass of this world." He, another, who saith, "In the
   beginning God created heaven and earth,"--that is, "In the very
   beginning of creating and working, God made that formless matter
   confusedly containing heaven and earth, out of which, being formed,
   they now stand out, and are manifest, with all the things that are in
   them."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1139] Augustin, in his letter to Jerome (Ep. clxvi. 4) on "The origin
   of the human soul," says: "The soul, whether it be termed material or
   immaterial, has a certain nature of its own, created from a substance
   superior to the elements of this world." And in his De Gen. ad Lit.
   vii. 10, he speaks of the soul being formed from a certain "spiritual
   matter," even as flesh was formed from the earth. It should be observed
   that at one time Augustin held to the theory that the souls of infants
   were created by God out of nothing at each fresh birth, and only
   rejected this view for that of its being generated by the parents with
   the body under the pressure of the Pelagian controversy. The first
   doctrine was generally held by the Schoolmen; and William of Conches
   maintained this belief on the authority of Augustin,--apparently being
   unaware of any modification in his opinion: "Cum Augustino," he says
   (Victor Cousin, Ouvrages ined. d'Abelard, p. 673), "credo et sentio
   quotidie novas animas nom ex traduce non ex aliqua substantia, sed ex
   nihilo, solo jussu creatoris creari." Those who held the first-named
   belief were called Creatiani; those who held the second, Truduciani. It
   may be noted as to the word "Traduciani," that Tertullian, in his De
   Anima, chaps. 24-27, etc., frequently uses the word tradux in this
   connection. Augustin, in his Retractations, ii. 45, refers to his
   letter to Jerome, and urges that if so obscure a matter is to be
   discussed at all, that solution only should be received: "Quæ contraria
   non sit apertissimis rebus quas de originati peccato fides catholica
   novit in parvulis, nisi regenerentur in Christo, sine dubitatione
   damnandis." On Tertullian's views, see Bishop Kays, p. 178, etc.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXI.--Of the Explanation of the Words, "The Earth Was
   Invisible."

   30. And as concerns the understanding of the following words, out of
   all those truths he selected one to himself, who saith, "But the earth
   was invisible and without form, and darkness was upon the deep,"--that
   is, "That corporeal thing, which God made, was as yet the formless
   matter of corporeal things, without order, without light." He taketh
   another, who saith, "But the earth was invisible and without form, and
   darkness was upon the deep,"--that is, "This whole, which is called
   heaven and earth, was as yet formless and darksome matter, out of which
   the corporeal heaven and the corporeal earth were to be made, with all
   things therein which are known to our corporeal senses." He, another,
   who saith, "But the earth was invisible and without form, and darkness
   was upon the deep,"--that is, "This whole, which is called heaven and
   earth, was as yet a formless and darksome matter, out of which were to
   be made that intelligible heaven, which is otherwise called the heaven
   of heavens, and the earth, namely, the whole corporeal nature, under
   which name may also be comprised this corporeal heaven,--that is, from
   which every invisible and visible creature would be created." He,
   another, who saith, "But the carth was invisible and without form, and
   darkness was upon the deep,"--"The Scripture called not that
   formlessness by the name of heaven and earth, but that formlessness
   itself," saith he, "already was, which he named the earth invisible and
   formless and the darksome deep, of which he had said before, that God
   had made the heaven and the earth, namely, the spiritual and corporeal
   creature." He, another, who saith, "But the earth was invisible and
   formless, and darkness was upon the deep,"--that is, "There was already
   a formless matter, whereof the Scripture before said, that God had made
   heaven and earth, namely, the entire corporeal mass of the world,
   divided into two very great parts, the superior and the inferior, with
   all those familiar and known creatures which are in them."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXII.--He Discusses Whether Matter Was from Eternity, or Was
   Made by God. [1140]

   31. For, should any one endeavour to contend against these last two
   opinions, thus,--"If you will not admit that this formlessness of
   matter appears to be called by the name of heaven and earth, then there
   was something which God had not made out of which He could make heaven
   and earth; for Scripture hath not told us that God made this matter,
   unless we understand it to be implied in the term of heaven and earth,
   or of earth only, when it is said, In the beginning God created heaven
   and earth,' as that which follows, but the earth was invisible and
   formless, although it was pleasing to him so to call the formless
   matter, we may not yet understand any but that which God made in that
   text which hath been already written, God made heaven and earth.'" The
   maintainers of either one or the other of these two opinions which we
   have put last will, when they have heard these things, answer and say,
   "We deny not indeed that this formless matter was created by God, the
   God of whom are all things, very good; for, as we say that that is a
   greater good which is created and formed, so we acknowledge that that
   is a minor good which is capable of creation and form, but yet good.
   But yet the Scripture hath not declared that God made this
   formlessness, any more than it hath declared many other things; as the
   Cherubim,' and Seraphim,' [1141] and those of which the apostle
   distinctly speaks, Thrones,' Dominions,' Principalities,' Powers,'
   [1142] all of which it is manifest God made. Or if in that which is
   said, He made heaven and earth,' all things are comprehended, what do
   we say of the waters upon which the Spirit of God moved? For if they
   are understood as incorporated in the word earth, how then can formless
   matter be meant in the term earth when we see the waters so beautiful?
   Or if it be so meant, why then is it written that out of the same
   formlessness the firmament was made and called heaven, and yet it is
   not written that the waters were made? For those waters, which we
   perceive flowing in so beautiful a manner, remain not formless and
   invisible. But if, then, they received that beauty when God said, Let
   the water which is under the firmament be gathered together, [1143] so
   that the gathering be the very formation, what will be answered
   concerning the waters which are above the firmament, because if
   formless they would not have deserved to receive a seat so honourable,
   nor is it written by what word they were formed? If, then, Genesis is
   silent as to anything that God has made, which, however, neither sound
   faith nor unerring understanding doubteth that God hath made, [1144]
   let not any sober teaching dare to say that these waters were
   co-eternal with God because we find them mentioned in the book of
   Genesis; but when they were created, we find not. Why--truth
   instructing us--may we not understand that that formless matter, which
   the Scripture calls the earth invisible and without form, and the
   darksome deep, [1145] have been made by God out of nothing, and
   therefore that they are not co-eternal with Him, although that
   narrative hath failed to tell when they were made?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1140] See xi. sec. 7, and note, above; and xii. sec. 33, and note,
   below. See also the subtle reasoning of Dean Mansel (Bampton Lectures,
   lect. ii.), on the inconsequence of receiving the idea of the creation
   out of nothing on other than Christian principles. And compare
   Coleridge, The Friend, iii. 213.

   [1141] Isa. vi. 2, and xxxvii. 16.

   [1142] Col. i. 16.

   [1143] Gen. i. 9.

   [1144] See p. 165, note 4, above.

   [1145] See p. 176, note 5, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIII.--Two Kinds of Disagreements in the Books to Be
   Explained.

   32. These things, therefore, being heard and perceived according to my
   weakness of apprehension, which I confess unto Thee, O Lord, who
   knowest it, I see that two sorts of differences may arise when by signs
   anything is related, even by true reporters,--one concerning the truth
   of the things, the other concerning the meaning of him who reports
   them. For in one way we inquire, concerning the forming of the
   creature, what is true; but in another, what Moses, that excellent
   servant of Thy faith, would have wished that the reader and hearer
   should understand by these words. As for the first kind, let all those
   depart from me who imagine themselves to know as true what is false.
   And as for the other also, let all depart from me who imagine Moses to
   have spoken things that are false. But let me be united in Thee, O
   Lord, with them, and in Thee delight myself with them that feed on Thy
   truth, in the breadth of charity; and let us approach together unto the
   words of Thy book, and in them make search for Thy will, through the
   will of Thy servant by whose pen Thou hast dispensed them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIV.--Out of the Many True Things, It is Not Asserted
   Confidently that Moses Understood This or That.

   33. But which of us, amid so many truths which occur to inquirers in
   these words, understood as they are in different ways, shall so
   discover that one interpretation as to confidently say "that Moses
   thought this," and "that in that narrative he wished this to be
   understood," as confidently as he says "that this is true," whether he
   thought this thing or the other? For behold, O my God, I Thy servant,
   who in this book have vowed unto Thee a sacrifice of confession, and
   beseech Thee that of Thy mercy I may pay my vows unto Thee, [1146]
   behold, can I, as I confidently assert that Thou in Thy immutable word
   hast created all things, invisible and visible, with equal confidence
   assert that Moses meant nothing else than this when he wrote, "In the
   beginning God created. the heaven and the earth." [1147] No. Because it
   is not as clear to me that this was in his mind when he wrote these
   things, as I see it to be certain in Thy truth. For his thoughts might
   be set upon the very beginning of the creation when he said, "In the
   beginning;" and he might wish it to be understood that, in this place,
   "the heaven and the earth" were no formed and perfected nature, whether
   spiritual or corporeal, but each of them newly begun, and as yet
   formless. Because I see, that which-soever of these had been said, it
   might have been said truly; but which of them he may have thought in
   these words, I do not so perceive. Although, whether it were one of
   these, or some other meaning which has not been mentioned by me, that
   this great man saw in his mind when he used these words, I make no
   doubt but that he saw it truly, and expressed it suitably.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1146] Ps. xxii. 25.

   [1147] It is curious to note here Fichte's strange idea (Anweisung zum
   seligen Leben, Werke, v. 479), that St. John, at the commencement of
   his Gospel, in his teaching as to the "Word," intended to confute the
   Mosaic statement, which Fichte--since it ran counter to that idea of
   "the absolute" which he made the point of departure in his
   philosophy--antagonizes as a heathen and Jewish error. On "In the
   Beginning," see p. 166, note 2, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXV.--It Behoves Interpreters, When Disagreeing Concerning
   Obscure Places, to Regard God the Author of Truth, and the Rule of
   Charity.

   34. Let no one now trouble me by saying, Moses thought not as you say,
   but as I say." For should he ask me, "Whence knowest thou that Moses
   thought this which you deduce from his words?" I ought to take it
   contentedly, [1148] and reply perhaps as I have before, or somewhat
   more fully should he be obstinate. But when he says, "Moses meant not
   what you say, but what I say," and yet denies not what each of us says,
   and that both are true, O my God, life of the poor, in whose bosom
   there is no contradiction, pour down into my heart Thy soothings, that
   I may patiently bear with such as say this to me; not because they are
   divine, and because they have seen in the heart of Thy servant what
   they say, but because they are proud, and have not known the opinion of
   Moses, but love their own,--not because it is true, but because it is
   their own. Otherwise they would equally love another true opinion, as I
   love what they say when they speak what is true; not because it is
   theirs, but because it is true, and therefore now not theirs because
   true. But if they therefore love that because it is true, it is now
   both theirs and mine, since it is common to all the lovers of truth.
   But because they contend that Moses meant not what I say, but I what
   they themselves say, this I neither like nor love; because, though it
   were so, yet that rashness is not of knowledge, but of audacity; and
   not vision, but vanity brought it forth. And therefore, O Lord, are Thy
   judgments to be dreaded, since Thy truth is neither mine, nor his, nor
   another's, but of all of us, whom Thou publicly callest to have it in
   common, warning us terribly not to hold it as specially for ourselves,
   lest we be deprived of it. For whosoever claims to himself as his own
   that which Thou appointed to all to enjoy, and desires that to be his
   own which belongs to all, is forced away from what is common to all to
   that which is his own--that is, from truth to falsehood. For he that
   "speaketh a lie, speaketh of his own." [1149]

   35. Hearken, O God, Thou best Judge! Truth itself, hearken to what I
   shall say to this gainsayer; hearken, for before Thee I say it, and
   before my brethren who use Thy law lawfully, to the end of charity;
   [1150] hearken and behold what I shall say to him, if it be pleasing
   unto Thee. For this brotherly and peaceful word do I return unto him:
   "If we both see that that which thou sayest is true, and if we both see
   that what I say is true, where, I ask, do we see it? Certainly not I in
   thee, nor thou in me, but both in the unchangeable truth itself, [1151]
   which is above our minds." When, therefore, we may not contend about
   the very light of the Lord our God, why do we contend about the
   thoughts of. our neighbour, which we cannot so see as incommutable
   truth is seen; when, if Moses himself had appeared to us and said,
   "This I meant," not so should we see it, but believe it? Let us not,
   then, "be puffed up for one against the other," [1152] above that which
   is written; let us love the Lord our God with all our heart, with all
   our soul, and with all our mind, and our neighbour as ourself. [1153]
   As to which two precepts of charity, unless we believe that Moses meant
   whatever in these books he did mean, we shall make God a liar when we
   think otherwise concerning our fellow-servants' mind than He hath
   taught us. Behold, now, how foolish it is, in so great an abundance of
   the truest opinions which can be extracted from these words, rashly to
   affirm which of them Moses particularly meant; and with pernicious
   contentions to offend charity itself, on account of which he hath
   spoken all the things whose words we endeavour to explain!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1148] See p. 48, note, and p. 164, note 2, above.

   [1149] John viii. 44.

   [1150] 1 Tim. i. 8.

   [1151] As to all truth being God's, see vii. sec. 16, and note 3,
   above; and compare x. sec. 65, above.

   [1152] 1 Cor. iv. 6.

   [1153] Mark xii. 30, 31.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVI.--What He Might Have Asked of God Had He Been Enjoined to
   Write the Book of Genesis.

   36. And yet, O my God, Thou exaltation of my humility, and rest of my
   labour, who hearest my confessions, and forgivest my sins, since Thou
   commandest me that I should love my neighbour as myself, I cannot
   believe that Thou gavest to Moses, Thy most faithful servant, a less
   gift than I should wish and desire for myself from Thee, had I been
   born in his time, and hadst Thou placed me in that position that
   through the service of my heart and of my tongue those books might be
   distributed, which so long after were to profit all nations, and
   through the whole world, from so great a pinnacle of authority, were to
   surmount the words of all false and proud teachings. I should have
   wished truly had I then been Moses (for we all come from the same mass;
   and what is man, saving that Thou art mindful of him? [1154] ). I
   should then, had I been at that time what he was, and enjoined by Thee
   to write the book of Genesis, have wished that such a power of
   expression and such a method of arrangement should be given me, that
   they who cannot as yet understand how God creates might not reject the
   words as surpassing their powers; and they who are already able to do
   this, would find, in what true opinion soever they had by thought
   arrived at, that it was not passed over in the few words of Thy
   servant; and should another man by the light of truth have discovered
   another, neither should that fail to be found in those same words.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1154] Ps. viii. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVII.--The Style of Speaking in the Book of Genesis is Simple
   and Clear.

   37. For as a fountain in a limited space is more plentiful, and affords
   supply for more streams over larger spaces than any one of those
   streams which, after a wide interval, is derived from the same
   fountain; so the narrative of Thy dispenser, destined to benefit many
   who were likely to discourse thereon, does, from a limited measure of
   language, overflow into streams of clear truth, whence each one may
   draw out for himself that truth which he can concerning these
   subjects,--this one that truth, that one another, by larger
   circumlocutions of discourse. For some, when they read or hear these
   words, think that God as a man or some mass gifted with immense power,
   by some new and sudden resolve, had, outside itself, as if at distant
   places, created heaven and earth, two great bodies above and below,
   wherein all things were to be contained. And when they hear, God said,
   Let it be made, and it was made, they think of words begun and ended,
   sounding in times and passing away, after the departure of which that
   came into being which was commanded to be; and whatever else of the
   kind their familiarity with the world [1155] would suggest. In whom,
   being as yet little ones, [1156] while their weakness by this humble
   kind of speech is carried on as if in a mother's bosom, their faith is
   healthfully built up, by which they have and hold as certain that God
   made all natures, which in wondrous variety their senses perceive on
   every side. Which words, if any one despising them, as if trivial, with
   proud weakness shall have stretched himself beyond his fostering
   cradle, he will, alas, fall miserably. Have pity, O Lord God, lest they
   who pass by trample on the unfledged bird; and send Thine angel, who
   may restore it to its nest that it may live until it can fly. [1157]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1155] "Ex familiaritate carnis," literally, "from familiarity with the
   flesh."

   [1156] "Parvulis animalibus."

   [1157] In allusion, perhaps, to Prov. xxvii. 8: "As a bird that
   wandereth from her nest, so is a man that wandereth from his place."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVIII.--The Words, "In the Beginning," And, "The Heaven and
   the Earth," Are Differently Understood.

   38. But others, to whom these words are no longer a nest, but shady
   fruit-bowers, see the fruits concealed in them, fly around rejoicing,
   and chirpingly search and pluck them. For they see when they read or
   hear these words, O God, that all times past and future are surmounted
   by Thy eternal and stable abiding, and still that there is no temporal
   creature which Thou hast not made. And by Thy will, because it is that
   which Thou art, Thou hast made all things, not by any changed will, nor
   by a will which before was not,--not out of Thyself, in Thine own
   likeness, the form of all things, but out of nothing, a formless
   unlikeness which should be formed by Thy likeness (having recourse to
   Thee the One, after their settled capacity, according as it has been
   given to each thing in his kind), and might all be made very good;
   whether they remain around Thee, or, being by degrees removed in time
   and place, make or undergo beautiful variations. These things they see,
   and rejoice in the light of Thy truth, in the little degree they here
   may.

   39. Again, another of these directs his attention to that which is
   said, "In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth," and
   beholdeth Wisdom,--the Beginning, [1158] because It also speaketh unto
   us. [1159] Another likewise directs his attention to the same words,
   and by "beginning" understands the commencement of things created; and
   receives it thus,--In the beginning He made, as if it were said, He at
   first made. And among those who understand "In the beginning" to mean,
   that "in Thy Wisdom Thou hast created heaven and earth," one believes
   the matter out of which the heaven and earth were to be created to be
   there called "heaven and earth;" another, that they are natures already
   formed and distinct; another, one formed nature, and that a spiritual,
   under the name of heaven, the other formless, of corporeal matter,
   under the name of earth. But they who under the name of "heaven and
   earth" understand matter as yet formless, out of which were to be
   formed heaven and earth, do not themselves understand it in one manner;
   but one, that matter out of which the intelligible and the sensible
   creature were to be completed; another, that only out of which this
   sensible corporeal mass was to come, holding in its vast bosom these
   visible and prepared natures. Nor are they who believe that the
   creatures already set in order and arranged are in this place called
   heaven and earth of one accord; but the one, both the invisible and
   visible; the other, the visible only, in which we admire the luminous
   heaven and darksome earth, and the things that are therein.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1158] See p. 166, note 2.

   [1159] John viii. 23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIX.--Concerning the Opinion of Those Who Explain It "At First
   He Made."

   40. But he who does not otherwise understand, "In the beginning He
   made," than if it were said, "At first He made," can only truly
   understand heaven and earth of the matter of heaven and earth, namely,
   of the universal, that is, intelligible and corporeal creation. For if
   he would have it of the universe. as already formed, it might rightly
   be asked of him: "If at first God made this, what made He afterwards?"
   And after the universe he will find nothing; thereupon must he, though
   unwilling, hear, "How is this first, if there is nothing afterwards?"
   But when he says that God made matter first formless, then formed, he
   is not absurd if he be but able to discern what precedes by eternity,
   what by time, what by choice, what by origin. By eternity, as God is
   before all things; by time, as the flower is before the fruit; by
   choice, as the fruit is before the flower; by origin, as sound is
   before the tune. Of these four, the first and last which I have
   referred to are with much difficulty understood; the two middle very
   easily. For an uncommon and too lofty vision it is to behold, O Lord,
   Thy Eternity, immutably making things mutable, and thereby before them.
   Who is so acute of mind as to be able without great labour to discover
   how the sound is prior to the tune, because a tune is a formed sound;
   and a thing not formed may exist, but that which existeth not cannot be
   formed? [1160] So is the matter prior to that which is made from it;
   not prior because it maketh it, since itself is rather made, nor is it
   prior by an interval of time. For we do not as to time first utter
   formless sounds without singing, and then adapt or fashion them into
   the form of a song, just as wood or silver from which a chest or vessel
   is made. Because such materials do by time also precede the forms of
   the things which are made from them; but in singing this is not so. For
   when it is sung, its sound is heard at the same time; seeing there is
   not first a formless sound, which is afterwards formed into a song. For
   as soon as it shall have first sounded it passeth away; nor canst thou
   find anything of it, which being recalled thou canst by art compose.
   And, therefore, the song is absorbed in its own sound, which sound of
   it is its matter. Because this same is formed that it may be a tune;
   and therefore, as I was saying, the matter of the sound is prior to the
   form of the tune, not before through any power of making it a tune; for
   neither is a sound the composer of the tune, but is sent forth from the
   body and is subjected to the soul of the singer, that from it he may
   form a tune. Nor is it first in time, for it is given forth together
   with the tune; nor first in choice, for a sound is not better than a
   tune, since a tune is not merely a sound, but a beautiful sound. But it
   is first in origin, because the tune is not formed that it may become a
   sound, but the sound is formed that it may become a tune. By this
   example, let him who is able understand that the matter of things was
   first made, and called heaven and earth, because out of it heaven and
   earth were made. Not that it was made first in time, because the forms
   of things give rise to time, [1161] but that was formless; but now, in
   time, it is perceived together with its form. Nor yet can anything be
   related concerning that matter, unless as if it were prior in time,
   while it is considered last (because things formed are assuredly
   superior to things formless), and is preceded by the Eternity of the
   Creator, so that there might be out of nothing that from which
   something might be made.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1160] See a similar argument in his Con. adv. Leg. et Proph. i. 9; and
   sec. 29, and note, above.

   [1161] See xi. sec. 29, above, and Gillies' note thereon; and compare
   with it Augustin's De. Gen. ad Lit. v. 5: "In vain we inquire after
   time before the creation as though we could find time before time, for
   if there were no motion of the spiritual or corporeal creatures whereby
   through the present the future might succeed the past, there would be
   no time at all. But the creature could not have motion unless it were.
   Time, therefore, begins rather from the creation, than creation from
   time, but both are from God."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXX.--In the Great Diversity of Opinions, It Becomes All to
   Unite Charity and Divine Truth.

   41. In this diversity of true opinions let Truth itself beget concord;
   [1162] and may our God have mercy upon us, that we may use the law
   lawfully, [1163] the end of the commandment, pure charity. [1164] And
   by this if any one asks of me, "Which of these was the meaning of Thy
   servant Moses?" these were not the utterances of my confessions, should
   I not confess unto Thee, "I know not;" and yet I know that those
   opinions are true, with the exception of those carnal ones concerning
   which I have spoken what I thought well. However, these words of Thy
   Book affright not those little ones of good hope, treating few of high
   things in a humble fashion, and few things in varied ways. [1165] But
   let all, whom I acknowledge to see and speak the truth in these words,
   love one another, and equally love Thee, our God, fountain of
   truth,--if we thirst not for vain things, but for it; yea, let us so
   honour this servant of Thine, the dispenser of this Scripture, full of
   Thy Spirit, as to believe that when Thou revealedst Thyself to him, and
   he wrote these things, he intended that which in them chiefly excels
   both for light of truth and fruitfulness of profit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1162] See p. 164, note 2, above.

   [1163] 1 Tim. i. 8.

   [1164] See p. 183, note, above; and on the supremacy of this law of
   love, may be compared Jeremy Taylor's curious story (Works, iv. 477,
   Eden's ed.): "St. Lewis, the king, having sent Ivo, Bishop of Chartres,
   on an embassy, the bishop met a woman on the way, grave, sad,
   fantastic, and melancholy, with fire in one hand, and water in the
   other. He asked what those symbols meant. She answered, My purpose is
   with fire to burn Paradise, and with my water to quench the flames of
   hell, that men may serve God without the incentives of hope and fear,
   and purely for the love of God.'"

   [1165] See end of note 17, p. 197, below.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXI.--Moses is Supposed to Have Perceived Whatever of Truth
   Can Be Discovered in His Words.

   42. Thus, when one shall say, "He [Moses] meant as I do," and another,
   "Nay, but as I do," I suppose that I am speaking more religiously when
   I say, "Why not rather as both, if both be true?" And if there be a
   third truth, or a fourth, and if any one seek any truth altogether
   different in those words, why may not he be believed to have seen all
   these, through whom one God hath tempered the Holy Scriptures to the
   senses of many, about to see therein things true but different? I
   certainly,--and I fearlessly declare it from my heart,--were I to write
   anything to have the highest authority, should prefer so to write, that
   whatever of truth any one might apprehend concerning these matters, my
   words should re-echo, rather than that I should set down one true
   opinion so clearly on this as that I should exclude the rest, that
   which was false in which could not offend me. Therefore am I unwilling,
   O my God, to be so headstrong as not to believe that from Thee this man
   [Moses] hath received so much. He, surely, when he wrote those words,
   perceived and thought whatever of truth we have been able to discover,
   yea, and whatever we have not been able, nor yet are able, though still
   it may be found in them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXII.--First, the Sense of the Writer is to Be Discovered,
   Then that is to Be Brought Out Which Divine Truth Intended.

   43. Finally, O Lord, who art God, and not flesh and blood, if man doth
   see anything less, can anything lie hid from "Thy good Spirit," who
   shall "lead me into the land of uprightness," [1166] which Thou
   Thyself, by those words, wert about to reveal to future readers,
   although he through whom they were spoken, amid the many
   interpretations that might have been found, fixed on but one? Which, if
   it be so, let that which he thought on be more exalted than the rest.
   But to us, O Lord, either point out the same, or any other true one
   which may be pleasing unto Thee; so that whether Thou makest known to
   us that which Thou didst to that man of Thine, or some other by
   occasion of the same words, yet Thou mayest feed us, not error deceive
   us. [1167] Behold, O Lord my God, how many things we have written
   concerning a few words,--how many, I beseech Thee! What strength of
   ours, what ages would suffice for all Thy books after this manner?
   Permit me, therefore, in these more briefly to confess unto Thee, and
   to select some one true, certain, and good sense, that Thou shall
   inspire, although many senses offer themselves, where many, indeed, I
   may; this being the faith of my confession, that if I should say that
   which Thy minister felt, rightly and profitably, this I should strive
   for; the which if I shall not attain, yet I may say that which Thy
   Truth willed through Its words to say unto me, which said also unto him
   what It willed.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1166] Ps. cxliii. 10.

   [1167] Augustin, as we have seen (see notes, pp. 65 and 92), was
   frequently addicted to allegorical interpretation, but he, none the
   less, laid stress on the necessity of avoiding obscure and allegorical
   passages when it was necessary to convince the opponent of Christianity
   (De Unit. Eccl. ch. 5). It should also be noted that, however varied
   the meaning deduced from a doubtful Scripture, he ever maintained that
   such meaning must be sacræ fidei congruam. Compare De Gen. ad Lit. end
   of book i.; and ibid. viii. 4 and 7. See also notes, pp. 164 and 178,
   above.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Book XIII.

   ------------------------

   Of the goodness of God explained in the creation of things, and of the
   Trinity as found in the first words of Genesis. The story concerning
   the origin of the world (Gen. I.) is allegorically explained, and he
   applies it to those things which God works for sanctified and blessed
   man. Finally, he makes an end of this work, having implored eternal
   rest from God.

   ------------------------
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter I.--He Calls Upon God, and Proposes to Himself to Worship Him.

   1. I Call upon Thee, my God, my mercy, who madest me, and who didst not
   forget me, though forgetful of Thee. I call Thee into [1168] my soul,
   which by the desire which Thou inspirest in it Thou preparest for Thy
   reception. Do not Thou forsake me calling upon Thee, who didst
   anticipate me before I called, and didst importunately urge with
   manifold calls that I should hear Thee from afar, and be converted, and
   call upon Thee who calledst me. For Thou, O Lord, hast blotted out all
   my evil deserts, that Thou mightest not repay into my hands wherewith I
   have fallen from Thee, and Thou hast anticipated all my good deserts,
   that Thou mightest repay into Thy hands wherewith Thou madest me;
   because before I was, Thou wast, nor was I [anything] to which Thou
   mightest grant being. And yet behold, I am, out of Thy goodness,
   anticipating all this which Thou hast made me, and of which Thou hast
   made me. For neither hadst Thou stood in need of me, nor am I such a
   good as to be helpful unto Thee, [1169] my Lord and God; not that I may
   so serve Thee as though Thou wert fatigued in working, or lest Thy
   power may be less if lacking my assistance nor that, like the land, I
   may so cultivate Thee that Thou wouldest be uncultivated did I
   cultivate Thee not but that I may serve and worship Thee, to the end
   that I may have well-being from Thee; from whom it is that I am one
   susceptible of well-being.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1168] See i. sec. 2, above.

   [1169] Similar views as to God's not having need of us, though He
   created us, and as to our service being for our and not His advantage,
   will be found in his De Gen. ad Lit. viii. 11; and Con. Adv. Leg. et
   Proph. i. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter II.--All Creatures Subsist from the Plenitude of Divine
   Goodness.

   2. For of the plenitude of Thy goodness Thy creature subsists, that a
   good, which could profit Thee nothing, nor though of Thee was equal to
   Thee, might yet be, since it could be made of Thee. For what did heaven
   and earth, which Thou madest in the beginning, deserve of Thee? Let
   those spiritual and corporeal natures, which Thou in Thy wisdom madest,
   declare what they deserve of Thee to depend thereon,--even the inchoate
   and formless, each in its own kind, either spiritual or corporeal,
   going into excess, and into remote unlikeness unto Thee (the spiritual,
   though formless, more excellent than if it were a formed body; and the
   corporeal, though formless, more excellent than if it were altogether
   nothing), and thus they as formless would depend upon Thy Word, unless
   by the same Word they were recalled to Thy Unity, and endued with form,
   and from Thee, the one sovereign Good, were all made very good. How
   have they deserved of Thee, that they should be even formless, since
   they would not be even this except from Thee?

   3. How has corporeal matter deserved of Thee, to be even invisible and
   formless, [1170] since it were not even this hadst Thou not made it;
   and therefore since it was not, it could not deserve of Thee that it
   should be made? Or how could the inchoate spiritual creature [1171]
   deserve of Thee, that even it should flow darksomely like the
   deep,--unlike Thee, had it not been by the same Word turned to that by
   Whom it was created, and by Him so enlightened become light, although
   not equally, yet conformably to that Form which is equal unto Thee? For
   as to a body, to be is not all one with being beautiful, for then it
   could not be deformed; so also to a created spirit, to live is not all
   one with living wisely, for then it would be wise unchangeably. But it
   is good [1172] for it always to hold fast unto Thee, [1173] lest, in
   turning from Thee, it lose that light which it hath obtained in turning
   to Thee, and relapse into a light resembling the darksome deep. For
   even we ourselves, who in respect of the soul are a spiritual creature,
   having turned away from Thee, our light, were in that life "sometimes
   darkness;" [1174] and do labour amidst the remains of our darkness,
   until in Thy Only One we become Thy righteousness, like the mountains
   of God. For we have been Thy judgments, which are like the great deep.
   [1175]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1170] Gen. i. 2.

   [1171] In his De Gen. ad Lit. i. 5, he maintains that the spiritual
   creature may have a formless life, since it has its form--its wisdom
   and happiness--by being turned to the Word of God, the Immutable Light
   of Wisdom.

   [1172] Ps. lxxiii. 28.

   [1173] Similarly, in his De Civ. Dei, xii. 1, he argues that true
   blessedness is to be attained "by adhering to the Immutable Good, the
   Supreme God." This, indeed, imparts the only true life (see note, p.
   133, above); for, as Origen says (in S. Joh. ii. 7), "the good man is
   he who truly exists," and "to be evil and to be wicked are the same as
   not to be." See notes, pp. 75 and 151, above.

   [1174] Eph. v. 8.

   [1175] Ps. xxxvi. 6, as in the Vulgate, which renders the Hebrew more
   correctly than the Authorized Version. This passage has been variously
   interpreted. Augustin makes "the mountains of God" to mean the saints,
   prophets, and apostles, while "the great deep" he interprets of the
   wicked and sinful. Compare in Ev. Joh. Tract. i. 2; and in Ps. xxxv. 7,
   sec. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter III.--Genesis I. 3,--Of "Light,"--He Understands as It is Seen
   in the Spiritual Creature.

   4. But what Thou saidst in the beginning of the creation, "Let there be
   light, and there was light," [1176] I do not unfitly understand of the
   spiritual creature; because there was even then a kind of life, which
   Thou mightest illuminate. But as it had not deserved of Thee that it
   should be such a life as could be enlightened, so neither, when it
   already was, hath it deserved of Thee that it should be enlightened.
   For neither could its formlessness be pleasing unto Thee, unless it
   became light,--not by merely existing, but by beholding the
   illuminating light, and cleaving unto it; so also, that it lives, and
   lives happily, [1177] it owes to nothing whatsoever but to Thy grace;
   being converted by means of a better change unto that which can be
   changed neither into better nor into worse; the which Thou only art
   because Thou only simply art, to whom it is not one thing to live,
   another to live blessedly, since Thou art Thyself Thine own
   Blessedness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1176] Gen. i. 3.

   [1177] Compare the end of chap. 24 of book xi of the De Civ. Dei, where
   he says that the life and light and joy of the holy city which is above
   is in God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IV.--All Things Have Been Created by the Grace of God, and are
   Not of Him as Standing in Need of Created Things.

   5. What, therefore, could there be wanting unto Thy good, which Thou
   Thyself art, although these things had either never been, or had
   remained formless,--the which Thou madest not out of any want, but out
   of the plenitude of Thy goodness, restraining them and converting them
   to form not as though Thy joy were perfected by them? For to Thee,
   being perfect, their imperfection is displeasing, and therefore were
   they perfected by Thee, and were pleasing unto Thee; but not as if Thou
   wert imperfect, and wert to be perfected in their perfection. For Thy
   good Spirit was borne over the waters, [1178] not borne up by them as
   if He rested upon them. For those in whom Thy good Spirit is said to
   rest, [1179] He causes to rest in Himself. But Thy incorruptible and
   unchangeable will, which in itself is all-sufficient for itself, was
   borne over that life which Thou hadst made, to which to live is not all
   one with living happily, since, flowing in its own darkness, it liveth
   also; for which it remaineth to be converted unto Him by whom it was
   made, and to live more and more by "the fountain of life," and in His
   light to "see light," [1180] and to be perfected, and enlightened, and
   made happy.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1178] Gen. i. 2.

   [1179] Num. xi. 25.

   [1180] Ps. xxxvi. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter V.--He Recognises the Trinity in the First Two Verses of
   Genesis.

   6. Behold now, the Trinity appears unto me in an enigma, which Thou, O
   my God, art, since Thou, O Father, in the Beginning of our
   wisdom,--Which is Thy Wisdom, born of Thyself, equal and co-eternal
   unto Thee,--that is, in Thy Son, hast created heaven and earth. Many
   things have we said of the heaven of heavens, and of the earth
   invisible and formless, and of the darksome deep, in reference to the
   wandering defects of its spiritual deformity, were it not converted
   unto Him from whom was its life, such as it was, and by His
   enlightening became a beauteous life, and the heaven of that heaven
   which was afterwards set between water and water. And under the name of
   God, I now held the Father, who made these things; and under the name
   of the Beginning, [1181] the Son, in whom He made these things; and
   believing, as I did, that my God was the Trinity, I sought further in
   His holy words, and behold, Thy Spirit was borne over the waters.
   Behold the Trinity, O my God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,--the Creator
   of all creation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1181] See also xi. sec. 10, and note, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VI.--Why the Holy Ghost Should Have Been Mentioned After the
   Mention of Heaven and Earth.

   7. But what was the cause, O Thou true-speaking Light? Unto Thee do I
   lift up my heart, let it not teach me vain things; disperse its
   darkness, and tell me, I beseech Thee, by our mother charity, tell me,
   I beseech Thee, the reason why, after the mention of heaven, and of the
   earth invisible and formless, and darkness upon the deep, Thy Scripture
   should then at length mention Thy Spirit? Was it because it was meet
   that it should be spoken of Him that He was "borne over," and this
   could not be said, unless that were first mentioned "over" which Thy
   Spirit may be understood to have been "borne?" For neither was He
   "borne over" the Father, nor the Son, nor could it rightly be said that
   He was "borne over" if He were "borne over" nothing. That, therefore,
   was first to be spoken of "over" which He might be "borne;" and then
   He, whom it was not meet to mention otherwise than as having been
   "borne." Why, then, was it not meet that it should otherwise be
   mentioned of Him, than as having been "borne over?"
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VII.--That the Holy Spirit Brings Us to God.

   8. Hence let him that is able now follow Thy apostle with his
   understanding where he thus speaks, because Thy love "is shed abroad in
   our hearts by the Holy Ghost, which is given unto us;" [1182] and
   where, "concerning spiritual gifts," he teacheth and showeth unto us a
   more excellent way of charity; [1183] and where he bows his knees unto
   Thee for us, that we may know the super-eminent knowledge of the love
   of Christ. [1184] And, therefore, from the beginning was He
   super-eminently "borne above the waters." To whom shall I tell this?
   How speak of the weight of lustful desires, pressing downwards to the
   steep abyss? and how charity raises us up again, through Thy Spirit
   which was "borne over the waters?" To whom shall I tell it? How tell
   it? For neither are there places in which we are merged and emerge.
   [1185] What can be more like, and yet more unlike? They be affections,
   they be loves; the filthiness of our spirit flowing away downwards with
   the love of cares, and the sanctity of Thine raising us upwards by the
   love of freedom from care; that we may lift our hearts [1186] unto Thee
   where Thy Spirit is "borne over the waters;" and that we may come to
   that pre-eminent rest, when our soul shall have passed through the
   waters which have no substance. [1187]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1182] Rom. v. 5.

   [1183] 1 Cor. xii. 1, 31.

   [1184] Eph. iii. 14-19.

   [1185] "Neque enim loca sunt quibus mergimur et emergimus."

   [1186] Watts remarks here: "This sentence was generally in the Church
   service and communion. Nor is there scarce any one old liturgy but hath
   it, Sursum corda, Habemus ad Dominum." Palmer, speaking of the Lord's
   Supper, says, in his Origines Liturgicæ., iv. 14, that "Cyprian, in the
   third century, attested the use of the form, Lift up your hearts,' and
   its response, in the liturgy of Africa (Cyprian, De Orat. Dom. p. 152,
   Opera, ed. Fell). Augustin, at the beginning of the fifth century,
   speaks of these words as being used in all churches" (Aug. De Vera
   Relig. iii. ). We find from the same writer, ibid. v. 5, that in
   several churches this sentence was used in the office of baptism.

   [1187] "Sine substantia," the Old Ver. rendering of Ps. cxxiv. 5. The
   Vulgate gives "aquam intolerabilem." The Authorized Version, however,
   correctly renders the Hebrew by "proud waters," that is, swollen.
   Augustin, in in Ps. cxxiii. 5, sec. 9, explains the "aqua sine
   substantia," as the water of sins; "for," he says, "sins have not
   substance; they have weakness, not substance; want, not substance."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter VIII.--That Nothing Whatever, Short of God, Can Yield to the
   Rational Creature a Happy Rest.

   9. The angels fell, the soul of man fell [1188] and they have thus
   indicated the abyss in that dark deep, ready for the whole spiritual
   creation, unless Thou hadst said from the beginning, "Let there be
   light," and there had been light, and every obedient intelligence of
   Thy celestial City had cleaved to Thee, and rested in Thy Spirit, which
   unchangeably is "borne over" everything changeable. Otherwise, even the
   heaven of heavens itself would have been a darksome deep, whereas now
   it is light in the Lord. For even in that wretched restlessness of the
   spirits who fell away, and, when unclothed of the garments of Thy
   light, discovered their own darkness, dost Thou sufficiently disclose
   how noble Thou hast made the rational creature; to which nought which
   is inferior to Thee will suffice to yield a happy rest, [1189] and so
   not even herself. For Thou, O our God, shalt enlighten our darkness;
   [1190] from Thee are derived our garments of light, [1191] and then
   shall our darkness be as the noonday. [1192] Give Thyself unto me, O my
   God, restore Thyself unto me; behold, I love Thee, and if it be too
   little, let me love Thee more strongly. I cannot measure my love, so
   that I may come to know how much there is yet wanting in me, ere my
   life run into Thy embracements, and not be turned away until it be
   hidden in the secret place of Thy Presence. [1193] This only I know,
   that woe is me except in Thee,--not only without, but even also within
   myself; and all plenty which is not my God is poverty to me. [1194]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1188] We may note here that Augustin maintains the existence of the
   relationship between these two events. He says in his Enchiridion, c.
   xxix., that "the restored part of humanity will fill up the gap which
   the rebellion and fall of the devils had left in the company of the
   angels. For this is the promise to the saints, that at the resurrection
   they shall be equal to the angels of God (Luke xx. 36). And thus the
   Jerusalem which is above, which is the mother of us all, the City of
   God, shall not be spoiled of any of the number of her citizens, shall
   perhaps reign over even a more abundant population." He speaks to the
   same effect at the close of ch. 1 of his De Civ. Dei, xxii. This
   doctrine was enlarged upon by some of the writers of the seventeenth
   century.

   [1189] See his De Civ. Dei, xxii. 1, where he beautifully compares sin
   to blindness, in that it makes us miserable in depriving us of the
   sight of God. Also his De Cat. Rud. sec. 24, where he shows that the
   restlessness and changefulness of the world cannot give rest. Comp. p.
   46, note 7, above.

   [1190] Ps. xviii. 28.

   [1191] Ps. civ. 2.

   [1192] Ps. cxxxix. 12.

   [1193] Ps. xxxi. 20. "In abscondito vultus tui," Old Ver. Augustin in
   his comment on this passage (Enarr. 4, sec. 8) gives us his
   interpretation. He points out that the refuge of a particular place
   (e.g. the bosom of Abraham) is not enough. We must have God with us
   here as our refuge, and then we will be hidden in His countenance
   hereafter; or in other words, if we receive Him into our heart now, He
   will hereafter receive us into His countenance--Ille post hoc seculum
   excipiet te vultu suo. For heaven is a prepared place for a prepared
   people, and we must be fitted to live with Him there by going to Him
   now, and this, to quote from his De Serm. Dom. in Mon. i. 27, "not with
   a slow movement of the body, but with the swift impulse of love."

   [1194] See p. 133, note 2, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter IX.--Why the Holy Spirit Was Only "Borne Over" The Waters.

   10. But was not either the Father or the Son "borne over the waters?"
   If we understand this to mean in space, as a body, then neither was the
   Holy Spirit; but if the incommutable super-eminence of Divinity above
   everything mutable, then both Father, and Son, and Holy Ghost were
   borne "over the waters." Why, then, is this said of Thy Spirit only?
   Why is it said of Him alone? As if He had been in place who is not in
   place, of whom only it is written, that He is Thy gift? [1195] In Thy
   gift we rest; there we enjoy Thee. Our rest is our place. Love lifts us
   up thither, and Thy good Spirit lifteth our lowliness from the gates of
   death. [1196] In Thy good pleasure lies our peace. [1197] The body by
   its own weight gravitates towards its own place. Weight goes not
   downward only, but to its own place. Fire tends upwards, a stone
   downwards. They are propelled by their own weights, they seek their own
   places. Oil poured under the water is raised above the water; water
   poured upon oil sinks under the oil. They are propelled by their own
   weights, they seek their own places. Out of order, they are restless;
   restored to order, they are at rest. My weight is my love; [1198] by it
   am I borne whithersoever I am borne. By Thy Gift we are inflamed, and
   are borne upwards; we wax hot inwardly, and go forwards. We ascend Thy
   ways that be in our heart, [1199] and sing a song of degrees; we glow
   inwardly with Thy fire, with Thy good fire, and we go, because we go
   upwards to the peace of Jerusalem; for glad was I when they said unto
   me, "Let us go into the house of the Lord." [1200] There hath Thy good
   pleasure placed us, that we may desire no other thing than to dwell
   there for ever.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1195] See De Trin. xv. 17-19.

   [1196] Ps. ix. 13.

   [1197] Luke ii. 14, Vulg.

   [1198] Compare De Civ. Dei, xi. 28: "For the specific gravity of bodies
   is, as it were, their love, whether they are carried downwards by their
   weight, or upwards by their levity."

   [1199] Ps. lxxxiv. 5.

   [1200] Ps. cxxii. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter X.--That Nothing Arose Save by the Gift of God.

   11. Happy creature, which, though in itself it was other than Thou,
   hath known no other state than that as soon as it was made, it was,
   without any interval of time, by Thy Gift, which is borne over
   everything mutable, raised up by that calling whereby Thou saidst, "Let
   there be light, and there was light." Whereas in us there is a
   difference of times, in that we were darkness, and are made light;
   [1201] but of that it is only said what it would have been had it not
   been enlightened. And this is so spoken as if it had been fleeting and
   darksome before; that so the cause whereby it was made to be otherwise
   might appear,--that is to say, being turned to the unfailing Light it
   might become light. Let him who is able understand this; and let him
   who is not, [1202] ask of Thee. Why should he trouble me, as if I could
   enlighten any "man that cometh into the world?" [1203]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1201] Eph. v. 8.

   [1202] Et qui non potest, which words, however, some mss. omit,
   reading, Qui potest intelligat; a te petat.

   [1203] John i. 9; see p. 76, note 2, and p. 181, note 2, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XI.--That the Symbols of the Trinity in Man, to Be, to Know,
   and to Will, are Never Thoroughly Examined.

   12. Which of us understandeth the Almighty Trinity? [1204] And yet
   which speaketh not of It, if indeed it be It? Rare is that soul which,
   while it speaketh of It, knows what it speaketh of. And they contend
   and strive, but no one without peace seeth that vision. I could wish
   that men would consider these three things that are in themselves.
   These three are far other than the Trinity; but I speak of things in
   which they may exercise and prove themselves, and feel how far other
   they be. [1205] But the three things I speak of are, To Be, to Know,
   and to Will. For I Am, and I Know, and I Will; I Am Knowing and
   Willing; and I Know myself to Be and to Will; and I Will to Be and to
   Know. In these three, therefore, let him who can see how inseparable a
   life there is,--even one life, one mind, and one essence; finally, how
   inseparable is the distinction, and yet a distinction. Surely a man
   hath it before him; let him look into himself, and see, and tell me.
   But when he discovers and can say anything of these, let him not then
   think that he has discovered that which is above these Unchangeable,
   which Is unchangeably, and Knows unchangeably, and Wills unchangeably.
   And whether on account of these three there is also, where they are, a
   Trinity; or whether these three be in Each, so that the three belong to
   Each; or whether both ways at once, wondrously, simply, and vet
   diversely, in Itself a limit unto Itself, yet illimitable; whereby It
   is, and is known unto Itself, and sufficeth to Itself, unchangeably the
   Self-same, by the abundant magnitude of its Unity,--who can readily
   conceive? Who in any wise express it? Who in any way rashly pronounce
   thereon?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1204] As Augustin constantly urges of God, "Cujus nulla scientia est
   in anima, nisi scire quomodo eum nesciat" (De Ord. ii. 18), so we may
   say of the Trinity. The objectors to the doctrine sometimes speak as if
   it were irrational (Mansel's Bampton Lectures, lect. vi., notes 9, 10).
   But while the doctrine is above reason, it is not contrary thereto;
   and, as Dr. Newman observes in his Grammar of Assent, v. 2 (a book
   which the student should remember has been written since his union with
   the Roman Church), though the doctrine be mysterious, and, when taken
   as a whole, transcends all our experience, there is that on which the
   spiritual life of the Christian can repose in its "propositions taken
   one by one, and that not in the case of intellectual and thoughtful
   minds only, but of all religious minds whatever, in the case of a child
   or a peasant as well as of a philosopher." With the above compare the
   words of Leibnitz in his "Discours de la Conformité de la Foi avec la
   Raison," sec. 56: "Il en est de même des autres mystères, où les
   esprits modérés trouveront toujours une explication suffisante pour
   croire, et jamais autant qu'il en faut pour comprendre. Il nous suffit
   d'un certain ce que c'est (ti esti); mais le comment (pos) nous passe,
   et ne nous est point nécessaire" (Euvres de Locke et Leibnitz). See
   also p. 175, note 1, above, on the "incomprehensibility" of eternity.

   [1205] While giving illustrations of the Trinity like the above, he
   would not have a man think "that he has discovered that which is above
   these, Unchangeable." (See also De Trin. xv. 5, end.) He is very fond
   of such illustrations. In his De Civ. Dei, xi. 26, 27, for example, we
   have a parallel to this in our text, in the union of existence,
   knowledge, and love in man; in his De Trin. ix. 4, 17, 18, we have
   mind, knowledge, and love; ibid. x. 19, memory, understanding, and
   will; and ibid. xi. 16, memory, thought, and will. In his De Lib. Arb.
   ii. 7, again, we have the doctrine illustrated by the union of being,
   life, and knowledge in man. He also finds illustrations of the doctrine
   in other created things, as in their measure, weight, and number (De
   Trin. xi. 18), and their existence, figure, and order (De Vera Relig.
   xiii.). The nature of these illustrations would at first sight seem to
   involve him in the Sabellian heresy, which denied the fulness of the
   Godhead to each of the three Persons of the Trinity; but this is only
   in appearance. He does not use these illustrations as presenting
   anything analogous to the union of the three Persons in the Godhead,
   but as dimly illustrative of it. He declares his belief in the
   Athanasian doctrine, which, as Dr. Newman observes (Grammar of Assent,
   v. 2), "may be said to be summed up in this very formula on which St.
   Augustin lays so much stress,--Tres et Unus,' not merely Unum.' "
   Nothing can be clearer than his words in his De Civ. Dei, xi. 24: "When
   we inquire regarding each singly, it is said that each is God and
   Almighty; and when we speak of all together, it is said that there are
   not three Gods, nor three Almighties, but one God Almighty." Compare
   with this his De Trin. vii., end of ch. 11, where the language is
   equally emphatic. See also Mansel, as above, lect. vi. and notes 11 and
   12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XII.--Allegorical Explanation of Genesis, Chap. I., Concerning
   the Origin of the Church and Its Worship.

   13. Proceed in thy confession, say to the Lord thy God, O my faith,
   Holy, Holy, Holy, O Lord my God, in Thy name have we been baptized,
   Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, in Thy name do we baptize, Father, Son,
   and Holy Ghost, [1206] because among us also in His Christ did God make
   heaven and earth, namely, the spiritual and carnal people of His
   Church. [1207] Yea, and our earth, before it received the "form of
   doctrine," [1208] was invisible and formless, and we were covered with
   the darkness of ignorance. For Thou correctest man for iniquity, [1209]
   and "Thy judgments are a great deep." [1210] But because Thy Spirit was
   "borne over the waters," [1211] Thy mercy forsook not our misery,
   [1212] and Thou saidst, "Let there be light," "Repent ye, for the
   kingdom of heaven is at hand." [1213] Repent ye, let there be light.
   [1214] And because our soul was troubled within us, [1215] we
   remembered Thee, O Lord, from the land of Jordan, and that mountain
   [1216] equal unto Thyself, but little for our sakes; and upon our being
   displeased with our darkness, we turned unto Thee, "and there was
   light." And, behold, we were sometimes darkness, but now light in the
   Lord. [1217]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1206] Matt. xxviii. 19.

   [1207] He similarly interprets "heaven and earth" in his De Gen. ad
   Lit. ii. 4. With this compare Chrysostom's illustration in his De
   Pænit. hom. 8. The Church is like the ark of Noah, yet different from
   it. Into that ark as the animals entered, so they came forth. The fox
   remained a fox, the hawk a hawk, and the serpent a serpent. But with
   the spiritual ark it is not so, for in it evil dispositions are
   changed. This illustration of Chrysostom is used with an effective but
   rough eloquence by the Italian preacher Segneri, in his Quaresimale,
   serm. iv. sec.

   [1208] Rom. vi. 17.

   [1209] Ps. xxxix. 11.

   [1210] Ps. xxxvi. 6.

   [1211] Gen. i. 3.

   [1212] See p. 47, note 10, above.

   [1213] Matt. iii. 2.

   [1214] "His putting repentance and light together is, for that baptism
   was anciently called illumination, as Heb. vi. 4, Ps. xlii. 2."--W. W.
   See also p. 118, note 4, part 1, above, for the meaning of
   "illumination."

   [1215] Ps. xlii. 6.

   [1216] That is, Christ. See p. 130, note 8, part 2, above; and compare
   the De Div. Quæst., lxxxiii. 6.

   [1217] Eph. v. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIII.--That the Renewal of Man is Not Completed in This World.

   14. But as yet "by faith, not by sight," [1218] for "we are saved by
   hope; but hope that is seen is not hope." [1219] As yet deep calleth
   unto deep [1220] but in "the noise of Thy waterspouts." [1221] And as
   yet doth he that saith, I "could not speak unto you as unto spiritual,
   but as unto carnal," [1222] even he, as yet, doth not count himself to
   have apprehended, and forgetteth those things which are behind, and
   reacheth forth to those things which are before, [1223] and groaneth
   being burdened; [1224] and his soul thirsteth after the living God, as
   the hart after the water-brooks, and saith, "When shall I come?" [1225]
   "desiring to be clothed upon with his house which is from heaven;"
   [1226] and calleth upon this lower deep, saying, "Be not conformed to
   this world, but be ye transformed by the renewing of your mind." [1227]
   And, "Be not children in understanding, howbeit in malice be ye
   children," that in "understanding ye may be perfect;" [1228] and "O
   foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you?" [1229] But now not in his
   own voice, but in Thine who sentest Thy Spirit from above; [1230]
   through Him who "ascended up on high," [1231] and set open the
   flood-gates of His gifts, [1232] that the force of His streams might
   make glad the city of God. [1233] For, for Him doth "the friend of the
   bridegroom" [1234] sigh, having now the first-fruits of the Spirit laid
   up with Him, yet still groaning within himself, waiting for the
   adoption, to wit, the redemption of his body; [1235] to Him he sighs,
   for he is a member of the Bride; for Him is he jealous, for he is the
   friend of the Bridegroom; [1236] for Him is he jealous, not for
   himself; because in the voice of Thy "waterspouts," [1237] not in his
   own voice, doth he call on that other deep, for whom being jealous he
   feareth, lest that, as the serpent beguiled Eve through his subtilty,
   so their minds should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in our
   Bridegroom, Thine only Son. [1238] What a light of beauty will that be
   when "we shall see Him as He is," [1239] and those tears be passed away
   which "have been my meat day and night, while they continually say unto
   me, Where is thy God?" [1240]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1218] 2 Cor. v. 7.

   [1219] Rom. viii. 24.

   [1220] The "deep" Augustin interprets (as do the majority of Patristic
   commentators), in Ps. xli. 8, sec. 13, to be the heart of man; and the
   "deep" that calls unto it, is the preacher who has his own "deep" of
   infirmity, even as Peter had.

   [1221] Ps. xlii. 7.

   [1222] 1 Cor. iii. 1.

   [1223] Phil. iii. 13.

   [1224] 2 Cor. v. 2, 4.

   [1225] Ps. xlii. 1, 2.

   [1226] 2 Cor. v. 2.

   [1227] Rom. xii. 2.

   [1228] 1 Cor. xiv. 20 (margin).

   [1229] Gal. iii. 1.

   [1230] Acts ii. 19.

   [1231] Eph. iv. 8.

   [1232] Mal. iii. 10.

   [1233] Ps. xlvi. 4.

   [1234] John iii. 29.

   [1235] Rom. viii. 23.

   [1236] John iii. 29.

   [1237] Ps. xlii. 7.

   [1238] 2 Cor. xi. 3, and 1 John iii. 3.

   [1239] Ibid. ver. 2.

   [1240] Ps. xlii. 3.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIV.--That Out of the Children of the Night and of the
   Darkness, Children of the Light and of the Day are Made.

   15. And so say I too, O my God, where art Thou? Behold where Thou art!
   In Thee I breathe a little, when I pour out my soul by myself in the
   voice of joy and praise, the sound of him that keeps holy-day. [1241]
   And yet it is "cast down," because it relapses and becomes a deep, or
   rather it feels that it is still a deep. Unto it doth my faith speak
   which Thou hast kindled to enlighten my feet in the night, "Why art
   thou cast down, O my soul? and why art thou disquieted in me? hope thou
   in God;" [1242] His "word is a lamp unto my feet." [1243] Hope and
   endure until the night,--the mother of the wicked,--until the anger of
   the Lord be overpast, [1244] whereof we also were once children who
   were sometimes darkness, [1245] the remains whereof we carry about us
   in our body, dead on account of sin, [1246] "until the day break and
   the shadows flee away." [1247] "Hope thou in the Lord." In the morning
   I shall stand in Thy presence, and contemplate Thee; [1248] I shall for
   ever confess unto Thee. [1249] In the morning I shall stand in Thy
   presence, and shall see "the health of my countenance," [1250] my God,
   who also shall quicken our mortal bodies by the Spirit that dwelleth in
   us, [1251] because in mercy He was borne over our inner darksome and
   floating deep. Whence we have in this pilgrimage received "an earnest"
   [1252] that we should now be light, whilst as yet we "are saved by
   hope," [1253] and are the children of light, and the children of the
   day,--not the children of the night nor of the darkness, [1254] which
   yet we have been. [1255] Betwixt whom and us, in this as yet uncertain
   state of human knowledge, Thou only dividest, who provest our hearts
   [1256] and callest the light day, and the darkness night. [1257] For
   who discerneth us but Thou? But what have we that we have not received
   of Thee? [1258] Out of the same lump vessels unto honour, of which
   others also are made to dishonour. [1259]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1241] Ibid. ver. 4.

   [1242] Ibid. ver. 5.

   [1243] Ps. cxix. 105.

   [1244] Job xiv. 13.

   [1245] Eph. ii. 3, and v. 8.

   [1246] Rom. viii. 10.

   [1247] Cant. ii. 17.

   [1248] Ps. v. 3.

   [1249] Ps. xxx. 12.

   [1250] Ps. xliii. 5.

   [1251] Rom. viii. 11.

   [1252] 2 Cor. i. 22.

   [1253] Rom. viii. 24.

   [1254] Though of the light, we are not yet in the light; and though, in
   this grey dawn of the coming day, we have a foretaste of the vision
   that shall be, we cannot hope, as he says in Ps. v. 4, to "see Him as
   He is" until the darkness of sin be overpast.

   [1255] Eph. v. 8, and 1 Thess. v. 5.

   [1256] Ps. vii. 9.

   [1257] Gen. i. 5.

   [1258] 1 Cor. iv. 7.

   [1259] Rom. ix. 21.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XV.--Allegorical Explanation of the Firmament and Upper Works,
   Ver. 6.

   16. Or who but Thou, our God, made for us that firmament [1260] of
   authority over us in Thy divine Scripture? [1261] As it is said, For
   heaven shall be folded up like a scroll; [1262] and now it is extended
   over us like a skin. [1263] For Thy divine Scripture is of more sublime
   authority, since those mortals through whom Thou didst dispense it unto
   us underwent mortality. And Thou knowest, O Lord, Thou knowest, how
   Thou with skins didst clothe men [1264] when by sin they became mortal.
   Whence as a skin hast Thou stretched out the firmament of Thy Book;
   [1265] that is to say, Thy harmonious words, which by the ministry of
   mortals Thou hast spread over us. For by their very death is that solid
   firmament of authority in Thy discourses set forth by them more
   sublimely extended above all things that are under it, the which, while
   they were living here, was not so eminently extended. [1266] Thou hadst
   not as yet spread abroad the heaven like a skin; Thou hadst not as yet
   noised everywhere the report of their deaths.

   17. Let us look, O Lord, "upon the heavens, the work of Thy fingers;"
   [1267] clear from our eyes that mist with which Thou hast covered them.
   There is that testimony of Thine which giveth wisdom unto the little
   ones. [1268] Perfect, O my God, Thy praise out of the mouth of babes
   and sucklings. [1269] Nor have we known any other books so destructive
   to pride, so destructive to the enemy and the defender, [1270] who
   resisteth Thy reconciliation in defence of his own sins. [1271] I know
   not, O Lord, I know not other such "pure" [1272] words which so
   persuade me to confession, and make my neck submissive to Thy yoke, and
   invite me to serve Thee for nought. Let me understand these things,
   good Father. Grant this to me, placed under them; because Thou hast
   established these things for those placed under them.

   18. Other "waters" there be "above" this "firmament," I believe
   immortal, and removed from earthly corruption. Let them praise Thy
   Name,--those super-celestial people, Thine angels, who have no need to
   look up at this firmament, or by reading to attain the knowledge of Thy
   Word,--let them praise Thee. For they always behold Thy face, [1273]
   and therein read without any syllables in time what Thy eternal will
   willeth. They read, they choose, they love. [1274] They are always
   reading; and that which they read never passeth away. For, by choosing
   and by loving, they read the very unchangeableness of Thy counsel.
   Their book is not closed, nor is the scroll folded up, [1275] because
   Thou Thyself art this to them, yea, and art so eternally; because Thou
   hast appointed them above this firmament, which Thou hast made firm
   over the weakness of the lower people, where they might look up and
   learn Thy mercy, announcing in time Thee who hast made times. "For Thy
   mercy, O Lord, is in the heavens, and Thy faithfulness reacheth unto
   the clouds." [1276] The clouds pass away, but the heaven remaineth. The
   preachers of Thy Word pass away from this life into another; but Thy
   Scripture is spread abroad over the people, even to the end of the
   world. Yea, both heaven and earth shall pass away, but Thy Words shall
   not pass away. [1277] Because the scroll shall be rolled together,
   [1278] and the grass over which it was spread shall with its goodliness
   pass away; but Thy Word remaineth for ever, [1279] which now appeareth
   unto us in the dark image of the clouds, and through the glass of the
   heavens, not as it is; [1280] because we also, although we be the
   well-beloved of Thy Son, yet it hath not yet appeared what we shall be.
   [1281] He looketh through the lattice [1282] of our flesh, and He is
   fair-speaking, and hath inflamed us, and we run after His odours.
   [1283] But "when He shall appear, then shall we be like Him, for we
   shall see Him as He is." [1284] As He is, O Lord, shall we see Him,
   although the time be not yet.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1260] Gen. i. 6.

   [1261] See sec. 33, below, and references there given.

   [1262] Isa. xxxiv. 4, and Rev. vi. 14.

   [1263] Ps. civ. 2; in the Vulg. being, "extendens cælum sicut pellem."
   The LXX. agrees with the Vulg. in translating kyryh, "as a curtain," by
   "as a skin."

   [1264] Gen. iii. 21. Skins he makes the emblems of mortality, as being
   taken from dead animals. See p. 112, note 8, above.

   [1265] That is, the firmament of Scripture was after man's sin
   stretched over him as a parchment scroll,--stretched over him for his
   enlightenment by the ministry of mortal men. This idea is enlarged on
   in Ps. viii. 4, sec. 7, etc., xviii. sec. 2, xxxii. 6, 7, and cxlvi. 8,
   sec. 15.

   [1266] We have the same idea in Ps. ciii. sec. 8: "Cum enim viverent
   nondum erat extenta pellis, nondum erat extentum cælum, ut tegeret
   orbem terrarum."

   [1267] Ps. viii. 3.

   [1268] Ps. xix. 7. See p. 62, note 6, above.

   [1269] Ps. viii. 2.

   [1270] He alludes to the Manichæans. See notes, pp. 67, 81, and 87.

   [1271] See part 2 of note 8 on p. 76, above.

   [1272] Ps. xix. 8.

   [1273] Matt. xviii. 10.

   [1274] "Legunt, eligunt, et diligunt."

   [1275] Isa. xxxiv. 4.

   [1276] Ps. xxxvi. 5.

   [1277] Matt. xxiv. 35.

   [1278] Isa. xxxiv. 4.

   [1279] Isa. xl. 6-8. The law of storms, and that which regulates the
   motions of the stars or the ebbing and flowing of the tides, may change
   at the "end of the world." But the moral law can know no change, for
   while the first is arbitrary, the second is absolute. On the difference
   between moral and natural law, see Candlish, Reason and Revelation,
   "Conscience and the Bible."

   [1280] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [1281] 1 John iii. 2.

   [1282] Cant. ii. 9.

   [1283] Cant. i. 3.

   [1284] 1 John iii. 2.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVI.--That No One But the Unchangeable Light Knows Himself.

   19. For altogether as Thou art, Thou only knowest, Who art
   unchangeably, and knowest unchangeably, and willest unchangeably. And
   Thy Essence Knoweth and Willeth unchangeably; and Thy Knowledge Is, and
   Willeth unchangeably; and Thy Will Is, and Knoweth unchangeably. Nor
   doth it appear just to Thee, that as the Unchangeable Light knoweth
   Itself, so should It be known by that which is enlightened and
   changeable. [1285] Therefore unto Thee is my soul as "land where no
   water is," [1286] because as it cannot of itself enlighten itself, so
   it cannot of itself satisfy itself. For so is the fountain of life with
   Thee, like as in Thy light we shall see light. [1287]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1285] See Dean Mansel on this place (Bampton Lectures, lect. v. note
   18), who argues that revelation is clear and devoid of mystery when
   viewed as intended "for our practical guidance," and not as a matter of
   speculation. He says: "The utmost deficiency that can be charged
   against human faculties amounts only to this, that we cannot say that
   we know God as God knows Himself,--that the truth of which our finite
   minds are susceptible may, for aught we know, be but the passing shadow
   of some higher reality, which exists only in the Infinite
   Intelligence." He shows also that this deficiency pertains to the human
   faculties as such, and that, whether they set themselves to consider
   the things of nature or revelation. See also p. 193, note 8, above, and
   notes, pp. 197, 198, below.

   [1286] Ps. lxiii. 1.

   [1287] Ps. xxxvi. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVII.--Allegorical Explanation of the Sea and the Fruit-Bearing
   Earth--Verses 9 and 11.

   20. Who hath gathered the embittered together into one society? For
   they have all the same end, that of temporal and earthly happiness, on
   account of which they do all things, although they may fluctuate with
   an innumerable variety of cares. Who, O Lord, unless Thou, saidst, Let
   the waters be gathered together into one place, and let the dry land
   appear, [1288] which "thirsteth after Thee"? [1289] For the sea also is
   Thine, and Thou hast made it, and Thy hands prepared the dry land.
   [1290] For neither is the bitterness of men's wills, but the gathering
   together of waters called sea; for Thou even curbest the wicked desires
   of men's souls, and fixest their bounds, how far they may be permitted
   to advance, [1291] and that their waves may be broken against each
   other; and thus dost Thou make it a sea, by the order of Thy dominion
   over all things.

   21. But as for the souls that thirst after Thee, and that appear before
   Thee (being by other bounds divided from the society of the sea), them
   Thou waterest by a secret and sweet spring, that the earth may bring
   forth her fruit, [1292] and, Thou, O Lord God, so commanding, our soul
   may bud forth works of mercy according to their kind, [1293] --loving
   our neighbour in the relief of his bodily necessities, having seed in
   itself according to its likeness, when from our infirmity we
   compassionate even to the relieving of the needy; helping them in a
   like manner as we would that help should be brought unto us if we were
   in a like need; not only in the things that are easy, as in "herb
   yielding seed," but also in the protection of our assistance, in our
   very strength, like the tree yielding fruit; that is, a good turn in
   delivering him who suffers an injury from the hand of the powerful, and
   in furnishing him with the shelter of protection by the mighty strength
   of just judgment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1288] Gen. i. 9. In his comment on Psalm lxiv. 6 (sec. 9), he
   interprets "the sea," allegorically, of the wicked world. Hence were
   the disciples called "fishers of men." If the fishers have taken us in
   the nets of faith, we are to rejoice, because the net will be dragged
   to the shore. On the providence of God, regulating the wickedness of
   men, see p. 79, note 4, above.

   [1289] Ps. cxliii. 6, and lxiii. 1.

   [1290] Ps. xcv. 5.

   [1291] Ps. civ. 9, and Job xxxviii. 11, 12.

   [1292] Gen. i. 11. As he interprets (see sec. 20, note, above) the sea
   as the world, so he tells us in Ps. lxvi. 6, sec. 8, that when the
   earth, full of thorns, thirsted for the waters of heaven, God in His
   mercy sent His apostles to preach the gospel, whereon the earth brought
   forth that fruit which fills the world; that is, the earth bringing
   forth fruit represents the Church.

   [1293] Ps. lxxxv. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XVIII.--Of the Lights and Stars of Heaven--Of Day and Night,
   Ver. 14.

   22. Thus, O Lord, thus, I beseech Thee, let there arise, as Thou
   makest, as Thou givest joy and ability,--let "truth spring out of the
   earth, and righteousness look down from heaven," and let there be
   "lights in the firmament." [1294] Let us break our bread to the hungry,
   and let us bring the houseless poor to our house. [1295] Let us clothe
   the naked, and despise not those of our own flesh. The which fruits
   having sprung forth from the earth, behold, because it is good; [1296]
   and let our temporary light burst forth; [1297] and let us, from this
   inferior fruit of action, possessing the delights of contemplation and
   of the Word of Life above, let us appear as lights in the world, [1298]
   clinging to the firmament of Thy Scripture. For therein Thou makest it
   plain unto us, that we may distinguish between things intelligible and
   things of sense, as if between the day and the night; or between souls,
   given, some to things intellectual, others to things of sense; so that
   now not Thou only in the secret of Thy judgment, as before the
   firmament was made, dividest between the light and the darkness, but
   Thy spiritual children also, placed and ranked in the same firmament
   (Thy grace being manifest throughout the world), may give light upon
   the earth, and divide between the day and night, and be for signs of
   times; because "old things have passed away," and "behold all things
   are become new;" [1299] and "because our salvation is nearer than when
   we believed;" [1300] and because "the night is far spent, the day is at
   hand;" [1301] and because Thou wilt crown Thy year with blessing,
   [1302] sending the labourers of Thy goodness into Thy harvest, [1303]
   in the sowing of which others have laboured, sending also into another
   field, whose harvest shall be in the end. [1304] Thus Thou grantest the
   prayers of him that asketh, and blessest the years of the just; [1305]
   but Thou art the same, and in Thy years which fail not [1306] Thou
   preparest a garner for our passing years. For by an eternal counsel
   Thou dost in their proper seasons bestow upon the earth heavenly
   blessings.

   23. For, indeed, to one is given by the Spirit the word of wisdom, as
   if the greater light, on account of those who are delighted with the
   light of manifest truth, as in the beginning of the day; but to another
   the word of knowledge by the same Spirit, as if the lesser light;
   [1307] to another faith; to another the gift of healing; to another the
   working of miracles; to another prophecy; to another the discerning of
   spirits; to another divers kinds of tongues. And all these as stars.
   For all these worketh the one and self-same Spirit, dividing to every
   man his own as He willeth; [1308] and making stars appear manifestly,
   to profit withal. [1309] But the word of knowledge, wherein are
   contained all sacraments, [1310] which are varied in their periods like
   the moon, and the other conceptions of gifts, which are successively
   reckoned up as stars, inasmuch as they come short of that splendour of
   wisdom in which the fore-mentioned day rejoices, are only for the
   beginning of the night. For they are necessary to such as he Thy most
   prudent servant could not speak unto as unto spiritual, but as unto
   carnal [1311] --even he who speaketh wisdom among those that are
   perfect. [1312] But the natural man, as a babe in Christ,--and a
   drinker of milk,--until he be strengthened for solid meat, [1313] and
   his eye be enabled to look upon the Sun, [1314] let him not dwell in
   his own deserted night, but let him be contented with the light of the
   moon and the stars. Thou reasonest these things with us, our All-wise
   God, in Thy Book, Thy firmament, that we may discern all things in an
   admirable contemplation, although as yet in signs, and in times, and in
   days, and in years.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1294] Gen. i. 14.

   [1295] Isa. lviii. 7.

   [1296] Gen. i. 12.

   [1297] Isa. lviii. 8.

   [1298] Phil. ii. 15.

   [1299] 2 Cor. v. 17.

   [1300] Rom. xiii. 11, 12.

   [1301] Rom. xiii. 11, 12.

   [1302] Ps. lxv. 11.

   [1303] Matt. ix. 38.

   [1304] Matt. xiii. 39.

   [1305] Prov. x. 6.

   [1306] Ps. cii. 27.

   [1307] Compare his De Trin. xii. 22-55, where, referring to 1 Cor. xii.
   8, he explains that "knowledge" has to do with action, or that by which
   we use rightly things temporal; while wisdom has to do with the
   contemplation of things eternal. See also in Ps. cxxxv. sec. 8.

   [1308] 1 Cor. xii. 8-11.

   [1309] 1 Cor. xii. 7.

   [1310] 1 Cor. xiii. 2. The Authorized Version and the Vulgate render
   more correctly, "mysteries." From Palmer (see p. 118, note 3, above),
   we learn that "the Fathers gave the name of sacrament or mystery to
   everything which conveyed one signification or property to unassisted
   reason, and another to faith;" while, at the same time, they counted
   Baptism and the Lord's Supper as the two great sacraments. The
   sacraments, then, used in this sense are "varied in their periods," and
   Augustin, in Ps. lxxiii. 2, speaks of distinguishing between the
   sacraments of the Old Testament and the sacraments of the New.
   "Sacramenta novi Testamenti" he says, "dant salutem, sacramenta veteris
   Testamenti promiserunt salvatorem." So also in Ps. xlvi. he says: "Our
   Lord God varying, indeed, the sacraments of the words, but commending
   unto us one faith, hath diffused through the sacred Scriptures
   manifoldly and variously the faith in which we live, and by which we
   live. For one and the same thing is said in many ways, that it may be
   varied in the manner of speaking in order to prevent aversion, but may
   be preserved as one with a view to concord."

   [1311] 1 Cor. iii. 1.

   [1312] 1 Cor. ii. 6.

   [1313] 1 Cor. iii. 2, and Heb. v. 12. The allusion in our text is to
   what is called the Disciplina Arcani of the early Church. Clement of
   Alexandria, in his Stromata, enters at large into the matter of
   esoteric teaching, and traces its use amongst the Hebrews, Greeks, and
   Egyptians. Clement, like Chrysostom and other Fathers, supports this
   principle of interpretation on the authority of St. Paul in Heb. v. and
   vi., referred to by Augustin above. He says (as quoted by Bishop Kaye,
   Clement of Alexandria, ch. iv. p. 183): "Babes must be fed with milk,
   the perfect man with solid food; milk is catechetical instruction, the
   first nourishment of the soul; solid food, contemplation penetrating
   into all mysteries (he epoptike theoria), the blood and flesh of the
   Word, the comprehension of the Divine power and essence." Augustin,
   therefore, when he speaks of being "contented with the light of the
   moon and stars," alludes to the partial knowledge imparted to the
   catechumen during his probationary period before baptism. It was only
   as competentes, and ready for baptism, that the catechumens were taught
   the Lord's Prayer and the Creed. We have already adverted to this
   matter in note 4 on p. 89, and need not now do more than refer the
   reader to Dr. Newman's Arians. In ch. i. sec. 3 of that work, there are
   some most interesting pages on this subject, in its connection with the
   Catechetical School of Alexandria. See also p. 118, note 8, above;
   Palmer, Origines Liturgicæ, iv. sec. 7: and note 1, below.

   [1314] Those ready for strong meat were called "illuminated" (see p.
   118, note 4, above), as their eyes were "enabled to look upon the Sun."
   We have frequent traces in Augustin's writings of the Neo-Platonic
   doctrine that the soul has a capacity to see God, even as the eye the
   sun. In Serm. lxxxviii. 6 he says: "Daretne tibi unde videres solem
   quem fecit, et non tibi daret unde videres eum qui te fecit, cum te ad
   imaginem suam fecerit?" And, referring to 1 John iii. 2, he tells us in
   Ep. xcii. 3, that not with the bodily eye shall we see God, but with
   the inner, which is to be renewed day by day: "We shall, therefore, see
   Him according to the measure in which we shall be like Him; because now
   the measure in which we do not see Him is according to the measure of
   our unlikeness to Him." Compare also Justin Martyr, Dialogue with
   Trypho, c. 4: "Plato, indeed, says, that the mind's eye is of such a
   nature, and has been given for this end, that we may see that very
   Being who is the cause of all when the mind is pure itself." Some
   interesting remarks on this subject, and on the three degrees of divine
   knowledge as held by the Neo-Platonists, will be found in John Smith's
   Select Discourses, pp. 2 and 165 (Cambridge 1860). On growth in grace,
   see note 4, p. 140, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XIX.--All Men Should Become Lights in the Firmament of Heaven.

   24. But first, "Wash you, make you clean;" [1315] put away iniquity
   from your souls, and from before mine eyes, that the dry land may
   appear. "Learn to do well; judge the fatherless; plead for the widow,"
   [1316] that the earth may bring forth the green herb for meat, and the
   tree bearing fruit; [1317] and come let us reason together, saith the
   Lord, [1318] that there may be lights in the firmament of heaven, and
   that they may shine upon the earth. [1319] That rich man asked of the
   good Master what he should do to attain eternal life. [1320] Let the
   good Master, whom he thought a man, and nothing more, tell him (but He
   is "good" because He is God)--let Him tell him, that if he would "enter
   into life" he must "keep the commandments;" [1321] let him banish from
   himself the bitterness of malice and wickedness; [1322] let him not
   kill, nor commit adultery, nor steal, nor bear false witness; that the
   dry land may appear, and bud forth the honouring of father and mother,
   and the love of our neighbour. [1323] All these, saith he, have I kept.
   [1324] Whence, then, are there so many thorns, if the earth be
   fruitful? Go, root up the woody thicket of avarice; sell that thou
   hast, and be filled with fruit by giving to the poor, and thou shalt
   have treasure in heaven; and follow the Lord "if thou wilt be perfect,"
   [1325] coupled with those amongst whom He speaketh wisdom, Who knoweth
   what to distribute to the day and to the night, that thou also mayest
   know it, that for thee also there may be lights in the firmament of
   heaven, which will not be unless thy heart be there; [1326] which
   likewise also will not be unless thy treasure be there, as thou hast
   heard from the good Master. But the barren earth was grieved, [1327]
   and the thorns choked the word. [1328]

   25. But you, "chosen generation, [1329] you weak things of the world,"
   who have forsaken all things that you might "follow the Lord," go after
   Him, and "confound the things which are mighty;" [1330] go after Him,
   ye beautiful feet, [1331] and shine in the firmament, [1332] that the
   heavens may declare His glory, dividing between the light of the
   perfect, though not as of the angels, and the darkness of the little,
   though not despised ones. Shine over all the earth, and let the day,
   lightened by the sun, utter unto day the word of wisdom; and let night,
   shining by the moon, announce unto night the word of knowledge. [1333]
   The moon and the stars shine for the night, but the night obscureth
   them not, since they illumine it in its degree. For behold God (as it
   were) saying, "Let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven."
   There came suddenly a sound from heaven, as it had been the rushing of
   a mighty wind, and there appeared cloven tongues like as of fire, and
   it sat upon each of them. [1334] And there were made lights in the
   firmament of heaven, having the word of life. [1335] Run ye to and fro
   everywhere, ye holy fires, ye beautiful fires; for ye are the light of
   the world, [1336] nor are ye put under a bushel. [1337] He to whom ye
   cleave is exalted, and hath exalted you. Run ye to and fro, and be
   known unto all nations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1315] "He alludes to the sacrament of Baptism."--W. W.

   [1316] Isa. i. 16, 19.

   [1317] Gen. i. 11, 30.

   [1318] Isa. i. l8.

   [1319] Gen. i. 15.

   [1320] Matt. xix. 16.

   [1321] Ibid. ver. 17.

   [1322] 1 Cor. v. 8.

   [1323] Matt. xix. 16-19.

   [1324] Ibid. ver. 20.

   [1325] Ibid. ver. 21.

   [1326] Matt. vi. 21.

   [1327] Matt. xix. 22.

   [1328] Matt. xiii. 7, 22.

   [1329] 1 Pet. ii. 9.

   [1330] 1 Cor. i. 27.

   [1331] Isa. lii. 7.

   [1332] Dan. xii. 3.

   [1333] Ps. xix.

   [1334] Acts ii. 3.

   [1335] 1 John i. 1.

   [1336] That is, as having their light from Him who is their central Sun
   (see p. 76, note 2, above). For it is true of all Christians in
   relation to their Lord, as he says of John the Baptist (Serm.
   ccclxxxii. 7): "Johannes lumen illuminatum: Christus lumen illuminans."
   See also note 1, above.

   [1337] Matt. v. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XX.--Concerning Reptiles and Flying Creatures (Ver. 20),--The
   Sacrament of Baptism Being Regarded.

   26. Let the sea also conceive and bring forth your works, and let the
   waters bring forth the moving creatures that have life. [1338] For ye,
   who "take forth the precious from the vile," [1339] have been made the
   mouth of God, through which He saith, "Let the waters bring forth," not
   the living creature which the earth bringeth forth, but the moving
   creature having life, and the fowls that fly above the earth. For Thy
   sacraments, O God, by the ministry of Thy holy ones, have made their
   way amid the billows of the temptations of the world, to instruct the
   Gentiles in Thy Name, in Thy Baptism. And amongst these things, many
   great works of wonder have been wrought, like as great whales; and the
   voices of Thy messengers flying above the earth, near to the firmament
   of Thy Book; that being set over them as an authority, under which they
   were to fly whithersoever they were to go. For "there is no speech, nor
   language, where their voice is not heard;" seeing their sound [1340]
   "hath gone through all the earth, and their words to the end of the
   world," because Thou, O Lord, hast multiplied these things by blessing.
   [1341]

   27. Whether do I lie, or do I mingle and confound, and not distinguish
   between the clear knowledge of these things that are in the firmament
   of heaven, and the corporeal works in the undulating sea and under the
   firmament of heaven? For of those things whereof the knowledge is solid
   and defined, without increase by generation, as it were lights of
   wisdom and knowledge, yet of these self-same things the material
   operations are many and varied; and one thing in growing from another
   is multiplied by Thy blessing, O God, who hast refreshed the
   fastidiousness of mortal senses; so that in the knowledge of our mind,
   one thing may, through the motions of the body, be in many ways [1342]
   set out and expressed. These sacraments have the waters brought forth;
   [1343] but in Thy Word. The wants of the people estranged from the
   eternity of Thy truth have produced them, but in Thy Gospel; because
   the waters themselves have cast them forth, the bitter weakness of
   which was the cause of these things being sent forth in Thy Word.

   28. Now all things are fair that Thou hast made, but behold, Thou art
   inexpressibly fairer who hast made all things; from whom had not Adam
   fallen, the saltness of the sea would never have flowed from him,--the
   human race so profoundly curious, and boisterously swelling, and
   restlessly moving; and thus there would be no need that Thy dispensers
   should work in many waters, [1344] in a corporeal and sensible manner,
   mysterious doings and sayings. For so these creeping and flying
   creatures now present themselves to my mind, whereby men, instructed,
   initiated, and subjected by corporeal sacraments, should not further
   profit, unless their soul had a higher spiritual life, and unless,
   after the word of admission, it looked forwards to perfection. [1345]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1338] Gen. i. 20.

   [1339] Jer. xv. 19.

   [1340] Ps. xix. 3, 4. The word "sound" in this verse (as given in the
   LXX. and Vulg.), is in the Hebrew qvm, which is rightly rendered in the
   Authorized Version a "line" or "rule." It may be noted, in connection
   with Augustin's interpretation, that the word "firmament" in the first
   verse of this psalm is the rqy of Gen. i. 7; translated in both places
   by the LXX. stereoma. The "heavens" and the "firmament" are constantly
   interpreted by the Fathers as referring to the apostles and their
   firmness in teaching the word: and this is supported by reference to
   St. Paul's quotation of the text in Rom. x. 18: "But I say, Have they
   not heard? Yes, verily, their sound went into all the earth, and their
   words unto the ends of the world."

   [1341] Gen. i. 4.

   [1342] See end of note 17, p. 197, above.

   [1343] "He alludes to Baptism in water, accompanied with the word of
   the gospel; of the institution whereof man's misery was the
   occasion."--W. W.

   [1344] See sec. 20, note, above.

   [1345] "He means that Baptism, which is the sacrament of initiation,
   was not so profitable without the Lord's Supper, which ancients called
   the sacrament of perfection or consummation."--W. W. Compare also sec.
   24, note, and p. 140, note 3, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXI.--Concerning the Living Soul, Birds, and Fishes (Ver.
   24)--The Sacrament of the Eucharist Being Regarded.

   29. And hereby, in Thy Word, not the depth of the sea, but the earth
   parted from the bitterness of the waters, [1346] bringeth forth not the
   creeping and flying creature that hath life, [1347] but the living soul
   itself. [1348] For now hath it no longer need of baptism, as the
   heathen have, and as itself had when it was covered with the
   waters,--for no other entrance is there into the kingdom of heaven,
   [1349] since Thou hast appointed that this should be the entrance,--nor
   does it seek great works of miracles by which to cause faith; for it is
   not such that, unless it shall have seen signs and wonders, it will not
   believe, [1350] when now the faithful earth is separated from the
   waters of the sea, rendered bitter by infidelity; and "tongues are for
   a sign, not to those that believe, but to those that believe not."
   [1351] Nor then doth the earth, which Thou hast founded above the
   waters, [1352] stand in need of that flying kind which at Thy word the
   waters brought forth. Send Thy word forth into it by Thy messengers.
   For we relate their works, but it is Thou who workest in them, that in
   it they may work out a living soul. The earth bringeth it forth,
   because the earth is the cause that they work these things in the soul;
   as the sea has been the cause that they wrought upon the moving
   creatures that have life, and the fowls that fly under the firmament of
   heaven, of which the earth hath now no need; although it feeds on the
   fish which was taken out of the deep, upon that table which Thou hast
   prepared in the presence of those that believe. [1353] For therefore He
   was raised from the deep, that He might feed the dry land; and the
   fowl, though bred in the sea, is yet multiplied upon the earth. For of
   the first preachings of the Evangelists, the infidelity of men was the
   prominent cause; but the faithful also are exhorted, and are manifoldly
   blessed by them day by day. But the living soul takes its origin from
   the earth, for it is not profitable, unless to those already among the
   faithful, to restrain themselves from the love of this world, that so
   their soul may live unto Thee, which was dead while living in
   pleasures, [1354] --in death-bearing pleasures, O Lord, for Thou art
   the vital delight of the pure heart.

   30. Now, therefore, let Thy ministers work upon the earth,--not as in
   the waters of infidelity, by announcing and speaking by miracles, and
   sacraments, and mystic words; in which ignorance, the mother of
   admiration, may be intent upon them, in fear of those hidden signs. For
   such is the entrance unto the faith for the sons of Adam forgetful of
   Thee, while they hide themselves from Thy face, [1355] and become a
   darksome deep. But let Thy ministers work even as on the dry land,
   separated from the whirlpools of the great deep; and let them be an
   example unto the faithful, by living before them, and by stimulating
   them to imitation. For thus do men hear not with an intent to hear
   merely, but to act also. Seek the Lord, and your soul shall live,
   [1356] that the earth may bring forth the living soul. "Be not
   conformed to this world." [1357] Restrain yourselves from it; the soul
   lives by avoiding those things which it dies by affecting. Restrain
   yourselves from the unbridled wildness of pride, from the indolent
   voluptuousness of luxury, and from the false name of knowledge; [1358]
   so that wild beasts may be tamed, the cattle subdued, and serpents
   harmless. For these are the motions of the mind in allegory; that is to
   say, the haughtiness of pride, the delight of lust, and the poison of
   curiosity are the motions of the dead soul; for the soul dies not so as
   to lose all motion, because it dies by forsaking the fountain of life,
   [1359] and so is received by this transitory world, and is conformed
   unto it.

   31. But Thy Word, O God, is the fountain of eternal life, and passeth
   not away; therefore this departure is kept in check by Thy word when it
   is said unto us, "Be not conformed unto this world," [1360] so that the
   earth may bring forth a living soul in the fountain of life,--a soul
   restrained in Thy Word, by Thy Evangelists, by imitating the followers
   of Thy Christ. [1361] For this is after his kind; because a man is
   stimulated to emulation by his friend. [1362] "Be ye," saith he, "as I
   am, for I am as you are." [1363] Thus in the living soul shall there be
   good beasts, in gentleness of action. For Thou hast commanded, saying,
   Go on with thy business in meekness, and thou shalt be beloved by all
   men; [1364] and good cattle, which neither if they eat, shall they
   over-abound, nor if they do not eat, have they any want; [1365] and
   good serpents, not destructive to do hurt, but "wise" [1366] to take
   heed; and exploring only so much of this temporal nature as is
   sufficient that eternity may be "clearly seen, being understood by the
   things that are." [1367] For these animals are subservient to reason,
   [1368] when, being kept in check from a deadly advance, they live, and
   are good.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1346] See sec. 20, note, and sec. 21, note, above.

   [1347] Gen. i. 20.

   [1348] Gen. ii. 7.

   [1349] John iii. 5.

   [1350] John iv. 48.

   [1351] 1 Cor. xiv. 22.

   [1352] "Fundasti super aquas," which is the Old Ver. of Ps. cxxxvi. 6.
   Augustin sometimes uses a version with "firmavit terram," which
   corresponds to the LXX., but the Authorized Version renders the Hebrew
   more accurately by "stretched out." In his comment on this place he
   applies this text to baptism as being the entrance into the Church, and
   in this he is followed by many mediæval writers.

   [1353] Ps. xxiii. 5. Many of the Fathers interpret this text of the
   Lord's Supper, as Augustin does above. The fish taken out of the deep,
   which is fed upon, means Christ, in accordance with the well-known
   acrostic of IChThUS. "If," he says in his De Civ. Dei, xviii. 23, "you
   join the initial letters of these five Greek words, Iesous Christos
   Theou Huios Soter, which mean, Jesus Christ the Son of God, the
   Saviour,' they will make the word ichthus,--that is, fish,' in which
   word Christ is mystically understood, because He was able to live, that
   is, to exist without sin in the abyss of this mortality as in the depth
   of waters." So likewise we find Tertullian saying in his De Bapt. chap.
   I.: "Nos pisciculi, secundum IChThUN nostrum Jesum Christum in aqua
   nascimur; nec aliter quam in aqua permanendo salvi sumus." See Bishop
   Kaye's Tertullian, pp. 43, 44; and sec. 34, below.

   [1354] 1 Tim. v. 6.

   [1355] Gen. iii. 8.

   [1356] Ps. lxix. 32.

   [1357] Rom. xii. 2.

   [1358] 1 Tim. vi. 20. See p. 153, note 7, above.

   [1359] Jer. ii. 13. See p. 133, note 2, and p. 129, note 8, above.

   [1360] Rom. xii. 2.

   [1361] 1 Cor. xi. 1.

   [1362] See p. 71, note 3, above.

   [1363] Gal. iv. 12.

   [1364] Ecclus. iii. 17etc.

   [1365] 1 Cor. viii. 8.

   [1366] Matt. x. 16.

   [1367] Rom. i. 20.

   [1368] In his De Gen. con. Manich. i. 20, he interprets the dominion
   given to man over the beasts of his keeping in subjection the passions
   of the soul, so as to attain true happiness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXII.--He Explains the Divine Image (Ver. 26) of the Renewal of
   the Mind.

   32. For behold, O Lord our God, our Creator, when our affections have
   been restrained from the love of the world, by which we died by living
   ill, and began to be a "living soul" by living well; [1369] and Thy
   word which Thou spakest by Thy apostle is made good in us, "Be not
   conformed to this world;" next also follows that which Thou presently
   subjoinedst, saying, "But be ye transformed by the renewing of your
   mind," [1370] --not now after your kind, as if following your neighbour
   who went before you, nor as if living after the example of a better man
   (for Thou hast not said, "Let man be made after his kind," but, "Let us
   make man in our image, after our likeness"), [1371] that we may prove
   what Thy will is. For to this purpose said that dispenser of
   Thine,--begetting children by the gospel, [1372] --that he might not
   always have them "babes," whom he would feed on milk, and cherish as a
   nurse; [1373] "be ye transformed," saith He, "by the renewing of your
   mind, that he may prove what is that good, and acceptable, and perfect
   will of God." [1374] Therefore Thou sayest not, "Let man be made," but,
   "Let us make man." Nor sayest Thou, "after his kind," but, after "our
   image" and "likeness." Because, being renewed in his mind, and
   beholding and apprehending Thy truth, man needeth not man as his
   director [1375] that he may imitate his kind; but by Thy direction
   proveth what is that good, and acceptable, and perfect will of Thine.
   And Thou teachest him, now made capable, to perceive the Trinity of the
   Unity, and the Unity of the Trinity. And therefore this being said in
   the plural, "Let us make man," it is yet subjoined in the singular,
   "and God made man;" and this being said in the plural, "after our
   likeness," is subjoined in the singular, "after the image of God."
   [1376] Thus is man renewed in the knowledge of God, after the image of
   Him that created him; [1377] and being made spiritual, he judgeth all
   things,--all things that are to be judged,--"yet he himself is judged
   of no man." [1378]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1369] As Origen has it: "The good man is he who truly exists." See p.
   190, note 6, above; and compare the use made of the idea in Archbishop
   Thomson's Bampton Lectures, lect. i.

   [1370] Rom. xii. 2.

   [1371] Gen. i. 26.

   [1372] 1 Cor. iv. 15.

   [1373] 1 Thess. ii. 7.

   [1374] Rom. xii. 2.

   [1375] Jer. xxxi. 34.

   [1376] Gen. i. 27.

   [1377] Col. iii. 10.

   [1378] 1 Cor. ii. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIII.--That to Have Power Over All Things (Ver. 26) is to
   Judge Spiritually of All.

   33. But that he judgeth all things answers to his having dominion over
   the fish of the sea, and over the fowls of the air, and over all cattle
   and wild beasts, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing
   that creepeth upon the earth. For this he doth by the discernment of
   his mind, whereby he perceiveth the things "of the Spirit of God;"
   [1379] whereas, otherwise, man being placed in honour, had no
   understanding, and is compared unto the brute beasts, and is become
   like unto them. [1380] In Thy Church, therefore, O our God, according
   to Thy grace which Thou hast accorded unto it, since we are Thy
   workmanship created in good works, [1381] there are not only those who
   are spiritually set over, but those also who are spiritually subjected
   to those placed over them; for in this manner hast Thou made man, male
   and female, [1382] in Thy grace spiritual, where, according to the sex
   of body, there is not male and female, because neither Jew nor Greek,
   nor bond nor free. [1383] Spiritual persons, therefore, whether those
   that are set over, or those who obey, judge spiritually; not of that
   spiritual knowledge which shines in the firmament, for they ought not
   to judge as to an authority so sublime, nor doth it behove them to
   judge of Thy Book itself, although there be something that is not clear
   therein; because we submit our understanding unto it, and esteem as
   certain that even that which is shut up from our sight is rightly and
   truly spoken. [1384] For thus man, although now spiritual and renewed
   in the knowledge of God after His image that created him, ought yet to
   be the "doer of the law, not the judge." [1385] Neither doth he judge
   of that distinction of spiritual and carnal men, who are known to Thine
   eyes, O our God, and have not as yet made themselves manifest unto us
   by works, that by their fruits we may know them; [1386] but Thou, O
   Lord, dost already know them, and Thou hast divided and hast called
   them in secret, before the firmament was made. Nor doth that man,
   though spiritual, judge the restless people of this world; for what
   hath he to do to judge them that are without, [1387] knowing not which
   of them may afterwards come into the sweetness of Thy grace, and which
   continue in the perpetual bitterness of impiety?

   34. Man, therefore, whom Thou hast made after Thine own image, received
   not dominion over the lights of heaven, nor over the hidden heaven
   itself, nor over the day and the night, which Thou didst call before
   the foundation of the heaven, nor over the gathering together of the
   waters, which is the sea; but he received dominion over the fishes of
   the sea, and the fowls of the air, and over all cattle, and over all
   the earth, and over all creeping things which creep upon the earth. For
   He judgeth and approveth what He findeth right, but disapproveth what
   He findeth amiss, whether in the celebration of those sacraments by
   which are initiated those whom Thy mercy searches out in many waters;
   or in that in which the Fish [1388] Itself is exhibited, which, being
   raised from the deep, the devout earth feedeth upon; or in the signs
   and expressions of words, subject to the authority of Thy Book,--such
   signs as burst forth and sound from the mouth, as it were flying under
   the firmament, by interpreting, expounding, discoursing, disputing,
   blessing, calling upon Thee, so that the people may answer, Amen. The
   vocal pronunciation of all which words is caused by the deep of this
   world, and the blindness of the flesh, by which thoughts cannot be
   seen, so that it is necessary to speak aloud in the ears; thus,
   although flying fowls be multiplied upon the earth, yet they derive
   their beginning from the waters. The spiritual man judgeth also by
   approving what is right and reproving what he finds amiss in the works
   and morals of the faithful, in their alms, as if in "the earth bringing
   forth fruit;" and he judgeth of the "living soul," rendered living by
   softened affections, in chastity, in fastings, in pious thoughts; and
   of those things which are perceived through the senses of the body. For
   it is now said, that he should judge concerning those things in which
   he has also the power of correction.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1379] 1 Cor. ii. 14.

   [1380] Ps. xlix. 20.

   [1381] Eph. ii. 10.

   [1382] Gen. i. 27.

   [1383] Gal. iii. 28.

   [1384] In his De Civ. Dei, xi. 3, he defines very distinctly (as he
   does in other of his writings) the knowledge received "by sight"--that
   is, by experience, as distinguished from that which is received "by
   faith"--that is, by revelation (2 Cor. v. 7). He, in common with all
   the Fathers who had knowledge of the Pagan philosophy, would feel how
   utterly that philosophy had failed to "find out" (Job xi. 7) with
   certitude anything as to God and His character,--the Creation of the
   world,--the Atonement wrought by Christ,--the doctrine of the
   Resurrection, as distinguished from the Immortality of the Soul,--our
   Immortal Destiny after death, or "the Restitution of all things." As to
   the knowledge of God, see Justin Martyr's experience in the schools of
   philosophy, Dialogue with Trypho, ch. ii.; and on the doctrine of
   Creation, see p. 165, note 4. On the "Restitution of all things," etc.,
   reference may be made to Mansel's Gnostics, who points out (Introd. p.
   3) that "in the Greek philosophical systems the idea of evil holds a
   very subordinate and insignificant place, and that the idea of
   redemption seems not to be recognised at all." He shows further (ibid.
   p. 4), that "there is no idea of the delivery of the creature from the
   bondage of corruption. The great year of the Stoics, the commencement
   of the new cycle which takes its place after the destruction of the old
   world, is but a repetition of the old evil." See also p. 164, note 2,
   above.

   [1385] Jas. iv. 11.

   [1386] Matt. viii. 20.

   [1387] 1 Cor. v. 12.

   [1388] See sec. 29, note.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIV.--Why God Has Blessed Men, Fishes, Flying Creatures, and
   Not Herbs and the Other Animals (Ver. 28).

   35. But what is this, and what kind of mystery is it? Behold, Thou
   blessest men, O Lord, that they may "be fruitful and multiply, and
   replenish the earth;" [1389] in this dost Thou not make a sign unto us
   that we may understand something? Why hast Thou not also blessed the
   light, which Thou calledst day, nor the firmament of heaven, nor the
   lights, nor the stars, nor the earth, nor the sea? I might say, O our
   God, that Thou, who hast created us after Thine Image,--I might say,
   that Thou hast willed to bestow this gift of blessing especially upon
   man, hadst Thou not in like manner blessed the fishes and the whales,
   that they should be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the waters of
   the sea, and that the fowls should be multiplied upon the earth.
   Likewise might I say, that this blessing belonged properly unto such
   creatures as are propagated from their own kind, if I had found it in
   the shrubs, and the fruit trees, and beasts of the earth. But now is it
   not said either unto the herbs, or trees, or beasts, or serpents, "Be
   fruitful and multiply;" since all these also, as well as fishes, and
   fowls, and men, do by propagation increase and preserve their kind.

   36. What, then, shall I say, O Thou Truth, my Light,--"that it was idly
   and vainly said?" Not so, O Father of piety; far be it from a minister
   of Thy word to say this. But if I understand not what Thou meanest by
   that phrase, let my betters--that is, those more intelligent than
   I--use it better, in proportion as Thou, O my God, hast given to each
   to understand. But let my confession be also pleasing before Thine
   eyes, in which I confess to Thee that I believe, O Lord, that Thou hast
   not thus spoken in vain; nor will I be silent as to what this lesson
   suggests to me. For it is true, nor do I see what should prevent me
   from thus understanding the figurative sayings [1390] of Thy books. For
   I know a thing may be manifoldly signified by bodily expression which
   is understood in one manner by the mind; and that that may be
   manifoldly understood in the mind which is in one manner signified by
   bodily expression. Behold, the single love of God and of our neighbour,
   by what manifold sacraments and innumerable languages, and in each
   several language in how innumerable modes of speaking, it is bodily
   expressed. Thus do the young of the waters increase and multiply.
   Observe again, whosoever thou art who readest; behold what Scripture
   delivers, and the voice pronounces in one only way, "In the beginning
   God created heaven and earth;" is it not manifoldly understood, not by
   any deceit of error, but by divers kinds of true senses? [1391] Thus
   are the offspring of men "fruitful" and do "multiply."

   37. If, therefore, we conceive of the natures of things, not
   allegorically, but properly, then does the phrase, "be fruitful and
   multiply," correspond to all things which are begotten of seed. But if
   we treat those words as taken figuratively (the which I rather suppose
   the Scripture intended, which doth not, verily, superfluously attribute
   this benediction to the offspring of marine animals and man only), then
   do we find that "multitude" belongs also to creatures both spiritual
   and corporeal, as in heaven and in earth; and to souls both righteous
   and unrighteous, as in light and darkness; and to holy authors, through
   whom the law has been furnished unto us, as in the firmament [1392]
   which has been firmly placed betwixt waters and waters; and to the
   society of people yet endued with bitterness, as in the sea; and to the
   desire of holy souls, as in the dry land; and to works of mercy
   pertaining to this present life, as in the seed-bearing herbs and
   fruit-bearing trees; and to spiritual gifts shining forth for
   edification, as in the lights of heaven; and to affections formed unto
   temperance, as in the living soul. In all these cases we meet with
   multitudes, abundance, and increase; but what shall thus "be fruitful
   and multiply," that one thing may be expressed in many ways, and one
   expression understood in many ways, we discover not, unless in signs
   corporeally expressed, and in things mentally conceived. We understand
   the signs corporeally pronounced as the generations of the waters,
   necessarily occasioned by carnal depth; but things mentally conceived
   we understand as human generations, on account of the fruitfulness of
   reason. And therefore do we believe that to each kind of these it has
   been said by Thee, O Lord, "Be fruitful and multiply." For in this
   blessing I acknowledge that power and faculty has been granted unto us,
   by Thee, both to express in many ways what we understand but in one,
   and to understand in many ways what we read as obscurely delivered but
   in one. Thus are the waters of the sea replenished, which are not moved
   but by various significations; thus even with the human offspring is
   the earth also replenished, the dryness [1393] whereof appeareth in its
   desire, and reason ruleth over it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1389] Gen. i. 28.

   [1390] See p. 92, note 1, above.

   [1391] See p. 189, note 2, above.

   [1392] See p. 199, note 3, above.

   [1393] See sec. 21, and note, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXV.--He Explains the Fruits of the Earth (Ver. 29) of Works of
   Mercy.

   38. I would also say, O Lord my God, what the following Scripture
   reminds me of; yea, I will say it without fear. For I will speak the
   truth, Thou inspiring me as to what Thou willest that I should say out
   of these words. For by none other than Thy inspiration do I believe
   that I can speak the truth, since Thou art the Truth, but every man a
   liar. [1394] And therefore he that "speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his
   own;" [1395] therefore that I may speak the truth, I will speak of
   Thine. Behold, Thou hast given unto us for food "every herb bearing
   seed," which is upon the face of all the earth, "and every tree in the
   which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed." [1396] Nor to us only, but
   to all the fowls of the air, and to the beasts of the earth, and to all
   creeping things; [1397] but unto the fishes, and great whales, Thou
   hast not given these things. Now we were saying, that by these fruits
   of the earth works of mercy were signified and figured in an allegory,
   the which are provided for the necessities of this life out of the
   fruitful earth. Such an earth was the godly Onesiphorus, unto whose
   house Thou didst give mercy, because he frequently refreshed Thy Paul,
   and was not ashamed of his chain. [1398] This did also the brethren,
   and such fruit did they bear, who out of Macedonia supplied what was
   wanting unto him. [1399] But how doth he grieve for certain trees,
   which did not afford him the fruit due unto him, when he saith, "At my
   first answer no man stood with me, but all men forsook me: I pray God
   that it may not be laid to their charge." [1400] For these fruits are
   due to those who minister spiritual [1401] doctrine, through their
   understanding of the divine mysteries; and they are due to them as men.
   They are due to them, too, as to the living soul, supplying itself as
   an example in all continency; and due unto them likewise as flying
   creatures, for their blessings which are multiplied upon the earth,
   since their sound went out into all lands. [1402]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1394] Rom. iii. 4, and Ps. cxvi. 11.

   [1395] John viii. 44.

   [1396] Gen. i. 29.

   [1397] Ibid. ver. 30.

   [1398] 2 Tim. i. 16.

   [1399] 2 Cor. xi. 9.

   [1400] 2 Tim. iv. 16.

   [1401] "Rationalem. An old epithet to most of the holy things. So,
   reasonable service, Rom. xii. 1, logikon gala; 1 Pet. ii. 2, sincere
   milk. Clem. Alex. calls Baptism so, Pedag. i. 6. And in Constitut.
   Apost. vi. 23, the Eucharist is styled, a reasonable Sacrifice. The
   word was used to distinguish Christian mysteries from Jewish. Rationale
   est spirituale."--W. W.

   [1402] Ps. xix. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVI.--In the Confessing of Benefits, Computation is Made Not
   as to The "Gift," But as to the "Fruit,"--That Is, the Good and Right
   Will of the Giver.

   39. But they who are delighted with them are fed by those fruits; nor
   are they delighted with them "whose god is their belly." [1403] For
   neither in those that yield them are the things given the fruit, but in
   what spirit they give them. Therefore he who serves God and not his own
   belly, [1404] I plainly see why he may rejoice; I see it, and I rejoice
   with him exceedingly. For he hath received from the Philippians those
   things which they had sent from Epaphroditus; [1405] but yet I see why
   he rejoiced. For whereat he rejoices, upon that he feeds; for speaking
   in truth, "I rejoiced," saith he, "in the Lord greatly, that now at the
   last your care of me hath flourished again, wherein ye were also
   careful," [1406] but it had become wearisome unto you. These
   Philippians, then, by protracted wearisomeness, had become enfeebled,
   and as it were dried up, as to bringing forth this fruit of a good
   work; and he rejoiceth for them, because they flourished again, not for
   himself, because they ministered to his wants. Therefore, adds he, "not
   that I speak in respect of want, for I have learned in whatsoever state
   I am therewith to be content. I know both how to be abased, and I know
   how to abound everywhere and in all things I am instructed both to be
   full and to be hungry, both to abound and to suffer need. I can do all
   things through Christ which strengtheneth me." [1407]

   40. Whereat, then, dost thou rejoice in all things, O great Paul?
   Whereat dost thou rejoice? Whereon dost thou feed, O man, renewed in
   the knowledge of God, after the image of Him that created thee, thou
   living soul of so great continency, and thou tongue like flying fowls,
   speaking mysteries,--for to such creatures is this food due,--what is
   that which feeds thee? Joy. Let us hear what follows.
   "Notwithstanding," saith he, "ye have well done that ye did communicate
   with My affliction." [1408] Hereat doth he rejoice, hereon doth he
   feed; because they have well done, [1409] not because his strait was
   relieved, who saith unto thee, "Thou hast enlarged me when I was in
   distress;" [1410] because he knew both "to abound and to suffer need,"
   [1411] in Thee Who strengthenest him. For, saith he, "ye Philippians
   know also that in the beginning of the gospel, when I departed from
   Macedonia, no Church communicated with me as concerning giving and
   receiving, but ye only. For even in Thessalonica ye sent once and again
   unto my necessity." [1412] Unto these good works he now rejoiceth that
   they have returned; and is made glad that they flourished again, as
   when a fruitful field recovers its greenness.

   41. Was it on account of his own necessities that he said, "Ye have
   sent unto my necessity? Rejoiceth he for that? Verily not for that. But
   whence know we this? Because he himself continues, "Not because I
   desire a gift, but I desire fruit." [1413] From Thee, O my God, have I
   learned to distinguish between a "gift" and "fruit." A gift is the
   thing itself which he gives who bestows these necessaries, as money,
   food, drink, clothing, shelter, aid; but the fruit is the good and
   right will of the giver. For the good Master saith not only, "He that
   receiveth a prophet," but addeth, "in the name of a prophet." Nor saith
   He only, "He that receiveth a righteous man," but addeth, "in the name
   of a righteous man." So, verily, the former shall receive the reward of
   a prophet, the latter that of a righteous man. Nor saith He only,
   "Whosoever shall give to drink unto one of these little ones a cup of
   cold water," but addeth, "in the name of a disciple" and so concludeth,
   "Verily I say unto you, he shall in no wise lose his reward." [1414]
   The gift is to receive a prophet, to receive a righteous man, to hand a
   cup of cold water to a disciple; but the fruit is to do this in the
   name of a prophet, in the name of a righteous man, in the name of a
   disciple. With fruit was Elijah fed by the widow, who knew that she fed
   a man of God, and on this account fed him; but by the raven was he fed
   with a gift. Nor was the inner man [1415] of Elijah fed, but the outer
   only, which might also from want of such food have perished.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1403] Phil. iii. 19.

   [1404] Rom. xvi. 18.

   [1405] Phil. iv. 18.

   [1406] Ibid. ver. 10.

   [1407] Ibid. vers. 11-13.

   [1408] Phil. iv. 14.

   [1409] Compare p. 160, note 2, above.

   [1410] Ps. iv. 1.

   [1411] Compare his De Bono Conjug. ch. xxi., where he points out that
   while any may suffer need and abound, to know how to suffer belongs
   only to great souls, and to know how to abound to those whom abundance
   does not corrupt.

   [1412] Phil. iv. 15, 16.

   [1413] Ibid. ver. 17.

   [1414] Matt. x. 41, 42.

   [1415] 1 Kings xvii. See p. 133, note 2, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVII.--Many are Ignorant as to This, and Ask for Miracles,
   Which are Signified Under the Names Of "Fishes" And "Whales."

   42. Therefore will I speak before Thee, O Lord, what is true, when
   ignorant men and infidels (for the initiating and gaining of whom the
   sacraments of initiation and great works of miracles are necessary,
   [1416] which we believe to be signified under the name of "fishes" and
   "whales") undertake that Thy servants should be bodily refreshed, or
   should be otherwise succoured for this present life, although they may
   be ignorant wherefore this is to be done, and to what end; neither do
   the former feed the latter, nor the latter the former; for neither do
   the one perform these things through a holy and right intent, nor do
   the other rejoice in the gifts of those who behold not as yet the
   fruit. For on that is the mind fed wherein it is gladdened. And,
   therefore, fishes and whales are not fed on such food as the earth
   bringeth not forth until it had been separated and divided from the
   bitterness of the waters of the sea.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1416] We have already referred (p. 69, note 5, above) to the cessation
   of miracles. Augustin has a beautiful passage in Serm. ccxliv. 8, on
   the evidence which we have in the spread of Christianity--it doing for
   us what miracles did for the early Church. Compare also De Civ. Dei,
   xxii. 8. And he frequently alludes, as, for example, in Ps. cxxx., to
   "charity" being more desirable than the power of working miracles.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXVIII.--He Proceeds to the Last Verse, "All Things are Very
   Good,"--That Is, the Work Being Altogether Good.

   43. And Thou, O God, sawest everything that Thou hadst made, and behold
   it was very good. [1417] So we also see the same, and behold all are
   very good. In each particular kind of Thy works, when Thou hadst said,
   "Let them be made," and they were made, Thou sawest that it was good.
   Seven times have I counted it written that Thou sawest that that which
   Thou madest was "good;" and this is the eighth, that Thou sawest all
   things that Thou hadst made, and behold they are not only good, but
   also "very good," as being now taken together. For individually they
   were only good, but all taken together they were both good and very
   good. All beautiful bodies also express this; for a body which consists
   of members, all of which are beautiful, is by far more beautiful than
   the several members individually are by whose well-ordered union the
   whole is completed, though these members also be severally beautiful.
   [1418]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1417] Gen. i. 31.

   [1418] In his De Gen. con. Manich. i. 21, he enlarges to the same
   effect on Gen. i. 31.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXIX.--Although It is Said Eight Times that "God Saw that It
   Was Good," Yet Time Has No Relation to God and His Word.

   44. And I looked attentively to find whether seven or eight times Thou
   sawest that Thy works were good, when they were pleasing unto Thee; but
   in Thy seeing I found no times, by which I might understand that thou
   sawest so often what Thou madest. And I said, "O Lord,! is not this Thy
   Scripture true, since Thou art true, and being Truth hast set it forth?
   Why, then, dost Thou say unto me that in thy seeing there are no times,
   while this Thy Scripture telleth me that what Thou madest each day,
   Thou sawest to be good; and when I counted them I found how often?"
   Unto these things Thou repliest unto me, for Thou art my God, and with
   strong voice tellest unto Thy servant in his inner ear, bursting
   through my deafness, and crying, "O man, that which My Scripture saith,
   I say; and yet doth that speak in time; but time has no reference to My
   Word, because My Word existeth in equal eternity with Myself. Thus
   those things which ye see through My Spirit, I see, just as those
   things which ye speak through My Spirit, I speak. And so when ye see
   those things in time, I see them not in time; as when ye speak them in
   time, I speak them not in time."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXX.--He Refutes the Opinions of the Manichæans and the
   Gnostics Concerning the Origin of the World.

   45. And I heard, O Lord my God, and drank up a drop of sweetness from
   Thy truth, and understood that there are certain men to whom Thy works
   are displeasing, who say that many of them Thou madest being compelled
   by necessity;--such as the fabric of the heavens and the courses of the
   stars, and that Thou madest them not of what was Thine, but, that they
   were elsewhere and from other sources created; that Thou mightest bring
   together and compact and interweave, when from Thy conquered enemies
   Thou raisedst up the walls of the universe, that they, bound down by
   this structure, might not be able a second time to rebel against Thee.
   But, as to other things, they say Thou neither madest them nor
   compactedst them,--such as all flesh and all very minute creatures, and
   whatsoever holdeth the earth by its roots; but that a mind hostile unto
   Thee and another nature not created by Thee, and in everywise contrary
   unto Thee, did, in these lower places of the world, beget and frame
   these things. [1419] Infatuated are they who speak thus, since they see
   not Thy works through Thy Spirit, nor recognise Thee in them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1419] He alludes in the above statements to the heretical notions of
   the Manichæans. Their speculations on these matters are enlarged on in
   note 8 on p. 76.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXI.--We Do Not See "That It Was Good" But Through the Spirit
   of God Which is in Us.

   46. But as for those who through Thy Spirit see these things, Thou
   seest in them. When therefore, they see that these things are good,
   Thou seest that they are good; and whatsoever things for Thy sake are
   pleasing, Thou art pleased in them; and those things which through Thy
   Spirit are pleasing unto us, are pleasing unto Thee in us. "For what
   man knoweth the things of a man, save the spirit of a man which is in
   him? Even so the things of God knoweth no man, but the Spirit of God.
   Now we," saith he, "have received not the spirit of the world, but the
   Spirit which is of God, that we might know the things that are freely
   given to us of God." [1420] And I am reminded to say, "Truly, the
   things of God knoweth no man, but the Spirit of God;' how, then, do we
   also know what things are given us by God'?" It is answered unto me,
   "Because the things which we know by His Spirit, even these knoweth no
   man, but the Spirit of God.' For, as it is rightly said unto those who
   were to speak by the Spirit of God, It is not ye that speak,' [1421] so
   is it rightly said to them who know by the Spirit of God, It is not ye
   that know.' None the less, then, is it rightly said to those that see
   by the Spirit of God, It is not ye that see;' so whatever they see by
   the Spirit of God that it is good, it is not they, but God who sees
   that it is good.'" It is one thing, then, for a man to suppose that to
   be bad which is good, as the fore-named do; another, that what is good
   a man should see to be good (as Thy creatures are pleasing unto many,
   because they are good, whom, however, Thou pleasest not in them when
   they wish to enjoy them rather than enjoy Thee); and another, that when
   a man sees a thing to be good, God should in him see that it is
   good,--that in truth He may be loved in that which He made, [1422] who
   cannot be loved unless by the Holy Ghost, which He hath given. "Because
   the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost which is
   given unto us;" [1423] by whom we see that whatsoever in any degree is,
   is good. Because it is from Him who Is not in any degree, but He Is
   that He Is.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1420] 1 Cor. ii. 12.

   [1421] Matt. x. 20.

   [1422] See the end of note 1, p. 74.

   [1423] Rom. v. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXII.--Of the Particular Works of God, More Especially of Man.

   47. Thanks to Thee, O Lord. We behold the heaven and the earth, whether
   the corporeal part, superior and inferior, or the spiritual and
   corporeal creature; and in the embellishment of these parts, whereof
   the universal mass of the world or the universal creation consisteth,
   we see light made, and divided from the darkness. We see the firmament
   of heaven, [1424] whether the primary body of the world between the
   spiritual upper waters and the corporeal lower waters, or--because this
   also is called heaven--this expanse of air, through which wander the
   fowls of heaven, between the waters which are in vapours borne above
   them, and which in clear nights drop down in dew, and those which being
   heavy flow along the earth. We behold the waters gathered together
   through the plains of the sea; and the dry land both void and formed,
   so as to be visible and compact, and the matter of herbs and trees. We
   behold the lights shining from above,--the sun to serve the day, the
   moon and the stars to cheer the night; and that by all these, times
   should be marked and noted. We behold on every side a humid element,
   fruitful with fishes, beasts, and birds; because the density of the
   air, which bears up the flights of birds, is increased by the
   exhalation of the waters. [1425] We behold the face of the earth
   furnished with terrestrial creatures, and man, created after Thy image
   and likeness, in that very image and likeness of Thee (that is, the
   power of reason and understanding) on account of which he was set over
   all irrational creatures. And as in his soul there is one power which
   rules by directing, another made subject that it might obey, so also
   for the man was corporeally made a woman, [1426] who, in the mind of
   her rational understanding should also have a like nature, in the sex,
   however, of her body should be in like manner subject to the sex of her
   husband, as the appetite of action is subjected by reason of the mind,
   to conceive the skill of acting rightly. These things we behold, and
   they are severally good, and all very good.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1424] In his Retractations, ii. 6, he says: "Non satis considerate
   dictum est; res enem in abdito est valde."

   [1425] Compare De Gen. con. Manich. ii. 15.

   [1426] "Concipiendam,' or the reading may be concupiscendam,' according
   to St. Augustin's interpretation of Gen. iii. 16, in the De Gen. con.
   Manich. ii. 15. As an instance hereof was woman made, who is in the
   order of things made subject to the man; that what appears more
   evidently in two human beings, the man and the woman, may be
   contemplated in the one, man; viz. that the inward man, as it were
   manly reason, should have in subjection the appetite of the soul,
   whereby we act through the bodily members.'"--E. B. P.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXIII.--The World Was Created by God Out of Nothing.

   48. Let Thy works praise Thee, that we may love Thee; and let us love
   Thee, that Thy works may praise Thee, the which have beginning and end
   from time,--rising and setting, growth and decay, form and privation.
   They have therefore their successions of morning and evening, partly
   hidden, partly apparent; for they were made from nothing by Thee, not
   of Thee, nor of any matter not Thine, or which was created before, but
   of concreted matter (that is, matter at the same time created by Thee),
   because without any interval of time Thou didst form its formlessness.
   [1427] For since the matter of heaven and earth is one thing, and the
   form of heaven and earth another, Thou hast made the matter indeed of
   almost nothing, but the form of the world Thou hast formed of formless
   matter; both, however, at the same time, so that the form should follow
   the matter with no interval of delay.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1427] See p. 165, note 4, above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXIV.--He Briefly Repeats the Allegorical Interpretation of
   Genesis (Ch. I.), and Confesses that We See It by the Divine Spirit.

   49. We have also examined what Thou willedst to be shadowed forth,
   whether by the creation, or the description of things in such an order.
   And we have seen that things severally are good, and all things very
   good, [1428] in Thy Word, in Thine Only-Begotten, both heaven and
   earth, the Head and the body of the Church, in Thy predestination
   before all times, without morning and evening. But when Thou didst
   begin to execute in time the things predestinated, that Thou mightest
   make manifest things hidden, and adjust our disorders (for our sins
   were over us, and we had sunk into profound darkness away from thee,
   and Thy good Spirit was borne over us to help us in due season), Thou
   didst both justify the ungodly, [1429] and didst divide them from the
   wicked; and madest firm the authority of Thy Book between those above,
   who would be docile unto Thee, and those under, who would be subject
   unto them; and Thou didst collect the society of unbelievers into one
   conspiracy, in order that the zeal of the faithful might appear, and
   that they might bring forth works of mercy unto Thee, even distributing
   unto the poor earthly riches, to obtain heavenly. And after this didst
   Thou kindle certain lights in the firmament, Thy holy ones, having the
   word of life, and shining with an eminent authority preferred by
   spiritual gifts; and then again, for the instruction of the unbelieving
   Gentiles, didst Thou out of corporeal matter produce the sacraments and
   visible miracles, and sounds of words according to the firmament of Thy
   Book, by which the faithful should be blessed. Next didst Thou form the
   living soul of the faithful, through affections ordered by the vigour
   of continency; and afterwards, the mind subjected to Thee alone, and
   needing to imitate no human authority, [1430] Thou didst renew after
   Thine image and likeness; and didst subject its rational action to the
   excellency of the understanding, as the woman to the man; and to all
   Thy ministries, necessary for the perfecting of the faithful in this
   life, Thou didst will that, for their temporal uses, good things,
   fruitful in the future time, should be given by the same faithful.
   [1431] We behold all these things, and they are very good, because Thou
   dost see them in us,--Thou who hast given unto us Thy Spirit, whereby
   we might see them, and in them love Thee.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1428] Gen. i. 31.

   [1429] Rom. iv. 5.

   [1430] See p. 165, note 2, above.

   [1431] "The peace of heaven," says Augustin in his De Civ. Dei, xix.
   17, "alone can be truly called and esteemed the peace of the reasonable
   creatures, consisting as it does in the perfectly ordered and
   harmonious enjoyment of God, and of one another in God. When we shall
   have reached that peace, this mortal life shall give place to one that
   is eternal, and our body shall be no more this animal body which by its
   corruption weighs down the soul, but a spiritual body feeling no want,
   and in all its members subjected to the will." See p. 111, note 8
   (end), above.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXV.--He Prays God for that Peace of Rest Which Hath No
   Evening.

   50. O Lord God, grant Thy peace unto us, for Thou hast supplied us with
   all things,--the peace of rest, the peace of the Sabbath, which hath no
   evening. For all this most beautiful order of things, "very good" (all
   their courses being finished), is to pass away, for in them there was
   morning and evening.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXVI.--The Seventh Day, Without Evening and Setting, the Image
   of Eternal Life and Rest in God.

   51. But the seventh day is without any evening, nor hath it any
   setting, because Thou hast sanctified it to an everlasting continuance
   that that which Thou didst after Thy works, which were very good,
   resting on the seventh day, although in unbroken rest Thou madest them
   that the voice of Thy Book may speak beforehand unto us, that we also
   after our works (therefore very good, because Thou hast given them unto
   us) may repose in Thee also in the Sabbath of eternal life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXVII.--Of Rest in God Who Ever Worketh, and Yet is Ever at
   Rest.

   52. For even then shalt Thou so rest in us, as now Thou dost work in
   us; and thus shall that be Thy rest through us, as these are Thy works
   through us. [1432] But Thou, O Lord, ever workest, and art ever at
   rest. Nor seest Thou in time, nor movest Thou in time, nor restest Thou
   in time; and yet Thou makest the scenes of time, and the times
   themselves, and the rest which results from time.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1432] Compare his De Gen. ad Lit. iv. 9: "For as God is properly said
   to do what we do when He works in us, so is God properly said to rest
   when by His gift we rest."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Chapter XXXVIII.--Of the Difference Between the Knowledge of God and of
   Men, and of the Repose Which is to Be Sought from God Only.

   53. We therefore see those things which Thou madest, because they are;
   but they are because Thou seest them. And we see without that they are,
   and within that they are good, but Thou didst see them there, when
   made, where Thou didst see them to be made. And we were at another time
   moved to do well, after our hearts had conceived of Thy Spirit; but in
   the former time, forsaking Thee, we were moved to do evil; but Thou,
   the One, the Good God, hast never ceased to do good. And we also have
   certain good works, of Thy gift, but not eternal; after these we hope
   to rest in Thy great hallowing. But Thou, being the Good, needing no
   good, art ever at rest, because Thou Thyself art Thy rest. And what man
   will teach man to understand this? Or what angel, an angel? Or what
   angel, a man? Let it be asked of Thee, sought in Thee, knocked for at
   Thee; so, even so shall it be received, so shall it be found, so shall
   it be opened. [1433] Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1433] Matt. vii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letters of St. Augustin

   Translated by the Rev. J. G. Cunningham, M.A.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Preface.

   ------------------------

   The importance of the letters of eminent men, as illustrations of their
   life, character, and times, is too well understood to need remark. The
   Letters of Cicero and Pliny have given us a more vivid conception of
   Roman life than the most careful history could have given; the Letters
   of Erasmus, Luther, and Calvin furnish us with the most trustworthy
   material for understanding the rapid movement and fierce conflict of
   their age; when we read the voluminous correspondence of Pope and his
   compeers, or the unstudied beauties of Cowper's letters of friendship,
   we seem to be in the company of living men; and modern history has in
   nothing more distinctly proved its sagacity, than by its diligence in
   publishing the Letters of Cromwell, of Washington, of Chatham, and of
   other historical personages.

   For biography, familiar letters are the most important material. In a
   man's published writings we see the general character of his mind, and
   we ascertain his opinions in so far as he deemed it safe or advisable
   to lay these before a perhaps unsympathizing public; in his letters he
   reveals his whole character, his feelings as well as his judgments, his
   motives, his personal history, and the various ramifications of his
   interest. In his familiar correspondence we see the man as he is known
   to his intimate friends, in his times of relaxation and unstudied
   utterance. [1434] Few men, in writing for the public, can resist the
   tendency towards a constrained attitudinizing, or throw off the fixed
   expression of one sitting for his portrait; and it is only in
   conversation, spoken or written, that we get the whole man revealed in
   a series of constantly varying and unconstrained expressions. And even
   where, as in Augustin's case, we have an autobiography, we derive from
   the letters many additional traits of character, much valuable
   illustration of opinions and progress. [1435]

   In their function of appendices to history they are equally valuable.
   It was a characteristic remark of Horace Walpole's, that "nothing gives
   so just an idea of an age as genuine letters; nay, history waits for
   its last seal from them." A still greater authority, Bacon, in his
   marvellous distribution of all knowledge, gives to letters the highest
   place among the "Appendices to History." "Letters," he says, "are,
   according to all the variety of occasions, advertisements, advices,
   directions, propositions, petitions commendatory, expostulatory,
   satisfactory; of compliment, of pleasure, of discourse, and all other
   passages of action. And such as are written from wise men are, of all
   the words of man, in my judgment, the best; for they are more natural
   than orations and public speeches, and more advised than conferences or
   present speeches. So, again, letters of affairs from such as manage
   them, or are privy to them, are of all others the best instructions for
   history, and to a diligent reader the best histories in themselves."
   [1436] This is especially true of the Letters of Augustin. A large
   number of them are ecclesiastical and theological, and would in our day
   have appeared as pamphlets, or would have been delivered as lectures.
   There are none of his writings which do not receive some supplementary
   light from his letters. The subjects of his more elaborate writings are
   here handled in an easier manner, and their sources, motives, and
   origin are disclosed. Difficulties which his published works had
   occasioned are here removed, new illustrations are noted, further
   developments and fresh complications of heresy are alluded to, and the
   whole theological movement of the time is here reflected in a vivid and
   interesting shape. No controversy of his age was settled without his
   voice, and it is in his letters we chiefly see the vastness of his
   empire, the variety of subjects on which appeal was made to him, and
   the deference with which his judgment was received. Inquiring
   philosophers, puzzled statesmen, angry heretics, pious ladies, all
   found their way to the Bishop of Hippo. And while he continually
   complains of want of leisure, of the multifarious business of his
   episcopate, of the unwarranted demands made upon him, he yet carefully
   answers all. Sometimes he writes with the courier who is to carry his
   letter impatiently chafing outside the door; sometimes a promptly
   written reply is carried round the whole known world by some faithless
   messenger before it reaches his anxious correspondent; but, amidst
   difficulties unthought of under a postal system, his indefatigable
   diligence succeeds in diffusing intelligence and counsel to the most
   distant inquirers.

   In the present volume we have, as usual, followed the Benedictine
   edition. Among the many labours which the Benedictine Fathers
   encountered in editing the works of Augustin, they undertook the
   onerous task of rearranging the Epistles in chronological order. The
   manner in which this task has been executed is eminently characteristic
   of their unostentatious patience and skill. Their order has been
   universally adopted; it is to this order that reference is made when
   any writer cites a letter of Augustin's; and therefore it matters less
   whether in each case the date assigned by the Benedictine editors can
   be accepted as accurate. It will be seen that we have not considered it
   desirable to translate all the letters. Of those addressed to Augustin
   we have omitted a few which were neither important in themselves nor
   indispensable for the understanding of his replies; and, when any of
   his own letters is a mere repetition of what he has previously written
   to another correspondent, we have contented ourselves, and, we hope,
   shall satisfy our readers, with a reference to the former letter in
   which the arguments and illustrations now repeated may be found.

   No English translation of these Letters has previously appeared. The
   French have in this, as in other patristic studies, been before us. Two
   hundred years ago a translation into the French tongue was published,
   and this has lately been superseded by M. Poujoulat's four readable and
   fairly accurate volumes.

   The Editor. 1872.

   In the second volume of Letters in Clark's series the editor adds the
   following

   Prefatory Note.

   Of the two hundred and seventy-two letters given in the Benedictine
   edition of Augustin's works, one hundred and sixty are translated in
   this selection. In the former volume few were omitted, and the reason
   for each omission was given in its own place. As the proportion of
   untranslated letters is in this volume much larger, it may be more
   convenient to indicate briefly here the general reasons which have
   guided us in the selection.

   We have omitted--

   I. Almost all the letters referring to the Donatist schism, as there is
   enough on this subject in the works on the Donatist controversy (vol.
   iii. of this series) and in numerous earlier letters. This
   excludes--105, 106, 107, 108, 128, 129, 134, 141, 142, and 204.

   II. Almost all the letters relating to Pelagianism, as the series
   contains three volumes of Augustin's anti-Pelagian writings (vols. iv.
   xii. xv.). This excludes--156, 157, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 181, 182,
   183, 184, 184 bis, 186, 193, 194, 214, 215, 216, 217.

   III. Almost all the letters referring to the doctrine of the Trinity,
   as this has been already given, partly in earlier letters, and more
   fully in the volume on the Trinity (vol. vii. of this series). This
   excludes--119, 120, 170, 174, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242.

   IV. Almost all those which in design, style, and prolixity, are
   exegetical or doctrinal treatises rather than letters. This
   excludes--140, 147, 149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 162, 187, 190, 196, 197,
   198, 199, 202 bis, 205.

   V. Some of the letters written by others to Augustin. This
   excludes--94, 109, 121, 160, 168, 225, 226, 230, 270.

   VI. A large number of miscellaneous smaller letters, as, in order to
   avoid going beyond the limits of one volume, it was necessary to select
   only the more interesting and important of these. This excludes--110,
   112, 113, 114, 127, 161, 162, 171, 200, 206, 207, 221, 222, 223, 224,
   233, 234, 235, 236, 243, 244, 247, 248, 249, 251, 252, 253, 255, 256,
   257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1434] "Ut oculi aliis corporis sensibus præstant, ita illustrium
   virorum Epistolæ cæteris eorum scriptis passim
   antecellunt."--Benedictine Preface to the Ep. Aug.

   [1435] "Si, dans le vaste naufrage des temps, par un malheur que la
   Providence n'a pas permis, les ouvrages proprement dits de Saint
   Augustin eussent péri et qu'il ne fût resté que ses lettres, nous
   aurions encore toute sa doctrine, tout son génie: les Lettres de Saint
   Augustin, c'est tout Saint Augustin."--Poujoulat, Lettres de. S. Aug.
   vii.

   [1436] Advancement of Learning, p. 125.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter I.

   (a.d. 386.)

   To Hermogenianus [1437] Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. I Would not presume, even in playful discussion, to attack the
   philosophers of the Academy; [1438] for when could the authority of
   such eminent men fail to move me, did I not believe their views to be
   widely different from those commonly ascribed to them? Instead of
   confuting them, which is beyond my power, I have rather imitated them
   to the best of my ability. For it seems to me to have been suitable
   enough to the times in which they flourished, that whatever issued pure
   from the fountainhead of Platonic philosophy should be rather conducted
   into dark and thorny thickets for the refreshment of a very few men,
   than left to flow in open meadow-land, where it would be impossible to
   keep it clear and pure from the inroads of the vulgar herd. I use the
   word herd advisedly; for what is more brutish than the opinion that the
   soul is material? For defence against the men who held this, it appears
   to me that such an art and method of concealing the truth [1439] was
   wisely contrived by the new Academy. But in this age of ours, when we
   see none who are philosophers,--for I do not consider those who merely
   wear the cloak of a philosopher to be worthy of that venerable
   name,--it seems to me that men (those, at least, whom the teaching of
   the Academicians has, through the subtlety of the terms in which it was
   expressed, deterred from attempting to understand its actual meaning)
   should be brought back to the hope of discovering the truth, lest that
   which was then for the time useful in eradicating obstinate error,
   should begin now to hinder the casting in of the seeds of true
   knowledge.

   2. In that age the studies of contending schools of philosophers were
   pursued with such ardour, that the one thing to be feared was the
   possibility of error being approved. For every one who had been driven
   by the arguments of the sceptical philosophers from a position which he
   had supposed to be impregnable, set himself to seek some other in its
   stead, with a perseverance and caution corresponding to the greater
   industry which was characteristic of the men of that time, and the
   strength of the persuasion then prevailing, that truth, though deep and
   hard to be deciphered, does lie hidden in the nature of things and of
   the human mind. Now, however, such is the indisposition to strenuous
   exertion, and the indifference to the liberal arts, that so soon as it
   is noised abroad that, in the opinion of the most acute philosophers,
   truth is unattainable, men send their minds to sleep, and cover them up
   for ever. For they presume not, forsooth, to imagine themselves to be
   so superior in discernment to those great men, that they shall find out
   what, during his singularly long life, Carneades, [1440] with all his
   diligence, talents, and leisure, besides his extensive and varied
   learning, failed to discover. And if, contending somewhat against
   indolence, they rouse themselves so far as to read those books in which
   it is, as it were, proved that the perception of truth is denied to
   man, they relapse into lethargy so profound, that not even by the
   heavenly trumpet can they be aroused.

   3. Wherefore, although I accept with the greatest pleasure your candid
   estimate of my brief treatise, and esteem you so much as to rely not
   less on the sagacity of your judgment than on the sincerity of your
   friendship, I beg you to give more particular attention to one point,
   and to write me again concerning it,--namely, whether you approve of
   that which, in the end of the third book, [1441] I have given as my
   opinion, in a tone perhaps of hesitation rather than of certainty, but
   in statements, as I think, more likely to be found useful than to be
   rejected as incredible. But whatever be the value of those treatises
   [the books against the Academicians], what I most rejoice in is, not
   that I have vanquished the Academicians, as you express it (using the
   language rather of friendly partiality than of truth), but that I have
   broken and cast away from me the odious bonds by which I was kept back
   from the nourishing breasts of philosophy, through despair of attaining
   that truth which is the food of the soul.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1437] Hermogenianus was one of the earliest and most intimate friends
   of Augustin, and his associate in literary and philosophical studies.

   [1438] [Academy was a grove dedicated to the Attic hero Academos, on
   the banks of the Kephissos near Athens, where Plato taught. Hence it
   became the name of the Platonic school of philosophy. It had three
   branches,--the Older, the Middle, and the Younger Academy. The study of
   Platonism was a preparatory step to the conversion of Augustin in
   386.--P. S.]

   [1439] We follow the reading "tegendi veri."

   [1440] [Carneades of Cyrene (B.C. 214-129), the founder of the third
   Academic school, who came to Rome B.C. 155, went further in the
   direction of scepticism than Arcesilas, and taught that certain
   knowledge was impossible. See Ueberweg, History of Philosophy, i. 133,
   136 (transl. of Morris).--P. S.]

   [1441] Augustin's work, De Academicis, b. iii. c. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter II.

   (a.d. 386.)

   To Zenobius Augustin Sends Greeting. [1442]

   1. We are, I suppose, both agreed in maintaining that all things with
   which our bodily senses acquaint us are incapable of abiding unchanged
   for a single moment, but, on the contrary, are moving and in perpetual
   transition, and have no present reality, that is, to use the language
   of Latin philosophy, do not exist. [1443] Accordingly, the true and
   divine philosophy admonishes us to check and subdue the love of these
   things as most dangerous and disastrous, in order that the mind, even
   while using this body, may be wholly occupied and warmly interested in
   those things which are ever the same, and which owe their attractive
   power to no transient charm. Although this is all true, and although my
   mind, without the aid of the senses, sees you as you really are, and as
   an object which may be loved without disquietude, nevertheless I must
   own that when you are absent in body, and separated by distance, the
   pleasure of meeting and seeing you is one which I miss, and which,
   therefore, while it is attainable, I earnestly covet. This my infirmity
   (for such it must be) is one which, if I know you aright, you are well
   pleased to find in me; and though you wish every good thing for your
   best and most loved friends, you rather fear than desire that they
   should be cured of this infirmity. If, however, your soul has attained
   to such strength that you are able both to discern this snare, and to
   smile at those who are caught therein, truly you are great, and
   different from what I am. For my part, as long as I regret the absence
   of any one from me, so long do I wish him to regret my absence. At the
   same time, I watch and strive to set my love as little as possible on
   anything which can be separated from me against my will. Regarding this
   as my duty, I remind you, in the meantime, whatever be your frame of
   mind, that the discussion which I have begun with you must be finished,
   if we care for each other. For I can by no means consent to its being
   finished with Alypius, even if he wished it. But he does not wish this;
   for he is not the man to join with me now in endeavouring, by as many
   letters as we could send, to detain you with us, when you decline this,
   under the pressure of some necessity to us unknown.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1442] Zenobius was the friend to whom Augustin dedicated his books De
   Ordine. In book i. ch. 1 and 2, we have a delightful description of the
   character of Zenobius.

   [1443] Ut latiné loquar, non esse.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter III.

   (a.d. 387.)

   To Nebridius Augustin Sends Greeting. [1444]

   1. Whether I am to regard it as the effect of what I may call your
   flattering language, or whether the thing be really so, is a point
   which I am unable to decide. For the impression was sudden, and I am
   not yet resolved how far it deserves to be believed. You wonder what
   this can be. What do you think? You have almost made me believe, not
   indeed that I am happy--for that is the heritage of the wise alone--but
   that I am at least in a sense happy: as we apply the designation man to
   beings who deserve the name only in a sense if compared with Plato's
   ideal man, or speak of things which we see as round or square, although
   they differ widely from the perfect figure which is discerned by the
   mind of a few. I read your letter beside my lamp after supper:
   immediately after which I lay down, but not at once to sleep; for on my
   bed I meditated long, and talked thus with myself--Augustin addressing
   and answering Augustin: "Is it not true, as Nebridius affirms, that I
   am happy?" "Absolutely true it cannot be, for that I am still far from
   wise he himself would not deny." "But may not a happy life be the lot
   even of those who are not wise?" "That is scarcely possible; because,
   in that case, lack of wisdom would be a small misfortune, and not, as
   it actually is, the one and only source of unhappiness." "How, then,
   did Nebridius come to esteem me happy? Was it that, after reading these
   little books of mine, he ventured to pronounce me wise? Surely the
   vehemence of joy could not make him so rash, especially seeing that he
   is a man to whose judgment I well know so much weight is to be
   attached. I have it now: he wrote what he thought would be most
   gratifying to me, because he had been gratified by what I had written
   in those treatises; and he wrote in a joyful mood, without accurately
   weighing the sentiments entrusted to his joyous pen. What, then, would
   he have said if he had read my Soliloquies? He would have rejoiced with
   much more exultation, and yet could find no loftier name to bestow on
   me than this which he has already given in calling me happy. All at
   once, then, he has lavished on me the highest possible name, and has
   not reserved a single word to add to my praises, if at any time he were
   made by me more joyful than he is now. See what joy does."

   2. But where is that truly happy life? where? ay, where? Oh! if it were
   attained, one would spurn the atomic theory of Epicurus. Oh! if it were
   attained, one would know that there is nothing here below but the
   visible world. Oh! if it were attained, one would know that in the
   rotation of a globe on its axis, the motion of points near the poles is
   less rapid than of those which lie half way between them,--and other
   such like things which we likewise know. But now, how or in what sense
   can I be called happy, who know not why the world is such in size as it
   is, when the proportions of the figures according to which it is framed
   do in no way hinder its being enlarged to any extent desired? Or how
   might it not be said to me--nay, might we not be compelled to admit
   that matter is infinitely divisible; so that, starting from any given
   base (so to speak), a definite number of corpuscles must rise to a
   definite and ascertainable quantity? Wherefore, seeing that we do not
   admit that any particle is so small as to be insusceptible of further
   diminution, what compels us to admit that any assemblage of parts is so
   great that it cannot possibly be increased? Is there perchance some
   important truth in what I once suggested confidentially to Alypius,
   that since number, as cognisable by the understanding, is susceptible
   of infinite augmentation, but not of infinite diminution, [1445]
   because we cannot reduce it lower than to the units, number, as
   cognisable by the senses (and this, of course, just means quantity of
   material parts or bodies), is on the contrary susceptible of infinite
   diminution, but has a limit to its augmentation? This may perhaps be
   the reason why philosophers justly pronounce riches to be found in the
   things about which the understanding is exercised, and poverty in those
   things with which the senses have to do. For what is poorer than to be
   susceptible of endless diminution? and what more truly rich than to
   increase as much as you will, to go whither you will, to return when
   you will and as far as you will, and to have as the object of your love
   that which is large and cannot be made less? For whoever understands
   these numbers loves nothing so much as the unit; and no wonder, seeing
   that it is through it that all the other numbers can be loved by him.
   But to return: Why is the world the size that it is, seeing that it
   might have been greater or less? I do not know: its dimensions are what
   they are, and I can go no further. Again: Why is the world in the place
   it now occupies rather than in another? Here, too, it is better not to
   put the question; for whatever the answer might be, other questions
   would still remain. This one thing greatly perplexed me, that bodies
   could be infinitely subdivided. To this perhaps an answer has been
   given, by setting over against it the converse property of abstract
   number [viz. its susceptibility of infinite multiplication].

   3. But stay: let us see what is that indefinable object [1446] which is
   suggested to the mind. This world with which our senses acquaint us is
   surely the image of some world which the understanding apprehends. Now
   it is a strange phenomenon which we observe in the images which mirrors
   reflect to us,--that however great the mirrors be, they do not make the
   images larger than the objects placed before them, be they ever so
   small; but in small mirrors, such as the pupil of the eye, although a
   large surface be placed over against them, a very small image is
   formed, proportioned to the size of the mirror. [1447] Therefore if the
   mirrors be reduced in size, the images reflected in them are also
   reduced; but it is not possible for the images to be enlarged by
   enlarging the mirrors. Surely there is in this something which might
   reward further investigation; but meanwhile, I must sleep. [1448]
   Moreover, if I seem to Nebridius to be happy, it is not because I seek,
   but because perchance I have found something. What, then, is that
   something? Is it that chain of reasoning which I am wont so to caress
   as if it were my sole treasure, and in which perhaps I take too much
   delight?

   4. "Of what parts do we consist?" "Of soul and body." "Which of these
   is the nobler?" "Doubtless the soul." "What do men praise in the body?"
   "Nothing that I see but comeliness." "And what is comeliness of body?"
   "Harmony of parts in the form, together with a certain agreeableness of
   colour." "Is this comeliness better where it is true or where it is
   illusive?" "Unquestionably it is better where it is true." "And where
   is it found true? In the soul." "The soul, therefore, is to be loved
   more than the body; but in what part of the soul does this truth
   reside?" "In the mind and understanding." "With what has the
   understanding to contend?" "With the senses." "Must we then resist the
   senses with all our might?" "Certainly." "What, then, if the things
   with which the senses acquaint us give us pleasure?" "We must prevent
   them from doing so." "How?" "By acquiring the habit of doing without
   them, and desiring better things." "But if the soul die, what then?"
   "Why, then truth dies, or intelligence is not truth, or intelligence is
   not a part of the soul, or that which has some part immortal is liable
   to die: conclusions all of which I demonstrated long ago in my
   Soliloquies to be absurd because impossible; and I am firmly persuaded
   that this is the case, but somehow through the influence of custom in
   the experience of evils we are terrified, and hesitate. But even
   granting, finally, that the soul dies, which I do not see to be in any
   way possible, it remains nevertheless true that a happy life does not
   consist in the evanescent joy which sensible objects can yield: this I
   have pondered deliberately, and proved."

   Perhaps it is on account of reasonings such as these that I have been
   judged by my own Nebridius to be, if not absolutely happy, at least in
   a sense happy. Let me also judge myself to be happy: for what do I lose
   thereby, or why should I grudge to think well of my own estate? Thus I
   talked with myself, then prayed according to my custom, and fell
   asleep.

   5. These things I have thought good to write to you. For it gratifies
   me that you should thank me when I write freely to you whatever crosses
   my mind; and to whom can I more willingly write nonsense [1449] than to
   one whom I cannot displease? But if it depends upon fortune whether one
   man love another or not, look to it, I pray you, how can I be justly
   called happy when I am so elated with joy by fortune's favours, and
   avowedly desire that my store of such good things may be largely
   increased? For those who are most truly wise, and whom alone it is
   right to pronounce happy, have maintained that fortune's favours ought
   not to be the objects of either fear or desire.

   Now here I used the word "cupi:" [1450] will you tell me whether it
   should be "cupi" or "cupiri?" And I am glad this has come in the way,
   for I wish you to instruct me in the inflexion of this verb "cupio,"
   since, when I compare similar verbs with it, my uncertainty as to the
   proper inflexion increases. For "cupio" is like "fugio," "sapio,"
   "jacio," "capio;" but whether the infinitive mood is "fugiri" or
   "fugi," "sapiri" or "sapi," I do not know. I might regard "jaci" and
   "capi" [1451] as parallel instances answering my question as to the
   others, were I not afraid lest some grammarian should "catch" and
   "throw" me like a ball in sport wherever he pleased, by reminding me
   that the form of the supines "jactum" and "captum" is different from
   that found in the other verbs "fugitum," "cupitum" and "sapitum." As to
   these three words, moreover, I am likewise ignorant whether the
   penultimate is to be pronounced long and with circumflex accent, or
   without accent and short. I would like to provoke you to write a
   reasonably long letter. I beg you to let me have what it will take some
   time to read. For it is far beyond my power to express the pleasure
   which I find in reading what you write.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1444] The character of Nebridius, and the intimacy of friendship
   between him and Augustin, may be seen in the Confessions, b. ix. c. 3.

   [1445] Had Augustin been acquainted with the decimal notation, he would
   not have made this remark to Alypius; for in the decimal scale, when
   the point is inserted, fractional parts go on diminishing according to
   the number of cyphers between them and the point (e.g .001), precisely
   as the integers increase according to the number of cyphers between
   them and the decimal point (e.g. 100.),--there being no limit to the
   descending series on the right hand of the decimal point, any more than
   to the ascending series on the left hand of the same point.

   [1446] Nescio quid.

   [1447] Augustin's acquaintance with the first principles of optics, and
   with the properties of reflection possessed by convex, plane, and
   concave mirrors, was very limited.

   [1448] Wisely resolved.

   [1449] Ineptiam.

   [1450] Present infinitive passive of cupere, to desire.

   [1451] Infinitive passive of verbs signifying respectively to "throw"
   and to "catch."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter IV.

   (a.d. 387.)

   To Nebridius Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. It is very wonderful how completely I was taken by surprise, when,
   on searching to discover which of your letters still remained
   unanswered, I found only one which held me as your debtor,--that,
   namely, in which you request me to tell you how far in this my leisure,
   which you suppose to be great, and which you desire to share with me, I
   am making progress in learning to discriminate those things in nature
   with which the senses are conversant, from those about which the
   understanding is employed. But I suppose it is not unknown to you, that
   if one becomes more and more fully imbued with false opinions, the more
   fully and intimately one exercises himself in them, the corresponding
   effect is still more easily produced in the mind by contact with truth.
   Nevertheless my progress, like our physical development, is so gradual,
   that it is difficult to define its steps distinctly, just as though
   there is a very great difference between a boy and a young man, no one,
   if daily questioned from his boyhood onward, could at any one date say
   that now he was no more a boy, but a young man.

   2. I would not have you, however, so to apply this illustration as to
   suppose that, in the vigour of a more powerful understanding, I have
   arrived as it were at the beginning of the soul's manhood. For I am yet
   but a boy, though perhaps, as we say, a promising boy, rather than a
   good-for-nothing. For although the eyes of my mind are for the most
   part perturbed and oppressed by the distractions produced by blows
   inflicted through things sensible, they are revived and raised up again
   by that brief process of reasoning: "The mind and intelligence are
   superior to the eyes and the common faculty of sight; which could not
   be the case unless the things which we perceive by intelligence were
   more real than the things which we perceive by the faculty of sight." I
   pray you to help me in examining whether any valid objection can be
   brought against this reasoning. By it, meanwhile, I find myself
   restored and refreshed; and when, after calling upon God for help, I
   begin to rise to Him, and to those things which are in the highest
   sense real, I am at times satisfied with such a grasp and enjoyment of
   the things which eternally abide, that I sometimes wonder at my
   requiring any such reasoning as I have above given to persuade me of
   the reality of those things which in my soul are as truly present to me
   as I am to myself.

   Please look over your letters yourself, for I own that you will be in
   this matter at greater pains than I, in order to make sure that I am
   not perchance unwittingly still owing an answer to any of them: for I
   can hardly believe that I have so soon got from under the burden of
   debts which I used to reckon as so numerous; albeit, at the same time,
   I cannot doubt that you have had some letters from me to which I have
   as yet received no reply.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter V.

   (a.d. 388.)

   To Augustin Nebridius Sends Greeting.

   Is it true, my beloved Augustin, that you are spending your strength
   and patience on the affairs of your fellow-citizens (in Thagaste), and
   that the leisure from distractions which you so earnestly desired is
   still withheld from you? Who, I would like to know, are the men who
   thus take advantage of your good nature, and trespass on your time? I
   believe that they do not know what you love most and long for. Have you
   no friend at hand to tell them what your heart is set upon? Will
   neither Romanianus nor Lucinianus do this? Let them hear me at all
   events. I will proclaim aloud; I will protest that God is the supreme
   object of your love, and that your heart's desire is to be His servant,
   and to cleave to Him. Fain would I persuade you to come to my home in
   the country, and rest here; I shall not be afraid of being denounced as
   a robber by those countrymen of yours, whom you love only too well, and
   by whom you are too warmly loved in return.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter VI.

   (a.d. 389.)

   To Augustin Nebridius Sends Greeting.

   1. Your letters I have great pleasure in keeping as carefully as my own
   eyes. For they are great, not indeed in length, but in the greatness of
   the subjects discussed in them, and in the great ability with which the
   truth in regard to these subjects is demonstrated. They shall bring to
   my ear the voice of Christ, and the teaching of Plato and of Plotinus.
   To me, therefore, they shall ever be pleasant to hear, because of their
   eloquent style; easy to read, because of their brevity; and profitable
   to understand, because of the wisdom which they contain. Be at pains,
   therefore, to teach me everything which, to your judgment, commends
   itself as holy or good. As to this letter in particular, answer it when
   you are ready to discuss a subtle problem in regard to memory, and the
   images presented by the imagination. [1452] My opinion is, that
   although there can be such images independently of memory, there is no
   exercise of memory independently of such images. [1453] You will say,
   What, then, takes place when memory is exercised in recalling an act of
   understanding or of thought? I answer this objection by saying, that
   such acts can be recalled by memory for this reason, that in the
   supposed act of understanding or of thought we gave birth to something
   conditioned by space or by time, which is of such a nature that it can
   be reproduced by the imagination: for either we connected the use of
   words with the exercise of the understanding and with the thoughts, and
   words are conditioned by time, and thus fall within the domain of the
   senses or of the imaginative faculty; or if we did not join words with
   the mental act, our intellect at all events experienced in the act of
   thinking something which was of such a nature as could produce in the
   mind that which, by the aid of the imaginative faculty, memory could
   recall. These things I have stated, as usual, without much
   consideration, and in a somewhat confused manner: do you examine them,
   and, rejecting what is false, acquaint me by letter with what you hold
   as the truth on this subject.

   2. Listen also to this question: Why, I should like to know, do we not
   affirm that the phantasy [imaginative faculty] derives all its images
   from itself, rather than say that it receives these from the senses?
   For it is possible that, as the intellectual faculty of the soul is
   indebted to the senses, not for the objects upon which the intellect is
   exercised, but rather for the admonition arousing it to see these
   objects, in the same manner the imaginative faculty may be indebted to
   the senses, not for the images which are the objects upon which it is
   exercised, but rather for the admonition arousing it to contemplate
   these images. And perhaps it is in this way that we are to explain the
   fact that the imagination perceives some objects which the senses never
   perceived, whereby it is shown that it has all its images within
   itself, and from itself. You will answer me what you think of this
   question also.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1452] Phantasia.

   [1453] Quamvis non omnis phantasia cum memoria sit, omnis tamen
   memoria, sine phantasia esse non possit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter VII.

   (a.d. 389.)

   To Nebridius Augustin Sends Greeting.

   Chap. I.--Memory may be exercised independently of such images as are
   presented by the imagination.

   1. I shall dispense with a formal preface, and to the subject on which
   you have for some time wished to hear my opinion I shall address myself
   at once; and this I do the more willingly, because the statement must
   take some time.

   It seems to you that there can be no exercise of memory without images,
   or the apprehension of some objects presented by the imagination, which
   you have been pleased to call "phantasiæ." For my part, I entertain a
   different opinion. In the first place, we must observe that the things
   which we remember are not always things which are passing away, but are
   for the most part things which are permanent. Wherefore, seeing that
   the function of memory is to retain hold of what belongs to time past,
   it is certain that it embraces on the one hand things which leave us,
   and on the other hand things from which we go away. When, for example,
   I remember my father, the object which memory recalls is one which has
   left me, and is now no more; but when I remember Carthage, the object
   is in this case one which still exists, and which I have left. In both
   cases, however, memory retains what belongs to past time. For I
   remember that man and this city, not by seeing them now, but by having
   seen them in the past.

   2. You perhaps ask me at this point, Why bring forward these facts? And
   you may do this the more readily, because you observe that in both the
   examples quoted the object remembered can come to my memory in no other
   way than by the apprehension of such an image as you affirm to be
   always necessary. For my purpose it suffices meanwhile to have proved
   in this way that memory can be spoken of as embracing also those things
   which have not yet passed away: and now mark attentively how this
   supports my opinion. Some men raise a groundless objection to that most
   famous theory invented by Socrates, according to which the things that
   we learn are not introduced to our minds as new, but brought back to
   memory by a process of recollection; supporting their objection by
   affirming that memory has to do only with things which have passed
   away, whereas, as Plato himself has taught, those things which we learn
   by the exercise of the understanding are permanent, and being
   imperishable, cannot be numbered among things which have passed away:
   the mistake into which they have fallen arising obviously from this,
   that they do not consider that it is only the mental act of
   apprehension by which we have discerned these things which belongs to
   the past; and that it is because we have, in the stream of mental
   activity, left these behind, and begun in a variety of ways to attend
   to other things, that we require to return to them by an effort of
   recollection, that is, by memory. If, therefore, passing over other
   examples, we fix our thoughts upon eternity itself as something which
   is for ever permanent, and consider, on the one hand, that it does not
   require any image fashioned by the imagination as the vehicle by which
   it may be introduced into the mind; and, on the other hand, that it
   could never enter the mind otherwise than by our remembering it,--we
   shall see that, in regard to some things at least, there can be an
   exercise of memory without any image of the thing remembered being
   presented by the imagination.

   Chap. II.--The mind is destitute of images presented by the
   imagination, so long as it has not been informed by the senses of
   external things.

   3. In the second place, as to your opinion that it is possible for the
   mind to form to itself images of material things independently of the
   services of the bodily senses, this is refuted by the following
   argument:--If the mind is able, before it uses the body as its
   instrument in perceiving material objects, to form to itself the images
   of these; and if, as no sane man can doubt, the mind received more
   reliable and correct impressions before it was involved in the
   illusions which the senses produce, it follows that we must attribute
   greater value to the impressions of men asleep than of men awake, and
   of men insane than of those who are free from such mental disorder: for
   they are, in these states of mind, impressed by the same kind of images
   as impressed them before they were indebted for information to these
   most deceptive messengers, the senses; and thus, either the sun which
   they see must be more real than the sun which is seen by men in their
   sound judgment and in their waking hours, or that which is an illusion
   must be better than what is real. But if these conclusions, my dear
   Nebridius, are, as they obviously are, wholly absurd, it is
   demonstrated that the image of which you speak is nothing else than a
   blow inflicted by the senses, the function of which in connection with
   these images is not, as you write, the mere suggestion or admonition
   occasioning their formation by the mind within itself, but the actual
   bringing in to the mind, or, to speak more definitely, impressing upon
   it of the illusions to which through the senses we are subject. The
   difficulty which you feel as to the question how it comes to pass that
   we can conceive in thought, faces and forms which we have never seen,
   is one which proves the acuteness of your mind. I shall therefore do
   what may extend this letter beyond the usual length; not, however,
   beyond the length which you will approve, for I believe that the
   greater the fulness with which I write to you, the more welcome shall
   my letter be.

   4. I perceive that all those images which you as well as many others
   call phantasiæ, may be most conveniently and accurately divided into
   three classes, according as they originate with the senses, or the
   imagination, or the faculty of reason. Examples of the first class are
   when the mind forms within itself and presents to me the image of your
   face, or of Carthage, or of our departed friend Verecundus, or of any
   other thing at present or formerly existing, which I have myself seen
   and perceived. Under the second class come all things which we imagine
   to have been, or to be so and so: e.g. when, for the sake of
   illustration in discourse, we ourselves suppose things which have no
   existence, but which are not prejudicial to truth; or when we call up
   to our own minds a lively conception of the things described while we
   read history, or hear, or compose, or refuse to believe fabulous
   narrations. Thus, according to my own fancy, and as it may occur to my
   own mind, I picture to myself the appearance of Æneas, or of Medea with
   her team of winged dragons, or of Chremes, or Parmeno. [1454] To this
   class belong also those things which have been brought forward as true,
   either by wise men wrapping up some truth in the folds of such
   inventions, or by foolish men building up various kinds of
   superstition; e.g. the Phlegethon of Tortures, and the five caves of
   the nation of darkness, [1455] and the North Pole supporting the
   heavens, and a thousand other prodigies of poets and of heretics.
   Moreover, we often say, when carrying on a discussion, "Suppose that
   three worlds, such as the one which we inhabit, were placed one above
   another;" or, "Suppose the earth to be enclosed within a four-sided
   figure," and so on: for all such things we picture to ourselves, and
   imagine according to the mood and direction of our thoughts. As for the
   third class of images, it has to do chiefly with numbers and measure;
   which are found partly in the nature of things, as when the figure of
   the entire world is discovered, and an image consequent upon this
   discovery is formed in the mind of one thinking upon it; and partly in
   sciences, as in geometrical figures and musical harmonies, and in the
   infinite variety of numerals: which, although they are, as I think,
   true in themselves as objects of the understanding, are nevertheless
   the causes of illusive exercises of the imagination, the misleading
   tendency of which reason itself can only with difficulty withstand;
   although it is not easy to preserve even the science of reasoning free
   from this evil, since in our logical divisions and conclusions we form
   to ourselves, so to speak, calculi or counters to facilitate the
   process of reasoning.

   5. In this whole forest of images, I believe that you do not think that
   those of the first class belong to the mind previous to the time when
   they find access through the senses. On this we need not argue any
   further. As to the other two classes a question might reasonably be
   raised, were it not manifest that the mind is less liable to illusions
   when it has not yet been subjected to the deceptive influence of the
   senses, and of things sensible; and yet who can doubt that these images
   are much more unreal than those with which the senses acquaint us? For
   the things which we suppose, or believe, or picture to ourselves, are
   in every point wholly unreal; and the things which we perceive by sight
   and the other senses, are, as you see, far more near to the truth than
   these products of imagination. As to the third class, whatever
   extension of body in space I figure to myself in my mind by means of an
   image of this class, although it seems as if a process of thought had
   produced this image by scientific reasonings which did not admit of
   error, nevertheless I prove it to be deceptive, these same reasonings
   serving in turn to detect its falsity. Thus it is wholly impossible for
   me to believe [as, accepting your opinion, I must believe] that the
   soul, while not yet using the bodily senses, and not yet rudely
   assaulted through these fallacious instruments by that which is mortal
   and fleeting, lay under such ignominious subjection to illusions.

   Chap. III.--Objection answered.

   6. "Whence then comes our capacity of conceiving in thought things
   which we have never seen?" What, think you, can be the cause of this,
   but a certain faculty of diminution and addition which is innate in the
   mind, and which it cannot but carry with it whithersoever it turns (a
   faculty which may be observed especially in relation to numbers)? By
   the exercise of this faculty, if the image of a crow, for example,
   which is very familiar to the eye, be set before the eye of the mind,
   as it were, it may be brought, by the taking away of some features and
   the addition of others, to almost any image such as never was seen by
   the eye. By this faculty also it comes to pass, that when men's minds
   habitually ponder such things, figures of this kind force their way as
   it were unbidden into their thoughts. Therefore it is possible for the
   mind, by taking away, as has been said, some things from objects which
   the senses have brought within its knowledge, and by adding some
   things, to produce in the exercise of imagination that which, as a
   whole, was never within the observation of any of the senses; but the
   parts of it had all been within such observation, though found in a
   variety of different things: e.g., when we were boys, born and brought
   up in an inland district, we could already form some idea of the sea,
   after we had seen water even in a small cup; but the flavour of
   strawberries and of cherries could in no wise enter our conceptions
   before we tasted these fruits in Italy. Hence it is also, that those
   who have been born blind know not what to answer when they are asked
   about light and colours. For those who have never perceived coloured
   objects by the senses are not capable of having the images of such
   objects in the mind.

   7. And let it not appear to you strange, that though the mind is
   present in and intermingled with all those images which in the nature
   of things are figured or can be pictured by us, these are not evolved
   by the mind from within itself before it has received them through the
   senses from without. For we also find that, along with anger, joy, and
   other such emotions, we produce changes in our bodily aspect and
   complexion, before our thinking faculty even conceives that we have the
   power of producing such images [or indications of our feeling]. These
   follow upon the experience of the emotion in those wonderful ways
   (especially deserving your attentive consideration), which consist in
   the repeated action and reaction of hidden numbers [1456] in the soul,
   without the intervention of any image of illusive material things.
   Whence I would have you understand--perceiving as you do that so many
   movements of the mind go on wholly independently of the images in
   question--that of all the movements of the mind by which it may
   conceivably attain to the knowledge of bodies, every other is more
   likely than the process of creating forms of sensible things by unaided
   thought, because I do not think that it is capable of any such
   conceptions before it uses the body and the senses.

   Wherefore, my well beloved and most amiable brother, by the friendship
   which unites us, and by our faith in the divine law itself, [1457] I
   would warn you never to link yourself in friendship with those shadows
   of the realm of darkness, and to break off without delay whatever
   friendship may have been begun between you and them. That resistance to
   the sway of the bodily senses which it is our most sacred duty to
   practise, is wholly abandoned if we treat with fondness and flattery
   the blows and wounds which the senses inflict upon us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1454] Dramatis personæ in Terence.

   [1455] Referring to Manichæan notions.

   [1456] Numeri actitantur occulti.

   [1457] Pro ipsius divini juris fide.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter VIII.

   (a.d. 389.)

   To Augustin Nebridius Sends Greeting.

   1. As I am in haste to come to the subject of my letter, I dispense
   with any preface or introduction. When at any time it pleases higher
   (by which I mean heavenly) powers to reveal anything to us by dreams in
   our sleep, how is this done, my dear Augustin, or what is the method
   which they use? What, I say, is their method, i.e. by what art or
   magic, by what agency or enchantments, do they accomplish this? Do they
   by their thoughts influence our minds, so that we also have the same
   images presented in our thoughts? Do they bring before us, and exhibit
   as actually done in their own body or in their own imagination, the
   things which we dream? But if they actually do these things in their
   own body, it follows that, in order to our seeing what they thus do, we
   must be endowed with other bodily eyes beholding what passes within
   while we sleep. If, however, they are not assisted by their bodies in
   producing the effects in question, but frame such things in their own
   imaginative faculty, and thus impress our imaginations, thereby giving
   visible form to what we dream; why is it, I ask, that I cannot compel
   your imagination to reproduce those dreams which I have myself first
   formed by my imagination? I have undoubtedly the faculty of
   imagination, and it is capable of presenting to my own mind the picture
   of whatever I please; and yet I do not thereby cause any dream in you,
   although I see that even our bodies have the power of originating
   dreams in us. For by means of the bond of sympathy uniting it to the
   soul, the body compels us in strange ways to repeat or reproduce by
   imagination anything which it has once experienced. Thus often in
   sleep, if we are thirsty, we dream that we drink; and if we are hungry,
   we seem to ourselves to be eating; and many other instances there are
   in which, by some mode of exchange, so to speak, things are transferred
   through the imagination from the body to the soul.

   Be not surprised at the want of elegance and subtlety with which these
   questions are here stated to you; consider the obscurity in which the
   subject is involved, and the inexperience of the writer; be it yours to
   do your utmost to supply his deficiencies.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter IX.

   (a.d. 389.)

   To Nebridius Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. Although you know my mind well, you are perhaps not aware how much I
   long to enjoy your society. This great blessing, however, God will some
   day bestow on me. I have read your letter, so genuine in its
   utterances, in which you complain of your being in solitude, and, as it
   were, forsaken by your friends, in whose society you found the sweetest
   charm of life. But what else can I suggest to you than that which I am
   persuaded is already your exercise? Commune with your own soul, and
   raise it up, as far as you are able, unto God. For in Him you hold us
   also by a firmer bond, not by means of bodily images, which we must
   meanwhile be content to use in remembering each other, but by means of
   that faculty of thought through which we realize the fact of our
   separation from each other.

   2. In considering your letters, in answering all of which I have
   certainly had to answer questions of no small difficulty and
   importance, I was not a little stunned by the one in which you ask me
   by what means certain thoughts and dreams are put into our minds by
   higher powers or by superhuman agents. [1458] The question is a great
   one, and, as your own prudence must convince you, would require, in
   order to its being satisfactorily answered, not a mere letter, but a
   full oral discussion or a whole treatise. I shall try, however, knowing
   as I do your talents, to throw out a few germs of thought which may
   shed light on this question, in order that you may either complete the
   exhaustive treatment of the subject by your own efforts, or at least
   not despair of the possibility of this important matter being
   investigated with satisfactory results.

   3. It is my opinion that every movement of the mind affects in some
   degree the body. We know that this is patent even to our senses, dull
   and sluggish though they are, when the movements of the mind are
   somewhat vehement, as when we are angry, or sad, or joyful. Whence we
   may conjecture that, in like manner, when thought is busy, although no
   bodily effect of the mental act is discernible by us, there may be some
   such effect discernible by beings of aërial or etherial essence whose
   perceptive faculty is in the highest degree acute,--so much so, that,
   in comparison with it, our faculties are scarcely worthy to be called
   perceptive. Therefore these footprints of its motion, so to speak,
   which the mind impresses on the body, may perchance not only remain,
   but remain as it were with the force of a habit; and it may be that,
   when these are secretly stirred and played upon, they bear thoughts and
   dreams into our minds, according to the pleasure of the person moving
   or touching them: and this is done with marvellous facility. For if, as
   is manifest, the attainments of our earth-born and sluggish bodies in
   the department of exercise, e.g. in the playing of musical instruments,
   dancing on the tight-rope, etc., are almost incredible, it is by no
   means unreasonable to suppose that beings which act with the powers of
   an aërial or etherial body upon our bodies, and are by the constitution
   of their natures able to pass unhindered through these bodies, should
   be capable of much greater quickness in moving whatever they wish,
   while we, though not perceiving what they do, are nevertheless affected
   by the results of their activity. We have a somewhat parallel instance
   in the fact that we do not perceive how it is that superfluity of bile
   impels us to more frequent outbursts of passionate feeling; and yet it
   does produce this effect, while this superfluity of bile is itself an
   effect of our yielding to such passionate feelings.

   4. If, however, you hesitate to accept this example as a parallel one,
   when it is thus cursorily stated by me, turn it over in your thoughts
   as fully as you can. The mind, if it be continually obstructed by some
   difficulty in the way of doing and accomplishing what it desires, is
   thereby made continually angry. For anger, so far as I can judge of its
   nature, seems to me to be a tumultuous eagerness to take out of the way
   those things which restrict our freedom of action. Hence it is that
   usually we vent our anger not only on men, but on such a thing, for
   example, as the pen with which we write, bruising or breaking it in our
   passion; and so does the gambler with his dice, the artist with his
   pencil, and every man with the instrument which he may be using, if he
   thinks that he is in some way thwarted by it. Now medical men
   themselves tell us that by these frequent fits of anger bile is
   increased. But, on the other hand, when the bile is increased, we are
   easily, and almost without any provocation whatever, made angry. Thus
   the effect which the mind has by its movement produced upon the body,
   is capable in its turn of moving the mind again.

   5. These things might be treated at very great length, and our
   knowledge of the subject might be brought to greater certainty and
   fulness by a large induction from relevant facts. But take along with
   this letter the one which I sent you lately concerning images and
   memory, [1459] and study it somewhat more carefully; for it was
   manifest to me, from your reply, that it had not been fully understood.
   When, to the statements now before you, you add the portion of that
   letter in which I spoke of a certain natural faculty whereby the mind
   does in thought add to or take from any object as it pleases, you will
   see that it is possible for us both in dreams and in waking thoughts to
   conceive the images of bodily forms which we have never seen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1458] Dæmonibus.

   [1459] See Letter VII.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter X.

   (a.d. 389.)

   To Nebridius Augustin Sends Greeting,

   1. No question of yours ever kept me so disturbed while reflecting upon
   it, as the remark which I read in your last letter, in which you chide
   me for being indifferent as to making arrangements by which it may be
   possible for us to live together. A grave charge, and one which, were
   it not unfounded, would be most perilous. But since satisfactory
   reasons seem to prove that we can live as we would wish to do better
   here than at Carthage, or even in the country, I am wholly at a loss,
   my dear Nebridius, what to do with you. Shall such a conveyance as may
   best suit your state of health be sent from us to you? Our friend
   Lucinianus informs me that you can be carried without injury in a
   palanquin. But I consider, on the other hand, how your mother, who
   could not bear your absence from her when you were in health, will be
   much less able to bear it when you are ill. Shall I myself then come to
   you? This I cannot do, for there are some here who cannot accompany me,
   and whom I would think it a crime for me to leave. For you already can
   pass your time agreeably when left to the resources of our own mind;
   but in their case the object of present efforts is that they may attain
   to this. Shall I go and come frequently, and so be now with you, now
   with them? But this is neither to live together, nor to live as we
   would wish to do. For the journey is not a short one, but so great at
   least that the attempt to perform it frequently would prevent our
   gaining the wished-for leisure. To this is added the bodily weakness
   through which, as you know, I cannot accomplish what I wish, unless I
   cease wholly to wish what is beyond my strength.

   2. To occupy one's thoughts throughout life with journeyings which you
   cannot perform tranquilly and easily, is not the part of a man whose
   thoughts are engaged with that last journey which is called death, and
   which alone, as you understand, really deserves serious consideration.
   God has indeed granted to some few men whom He has ordained to bear
   rule over churches, the capacity of not only awaiting calmly, but even
   desiring eagerly, that last journey, while at the same time they can
   meet without disquietude the toils of those other journeyings; but I do
   not believe that either to those who are urged to accept such duties
   through desire for worldly honour, or to those who, although occupying
   a private station, covet a busy life, so great a boon is given as that
   amid bustle and agitating meetings, and journeyings hither and thither,
   they should acquire that familiarity with death which we seek: for both
   of these classes had it in their power to seek edification [1460] in
   retirement. Or if this be not true, I am, I shall not say the most
   foolish of all men, but at least the most indolent, since I find it
   impossible, without the aid of such an interval of relief from care and
   toil, to taste and relish that only real good. Believe me, there is
   need of much withdrawal of oneself from the tumult of the things which
   are passing away, in order that there may be formed in man, not through
   insensibility, not through presumption, not through vainglory, not
   through superstitious blindness, the ability to say, "I fear nought."
   By this means also is attained that enduring joy with which no
   pleasurable excitement found elsewhere is in any degree to be compared.

   3. But if such a life does not fall to the lot of man, how is it that
   calmness of spirit is our occasional experience? Wherefore is this
   experience more frequent, in proportion to the devotion with which any
   one in his inmost soul worships God? Why does this tranquillity for the
   most part abide with one in the business of life, when he goes forth to
   its duties from that sanctuary? Why are there times in which, speaking,
   we do not fear death, and, silent, even desire it? I say to you--for I
   would not say it to every one--to you whose visits to the upper world I
   know well, Will you, who have often felt how sweetly the soul lives
   when it dies to all mere bodily affections, deny that it is possible
   for the whole life of man to become at length so exempt from fear, that
   he may be justly called wise? Or will you venture to affirm that this
   state of mind, on which reason leans has ever been your lot, except
   when you were shut up to commune with your own heart? Since these
   things are so, you see that it remains only for you to share with me
   the labour of devising how we may arrange to live together. You know
   much better than I do what is to be done in regard to your mother, whom
   your brother Victor, of course, does not leave alone. I will write no
   more, lest I turn your mind away from considering this proposal.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1460] Text, "deificari" for "ædificari" (?).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XI.

   (a.d. 389.)

   To Nebridius Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. When the question, which has long been brought before me by you with
   something even of friendly chiding, as to the way in which we might
   live together, was seriously disturbing my mind, and I had resolved to
   write to you, and to beg an answer from you bearing exclusively on this
   subject, and to employ my pen on no other theme pertaining to our
   studies, in order that the discussion of this matter between us might
   be brought to an end, the very short and indisputable conclusion stated
   in your letter lately received at once delivered me from all further
   solicitude; your statement being to the effect that on this matter
   there ought to be no further deliberation, because as soon as it is in
   my power to come to you, or in your power to come to me, we shall feel
   alike constrained to improve the opportunity. My mind being thus, as I
   have said, at rest, I looked over all your letters, that I might see
   what yet remained unanswered. In these I have found so many questions,
   that even if they were easily solved, they would by their mere number
   more than exhaust the time and talents of any man. But they are so
   difficult, that if the answering of even one of them were laid upon me,
   I would not hesitate to confess myself heavily burdened. The design of
   this introductory statement is to make you desist for a little from
   asking new questions until I am free from debt, and that you confine
   yourself in your answer to the statement of your opinion of my replies.
   At the same time, I know that it is to my own loss that I postpone for
   even a little while the participation of your divine thoughts.

   2. Hear, therefore, the view which I hold concerning the mystery of the
   Incarnation which the religion wherein we have been instructed commends
   to our faith and knowledge as having been accomplished in order to our
   salvation; which question I have chosen to discuss in preference to all
   the rest, although it is not the most easily answered. For those
   questions which are proposed by you concerning this world do not appear
   to me to have a sufficiently direct reference to the obtaining of a
   happy life; and whatever pleasure they yield when investigated, there
   is reason to fear lest they take up time which ought to be devoted to
   better things. With regard, then, to the subject which I have at this
   time undertaken, first of all I am surprised that you were perplexed by
   the question why not the Father, but the Son, is said to have become
   incarnate, and yet were not also perplexed by the same question in
   regard to the Holy Spirit. For the union of Persons in the Trinity is
   in the Catholic faith set forth and believed, and by a few holy and
   blessed ones understood, to be so inseparable, that whatever is done by
   the Trinity must be regarded as being done by the Father, and by the
   Son, and by the Holy Spirit together; and that nothing is done by the
   Father which is, not also done by the Son and by the Holy Spirit; and
   nothing done by the Holy Spirit which is not also done by the Father
   and by the Son; and nothing done by the Son which is not also done by
   the Father and by the Holy Spirit. From which it seems to follow as a
   consequence, that the whole Trinity assumed human nature; for if the
   Son did so, but the Father and the Spirit did not, there is something
   in which they act separately. [1461] Why, then, in our mysteries and
   sacred symbols, is the Incarnation ascribed only to the Son? This is a
   very great question, so difficult, and on a subject so vast, that it is
   impossible either to give a sufficiently clear statement, or to support
   it by satisfactory proofs. I venture, however, since I am writing to
   you, to indicate rather than explain what my sentiments are, in order
   that you, from your talents and our intimacy, through which you
   thoroughly know me, may for yourself fill up the outline.

   3. There is no nature, Nebridius--and, indeed, there is no
   substance--which does not contain in itself and exhibit these three
   things: first, that it is; next, that it is this or that; and third,
   that as far as possible it remains as it is. The first of these three
   presents the original cause of nature from which all things exist; the
   second presents the form [1462] according to which all things are
   fashioned and formed in a particular way; the third presents a certain
   permanence, so to speak, in which all things are. Now, if it be
   possible that a thing can be, and yet not be this or that, and not
   remain in its own generic form; or that a thing can be this or that,
   and yet not be, and not remain in its own generic form, so far as it is
   possible for it to do so; or that a thing can remain in its own generic
   form according to the force belonging to it, and yet not be, and not be
   this or that,--then it is also possible that in that Trinity one Person
   can do something in which the others have no part. But if you see that
   whatever is must forthwith be this or that, and must remain so far as
   possible in its own generic form, you see also that these Three do
   nothing in which all have not a part. I see that as yet I have only
   treated a portion of this question, which makes its solution difficult.
   But I wished to open up briefly to you--if, indeed, I have succeeded in
   this--how great in the system of Catholic truth is the doctrine of the
   inseparability of the Persons of the Trinity, and how difficult to be
   understood.

   4. Hear now how that which disquiets your mind may disquiet it no more.
   The mode of existence (Species--the second of the three above named)
   which is properly ascribed to the Son, has to do with training, and
   with a certain art, if I may use that word in regard to such things,
   and with the exercise of intellect, by which the mind itself is moulded
   in its thoughts upon things. Therefore, since by that assumption of
   human nature the work accomplished was the effective presentation to us
   of a certain training in the right way of living, and exemplification
   of that which is commanded, under the majesty and perspicuousness of
   certain sentences, it is not without reason that all this is ascribed
   to the Son. For in many things which I leave your own reflection and
   prudence to suggest, although the constituent elements be many, some
   one nevertheless stands out above the rest, and therefore not
   unreasonably claims a right of possession, as it were, of the whole for
   itself: as, e.g., in the three kinds of questions above mentioned,
   [1463] although the question raised be whether a thing is or not, this
   involves necessarily also both what it is (this or that), for of course
   it cannot be at all unless it be something, and whether it ought to be
   approved of or disapproved of, for whatever is is a fit subject for
   some opinion as to its quality; in like manner, when the question
   raised is what a thing is, this necessarily involves both that it is,
   and that its quality may be tried by some standard; and in the same
   way, when the question raised is what is the quality of a thing, this
   necessarily involves that that thing is, and is something, since all
   things are inseparably joined to themselves;--nevertheless, the
   question in each of the above cases takes its name not from all the
   three, but from the special point towards which the inquirer directed
   his attention. Now there is a certain training necessary for men, by
   which they might be instructed and formed after some model. We cannot
   say, however, regarding that which is accomplished in men by this
   training, either that it does not exist, or that it is not a thing to
   be desired [i.e. we cannot say what it is, without involving an
   affirmation both of its existence and of its quality]; but we seek
   first to know what it is, for in knowing this we know that by which we
   may infer that it is something, and in which we may remain. Therefore
   the first thing necessary was, that a certain rule and pattern of
   training be plainly exhibited; and this was done by the divinely
   appointed method of the Incarnation, which is properly to be ascribed
   to the Son, in order that from it should follow both our knowledge,
   through the Son, of the Father Himself, i.e. of the one first principle
   whence all things have their being, and a certain inward and ineffable
   charm and sweetness of remaining in that knowledge, and of despising
   all mortal things,--a gift and work which is properly ascribed to the
   Holy Spirit. Wherefore, although in all things the Divine Persons act
   perfectly in common, and without possibility of separation,
   nevertheless their operations behoved to be exhibited in such a way as
   to be distinguished from each other, on account of the weakness which
   is in us, who have fallen from unity into variety. For no one ever
   succeeds in raising another to the height on which he himself stands,
   unless he stoop somewhat towards the level which that other occupies.

   You have here a letter which may not indeed put an end to your
   disquietude in regard to this doctrine, but which may set your own
   thoughts to work upon a kind of solid foundation; so that, with the
   talents which I well know you to possess, you may follow, and, by the
   piety in which especially we must be stedfast, may apprehend that which
   still remains to be discovered.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1461] A liquid præter invicem faciunt.

   [1462] Species.

   [1463] An sit, quid sit, quale sit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XII.

   (a.d. 389.)

   Omitted, as only a fragment of the text of the letter is preserved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XIII.

   (a.d. 389.)

   To Nebridius Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. I do not feel pleasure in writing of the subjects which I was wont
   to discuss; I am not at liberty to write of new themes. I see that the
   one would not suit you, and that for the other I have no leisure. For,
   since I left you, neither opportunity nor leisure has been given me for
   taking up and revolving the things which we are accustomed to
   investigate together. The winter nights are indeed too long, and they
   are not entirely spent in sleep by me; but when I have leisure, other
   subjects [than those which we used to discuss] present themselves as
   having a prior claim on my consideration. [1464] What, then, am I to
   do? Am I to be to you as one dumb, who cannot speak, or as one silent,
   who will not speak? Neither of these things is desired, either by you
   or by me. Come, then, and bear what the end of the night succeeded in
   eliciting from me during the time in which it was devoted to following
   out the subject of this letter.

   2. You cannot but remember that a question often agitated between us,
   and which kept us agitated, breathless, and excited, was one concerning
   a body or kind of body, which belongs perpetually to the soul, and
   which, as you recollect, is called by some its vehicle. It is manifest
   that this thing, if it moves from place to place, is not cognisable by
   the understanding. But whatever is not cognisable by the understanding
   cannot be understood. It is not, however, utterly impossible to form an
   opinion approximating to the truth concerning a thing which is outside
   the province of the intellect, if it lies within the province of the
   senses. But when a thing is beyond the province of the intellect and of
   the senses, the speculations to which it gives rise are too baseless
   and trifling; and the thing of which we treat now is of this nature, if
   indeed it exists. Why, then, I ask, do we not finally dismiss this
   unimportant question, and with prayer to God raise ourselves to the
   supreme serenity of the Highest existing nature?

   3. Perhaps you may here reply: "Although bodies cannot be perceived by
   the understanding, we can perceive with the understanding many things
   concerning material objects; e.g. we know that matter exists. For who
   will deny this, or affirm that in this we have to do with the probable
   rather than the true? Thus, though matter itself lies among things
   probable, it is a most indisputable truth that something like it exists
   in nature. Matter itself is therefore pronounced to be an object
   cognisable by the senses; but the assertion of its existence is
   pronounced to be a truth cognisable by the intellect, for it cannot be
   perceived otherwise. And so this unknown body, about which we inquire,
   upon which the soul depends for its power to move from place to place,
   may possibly be cognisable by senses more powerful than we possess,
   though not by ours; and at all events, the question whether it exists
   is one which may be solved by our understandings."

   4. If you intend to say this, let me remind you that the mental act we
   call understanding is done by us in two ways: either by the mind and
   reason within itself, as when we understand that the intellect itself
   exists; or by occasion of suggestion from the senses, as in the case
   above mentioned, when we understand that matter exists. In the first of
   these two kinds of acts we understand through ourselves, i.e. by asking
   instruction of God concerning that which is within us; but in the
   second we understand by asking instruction of God regarding that of
   which intimation is given to us by the body and the senses. If these
   things be found true, no one can by his understanding discover whether
   that body of which you speak exists or not, but the person to whom his
   senses have given some intimation concerning it. If there be any living
   creature to which the senses give such intimation, since we at least
   see plainly that we are not among the number, I regard the conclusion
   established which I began to state a little ago, that the question
   [about the vehicle of the soul] is one which does not concern us. I
   wish you would consider this over and over again, and take care to let
   me know the product of your consideration.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1464] We leave untranslated the words "quæ diffirmando sunt otio
   necessaria," the text here being evidently corrupt.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XIV.

   (a.d. 389.)

   To Nebridius Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. I have preferred to reply to your last letter, not because I
   undervalued your earlier questions, or enjoyed them less, but because
   in answering you I undertake a greater task than you think. For
   although you enjoined me to send you a superlatively long [1465]
   letter, I have not so much leisure as you imagine, and as you know I
   have always wished to have, and do still wish. Ask not why it is so:
   for I could more easily enumerate the things by which I am hindered,
   than explain why I am hindered by them.

   2. You ask why it is that you and I, though separate individuals, do
   many things which are the same, but the sun does not the same as the
   other heavenly bodies. Of this thing I must attempt to explain the
   cause. Now, if you and I do the same things, the sun also does many
   things which the other heavenly bodies do: if in some things it does
   not the same as the others, this is equally true of you and me. I walk,
   and you walk; it is moved, and they are moved: I keep awake, and you
   keep awake; it shines, and they shine: I discuss, and you discuss; it
   goes its round, and they go their rounds. And yet there is no fitness
   of comparison between mental acts and things visible. If, however, as
   is reasonable, you compare mind with mind, the heavenly bodies, if they
   have any mind, must be regarded as even more uniform than men in their
   thoughts or contemplations, or whatever term may more conveniently
   express such activity in them. Moreover, as to the movements of the
   body, you will find, if you reflect on this with your wonted attention,
   that it is impossible for precisely the same thing to be done by two
   persons. When we walk together, do you think that we both necessarily
   do the same thing? Far be such thought from one of your wisdom! For the
   one of us who walks on the side towards the north, must either, in
   taking the same step as the other, get in advance of him, or walk more
   slowly than he does. Neither of these things is perceptible by the
   senses; but you, if I am not mistaken, look to what we know by the
   understanding rather than to what we learn by the senses. If, however,
   we move from the pole towards the south, joined and clinging to each
   other as closely as possible, and treading on a sheet of marble or even
   ivory smooth and level, a perfect identity is as unattainable in our
   motions as in the throbbings of our pulses, or in our figures and
   faces. Put us aside, and place in our stead the sons of Glaucus, and
   you gain nothing by this substitution: for even in these twins so
   perfectly resembling each other, the necessity for the motions of each
   being peculiarly his own, is as great as the necessity for their birth
   as separate individuals.

   3. You will perhaps say: "The difference in this case is one which only
   reason can discover; but the difference between the sun and the other
   heavenly bodies is to the senses also patent." If you insist upon my
   looking to their difference in magnitude, you know how many things may
   be said as to the distances by which they are removed from us, and into
   how great uncertainty that which you speak of as obvious may thus be
   brought back. I may, however, concede that the actual size corresponds
   with the apparent size of the heavenly bodies, for I myself believe
   this; and I ask you to show me any one whose senses were incapable of
   remarking the prodigious stature of Nævius, exceeding by a foot that of
   the tallest man. [1466] By the way, I think you have been just too
   eager to discover some man to match him; and when you did not succeed
   in the search, have resolved to make me stretch out my letter so as to
   rival his dimensions. [1467] If therefore even on earth such variety in
   size may be seen, I think that it need not surprise us to find the like
   in the heavens. If, however, the thing which moves your surprise is
   that the light of no other heavenly body than the sun fills the day,
   who, I ask you, has ever been manifested to men so great as that Man
   whom God took into union with Himself, in another way entirely than He
   has taken all other holy and wise men who ever lived? for if you
   compare Him with other men who were wise, He is separated from them by
   superiority greater far than that which the sun has above the other
   heavenly bodies. This comparison let me charge you by all means
   attentively to study; for it is not impossible that to your singularly
   gifted mind I may have suggested, by this cursory remark, the solution
   of a question which you once proposed to me concerning the humanity of
   Christ.

   4. You also ask me whether that highest Truth and highest Wisdom and
   Form (or Archetype) of things, by whom all things were made, and whom
   our creeds confess to be the only-begotten Son of God, contains the
   idea [1468] of mankind in general, or also of each individual of our
   race. A great question. My opinion is, that in the creation of man
   there was in Him the idea only of man generally, and not of you or me
   as individuals; but that in the cycle of time the idea of each
   individual, with all the varieties distinguishing men from each other,
   lives in that pure Truth. This I grant is very obscure; yet I know not
   by what kind of illustration light may be shed upon it, unless perhaps
   we betake ourselves to those sciences which lie wholly within our
   minds. In geometry, the idea of an angle is one thing, the idea of a
   square is another. As often, therefore, as I please to describe an
   angle, the idea of the angle, and that alone, is present to my mind;
   but I can never describe a square unless I fix my attention upon the
   idea of four angles at the same time. In like manner, every man,
   considered as an individual man, has been made according to one idea
   proper to himself; but in the making of a nation, although the idea
   according to which it is made be also one, it is the idea not of one,
   but of many men collectively. If, therefore, Nebridius is a part of
   this universe, as he is, and the whole universe is made up of parts,
   the God who made the universe could not but have in His plan the idea
   of all the parts. Wherefore, since there is in this idea of a very
   great number of men, it does not belong to man himself as such;
   although, on the other hand, all the individuals are in wonderful ways
   reduced to one. But you will consider this at your convenience. I beg
   you meanwhile to be content with what I have written, although I have
   already outdone Nævius himself.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1465] The phrase used by Nebridius had been "longior quam longissima,"
   which Augustin here quotes, and afterwards playfully alludes to in sec.
   3.

   [1466] The text contains the word "sex" here, which is omitted in the
   translation. The reading is uncertain.

   [1467] See note on sec. 1.

   [1468] Ratio.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XV.

   (a.d. 390.)

   To Romanianus Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. This letter indicates a scarcity of paper, [1469] but not so as to
   testify that parchment is plentiful here. My ivory tablets I used in
   the letter which I sent to your uncle. You will more readily excuse
   this scrap of parchment, because what I wrote to him could not be
   delayed, and I thought that not to write to you for want of better
   material would be most absurd. But if any tablets of mine are with you,
   I request you to send them to meet a case of this kind. I have written
   something, as the Lord has deigned to enable me, concerning the
   Catholic religion, which before my coming I wish to send to you, if my
   paper does not fail me in the meantime. For you will receive with
   indulgence any kind of writing from the office of the brethren who are
   with me. As to the manuscripts of which you speak, I have entirely
   forgotten them, except the books de Oratore; but I could not have
   written anything better than that you should take such of them as you
   please, and I am still of the same mind; for at this distance I know
   not what else I can do in the matter.

   2. It gave me very great pleasure that in your last letter you desired
   to make me a sharer of your joy at home; but

   "Wouldst thou have me forget how soon the deep,

   So tranquil now, may wear another face,

   And rouse these slumbering waves?" [1470]

   Yet I know you would not have me forget this, nor are you yourself
   unmindful of it. Wherefore, if some leisure is granted you for more
   profound meditation, improve this divine blessing. For when these
   things fall to our lot, we should not only congratulate ourselves, but
   show our gratitude to those to whom we owe them; for if in the
   stewardship of temporal blessings we act in a manner that is just and
   kind, and with the moderation and sobriety of spirit which befits the
   transient nature of these possessions,--if they are held by us without
   laying hold on us, are multiplied without entangling us, and serve us
   without bringing us into bondage, such conduct entitles us to the
   recompense of eternal blessings. For by Him who is the Truth it was
   said: "If ye have not been faithful in that which is another man's, who
   will give you that which is your own?" Let us therefore disengage
   ourselves from care about the passing things of time; let us seek the
   blessings that are imperishable and sure; let us soar above our worldly
   possessions. The bee does not the less need its wings when it has
   gathered an abundant store; for if it sink in the honey it dies.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1469] Charta.

   [1470] "Mene salis placidi vultum fluctusque quietos Ignorare
   jubes?"--Æn. v. 848, 849.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XVI.

   (a.d. 390)

   From Maximus of Madaura to Augustin.

   1. Desiring to be frequently made glad by communications from you, and
   by the stimulus of your reasoning with which in a most pleasant way,
   and without violation of good feeling, you recently attacked me, I have
   not forborne from replying to you in the same spirit, lest you should
   call my silence an acknowledgment of being in the wrong. But I beg you
   to give these sentences an indulgent kindly hearing, if you judge them
   to give evidence of the feebleness of old age.

   Grecian mythology tells us, but without sufficient warrant for our
   believing the statement, that Mount Olympus is the dwelling-place of
   the gods. But we actually see the market-place of our town occupied by
   a crowd of beneficient deities; and we approve of this. Who could ever
   be so frantic and infatuated as to deny that there is one supreme God,
   without beginning, without natural offspring, who is, as it were, the
   great and mighty Father of all? The powers of this Deity, diffused
   throughout the universe which He has made, we worship under many names,
   as we are all ignorant of His true name, the name God [1471] being
   common to all kinds of religious belief. Thus it comes, that while in
   diverse supplications we approach separately, as it were, certain parts
   of the Divine Being, we are seen in reality to be the worshippers of
   Him in whom all these parts are one.

   2. Such is the greatness of your delusion in another matter, that I
   cannot conceal the impatience with which I regard it. For who can bear
   to find Mygdo honoured above that Jupiter who hurls the thunderbolt; or
   Sanæ above Juno, Minerva, Venus, and Vesta; or the arch-martyr
   Namphanio (oh horror!) above all the immortal gods together? Among the
   immortals, Lucitas also is looked up to with no less religious
   reverence, and others in an endless list (having names abhorred both by
   gods and by men), who, when they met the ignominious end which their
   character and conduct had deserved, put the crowning act upon their
   criminal career by affecting to die nobly in a good cause, though
   conscious of the infamous deeds for which they were condemned. The
   tombs of these men (it is a folly almost beneath our notice) are
   visited by crowds of simpletons, who forsake our temples and despise
   the memory of their ancestors, so that the prediction of the indignant
   bard is notably fulfilled: "Rome shall, in the temples of the gods,
   swear by the shades of men." [1472] To me it almost seems at this time
   as if a second campaign of Actium had begun, in which Egyptian
   monsters, doomed soon to perish, dare to brandish their weapons against
   the gods of the Romans.

   3. But, O man of great wisdom, I beseech you, lay aside and reject for
   a little while the vigour of your eloquence, which has made you
   everywhere renowned; lay down also the arguments of Chrysippus, which
   you are accustomed to use in debate; leave for a brief season your
   logic, which aims in the forthputting of its energies to leave nothing
   certain to any one; and show me plainly and actually who is that God
   whom you Christians claim as belonging specially to you, and pretend to
   see present among you in secret places. For it is in open day, before
   the eyes and ears of all men, that we worship our gods with pious
   supplications, and propitiate them by acceptable sacrifices; and we
   take pains that these things be seen and approved by all.

   4. Being, however, infirm and old, I withdraw myself from further
   prosecution of this contest, and willingly consent to the opinion of
   the rhetorician of Mantua, "Each one is drawn by that which pleases
   himself best." [1473]

   After this, O excellent man, who hast turned aside from my faith, I
   have no doubt that this letter will be stolen by some thief, and
   destroyed by fire or otherwise. Should this happen, the paper will be
   lost, but not my letter, of which I will always retain a copy,
   accessible to all religious persons. May you be preserved by the gods,
   through whom we all, who are mortals on the surface of this earth, with
   apparent discord but real harmony, revere and worship Him who is the
   common Father of the gods and of all mortals.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1471] Deus.

   [1472] "Inque Deûm templis jurabit Roma per umbras," Lucan, Pharsalia,
   vii. 459.

   [1473] Virg. Eclog. ii. 65: "Trahit sua quemque voluptas."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XVII.

   (a.d. 390.)

   To Maximus of Madaura.

   1. Are we engaged in serious debate with each other, or is it your
   desire that we merely amuse ourselves? For, from the language of your
   letter, I am at a loss to know whether it is due to the weakness of
   your cause, or through the courteousness of your manners, that you have
   preferred to show yourself more witty than weighty in argument. For, in
   the first place, a comparison was drawn by you between Mount Olympus
   and your market-place, the reason for which I cannot divine, unless it
   was in order to remind me that on the said mountain Jupiter pitched his
   camp when he was at war with his father, as we are taught by history,
   which your religionists call sacred; and that in the said market-place
   Mars is represented in two images, the one unarmed, the other armed,
   and that a statue of a man placed over against these restrains with
   three extended fingers the fury of their demonship from the injuries
   which he would willingly inflict on the citizens. Could I then ever
   believe that by mentioning that market-place you intended to revive my
   recollection of such divinities, unless you wished that we should
   pursue the discussion in a jocular spirit rather than in earnest? But
   in regard to the sentence in which you said that such gods as these are
   members, so to speak, of the one great God, I admonish you by all
   means, since you vouchsafe such an opinion, to abstain very carefully
   from profane jestings of this kind. For if you speak of the One God,
   concerning whom learned and unlearned are, as the ancients have said,
   agreed, do you affirm that those whose savage fury--or, if you prefer
   it, whose power--the image of a dead man keeps in check are members of
   Him? I might say more on this point, and your own judgment may show you
   how wide a door for the refutation of your views is here thrown open.
   But I restrain myself, lest I should be thought by you to act more as a
   rhetorician than as one earnestly defending truth.

   2. As to your collecting of certain Carthaginian names of deceased
   persons, by which you think reproach may be cast, in what seems to you
   a witty manner, against our religion, I do not know whether I ought to
   answer this taunt, or to pass it by in silence. For if to your good
   sense these things appear as trifling as they really are, I have not
   time to spare for such pleasantry. If, however, they seem to you
   important, I am surprised that it did not occur to you, who are apt to
   be disturbed by absurdly-sounding names, that your religionists have
   among their priests Eucaddires, and among their deities, Abaddires. I
   do not suppose that these were absent from your mind when you were
   writing, but that, with your courtesy and genial humour, you wished for
   the unbending of our minds, to recall to our recollection what
   ludicrous things are in your superstition. For surely, considering that
   you are an African, and that we are both settled in Africa, you could
   not have so forgotten yourself when writing to Africans as to think
   that Punic names were a fit theme for censure. For if we interpret the
   signification of these words, what else does Namphanio mean than "man
   of the good foot," i.e. whose coming brings with it some good fortune,
   as we are wont to say of one whose coming to us has been followed by
   some prosperous event, that he came with a lucky foot? And if the Punic
   language is rejected by you, you virtually deny what has been admitted
   by most learned men, that many things have been wisely preserved from
   oblivion in books written in the Punic tongue. Nay, you ought even to
   be ashamed of having been born in the country in which the cradle of
   this language is still warm, i.e. in which this language was
   originally, and until very recently, the language of the people. If,
   however, it is not reasonable to take offence at the mere sound of
   names, and you admit that I have given correctly the meaning of the one
   in question, you have reason for being dissatisfied with your friend
   Virgil, who gives to your god Hercules an invitation to the sacred
   rites celebrated by Evander in his honour, in these terms, "Come to us,
   and to these rites in thine honour, with auspicious foot." [1474] He
   wishes him to come "with auspicious foot;" that is to say, he wishes
   Hercules to come as a Namphanio, the name about which you are pleased
   to make much mirth at our expense. But if you have a penchant for
   ridicule, you have among yourselves ample material for witticisms--the
   god Stercutius, the goddess Cloacina, the Bald Venus, the gods Fear and
   Pallor, and the goddess Fever, and others of the same kind without
   number, to whom the ancient Roman idolaters erected temples, and judged
   it right to offer worship; which if you neglect, you are neglecting
   Roman gods, thereby making it manifest that you are not thoroughly
   versed in the sacred rites of Rome; and yet you despise and pour
   contempt on Punic names, as if you were a devotee at the altars of
   Roman deities.

   3. In truth however, I believe that perhaps you do not value these
   sacred rites any more than we do, but only take from them some
   unaccountable pleasure in your time of passing through this world: for
   you have no hesitation about taking refuge under Virgil's wing, and
   defending yourself with a line of his:

   "Each one is drawn by that which pleases himself best." [1475]

   If, then, the authority of Maro pleases you, as you indicate that it
   does, you will be pleased with such lines as these: "First Saturn came
   from lofty Olympus, fleeing before the arms of Jupiter, an exile bereft
   of his realms," [1476] --and other such statements, by which he aims at
   making it understood that Saturn and your other gods like him were men.
   For he had read much history, confirmed by ancient authority, which
   Cicero also had read, who makes the same statement in his dialogues, in
   terms more explicit than we would venture to insist upon, and labours
   to bring it to the knowledge of men so far as the times in which he
   lived permitted.

   4. As to your statement, that your religious services are to be
   preferred to ours because you worship the gods in public, but we use
   more retired places of meeting, let me first ask you how you could have
   forgotten your Bacchus, whom you consider it right to exhibit only to
   the eyes of the few who are initiated. You, however, think that, in
   making mention of the public celebration of your sacred rites, you
   intended only to make sure that we would place before our eyes the
   spectacle presented by your magistrates and the chief men of the city
   when intoxicated and raging along your streets; in which solemnity, if
   you are possessed by a god, you surely see of what nature he must be
   who deprives men of their reason. If, however, this madness is only
   feigned, what say you to this keeping of things hidden in a service
   which you boast of as public, or what good purpose is served by so base
   an imposition? Moreover, why do you not foretell future events in your
   songs, if you are endowed with the prophetic gift? or why do you rob
   the bystanders, if you are in your sound mind?

   5. Since, then, you have recalled to our remembrance by your letter
   these and other things which I think it better to pass over meanwhile,
   why may not we make sport of your gods, which, as every one who knows
   your mind, and has read your letters, is well aware, are made sport of
   abundantly by yourself? Therefore, if you wish us to discuss these
   subjects in a way becoming your years and wisdom, and, in fact, as may
   be justly required of us, in connection with our purpose, by our
   dearest friends, seek some topic worthy of being debated between us;
   and be careful to say on behalf of your gods such things as may prevent
   us from supposing that you are intentionally betraying your own cause,
   when we find you rather bringing to our remembrance things which may be
   said against them than alleging anything in their defence. In
   conclusion, however, lest this should be unknown to you, and you might
   thus be brought unwittingly into jestings which are profane, let me
   assure you that by the Christian Catholics (by whom a church has been
   set up in your own town also) no deceased person is worshipped, and
   that nothing, in short, which has been made and fashioned by God is
   worshipped as a divine power. This worship is rendered by them only to
   God Himself, who framed and fashioned all things. [1477]

   These things shall be more fully treated of, with the help of the one
   true God, whenever I learn that you are disposed to discuss them
   seriously.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1474] Virg. Æneid, viii. 302: "Et nos et tua dexter adi pede sacra
   secundo."

   [1475] "Trahit sua quemque voluptas."

   [1476] "Primus ab æthereo venit Saturnis Olympo Arma Jovis fugiens et
   regnis exsul ademptis." Æn. viii. 319, 320.

   [1477] We give the original of this important sentence: "Scias a
   Christianis catholicis (quorum in vestro oppido etiam ecclesia
   constituta est) nullum coli mortuorum, nihi denique ut numen adorari
   quod sit factum et conditum a Deo, sed unum ipsum Deum qui fecit et
   condidit omnia."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XVIII.

   (a.d. 390.)

   To Coelestinus Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. Oh how I wish that I could continually say one thing to you! It is
   this: Let us shake off the burden of unprofitable cares, and bear only
   those which are useful. For I do not know whether anything like
   complete exemption from care is to be hoped for in this world. I wrote
   to you, but have received no reply. I sent you as many of my books
   against the Manichæans as I could send in a finished and revised
   condition, and as yet nothing has been communicated to me as to the
   impression they have made on your [1478] judgment and feelings. It is
   now a fitting opportunity for me to ask them back, and for you to
   return them. I beg you therefore not to lose time in sending them,
   along with a letter from yourself, by which I eagerly long to know what
   you are doing with them, or with what further help you think that you
   require still to be furnished in order to assail that error with
   success.

   2. As I know you well, I ask you to accept and ponder the following
   brief sentences on a great theme. There is a nature which is
   susceptible of change with respect to both place and time, namely, the
   corporeal. There is another nature which is in no way susceptible of
   change with respect to place, but only with respect to time, namely,
   the spiritual. And there is a third Nature which can be changed neither
   in respect to place nor in respect to time: that is, God. Those natures
   of which I have said that they are mutable in some respect are called
   creatures; the Nature which is immutable is called Creator. Seeing,
   however, that we affirm the existence of anything only in so far as it
   continues and is one (in consequence of which, unity is the condition
   essential to beauty in every form), you cannot fail to distinguish, in
   this classification of natures, which exists in the highest possible
   manner; and which occupies the lowest place, yet is within the range of
   existence; and which occupies the middle place, greater than the
   lowest, but coming short of the highest. That highest is essential
   blessedness; the lowest, that which cannot be either blessed or
   wretched; and the intermediate nature lives in wretchedness when it
   stoops towards that which is lowest, and in blessedness when it turns
   towards that which is highest. He who believes in Christ does not sink
   his affections in that which is lowest, is not proudly self-sufficient
   in that which is intermediate, and thus he is qualified for union and
   fellowship with that which is highest; and this is the sum of the
   active life to which we are commanded, admonished, and by holy zeal
   impelled to aspire.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1478] The sense here obviously requires "vestri" instead of " nostri,"
   which is in the text.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XIX.

   (a.d. 390.)

   To Gaius Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. Words cannot express the pleasure with which the recollection of you
   filled my heart after I parted with you, and has often filled my heart
   since then. For I remember that, notwithstanding the amazing ardour
   which pervaded your inquiries after truth, the bounds of proper
   moderation in debate were never transgressed by you. I shall not easily
   find any one who is more eager in putting questions, and at the same
   time more patient in hearing answers, than you approved yourself.
   Gladly therefore would I spend much time in converse with you; for the
   time thus spent, however much it might be, would not seem long. But
   what avails it to discuss the hindrances on account of which it is
   difficult for us to enjoy such converse? Enough that it is exceedingly
   difficult. Perhaps at some future period it may be made very easy; may
   God grant this! Meanwhile it is otherwise. I have given to the brother
   by whom I have sent this letter the charge of submitting all my
   writings to your eminent wisdom and charity, that they may be read by
   you. For nothing written by me will find in you a reluctant reader; for
   I know the goodwill which you cherish towards me. Let me say, however,
   that if, on reading these things, you approve of them, and perceive
   them to be true, you must not consider them to be mine otherwise than
   as given to me; and you are at liberty to turn to that same source
   whence proceeds also the power given you to appreciate their truth. For
   no one discerns the truth of that which he reads from anything which is
   in the mere manuscript, or in the writer, but rather by something
   within himself, if the light of truth, shining with a clearness beyond
   what is men's common lot, and very far removed from the darkening
   influence of the body, has penetrated his own mind. If, however, you
   discover some things which are false and deserve to be rejected, I
   would have you know that these things have fallen as dew from the mists
   of human frailty, and these you are to reckon as truly mine. I would
   exhort you to persevere in seeking the truth, were it not that I seem
   to see the mouth of your heart already opened wide to drink it in. I
   would also exhort you to cling with manly tenacity to the truth which
   you have learned, were it not that you already manifest in the clearest
   manner that you possess strength of mind and fixedness of purpose. For
   all that lives within you has, in the short time of our fellowship,
   revealed itself to me, almost as if the bodily veil had been rent
   asunder. And surely the merciful providence of our God can in no wise
   permit a man so good and so remarkably gifted as you are to be an alien
   from the flock of Christ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XX.

   (a.d. 390.)

   To Antoninus Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. As letters are due to you by two of us, a part of our debt is repaid
   with very abundant usury when you see one of the two in person; and
   since by his voice you, as it were, hear my own, I might have refrained
   from writing, had I not been called to do it by the urgent request of
   the very person whose journey to you seemed to me to make this
   unnecessary. Accordingly I now hold converse with you even more
   satisfactorily than if I were personally with you, because you both
   read my letter, and you listen to the words of one in whose heart you
   know that I dwell. I have with great joy studied and pondered the
   letter sent by your Holiness, because it exhibits both your Christian
   spirit unsullied by the guile of an evil age, and your heart full of
   kindly feeling towards myself.

   2. I congratulate you, and I give thanks to our God and Lord, because
   of the hope and faith and love which are in you; and I thank you, in
   Him, for thinking so well of me as to believe me to be a faithful
   servant of God, and for the love which with guileless heart you cherish
   towards that which you commend in me; although, indeed, there is
   occasion rather for congratulation than for thanks in acknowledging
   your goodwill in this thing. For it is profitable for yourself that you
   should love for its own sake that goodness which he of course loves who
   loves another because he believes him to be good, whether that other be
   or be not what he is supposed to be. One error only is to be carefully
   avoided in this matter, that we do not think otherwise than truth
   demands, not of the individual, but of that which is true goodness in
   man. But, my brother well beloved, seeing that you are not in any
   degree mistaken either in believing or in knowing that the great good
   for men is to serve God cheerfully and purely, when you love any man
   because you believe him to share this good, you reap the reward, even
   though the man be not what you suppose him to be. Wherefore it is
   fitting that you should on this account be congratulated; but the
   person whom you love is to be congratulated, not because of his being
   for that reason loved, but because of his being truly (if it is the
   case) such an one as the person who for this reason loves him esteems
   him to be. As to our real character, therefore, and as to the progress
   we may have made in the divine life, this is seen by Him whose
   judgment, both as to that which is good in man, and as to each man's
   personal character, cannot err. For your obtaining the reward of
   blessedness so far as this matter is concerned, it is sufficient that
   you embrace me with your whole heart because you believe me to be such
   a servant of God as I ought to be. To you, however, I also render many
   thanks for this, that you encourage me wonderfully to aspire after such
   excellence, by your praising me as if I had already attained it. Many
   more thanks still shall be yours, if you not only claim an interest in
   my prayers, but also cease not to pray for me. For intercession on
   behalf of a brother is more acceptable to God when it is offered as a
   sacrifice of love.

   3. I greet very kindly your little son, and I pray that he may grow up
   in the way of obedience to the salutary requirements of God's law. I
   desire and pray, moreover, that the one true faith and worship, which
   alone is catholic, may prosper and increase in your house; and if you
   think any labour on my part necessary for the promotion of this end, do
   not scruple to claim my service, relying upon Him who is our common
   Lord, and upon the law of love which we must obey. This especially
   would I recommend to your pious discretion, that by reading the word of
   God, and by serious conversation with your partner, [1479] you should
   either plant the seed or foster the growth in her heart of an
   intelligent fear of God. For it is scarcely possible that any one who
   is concerned for the soul's welfare, and is therefore without prejudice
   resolved to know the will of the Lord, should fail, when enjoying the
   guidance of a good instructor, to discern the difference which exists
   between every form of schism and the one Catholic Church.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1479] Infirmiori vasi tuo.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXI.

   (a.d. 391.)

   To My Lord Bishop Valerius, Most Blessed and Venerable, My Father Most
   Warmly Cherished with True Love in the Sight of the Lord, Augustin,
   Presbyter, Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Before all things I ask your pious wisdom to take into consideration
   that, on the one hand, if the duties of the office of a bishop, or
   presbyter, or deacon, be discharged in a perfunctory and time-serving
   manner, no work can be in this life more easy, agreeable, and likely to
   secure the favour of men, especially in our day, but none at the same
   time more miserable, deplorable, and worthy of condemnation in the
   sight of God; and, on the other hand, that if in the office of bishop,
   or presbyter, or deacon, the orders of the Captain of our salvation be
   observed, there is no work in this life more difficult, toilsome, and
   hazardous, especially in our day, but none at the same time more
   blessed in the sight of God. [1480] But what the proper mode of
   discharging these duties is, I did not learn either in boyhood or in
   the earlier years of manhood; and at the time when I was beginning to
   learn it, I was constrained as a just correction for my sins (for I
   know not what else to think) to accept the second place at the helm,
   when as yet I knew not how to handle an oar.

   2. But I think that it was the purpose of my Lord hereby to rebuke me,
   because I presumed, as if entitled by superior knowledge and
   excellence, to reprove the faults of many sailors before I had learned
   by experience the nature of their work. Therefore, after I had been
   sent in among them to share their labours, then I began to feel the
   rashness of my censures; although even before that time I judged this
   office to be beset with many dangers. And hence the tears which some of
   my brethren perceived me shedding in the city at the time of my
   ordination, and because of which they did their utmost with the best
   intentions to console me, but with words which, through their not
   knowing the causes of my sorrow, did not reach my case at all. [1481]
   But my experience has made me realize these things much more both in
   degree and in measure than I had done in merely thinking of them: not
   that I have now seen any new waves or storms of which I had not
   previous knowledge by observation, or report, or reading, or
   meditation; but because I had not known my own skill or strength for
   avoiding or encountering them, and had estimated it to be of some value
   instead of none. The Lord, however, laughed at me, and was pleased to
   show me by actual experience what I am.

   3. But if He has done this not in judgment, but in mercy, as I
   confidently hope even now, when I have learned my infirmity, my duty is
   to study with diligence all the remedies which the Scriptures contain
   for such a case as mine, and to make it my business by prayer and
   reading to secure that my soul be endued with the health and vigour
   necessary for labours so responsible. This I have not yet done, because
   I have not had time; for I was ordained at the very time when I was
   thinking of having, along with others, a season of freedom from all
   other occupation, that we might acquaint ourselves with the divine
   Scriptures, and was intending to make such arrangements as would secure
   unbroken leisure for this great work. Moreover, it is true that I did
   not at any earlier period know how great was my unfitness for the
   arduous work which now disquiets and crushes my spirit. But if I have
   by experience learned what is necessary for a man who ministers to a
   people in the divine sacraments and word, only to find myself prevented
   from now obtaining what I have learned that I do not possess, do you
   bid me perish, father Valerius? Where is your charity? Do you indeed
   love me? Do you indeed love the Church to which you have appointed me,
   thus unqualified, to minister? I am well assured that you love both;
   but you think me qualified, whilst I know myself better; and yet I
   would not have come to know myself if I had not learned by experience.

   4. Perhaps your Holiness replies: I wish to know what is lacking to fit
   you for your office. The things which I lack are so many, that I could
   more easily enumerate the things which I have than those which I desire
   to have. I may venture to say that I know and unreservedly believe the
   doctrines pertaining to our salvation. But my difficulty is in the
   question how I am to use this truth in ministering to the salvation of
   others, seeking what is profitable not for myself alone, but for many,
   that they may be saved. And perhaps there may be, nay, beyond all
   question there are, written in the sacred books, counsels by the
   knowledge and acceptance of which the man of God may so discharge his
   duties to the Church in the things of God, or at least so keep a
   conscience void of offence in the midst of ungodly men, whether living
   or dying, as to secure that that life for which alone humble and meek
   Christian hearts sigh is not lost. But how can this be done, except, as
   the Lord Himself tells us, by asking, seeking, knocking, that is, by
   praying, reading, and weeping? For this I have by the brethren made the
   request, which in this petition I now renew, that a short time, say
   till Easter, be granted me by your unfeigned and venerable charity.

   5. For what shall I answer to the Lord my Judge? Shall I say, "I was
   not able to acquire the things of which I stood in need, because I was
   engrossed wholly with the affairs of the Church"? What if He thus
   reply: "Thou wicked servant, if property belonging to the Church (in
   the collection of the fruits of which great labour is expended) were
   suffering loss under some oppressor, and it was in thy power to do
   something in defence of her rights at the bar of an earthly judge,
   wouldst thou not, leaving the field which I have watered with my blood,
   go to plead the cause with the consent of all, and even with the urgent
   commands of some? And if the decision given were against the Church,
   wouldst thou not, in prosecuting an appeal, go across the sea; and
   would no complaint be heard summoning thee home from an absence of a
   year or more, because thy object was to prevent another from taking
   possession of land required not for the souls, but for the bodies of
   the poor, whose hunger might nevertheless be satisfied in a way much
   easier and more acceptable to me by my living trees, if these were
   cultivated with care? Wherefore, then, dost thou allege that thou hadst
   not time to learn how to cultivate my field?" Tell me, I beseech you,
   what could I reply? Are you perchance willing that I should say, "The
   aged Valerius is to blame; for, believing me to be instructed in all
   things necessary, he declined, with a determination proportioned to his
   love for me, to give me permission to learn what I had not acquired?"

   6. Consider all these things, aged Valerius; consider them, I beseech
   you, by the goodness and severity of Christ, by His mercy and judgment,
   by Him who has inspired you with such love for me that I dare not
   displease you, even when the advantage of my soul is at stake. You,
   moreover, appeal to God and to Christ to bear witness to me concerning
   your innocence and charity, and the sincere love which you bear to me,
   just as if all these were not things about which I may myself willingly
   take my oath. I therefore appeal to the love and affection which you
   have thus avouched. Have pity on me, and grant me, for the purpose for
   which I have asked it, the time which I have asked; and help me with
   your prayers, that my desire may not be in vain, and that my absence
   may not be without fruit to the Church of Christ, and to the profit of
   my brethren and fellow-servants. I know that the Lord will not despise
   your love interceding for me, especially in such a cause as this; and
   accepting it as a sacrifice of sweet savour, He will restore me to you,
   perhaps, within a period shorter than I have craved, thoroughly
   furnished for His service by the profitable counsels of His written
   word.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1480] [A most noble sentence, which contains, as in a nutshell, a
   whole system of pastoral theology.--P.S.]

   [1481] They thought Augustin was disappointed at being made only
   presbyter and not colleague of Valerius as bishop. See Possidius, Aug.
   Vita, c. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXII.

   (a.d. 392.)

   To Bishop Aurelius, Augustin, Presbyter, Sends Greeting.

   Chap. I.

   1. When, after long hesitation, I knew not how to frame a suitable
   reply to the letter of your Holiness (for all attempts to express my
   feelings were baffled by the strength of affectionate emotions which,
   rising spontaneously, were by the reading of your letter much more
   vehemently inflamed), I cast myself at last upon God, that He might,
   according to my strength, so work in me that I might address to you
   such an answer as should be suitable to the zeal for the Lord and the
   care of His Church which we have in common, and in accordance with your
   dignity and the respect which is due to you from me. And, first of all,
   as to your belief that you are aided by my prayers, I not only do not
   decline this assurance, but I do even willingly accept it. For thus,
   though not through my prayers, assuredly in yours, our Lord will hear
   me. As to your most benignant approval of the conduct of brother
   Alypius in remaining in connection with us, to be an example to the
   brethren who desire to withdraw themselves from this world's cares, I
   thank you more warmly than words can declare. May the Lord recompense
   this to your own soul! The whole company, therefore, of brethren which
   has begun to grow up together beside me, is bound to you by gratitude
   for this great favour; in bestowing which, you, being far separated
   from us only by distance on the surface of the earth, have consulted
   our interest as one in spirit very near to us. Wherefore, to the utmost
   of our power we give ourselves to prayer that the Lord may be pleased
   to uphold along with you the flock which has been committed to you, and
   may never anywhere forsake you, but be present as your help in all
   times of need, showing in His dealings with His Church, through your
   discharge of priestly functions, such mercy as spiritual men with tears
   and groanings implore Him to manifest.

   2. Know, therefore, most blessed lord, venerable for the superlative
   fulness of your charity, that I do not despair, but rather cherish
   lively hope that, by means of that authority which you wield, and
   which, as we trust, has been committed to your spirit, not to your
   flesh alone, our Lord and God may be able, through the respect due to
   councils [1482] and to yourself, to bring healing to the many carnal
   blemishes and disorders which the African Church is suffering in the
   conduct of many, and is bewailing in the sorrow of a few of her
   members. For whereas the apostle had in one passage briefly set forth
   as fit to be hated and avoided three classes of vices, from which there
   springs an innumerable crop of vicious courses, only one of
   these--that, namely, which he has placed second--is very strictly
   punished by the Church; but the other two, viz. the first and third,
   appear to be tolerable in the estimation of men, and so it may
   gradually come to pass that they shall even cease to be regarded as
   vices. The words of the chosen vessel are these: "Not in rioting and
   drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and
   envying: but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision
   for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts thereof." [1483]

   3. Of these three, then, chambering and wantonness are regarded as
   crimes so great, that any one stained with these sins is deemed
   unworthy not merely of holding office in the Church, but also of
   participation in the sacraments; and rightly so. But why restrict such
   censure to this form of sin alone? For rioting and drunkenness are so
   tolerated and allowed by public opinion, that even in services designed
   to honour the memory of the blessed martyrs, and this not only on the
   annual festivals (which itself must be regarded as deplorable by every
   one who looks with a spiritual eye upon these things), but every day,
   they are openly practised. Were this corrupt practice objectionable
   only because of its being disgraceful, and not on the ground of
   impiety, we might consider it as a scandal to be tolerated with such
   amount of forbearance as is within our power. And yet, even in that
   case, what are we to make of the fact that, when the same apostle had
   given a long list of vices, among which he mentioned drunkenness, he
   concluded with the warning that we should not even eat bread with those
   who are guilty of such things? [1484] But let us, if it must be so,
   bear with these things in the luxury and disorder of families, and of
   those convivial meetings which are held within the walls of private
   houses; and let us take the body of Christ in communion with those with
   whom we are forbidden to eat even the bread which sustains our bodies;
   but at least let this outrageous insult be kept far away from the tombs
   of the sainted dead, from the scenes of sacramental privilege, and from
   the houses of prayer. For who may venture to forbid in private life
   excesses which, when they are practised by crowds in holy places, are
   called an honouring of the martyrs?

   4. If Africa were the first country in which an attempt were made to
   put down these things, her example would deserve to be esteemed worthy
   of imitation by all other countries; [1485] but when, both throughout
   the greater part of Italy and in all or almost all the churches beyond
   the sea, these practices either, as in some places, never existed, or,
   as in other places where they did exist, have been, whether they were
   recent or of long standing, rooted out and put down by the diligence
   and the censures of bishops who were holy men, entertaining true views
   concerning the life to come;--when this, I say, is the case, do we
   hesitate as to the possibility of removing this monstrous defect in our
   morals, after an example has been set before us in so many lands?
   Moreover, we have as our bishop a man belonging to those parts, for
   which we give thanks earnestly to God; although he is a man of such
   moderation and gentleness, in fine, of such prudence and zeal in the
   Lord, that even had he been a native of Africa, the persuasion would
   have been wrought in him by the Scriptures, that a remedy must be
   applied to the wound which this loose and disorderly custom has
   inflicted. But so wide and deep is the plague caused by this
   wickedness, that, in my opinion, it cannot be completely cured without
   interposition of a council's authority. If, however, a beginning is to
   be made by one church, it seems to me, that as it would be presumptuous
   for any other church to attempt to change what the Church of Carthage
   still maintained, so would it also be the height of effrontery for any
   other to wish to persevere in a course which the Church of Carthage had
   condemned. And for such a reform in Carthage, what better bishop could
   be desired than the prelate who, while he was a deacon, solemnly
   denounced these practices?

   5. But that over which you then sorrowed you ought now to suppress, not
   harshly, but as it is written, "in the spirit of meekness." [1486]
   Pardon my boldness, for your letter revealing to me your true brotherly
   love gives me such confidence, that I am encouraged to speak as freely
   to you as I would to myself. These offences are taken out of the way,
   at least in my judgment, by other methods than harshness, severity, and
   an imperious mode of dealing,--namely, rather by teaching than by
   commanding, rather by advice than by denunciation. [1487] Thus at least
   we must deal with the multitude; in regard to the sins of a few,
   exemplary severity must be used. And if we do employ threats, let this
   be done sorrowfully, supporting our threatenings of coming judgment by
   the texts of Scripture, so that the fear which men feel through our
   words may be not of us in our own authority, but of God Himself. Thus
   an impression shall be made in the first place upon those who are
   spiritual, or who are nearest to that state of mind; and then by means
   of the most gentle, but at the same time most importunate exhortations,
   the opposition of the rest of the multitude shall be broken down.
   [1488]

   6. Since, however, these drunken revels and luxurious feasts in the
   cemeteries are wont to be regarded by the ignorant and carnal multitude
   as not only an honour to the martyrs, but also a solace to the dead, it
   appears to me that they might be more easily dissuaded from such
   scandalous and unworthy practices in these places, if, besides showing
   that they are forbidden by Scripture, we take care, in regard to the
   offerings for the spirits of those who sleep, which indeed we are bound
   to believe to be of some use, that they be not sumptuous beyond what is
   becoming respect for the memory of the departed, and that they be
   distributed without ostentation, and cheerfully to all who ask a share
   of them; also that they be not sold, but that if any one desires to
   offer any money as a religious act, it be given on the spot to the
   poor. Thus the appearance of neglecting the memory of their deceased
   friends, which might cause them no small sorrow of heart, shall be
   avoided, and that which is a pious and honourable act of religious
   service shall be celebrated as it should be in the Church. This may
   suffice meanwhile in regard to rioting and drunkenness.

   Chap. II.

   7. As to "strife and deceit," [1489] what right have I to speak, seeing
   that these vices prevail more seriously among our own order than among
   our congregations? Let me, however, say that the source of these evils
   is pride, and a desire for the praises of men, which also frequently
   produces hypocrisy. This is successfully resisted only by him who is
   penetrated with love and fear of God, through the multiplied
   declarations of the divine books; provided, however, that such a man
   exhibit in himself a pattern both of patience and of humility, by
   assuming as his due less praise and honour than is offered to him: at
   the same time neither accepting all nor refusing all that is rendered
   to him by those who honour him; and as to the portion which he does
   accept, receiving it not for his own sake, seeing that he ought to live
   wholly in the sight of God and to despise human applause, but for the
   sake of those whose welfare he cannot promote if by too great
   self-abasement he lose his place in their esteem. For to this pertains
   that word, "Let no man despise thy youth;" [1490] while he who said
   this says also in another place, "If I yet pleased men, I should not be
   the servant of Christ." [1491]

   8. It is a great matter not to exult in the honours and praises which
   come from men, but to reject all vain pomp; and, if some of this be
   necessary, to make whatever is thus retained contribute to the benefit
   and salvation of those who confer the honour. For it has not been said
   in vain, "God will break the bones of those who seek to please men."
   [1492] For what could be feebler, what more destitute of the firmness
   and strength which the bones here spoken of figuratively represent,
   than the man who is prostrated by the tongue of slanderers, although he
   knows that the things spoken against him are false? The pain arising
   from this thing would in no wise rend the bowels of his soul, if its
   bones had not been broken by the love of praise. I take for granted
   your strength of mind: therefore it is to myself that I say those
   things which I am now stating to you. Nevertheless you are willing, I
   believe, to consider along with me how important and how difficult
   these things are. For the man who has not declared war against this
   enemy has no idea of its power; for if it be comparatively easy to
   dispense with praise so long as it is denied to him, it is difficult to
   forbear from being captivated with praise when it is offered. And yet
   the hanging of our minds upon God ought to be so great, that we would
   at once correct those with whom we may take that liberty, when we are
   by them undeservedly praised, so as to prevent them from either
   thinking us to possess what is not in us, or regarding that as ours
   which belongs to God, or commending us for things which, though we have
   them, and perhaps have them in abundance, are nevertheless in their
   nature not worthy of commendation, such as are all those good things
   which we have in common with the lower animals or with wicked men. If,
   however, we are deservedly praised on account of what God has given us,
   let us congratulate those to whom what is really good yields pleasure;
   but let us not congratulate ourselves on the fact of our pleasing men,
   but on the fact of our being (if it is the case) such in the sight of
   God as we are in their esteem, and because praise is given not to us,
   but to God, who is the giver of all things which are truly and justly
   praised. These things are daily repeated to me by myself, or rather by
   Him from whom proceed all profitable instructions, whether they are
   found in the reading of the divine word or are suggested from within to
   the mind; and yet, although strenuously contending with my adversary, I
   often receive wounds from him when I am unable to put away from myself
   the fascinating power of the praise which is offered to me.

   9. These things I have written, in order that, if they are not now
   necessary for your Holiness (your own thoughts suggesting to you other
   and more useful considerations of this kind, or your Holiness being
   above the need of such remedies), my disorders at least may be known to
   you, and you may know that which may move you to deign to plead with
   God for me as my infirmity demands: and I beseech you, by the humanity
   of Him who hath commanded us to bear each other's burdens, that you
   offer such intercession most importunately on my behalf. There are many
   things in regard to my life and conversation, of which I will not
   write, which I would confess with tears if we were so situated that
   nothing was required but my mouth and your ears as the means of
   communication between my heart and your heart. If, however, the aged
   Saturninus, venerated by us and beloved by all here with unreserved and
   unfeigned affection, whose brotherly love and devotion to you I
   observed when I was with you,--if he, I say, is pleased to visit us so
   soon as he finds it convenient, whatever converse we may be able to
   enjoy with that holy and spiritually-minded man shall be esteemed by us
   very little, if at all, different from personal conference with your
   Excellency. With entreaties too earnest for words to express their
   urgency, I beg you to condescend to join us in asking and obtaining
   from him this favour. For the people of Hippo fear much, and far more
   than they ought, to let me go to so great a distance from them, and
   will on no account trust me by myself so far as to permit me to see the
   field given by your care and generosity to the brethren, of which,
   before your letter came, we had heard through our brother and
   fellow-servant Parthenius, from whom we have also learned many other
   things which we longed to know. The Lord will accomplish the fulfilment
   of all the other things which we still desiderate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1482] We adopt the conjectural reading "conciliorum." Compare sec. 4,
   p. 240.

   [1483] Rom. xiii. 13, 14.

   [1484] 1 Cor. v. 11.

   [1485] Manifestly the correct punctuation here is: Hæc si prima Africa
   tentaret auferre, a cæteris terris imitatione digna esse deberet.

   [1486] Gal. vi. 1.

   [1487] Magis monendo quam minando.

   [1488] One may see in Letter XXIX. how admirably Augustin illustrated
   in his own practice the directions here given.

   [1489] "De contentione et dolo" is Augustin's translation of the words
   in Rom. xiii. 13.

   [1490] 1 Tim. iv. 12.

   [1491] Gal. i. 10.

   [1492] Ps. lii. 6, Sept.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXIII.

   (a.d. 392.)

   To Maximin, My Well-Beloved Lord and Brother, Worthy of Honour,
   Augustin, Presbyter of the Catholic Church, Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Before entering on the subject on which I have resolved to write to
   your Grace, I shall briefly state my reasons for the terms used in the
   title of this letter, lest these should surprise either yourself or any
   other person. I have written "to my lord," because it is written:
   "Brethren, ye have been called unto liberty; only use not liberty for
   an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another." [1493]
   Seeing, therefore, that in this duty of writing to you I am actually by
   love serving you, I do only what is reasonable in calling you "my
   lord," for the sake of that one true Lord who gave us this command.
   Again, as to my having written "well-beloved," God knoweth that I not
   only love you, but love you as I love myself; for I am well aware that
   I desire for you the very blessings which I am fain to make my own. As
   to my adding the words "worthy of honour," I did not mean, by adding
   this, to say that I honour your episcopal office, for to me you are not
   a bishop; and this I trust you will take as spoken with no intention to
   give offence, but from the conviction that in our mouth Yea should be
   Yea, and Nay, Nay: for neither you nor any one who knows us can fail to
   know that you are not my bishop, and, I am not your presbyter. "Worthy
   of honour" I therefore willingly call you on this ground, that I know
   you to be a man; and I know that man was made in the image and likeness
   of God, and is placed in honour by the very order and law of nature, if
   by understanding the things which he ought to understand he retain his
   honour. For it is written, "Man being placed in honour did not
   understand: he is compared to the brutes devoid of reason, and is made
   like unto them." [1494] Why then may I not address you as worthy of
   honour, inasmuch as you are a man, especially since I dare not despair
   of your repentance and salvation so long as you are in this life?
   Moreover, as to my calling you "brother," you are well acquainted with
   the precept divinely given to us, according to which we are to say, "Ye
   are our brethren," even to those who deny that they are our brethren;
   and this has much to do with the reason which has made me resolve to
   write to you, my brother. Now that the reason for my making such an
   introduction to my letter has been given, I bespeak your calm attention
   to what follows.

   2. When I was in your district, and was with all my power expressing my
   abhorrence of the sad and deplorable custom followed by men who, though
   they boast of the name of Christians, do not hesitate to rebaptize
   Christians, there were not wanting some who said in praise of you, that
   you do not conform to this custom. I confess that at first I did not
   believe them; but afterwards, considering that it was possible for the
   fear of God to take possession of a human soul exercised in meditation
   upon the life to come, in such a way as to restrain a man from most
   manifest wickedness, I believed their statement, rejoicing that by
   holding such a resolution you showed yourself averse to complete
   alienation from the Catholic Church. I was even on the outlook for an
   opportunity of conversing with you, in order that, if it were possible,
   the small difference which still remained between us might be taken
   away, when, behold, a few days ago it was reported to me that you had
   rebaptized a deacon of ours belonging to Mutugenna! I was deeply
   grieved both for his melancholy fall and for your sin, my brother,
   which surprised and disappointed me. For I know what the Catholic
   Church is. The nations are Christ's inheritance, and the ends of the
   earth are His possession. You also know what the Catholic Church is; or
   if you do not know it, apply your attention to discern it, for it may
   be very easily known by those who are willing to be taught. Therefore,
   to rebaptize even a heretic who has received in baptism the seal of
   holiness which the practice [1495] of the Christian Church has
   transmitted to us, is unquestionably a sin; but to rebaptize a Catholic
   is one of the worst of crimes. As I did not, however, believe the
   report, because I still retained my favourable impression of you, I
   went in person to Mutugenna. The miserable man himself I did not
   succeed in finding, but I learned from his parents that he had been
   made one of your deacons. Nevertheless I still think so favourably of
   you, that I will not believe that he has been rebaptized.

   3. Wherefore, my beloved brother, I beseech you, by the divine and
   human natures of our Lord Jesus Christ, have the kindness to reply to
   this letter, telling me what has been done, and so to write as knowing
   that I intend to read your letter aloud to our brethren in the church.
   This I have written, lest, by afterwards doing that which you did not
   expect me to do, I should give offence to your Charity, and give you
   occasion for making a just complaint against me to our common friends.
   What can reasonably prevent you from answering this letter I do not
   see. For if you do rebaptize, you have nothing to apprehend from your
   colleagues when you write that you are doing that which they would
   command you to do even if you were unwilling; and if you, moreover,
   defend this by the best arguments known to you, as a thing which ought
   to be done, your colleagues, so far from being displeased on this
   account, will praise you. But if you do not rebaptize, hold fast your
   Christian liberty, my brother Maximin; hold it fast, I implore you:
   fixing your eye on Christ, fear not the censure, tremble not before the
   power of any man. Fleeting is the honour of this world, and fleeting
   are all the objects to which earthly ambition aspires. Neither thrones
   ascended by flights of steps, [1496] nor canopied pulpits, [1497] nor
   processions and chantings of crowds of consecrated virgins, shall be
   admitted as available for the defence of those who have now these
   honours, when at the judgment-seat of Christ conscience shall begin to
   lift its accusing voice, and He who is the Judge of the consciences of
   men shall pronounce the final sentence. What is here esteemed an honour
   shall then be a burden: what uplifts men here, shall weigh heavily on
   them in that day. Those things which meanwhile are done for the
   Church's welfare as tokens of respect to us, shall then be vindicated,
   it may be, by a conscience void of offence; but they will avail nothing
   as a screen for a guilty conscience.

   4. If, then, it be indeed the case that, under the promptings of a
   devout and pious mind, you abstain from dispensing a second baptism,
   and rather accept the baptism of the Catholic Church as the act of the
   one true Mother, who to all nations both offers a welcome to her bosom,
   that they may be regenerated, and gives a mother's nourishment to them
   when they are regenerated, and as the token of admission into Christ's
   one possession, which reaches to the ends of the earth; if, I say, you
   indeed do this, why do you not break forth into a joyful and
   independent confession of your sentiments? Why do you hide under a
   bushel the lamp which might so profitably shine? Why do you not rend
   and cast from you the old sordid livery of your craven-hearted bondage,
   and go forth clad in the panoply of Christian boldness, saying, "I know
   but one baptism consecrated and sealed with the name of the Father, and
   the Son, and the Holy Ghost: this sacrament, wherever I find it, I am
   bound to acknowledge and approve; I do not destroy what I discern to be
   my Lord's; I do not treat with dishonour the banner of my King"? Even
   the men who parted the raiment of Christ among them did not rudely rend
   in pieces the seamless robe; [1498] and they were men who had not then
   any faith in Christ's resurrection; nay, they were witnessing His
   death. If, then, persecutors forbore from rending the vesture of Christ
   when He was hanging upon the cross, why should Christians destroy the
   sacrament of His institution now when He is sitting in heaven upon His
   throne? Had I been a Jew in the time of that ancient people, when there
   was nothing better that I could be, I would undoubtedly have received
   circumcision. That "seal of the righteousness which is by faith" was of
   so great importance in that dispensation before it was abrogated [1499]
   by the Lord's coming, that the angel would have strangled the
   infant-child of Moses, had not the child's mother, seizing a stone,
   circumcised the child, and by this sacrament averted impending death.
   [1500] This sacrament also arrested the waters of the Jordan, and made
   them flow back towards their source. This sacrament the Lord Himself
   received in infancy, although He abrogated it when He was crucified.
   For these signs of spiritual blessings were not condemned, but gave
   place to others which were more suitable to the later dispensation. For
   as circumcision was abolished by the first coming of the Lord, so
   baptism shall be abolished by His second coming. For as now, since the
   liberty of faith has come, and the yoke of bondage has been removed, no
   Christian receives circumcision in the flesh; so then, when the just
   are reigning with the Lord, and the wicked have been condemned, no one
   shall be baptized, but the reality which both ordinances
   prefigure--namely, circumcision of the heart and cleansing of the
   conscience--shall be eternally abiding. If, therefore, I had been a Jew
   in the time of the former dispensation, and there had come to me a
   Samaritan who was willing to become a Jew, abandoning the error which
   the Lord Himself condemned when He said, "Ye worship ye know not what;
   we know what we worship, for salvation is of the Jews;" [1501] --if, I
   say, a Samaritan whom Samaritans had circumcised had expressed his
   willingness to become a Jew, there would have been no scope for the
   boldness which would have insisted on the repetition of the rite; and
   instead of this, we would have been compelled to approve of that which
   God had commanded, although it had been done by heretics. But if, in
   the flesh of a circumcised man, I could not find place for the
   repetition of the circumcision, because there is but one member which
   is circumcised, much less is place found in the one heart of man for
   the repetition of the baptism of Christ. Ye, therefore, who wish to
   baptize twice, must seek as subjects of such double baptism men who
   have double hearts.

   5. Publish frankly, therefore, that you are doing what is right, if it
   be the case that you do not rebaptize; and write me to that effect, not
   only without fear, but with joy. Let no Councils of your party deter
   you, my brother, from this step: for if this displease them, they are
   not worthy to have you among them; but if it please them, we trust that
   there shall soon be peace between you and us, through the mercy of our
   Lord, who never forsakes those who fear to displease Him, and who
   labour to do what is acceptable in His sight; and let not our
   honours--a dangerous burden, of which an account must yet be given--be
   a hindrance, making it unhappily impossible for our people who believe
   in Christ, and who share with one another in daily bread at home, to
   sit down at the same table of Christ. Do we not grievously lament that
   husband and wife do in most cases, when marriage makes them one flesh,
   vow mutual fidelity in the name of Christ, and yet rend asunder
   Christ's own body by belonging to separate communions? If, by your
   moderate measures and wisdom, and by your exercise of that love which
   we all owe to Him who shed His blood for us, this schism, which is such
   a grievous scandal, causing Satan to triumph and many souls to perish,
   be taken out of the way in these parts, who can adequately express how
   illustrious is the reward which the Lord prepares for you, in that from
   you should proceed an example which, if imitated, as it may so easily
   be, would bring health to all His other members, which throughout the
   whole of Africa are lying now miserably exhausted? How much I fear
   lest, since you cannot see my heart, I appear to you to speak rather in
   irony than in the sincerity of love! But what more can I do than
   present my words before your eye, and my heart before God?

   6. Let us put away from between us those vain objections which are wont
   to be thrown at each other by the ignorant on either side. Do not on
   your part cast up to me the persecutions of Macarius. I, on mine, will
   not reproach you with the excesses of the Circumcelliones. If you are
   not to blame for the latter, neither am I for the former; they pertain
   not to us. The Lord's floor is not yet purged--it cannot be without
   chaff; be it ours to pray, and to do what in us lies that we may be
   good grain. I could not pass over in silence the rebaptizing of our
   deacon; for I know how much harm my silence might do to myself. For I
   do not propose to spend my time in the empty enjoyment of
   ecclesiastical dignity; but I propose to act as mindful of this, that
   to the one Chief Shepherd I must give account of the sheep committed
   unto me. If you would rather that I should not thus write to you, you
   must, my brother, excuse me on the ground of my fears; for I do fear
   greatly, lest, if I were silent and concealed my sentiments, others
   might be rebaptized by you. I have resolved, therefore, with such
   strength and opportunity as the Lord may grant, so to manage this
   discussion, that by our peaceful conferences, all who belong to our
   communion may know how far apart from heresy and schism is the position
   of the Catholic Church, and with what care they should guard against
   the destruction which awaits the tares and the branches cut off from
   the Lord's vine. If you willingly accede to such conference with me, by
   consenting to the public reading of the letters of both, I shall
   unspeakably rejoice. If this proposal is displeasing to you, what can I
   do, my brother, but read our letters, even without your consent, to the
   Catholic congregation, with a view to its instruction? But if you do
   not condescend to write me a reply, I am resolved at least to read my
   own letter, that, when your misgivings as to your procedure are known,
   others may be ashamed to be rebaptized.

   7. I shall not, however, do this in the presence of the soldiery, lest
   any of you should think that I wish to act in a violent way, rather
   than as the interests of peace demand; but only after their departure,
   that all who hear me may understand, that I do not propose to compel
   men to embrace the communion of any party, but desire the truth to be
   made known to persons who, in their search for it, are free from
   disquieting apprehensions. On our side there shall be no appeal to
   men's fear of the civil power; on your side, let there be no
   intimidation by a mob of Circumcelliones. Let us attend to the real
   matter in debate, and let our arguments appeal to reason and to the
   authoritative teaching of the Divine Scriptures, dispassionately and
   calmly, so far as we are able; let us ask, seek, and knock, that we may
   receive and find, and that to us the door may be opened, and thereby
   may be achieved, by God's blessing on our united efforts and prayers,
   the first towards the entire removal from our district of that impiety
   which is such a disgrace to Africa. If you do not believe that I am
   willing to postpone the discussion until after the soldiery have left,
   you may delay your answer until they have gone; and if, while they are
   still here, I should wish to read my own letter to the people, the
   production of the letter will of itself convict me of breaking my word.
   May the Lord in His mercy prevent me from acting in a way so contrary
   to morality, and to the good resolutions with which, by laying His yoke
   on me, He has been pleased to inspire me!

   8. My bishop would perhaps have preferred to send a letter himself to
   your Grace, if he had been here; or my letter would have been written,
   if not by his order, at least with his sanction. But in his absence,
   seeing that the rebaptizing of this deacon is said to have occurred
   recently, I have not by delay allowed the feelings caused by the action
   to cool down, being moved by the promptings of the keenest anguish on
   account of what I regard as really the death of a brother. This my
   grief the compensating joy of reconciliation between us and you may
   perhaps be appointed to heal, through the help of the mercy and
   providence of our Lord. May the Lord our God grant thee a calm and
   conciliatory spirit, my dearly beloved lord and brother!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1493] Gal. v. 13.

   [1494] Ps. xlix. 12, version of the LXX.

   [1495] Disciplina.

   [1496] Absidæ gradatæ.

   [1497] Cathedræ velatæ.

   [1498] John xix. 24.

   [1499] Evacuaretur.

   [1500] Ex. iv. 24, 25. Augustin believes that the angel sought to slay,
   not Moses, but the child, for which he gives reasons in his Quæstiones
   in Exodum. See Rosenmüller, Scholia.

   [1501] John iv. 22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXIV.

   This letter, written in 394 to Alypius by Paulinus, owes its place in
   the collection of Augustin's letters to the notice of the treatises
   written by Augustin against the Manichæans, and its connection with the
   following letter addressed by Paulinus to Augustin himself. It is
   obviously one of those which, in making a selection of letters, may be
   safely omitted.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXV.

   (a.d. 394.)

   To Augustin, Our Lord and Brother Beloved and Venerable, from Paulinus
   and Therasia, Sinners.

   1. The love of Christ which constrains us, and which unites us, though
   separated by distance, in the bond of a common faith, has itself
   emboldened me to dismiss my fear and address a letter to you; and it
   has given you a place in my inmost heart by means of your writings--so
   full of the stores of learning, so sweet with celestial honey, the
   medicine and the nourishment of my soul. These I at present have in
   five books, which, through the kindness of our blessed and venerable
   Bishop Alypius, I received, not only as a means of my own instruction,
   but for the use of the Church in many towns. These books I am now
   reading: in them I take great delight: in them I find food, not that
   which perisheth, but that which imparts the substance of eternal life
   through our faith, whereby we are in our Lord Jesus Christ made members
   of His body; for the writings and examples of the faithful do greatly
   strengthen that faith which, not looking at things seen, longs after
   things not seen with that love which accepts implicitly all things
   which are according to the truth of the omnipotent God. O true salt of
   the earth, by which our hearts are preserved from being corrupted by
   the errors of the world! O light worthy of your place on the
   candlestick of the Church, diffusing widely in the Catholic towns the
   brightness of a flame fed by the oil of the seven-branched lamp of the
   upper sanctuary, you also disperse even the thick mists of heresy, and
   rescue the light of truth from the confusion of darkness by the beams
   of your luminous demonstrations.

   2. You see, my brother beloved, esteemed, and welcomed in Christ our
   Lord, with what intimacy I claim to know you, with what amazement I
   admire and with what love I embrace you, seeing that I enjoy daily
   converse with you by the medium of your writings, and am fed by the
   breath of your mouth. For your mouth I may justly call a pipe conveying
   living water, and a channel from the eternal fountain; for Christ has
   become in you a fountain of "living water springing up into eternal
   life." [1502] Through desire for this my soul thirsted within me, and
   my parched ground longed to be flooded with the fulness of your river.
   Since, therefore, you have armed me completely by this your Pentateuch
   against the Manichæans, if you have prepared any treatises in defence
   of the Catholic faith against other enemies (for our enemy, with his
   thousand pernicious stratagems, must be defeated by weapons as various
   as the artifices by which he assails us), I beg you to bring these
   forth from your armoury for me, and not refuse to furnish me with the
   "armour of righteousness." For I am oppressed even now in my work with
   a heavy burden, being, as a sinner, a veteran in the ranks of sinners,
   but an untrained recruit in the service of the King eternal. The wisdom
   of this world I have unhappily hitherto regarded with admiration, and,
   devoting myself to literature which I now see to be unprofitable, and
   wisdom which I now reject, I was in the sight of God foolish and dumb.
   When I had become old in the fellowship of my enemies, and had laboured
   in vain in my thoughts, I lifted mine eyes to the mountains, looking up
   to the precepts of the law and to the gifts of grace, whence my help
   came from the Lord, who, not requiting me according to mine iniquity,
   enlightened my blindness, loosed my bonds, humbled me who had been
   sinfully exalted, in order that He might exalt me when graciously
   humbled.

   3. Therefore I follow, with halting pace indeed as yet, the great
   examples of the just, if I may through your prayers apprehend that for
   which I have been apprehended by the compassion of God. Guide,
   therefore, this infant creeping on the ground, and by your steps teach
   him to walk. For I would not have you judge of me by the age which
   began with my natural birth, but by that which began with my spiritual
   new birth. For as to the natural life, my age is that which the
   cripple, healed by the apostles by the power of their word at the gate
   Beautiful, had attained. [1503] But with respect to the birth of my
   soul, mine is as yet the age of those infants who, being sacrificed by
   the death-blows which were aimed at Christ, preceded with blood worthy
   of such honour the offering of the Lamb, and were the harbingers of the
   passion of the Lord. [1504] Therefore, as I am but a babe in the word
   of God, and as to spiritual age a sucking child, satisfy my vehement
   desire by nourishing me with your words, the breasts of faith, and
   wisdom, and love. If you consider only the office which we both hold,
   you are my brother; but if you consider the ripeness of your
   understanding and other powers, you are, though my junior in years, a
   father to me; because the possession of a venerable wisdom has promoted
   you, though young, to a maturity of worth, and to the honour which
   belongs to those who are old. Foster and strengthen me, then, for I am,
   as I have said, but a child in the sacred Scriptures and in spiritual
   studies; and seeing that, after long contendings and frequent
   shipwreck, I have but little skill, and am even now with difficulty
   rising above the waves of this world, do you, who have already found
   firm footing on the shore, receive me into the safe refuge of your
   bosom, that, if it please you, we may together sail towards the harbour
   of salvation. Meanwhile, in my efforts to escape from the dangers of
   this life and the abyss of sin, support me by your prayers, as by a
   plank, that from this world I may escape as one does from a shipwreck,
   leaving all behind.

   4. I have therefore been at pains to rid myself of all baggage and
   garments which might impede my progress, in order that, obedient to the
   command and sustained by the help of Christ, I may swim, unhindered by
   any clothing for the flesh or care for the morrow, across the sea of
   this present life, which, swelling with waves and echoing with the
   barking of our sins, like the dogs of Scylla, separates between us and
   God. I do not boast that I have accomplished this: even if I might so
   boast, I would glory only in the Lord, whose it is to accomplish what
   it is our part to desire; but my soul is in earnest that the judgments
   of the Lord be her chief desire. You can judge how far he is on the way
   to efficiently performing the will of God, who is desirous that he may
   desire to perform it. Nevertheless, so far as in me lies, I have loved
   the beauty of His sanctuary, and, if left to myself, would have chosen
   to occupy the lowest place in the Lord's house. But to Him who was
   pleased to separate me from my mother's womb, and to draw me away from
   the friendship of flesh and blood to His grace, it has seemed good to
   raise me from the earth and from the gulf of misery, though destitute
   of all merit, and to take me from the mire and from the dunghill, to
   set me among the princes of His people, and appoint my place in the
   same rank with yourself; so that, although you excel me in worth, I
   should be associated with you as your equal in office.

   5. It is not therefore by my own presumption, but in accordance with
   the pleasure and appointment of the Lord, that I appropriate the honour
   of which I own myself unworthy, claiming for myself the bond of
   brotherhood with you; for I am persuaded, from the holiness of your
   character, that you are taught by the truth "not to mind high things,
   but to condescend to men of low estate." Therefore I hope that you will
   readily and kindly accept the assurance of the love which in humility
   we bear to you, and which, I trust, you have already received through
   the most blessed priest Alypius, whom (with his permission) we call our
   father. For he doubtless has himself given you an example of loving us
   both while we are yet strangers, and above our desert; for he has found
   it possible, in the spirit of far-reaching and self-diffusing genuine
   love, to behold us by affection, and to come in contact with us by
   writing, even when we were unknown to him, and severed by a wide
   interval both of land and sea. He has presented us with the first
   proofs of his affection to us, and evidences of your love, in the
   above-mentioned gift of books. And as he was greatly concerned that we
   should be constrained to ardent love for you, when known to us, not by
   his testimony alone, but more fully by the eloquence and the faith seen
   in your own writings; so do we believe that he has taken care, with
   equal zeal, to bring you to imitate his example in cherishing a very
   warm love towards us in return. O brother in Christ, beloved,
   venerable, and ardently longed for, we desire that the grace of God, as
   it is with you, may abide for ever. We salute, with the utmost
   affection of cordial brotherhood, your whole household, and every one
   who is in the Lord a companion and imitator of your holiness. We beg
   you to bless, in accepting it, one loaf which we have sent to your
   Charity, in token of our oneness of heart with you.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1502] John iv. 14.

   [1503] Acts iii. 7 and iv. 22.

   [1504] Matt. ii. 16.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXVI.

   (a.d. 395.)

   To Licentius [1505] from Augustin.

   1. I have with difficulty found an opportunity for writing to you: who
   would believe it? Yet Licentius must take my word for it. I do not wish
   you to search curiously for the causes and reasons of this; for though
   they could be given, your confidence in me acquits me of obligation to
   furnish them. Moreover, I received your letters by messengers who were
   not available for the carrying back of my reply. And as to the thing
   which you asked me to ask, I attended to it by letter as far as it
   seemed to me right to bring it forward; but with what result you may
   have seen. If I have not yet succeeded, I will press the matter more
   earnestly, either when the result comes to my knowledge, or when you
   yourself remind me of it. Thus far I have spoken to you of the things
   in which we hear the sound of the chains of this life. I pass from
   them. Receive now in a few words the utterance of my heart's anxieties
   concerning your hope for eternity, and the question how a way may be
   opened for you to God.

   2. I fear, my dear Licentius, that you, while repeatedly rejecting and
   dreading the restraints of wisdom, as if these were bonds, are becoming
   firmly and fatally in bondage to mortal things. For wisdom, though at
   first it restrains men, and subdues them by some labours in the way of
   discipline, gives them presently true freedom, and enriches them, when
   free, with the possession and enjoyment of itself; and though at first
   it educates them by the help of temporary restraints, it folds them
   afterwards in its eternal embrace, the sweetest and strongest of all
   conceivable bonds. I admit, indeed, that these initial restraints are
   somewhat hard to bear; but the ultimate restraints of wisdom I cannot
   call grievous, because they are most sweet; nor can I call them easy,
   because they are most firm: in short, they possess a quality which
   cannot be described, but which can be the object of faith, and hope,
   and love. The bonds of this world, on the other hand, have a real
   harshness and a delusive charm, certain pain and uncertain pleasure,
   hard toil and troubled rest, an experience full of misery, and a hope
   devoid of happiness. And are you submitting neck and hands and feet to
   these chains, desiring to be burdened with honours of this kind,
   reckoning your labours to be in vain if they are not thus rewarded, and
   spontaneously aspiring to become fixed in that to which neither
   persuasion nor force ought to have induced you to go? Perhaps you
   answer, in the words of the slave in Terence,

   "So ho, you are pouring out wise words here."

   Receive my words, then, that I may pour them out without wasting them.
   But if I sing, while you prefer to dance to another tune, even thus I
   do not regret my effort to give advice; for the exercise of singing
   yields pleasure even when the song fails to stir to responsive motion
   the person for whom it is sung with loving care. There were in your
   letters some verbal mistakes which attracted my attention, but I judge
   it trifling to discuss these when solicitude about your actions and
   your whole life disturbs me.

   3. If your verses were marred by defective arrangement, or violated the
   laws of prosody, or grated on the ears of the hearer by imperfect
   rhythm, you would doubtless be ashamed, and you would lose no time, you
   would take no rest, until you arranged, corrected, remodelled, and
   balanced your composition, devoting any amount of earnest study and
   toil to the acquisition and practice of the art of versification: but
   when you yourself are marred by disorderly living, when you violate the
   laws of God, when your life accords neither with the honourable desires
   of friends on your behalf, nor with the light given by your own
   learning, do you think this is a trifle to be cast out of sight and out
   of mind? As if, forsooth, you thought yourself of less value than the
   sound of your own voice, and esteemed it a smaller matter to displease
   God by ill-ordered life, than to provoke the censure of grammarians by
   ill-ordered syllables.

   4. You write thus: "Oh that the morning light of other days could with
   its gladdening chariot bring back to me bright hours that are gone,
   which we spent together in the heart of Italy and among the high
   mountains, when proving the generous leisure and pure privileges which
   belong to the good! Neither stern winter with its frozen snow, nor the
   rude blasts of Zephyrs and raging of Boreas, could deter me from
   following your footsteps with eager tread. You have only to express
   your wish." [1506]

   Woe be to me if I do not express this wish, nay, if I do not compel and
   command, or beseech and implore you to follow me. If, however, your ear
   is shut against my voice, let it be open to your own voice, and give
   heed to your own poem: listen to yourself, O friend, most unyielding,
   unreasonable, and unimpressible. What care I for your tongue of gold,
   while your heart is of iron? How shall I, not in verses, but in
   lamentations, sufficiently bewail these verses of yours, in which I
   discover what a soul, what a mind that is which I am not permitted to
   seize and present as an offering to our God? You are waiting for me to
   express the wish that you should become good, and enjoy rest and
   happiness: as if any day could shine more pleasantly on me than that in
   which I shall enjoy in God your gifted mind, or as if you did not know
   how I hunger and thirst for you, or as if you did not in this poem
   itself confess this. Return to the mind in which you wrote these
   things; say to me now again, "You have only to express your wish." Here
   then is my wish, if my expression of it be enough to move you to
   comply: Give yourself to me--give yourself to my Lord, who is the Lord
   of us both and who has endowed you with your faculties: for what am I
   but through Him your servant, and under Him your fellow-servant?

   5. Nay, has not He given expression to His will? Hear the gospel: it
   declares, "Jesus stood and cried." [1507] "Come unto me, all ye that
   labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest. Take my yoke upon
   you, and learn of me; for I am meek and lowly in heart: so shall ye
   find rest to your souls. For my yoke is easy, and my burden is light."
   [1508] If these words are not heard, or are heard only with the ear, do
   you, Licentius, expect Augustin to issue his command to his
   fellow-servant, and not rather complain that the will of his Lord is
   despised, when He orders, nay invites, and as it were entreats all who
   labour to seek rest in Him? But to your strong and proud neck,
   forsooth, the yoke of the world seems easier than the yoke of Christ;
   yet consider, in regard to the yoke which He imposes, by whom and with
   what recompense it is imposed. Go to Campania, learn in the case of
   Paulinus, that eminent and holy servant of God, how great worldly
   honours he shook off, without hesitation, from neck truly noble because
   humble, in order that he might place it, as he has done, beneath the
   yoke of Christ; and now, with his mind at rest, he meekly rejoices in
   Him as the guide of his way. Go, learn with what wealth of mind he
   offers to Him the sacrifice of praise, rendering unto Him all the good
   which he has received from Him, lest, by failing to store all that he
   has in Him from whom he received it, he should lose it all.

   6. Why are you so excited? why so wavering? why do you turn your ear
   away from us, and lend it to the imaginations of fatal pleasures? They
   are false, they perish, and they lead to perdition. They are false,
   Licentius. "May the truth," as you desire, "be made plain to us by
   demonstration, may it flow more clear than Eridanus." The truth alone
   declares what is true: Christ is the truth; let us come to Him that we
   may be released from labour. That He may heal us, let us take His yoke
   upon us, and learn of Him who is meek and lowly in heart, and we shall
   find rest unto our souls: for His yoke is easy, and His burden is
   light. The devil desires to wear you as an ornament. Now, if you found
   in the earth a golden chalice, you would give it to the Church of God.
   But you have received from God talents that are spiritually valuable as
   gold; and do you devote these to the service of your lusts, and
   surrender yourself to Satan? Do it not, I entreat you. May you at some
   time perceive with what a sad and sorrowful heart I have written these
   things; and I pray you, have pity on me if you have ceased to be
   precious in your own eyes.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1505] Licentius, son of Romanianus, had been a pupil of Augustin when
   he was in retirement at Cassiacum. In this letter and in the next we
   see proofs of Augustin's pious solicitude for his welfare.

   [1506] Extract from a long poem, by Licentius, forming § 3 of the text.

   [1507] John vii. 37.

   [1508] Matt. xi. 28-30.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXVII.

   (a.d. 395.)

   To My Lord, Holy and Venerable, and Worthy of Highest Praise in Christ,
   My Brother Paulinus, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. O excellent man and excellent brother, there was a time when you
   were unknown to my mind; and I charge my mind to bear patiently your
   being still unknown to my eyes, but it almost--nay, altogether--refuses
   to obey. Does it indeed bear this patiently? If so, why then does a
   longing for your presence rack my inmost soul? For if I were suffering
   bodily infirmities, and these did not interrupt the serenity of my
   mind, I might be justly said to bear them patiently; but when I cannot
   bear with equanimity the privation of not seeing you, it would be
   intolerable were I to call my state of mind patience. Nevertheless, it
   would perhaps be still more intolerable if I were to be found patient
   while absent from you, seeing that you are such an one as you are. It
   is well, therefore, that I am unsatisfied under a privation which is
   such that, if I were satisfied under it, every one would justly be
   dissatisfied with me. What has befallen me is strange, yet true: I
   grieve because I do not see you, and my grief itself comforts me; for I
   neither admire nor covet a fortitude easily consoled under the absence
   of good men such as you are. For do we not long for the heavenly
   Jerusalem? and the more impatiently we long for it, do we not the more
   patiently submit to all things for its sake? Who can so withhold
   himself from joy in seeing you, as to feel no pain when you are no
   longer seen? I at least can do neither; and seeing that if I could, it
   could only be by trampling on right and natural feeling, I rejoice that
   I cannot, and in this rejoicing I find some consolation. It is
   therefore not the removal, but the contemplation, of this sorrow that
   consoles me. Blame me not, I beseech you, with that devout seriousness
   of spirit which so eminently distinguishes you; say not that I do wrong
   to grieve because of my not yet knowing you, when you have disclosed to
   my sight your mind, which is the inner man. For if, when sojourning in
   any place, or in the city to which you belong, I had come to know you
   as my brother and friend, and as one so eminent as a Christian, so
   noble as a man, how could you think that it would be no disappointment
   to me if I were not permitted to know your dwelling? How, then, can I
   but mourn because I have not yet seen your face and form, the
   dwelling-place of that mind which I have come to know as if it were my
   own?

   2. For I have read your letter, which flows with milk and honey, which
   exhibits the simplicity of heart wherewith, under the guidance of
   piety, you seek the Lord, and which brings glory and honour to Him. The
   brethren have read it also, and find unwearied and ineffable
   satisfaction in those abundant and excellent gifts with which God has
   endowed you. As many as have read it carry it away with them, because,
   while they read, it carries them away. Words cannot express how sweet
   is the savour of Christ which your letter breathes. How strong is the
   wish to be more fully acquainted with you which that letter awakens by
   presenting you to our sight! for it at once permits us to discern and
   prompts us to desire you. For the more effectually that it makes us in
   a certain sense realize your presence, the more does it render us
   impatient under your absence. All love you as seen therein, and wish to
   be loved by you. Praise and thanksgiving are offered to God, by whose
   grace you are what you are. In your letter, Christ is awakened that He
   may be pleased to calm the winds and the waves for you, directing your
   steps towards His perfect stedfastness. [1509] In it the reader beholds
   a wife [1510] who does not bring her husband to effeminacy, but by
   union to him is brought herself to share the strength of his nature;
   and unto her in you, as completely one with you, and bound to you by
   spiritual ties which owe their strength to their purity, we desire to
   return our salutations with the respect due to your Holiness. In it,
   the cedars of Lebanon, levelled to the ground, and fashioned by the
   skilful craft of love into the form of the Ark, cleave the waves of
   this world, fearless of decay. In it, glory is scorned that it may be
   secured, and the world given up that it may be gained. In it, the
   little ones, yea, the mightier sons of Babylon, the sins of turbulence
   and pride, are dashed against the rock.

   3. These and other such most delightful and hallowed spectacles are
   presented to the readers of your letter,--that letter which exhibits a
   true faith, a good hope, a pure love. How it breathes to us your
   thirst, your longing and fainting for the courts of the Lord! With what
   holy love it is inspired! How it overflows with the abundant treasure
   of a true heart! What thanksgivings it renders to God! What blessings
   it procures from Him! Is it elegance or fervour, light or life-giving
   power, which shines most in your letter? For how can it at once soothe
   us and animate us? how can it combine fertilizing rains with the
   brightness of a cloudless sky? How is this? I ask; or how shall I repay
   you, except by giving myself to be wholly yours in Him whose you wholly
   are? If this be little, it is at least all I have to give. But you have
   made me think it not little, by your deigning to honour me in that
   letter with such praises, that when I requite you by giving myself to
   you, I would be chargeable if I counted the gift a small one, with
   refusing to believe your testimony. I am ashamed, indeed, to believe so
   much good spoken of myself, but I am yet more unwilling to refuse to
   believe you. I have one way of escape from the dilemma: I shall not
   credit your estimate of my character, because I do not recognise myself
   in the portrait you have drawn; but I shall believe myself to be
   beloved by you, because I perceive and feel this beyond all doubt. Thus
   I shall be found neither rash in judging of myself, nor ungrateful for
   your esteem. Moreover, when I offer myself to you, it is not a small
   offering; for I offer one whom you very warmly love, and one who,
   though he is not what you suppose him to be, is nevertheless one for
   whom you are praying that he may become such. And your prayers I now
   beg the more earnestly, lest, thinking me to be already what I am not,
   you should be less solicitous for the supply of that which I lack.

   4. The bearer of this letter [1511] to your Excellency and most eminent
   Charity is one of my dearest friends, and most intimately known to me
   from early years. His name is mentioned in the treatise De Religione,
   which your Holiness, as you indicate in your letter, has read with very
   great pleasure, doubtless because it was made more acceptable to you by
   the recommendation of so good a man as he who sent it to you. [1512] I
   would not wish you, however, to give credence to the statements which,
   perchance, one who is so intimately my friend may have made in praise
   of me. For I have often observed, that, without intending to say what
   was untrue, he was, by the bias of friendship, mistaken in his opinion
   concerning me, and that he thought me to be already possessed of many
   things, for the gift of which my heart earnestly waited on the Lord.
   And if he did such things in my presence, who may not conjecture that
   out of the fulness of his heart he may utter many things more excellent
   than true concerning me when absent? He will submit to your esteemed
   attention, and review all my treatises; for I am not aware of having
   written anything, either addressed to those who are beyond the pale of
   the Church, or to the brethren, which is not in his possession. But
   when you are reading these, my holy Paulinus, let not those things
   which Truth has spoken by my weak instrumentality, so carry you away as
   to prevent your carefully observing what I myself have spoken, lest,
   while you drink in with eagerness the things good and true which have
   been given to me as a servant, you should forget to pray for the pardon
   of my errors and mistakes. For in all that shall, if observed, justly
   displease you, I myself am seen; but in all which in my books is justly
   approved by you, through the gift of the Holy Spirit bestowed on you,
   He is to be loved, He is to be praised, with whom is the fountain of
   life, and in whose light we shall see light, [1513] not darkly as we do
   here, but face to face. [1514] When, in reading over my writings, I
   discover in them anything which is due to the working of the old leaven
   in me, I blame myself for it with true sorrow; but if anything which I
   have spoken is, by God's gift, from the unleavened bread of sincerity
   and truth, I rejoice therein with trembling. For what have we that we
   have not received? Yet it may be said, his portion is better whom God
   has endowed with larger and more numerous gifts, than his on whom
   smaller and fewer have been conferred. True; but, on the other hand, it
   is better to have a small gift, and to render to Him due thanks for it,
   than, having a large gift, to wish to claim the merit of it as our own.
   Pray for me, my brother, that I may make such acknowledgments
   sincerely, and that my heart may not be at variance with my tongue.
   Pray, I beseech you, that, not coveting praise to myself, but rendering
   praise to the Lord, I may worship Him; and I shall be safe from mine
   enemies.

   5. There is yet another thing which may move you to love more warmly
   the brother who bears my letter; for he is a kinsman of the venerable
   and truly blessed bishop Alypius, whom you love with your whole heart,
   and justly: for whoever thinks highly of that man, thinks highly of the
   great mercy and wonderful gifts which God has bestowed on him.
   Accordingly, when he had read your request, desiring him to write for
   you a sketch of his history, and, while willing to do it because of
   your kindness, was yet unwilling to do it because of his humility, I,
   seeing him unable to decide between the respective claims of love and
   humility, transferred the burden from his shoulders to my own, for he
   enjoined me by letter to do so. I shall therefore, with God's help,
   soon place in your heart Alypius just as he is: for this I chiefly
   feared, that he would be afraid to declare all that God has conferred
   on him, lest (since what he writes would be read by others besides you)
   he should seem to any who are less competent to discriminate to be
   commending not God's goodness bestowed on men, but his own merits; and
   that thus you, who know what construction to put on such statements,
   would, through his regard for the infirmity of others, be deprived of
   that which to you as a brother ought to be imparted. This I would have
   done already, and you would already be reading my description of him,
   had not my brother suddenly resolved to set out earlier than we
   expected. For him I bespeak a welcome from your heart and from your
   lips as kindly as if your acquaintance with him was not beginning now,
   but of as long standing as my own. For if he does not shrink from
   laying himself open to your heart, he will be in great measure, if not
   completely, healed by your lips; for I desire him to be often made to
   hear the words of those who cherish for their friends a higher love
   than that which is of this world.

   6. Even if Romanianus had not been going to visit your Charity, I had
   resolved to recommend to you by letter his son [Licentius], dear to me
   as my own (whose name you will find also in some of my books), in order
   that he may be encouraged, exhorted, and instructed, not so much by the
   sound of your voice, as by the example of your spiritual strength. I
   desire earnestly, that while his life is yet in the green blade, the
   tares may be turned into wheat, and he may believe those who know by
   experience the dangers to which he is eager to expose himself. From the
   poem of my young friend, and my letter to him, your most benevolent and
   considerate wisdom may perceive my grief, fear, and care on his
   account. I am not without hope that, by the Lord's favour, I may
   through your means be set free from such disquietude regarding him.

   As you are now about to read much that I have written, your love will
   be much more gratefully esteemed by me, if, moved by compassion, and
   judging impartially, you correct and reprove whatever displeases you.
   For you are not one whose oil anointing my head would make me afraid.
   [1515]

   The brethren, not those only who dwell with us, and those who, dwelling
   elsewhere, serve God in the same way as we do, but almost all who are
   in Christ our warm friends, send you salutations, along with the
   expression of their veneration and affectionate longing for you as a
   brother, as a saint, and as a man. [1516] I dare not ask; but if you
   have any leisure from ecclesiastical duties, you may see for what
   favour all Africa, with myself, is thirsting.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1509] Compare end of sec. 3 in Letter XXV. p. 246.

   [1510] Therasia.

   [1511] Romanianus. See De Religione, ch. vii. n. 12.

   [1512] Alypius.

   [1513] Ps. xxxvi. 10.

   [1514] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [1515] The reference is to Ps. cxli. 5, the words of which translated
   from the LXX. version, are given in full in the succeeding letter.

   [1516] This may approximate to a translation of the three titles in the
   original, "Germanitas, Beatitudo, Humanitas tua."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXVIII.

   (a.d. 394 OR 395.)

   To Jerome, His Most Beloved Lord, and Brother and Fellow-Presbyter,
   Worthy of Being Honoured and Embraced with the Sincerest Affectionate
   Devotion, Augustin Sends Greeting. [1517]

   Chap. I.

   1. Never was the face of any one more familiar to another, than the
   peaceful, happy, and truly noble diligence of your studies in the Lord
   has become to me. For although I long greatly to be acquainted with
   you, I feel that already my knowledge of you is deficient in respect of
   nothing but a very small part of you,--namely, your personal
   appearance; and even as to this, I cannot deny that since my most
   blessed brother Alypius (now invested with the office of bishop, of
   which he was then truly worthy) has seen you, and has on his return
   been seen by me, it has been almost completely imprinted on my mind by
   his report of you; nay, I may say that before his return, when he saw
   you there, I was seeing you myself with his eyes. For any one who knows
   us may say of him and me, that in body only, and not in mind, we are
   two, so great is the union of heart, so firm the intimate friendship
   subsisting between us; though in merit we are not alike, for his is far
   above mine. Seeing, therefore, that you love me, both of old through
   the communion of spirit by which we are knit to each other, and more
   recently through what you know of me from the mouth of my friend, I
   feel that it is not presumptuous in me (as it would be in one wholly
   unknown to you) to recommend to your brotherly esteem the brother
   Profuturus, in whom we trust that the happy omen of his name
   (Good-speed) may be fulfilled through our efforts furthered after this
   by your aid; although, perhaps, it may be presumptuous on this ground,
   that he is so great a man, that it would be much more fitting that I
   should be commended to you by him, than he by me. I ought perhaps to
   write no more, if I were willing to content myself with the style of a
   formal letter of introduction; but my mind overflows into conference
   with you, concerning the studies with which we are occupied in Christ
   Jesus our Lord, who is pleased to furnish us largely through your love
   with many benefits, and some helps by the way, in the path which He has
   pointed out to His followers.

   Chap. II.

   2. We therefore, and with us all that are devoted to study in the
   African churches, beseech you not to refuse to devote care and labour
   to the translation of the books of those who have written in the Greek
   language most able commentaries on our Scriptures. You may thus put us
   also in possession of these men, and especially of that one whose name
   you seem to have singular pleasure in sounding forth in your writings
   [Origen]. But I beseech you not to devote your labour to the work of
   translating into Latin the sacred canonical books, unless you follow
   the method in which you have translated Job, viz. with the addition of
   notes, to let it be seen plainly what differences there are between
   this version of yours and that of the LXX., whose authority is worthy
   of highest esteem. For my own part, I cannot sufficiently express my
   wonder that anything should at this date be found in the Hebrew Mss.
   which escaped so many translators perfectly acquainted with the
   language. I say nothing of the LXX., regarding whose harmony in mind
   and spirit, surpassing that which is found in even one man, I dare not
   in any way pronounce a decided opinion, except that in my judgment,
   beyond question, very high authority must in this work of translation
   be conceded to them. I am more perplexed by those translators who,
   though enjoying the advantage of labouring after the LXX. had completed
   their work, and although well acquainted, as it is reported, with the
   force of Hebrew words and phrases, and with Hebrew syntax, have not
   only failed to agree among themselves, but have left many things which,
   even after so long a time, still remain to be discovered and brought to
   light. Now these things were either obscure or plain: if they were
   obscure, it is believed that you are as likely to have been mistaken as
   the others; if they were plain, it is not believed that they [the LXX.]
   could possibly have been mistaken. Having stated the grounds of my
   perplexity, I appeal to your kindness to give me an answer regarding
   this matter.

   Chap. III.

   3. I have been reading also some writings, ascribed to you, on the
   Epistles of the Apostle Paul. In reading your exposition of the Epistle
   to the Galatians, that passage came to my hand in which the Apostle
   Peter is called back from a course of dangerous dissimulation. To find
   there the defence of falsehood undertaken, whether by you, a man of
   such weight, or by any author (if it is the writing of another), causes
   me, I must confess, great sorrow, until at least those things which
   decide my opinion in the matter are refuted, if indeed they admit of
   refutation. For it seems to me that most disastrous consequences must
   follow upon our believing that anything false is found in the sacred
   books: that is to say, that the men by whom the Scripture has been
   given to us, and committed to writing, did put down in these books
   anything false. It is one question whether it may be at any time the
   duty of a good man to deceive; but it is another question whether it
   can have been the duty of a writer of Holy Scripture to deceive: nay,
   it is not another question--it is no question at all. For if you once
   admit into such a high sanctuary of authority one false statement as
   made in the way of duty, [1518] there will not be left a single
   sentence of those books which, if appearing to any one difficult in
   practice or hard to believe, may not by the same fatal rule be
   explained away, as a statement in which, intentionally, and under a
   sense of duty, the author declared what was not true.

   4. For if the Apostle Paul did not speak the truth when, finding fault
   with the Apostle Peter, he said: "If thou, being a Jew, livest after
   the manner of Gentiles, and not as do the Jews, why compellest thou the
   Gentiles to live as do the Jews?"--if, indeed, Peter seemed to him to
   be doing what was right, and if, notwithstanding, he, in order to
   soothe troublesome opponents, both said and wrote that Peter did what
   was wrong; [1519] --if we say thus, what then shall be our answer when
   perverse men such as he himself prophetically described arise,
   forbidding marriage, [1520] if they defend themselves by saying that,
   in all which the same apostle wrote in confirmation of the lawfulness
   of marriage, [1521] he was, on account of men who, through love for
   their wives, might become troublesome opponents, declaring what was
   false,--saying these things, forsooth, not because he believed them,
   but because their opposition might thus be averted? It is unnecessary
   to quote many parallel examples. For even things which pertain to the
   praises of God might be represented as piously intended falsehoods,
   written in order that love for Him might be enkindled in men who were
   slow of heart; and thus nowhere in the sacred books shall the authority
   of pure truth stand sure. Do we not observe the great care with which
   the same apostle commends the truth to us, when he says: "And if Christ
   be not risen, then is our preaching vain, and your faith is also vain:
   yea, and we are found false witnesses of God; because we have testified
   of God that He raised up Christ; whom He raised not up, if so be that
   the dead rise not." [1522] If any one said to him, "Why are you so
   shocked by this falsehood, when the thing which you have said, even if
   it were false, tends very greatly to the glory of God?" would he not,
   abhorring the madness of such a man, with every word and sign which
   could express his feelings, open clearly the secret depths of his own
   heart, protesting that to speak well of a falsehood uttered on behalf
   of God, was a crime not less, perhaps even greater, than to speak ill
   of the truth concerning Him? We must therefore be careful to secure, in
   order to our knowledge of the divine Scriptures, the guidance only of
   such a man as is imbued with a high reverence for the sacred books, and
   a profound persuasion of their truth, preventing him from flattering
   himself in any part of them with the hypothesis of a statement being
   made not because it was true, but because it was expedient, and making
   him rather pass by what he does not understand, than set up his own
   feelings above that truth. For, truly, when he pronounces anything to
   be untrue, he demands that he be believed in preference, and endeavours
   to shake our confidence in the authority of the divine Scriptures.

   5. For my part, I would devote all the strength which the Lord grants
   me, to show that every one of those texts which are wont to be quoted
   in defence of the expediency of falsehood ought to be otherwise
   understood, in order that everywhere the sure truth of these passages
   themselves may be consistently maintained. For as statements adduced in
   evidence must not be false, neither ought they to favour falsehood.
   This, however, I leave to your own judgment. For if you apply more
   thorough attention to the passage, perhaps you will see it much more
   readily than I have done. To this more careful study that piety will
   move you, by which you discern that the authority of the divine
   Scriptures becomes unsettled (so that every one may believe what he
   wishes, and reject what he does not wish) if this be once admitted,
   that the men by whom these things have been delivered unto us, could in
   their writings state some things which were not true, from
   considerations of duty; [1523] unless, perchance, you propose to
   furnish us with certain rules by which we may know when a falsehood
   might or might not become a duty. If this can be done, I beg you to set
   forth these rules with reasonings which may be neither equivocal nor
   precarious; and I beseech you by our Lord, in whom Truth was incarnate,
   not to consider me burdensome or presumptuous in making this request.
   For a mistake of mine which is in the interest of truth cannot deserve
   great blame, if indeed it deserves blame at all, when it is possible
   for you to use truth in the interest of falsehood without doing wrong.

   Chap. IV.

   6. Of many other things I would wish to discourse with your most
   ingenuous heart, and to take counsel with you concerning Christian
   studies; but this desire could not be satisfied within the limits of
   any letter. I may do this more fully by means of the brother bearing
   this letter, whom I rejoice in sending to share and profit by your
   sweet and useful conversation. Nevertheless, although I do not reckon
   myself superior in any respect to him, even he may take less from you
   than I would desire; and he will excuse my saying so, for I confess
   myself to have more room for receiving from you than he has. I see his
   mind to be already more fully stored, in which unquestionably he excels
   me. Therefore, when he returns, as I trust he may happily do by God's
   blessing, and when I become a sharer in all with which his heart has
   been richly furnished by you, there will still be a consciousness of
   void unsatisfied in me, and a longing for personal fellowship with you.
   Hence of the two I shall be the poorer, and he the richer, then as now.
   This brother carries with him some of my writings, which if you
   condescend to read, I implore you to review them with candid and
   brotherly strictness. For the words of Scripture, "The righteous shall
   correct me in compassion, and reprove me; but the oil of the sinner
   shall not anoint my head," [1524] I understand to mean that he is the
   truer friend who by his censure heals me, than the one who by flattery
   anoints my head. I find the greatest difficulty in exercising a right
   judgment when I read over what I have written, being either too
   cautious or too rash. For I sometimes see my own faults, but I prefer
   to hear them reproved by those who are better able to judge than I am;
   lest after I have, perhaps justly, charged myself with error, I begin
   again to flatter myself, and think that my censure has arisen from an
   undue mistrust of my own judgment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1517] [The letters to Jerome, and Jerome's replies, are among the most
   interesting and important in this correspondence, especially those
   parts which relate to Jerome's revision of the Latin version of the
   Bible, and his interpretation of Gal. ii. 11-14. See Letters 40, 71,
   72, 73, 75, 81, 82, 172, 195, 202. Augustin was inferior to Jerome in
   learning, especially as a linguist, but superior in Christian temper
   and humility. Jerome's false interpretation of the dispute between Paul
   and Peter at Antioch, which involved both apostles in hypocrisy,
   offended Augustin's keener sense of veracity. He here protests against
   it in this letter (ch. iii. ), and again in Letter 40, and thereby
   provokes Jerome's irritable temper. His last letters to Augustin,
   however, show sincere esteem and affection.--P. S.]

   [1518] Officiosum mendacium.

   [1519] Gal. ii. 11-14.

   [1520] 1 Tim. iv. 3.

   [1521] 1 Cor. vii. 10-16.

   [1522] 1 Cor. xv. 14, 15.

   [1523] Aliqua officiose mentiri.

   [1524] Ps. cxli. 5, translated from the Septuagint.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXIX.

   (a.d. 395.)

   A Letter from the Presbyter of the District of Hippo to Alypius the
   Bishop of Thagaste, Concerning the Anniversary of the Birth of
   Leontius, [1525] Formerly Bishop of Hippo.

   1. In the absence of brother Macharius, I have not been able to write
   anything definite concerning a matter about which I could not feel
   otherwise than anxious: it is said, however, that he will soon return,
   and whatever can be with God's help done in the matter shall be done.
   Although also our brethren, citizens of your town, who were with us,
   might sufficiently assure you of our solicitude on their behalf when
   they returned, nevertheless the thing which the Lord has granted to me
   is one worthy to be the subject of that epistolary intercourse which
   ministers so much to the comfort of us both; it is, moreover, a thing
   in the obtaining of which I believe that I have been greatly assisted
   by your own solicitude regarding it, seeing that it could not but
   constrain you to intercession on our behalf.

   2. Therefore let me not fail to relate to your Charity what has taken
   place; so that, as you joined us in pouring out prayers for this mercy
   before it was obtained, you may now join us in rendering thanks for it
   after it has been received. When I was informed after your departure
   that some were becoming openly violent, and declaring that they could
   not submit to the prohibition (intimated while you were here) of that
   feast which they call Lætitia, vainly attempting to disguise their
   revels under a fair name, it happened most opportunely for me, by the
   hidden fore-ordination of the Almighty God, that on the fourth holy day
   that

   Chapter of the Gospel fell to be expounded in ordinary course, in which
   the words occur: "Give not that which is holy unto the dogs, neither
   cast ye your pearls before swine." [1526] I discoursed therefore
   concerning dogs and swine in such a way as to compel those who clamour
   with obstinate barking against the divine precepts, and who are given
   up to the abominations of carnal pleasures, to blush for shame; and
   followed it up by saying, that they might plainly see how criminal it
   was to do, under the name of religion, within the walls of the church,
   that which, if it were practised by them in their own houses, would
   make it necessary for them to be debarred from that which is holy, and
   from the privileges which are the pearls of the Church.

   3. Although these words were well received, nevertheless, as few had
   attended the meeting, all had not been done which so great an emergency
   required. When, however, this discourse was, according to the ability
   and zeal of each, made known abroad by those who had heard it, it found
   many opponents. But when the morning of Quadragesima came round, and a
   great multitude had assembled at the hour of exposition of Scripture,
   that passage in the Gospel was read in which our Lord said, concerning
   those sellers who were driven out of the temple, and the tables of the
   money-changers which He had overthrown, that the house of His Father
   had been made a den of thieves instead of a house of prayer. [1527]
   After awakening their attention by bringing forward the subject of
   immoderate indulgence in wine, I myself also read this chapter, and
   added to it an argument to prove with how much greater anger and
   vehemence our Lord would cast forth drunken revels, which are
   everywhere disgraceful, from that temple from which He thus drove out
   merchandise lawful elsewhere, especially when the things sold were
   those required for the sacrifices appointed in that dispensation; and I
   asked them whether they regarded a place occupied by men selling what
   was necessary, or one used by men drinking to excess, as bearing the
   greater resemblance to a den of thieves.

   4. Moreover, as passages of Scripture which I had prepared were held
   ready to be put into my hands, I went on to say that the Jewish nation,
   with all its lack of spirituality in religion, never held feasts, even
   temperate feasts, much less feasts disgraced by intemperance, in their
   temple, in which at that time the body and blood of the Lord were not
   yet offered, and that in history they are not found to have been
   excited by wine on any public occasion bearing the name of worship,
   except when they held a feast before the idol which they had made.
   [1528] While I said these things I took the manuscript from the
   attendant, and read that whole passage. Reminding them of the words of
   the apostle, who says, in order to distinguish Christians from the
   obdurate Jews, that they are his epistle written, not on tables of
   stone, but on the fleshly tables of the heart, [1529] I asked further,
   with the deepest sorrow, how it was that, although Moses the servant of
   God broke both the tables of stone because of these rulers of Israel, I
   could not break the hearts of those who, though men of the New
   Testament dispensation, were desiring in their celebration of saints'
   days to repeat often the public perpetration of excesses of which the
   people of the Old Testament economy were guilty only once, and that in
   an act of idolatry.

   5. Having then given back the manuscript of Exodus, I proceeded to
   enlarge, so far as my time permitted, on the crime of drunkenness, and
   took up the writings of the Apostle Paul, and showed among what sins it
   is classed by him, reading the text, "If any man that is called a
   brother be a fornicator, or covetous, or an idolater, or a railer, or a
   drunkard, or an extortioner; with such an one (ye ought) not even to
   eat;" [1530] pathetically reminding them how great is our danger in
   eating with those who are guilty of intemperance even in their own
   houses. I read also what is added, a little further on, in the same
   epistle: "Be not deceived: neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor
   adulterers, nor effeminate, nor abusers of themselves with mankind, nor
   thieves, nor covetous, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor extortioners,
   shall inherit the kingdom of God. And such were some of you: but ye are
   washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of the
   Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God." [1531] After reading these,
   I charged them to consider how believers could hear these words, "but
   ye are washed," if they still tolerated in their own hearts--that is,
   in God's inner temple--the abominations of such lusts as these against
   which the kingdom of heaven is shut. Then I went on to that passage:
   "When ye come together into one place, this is not to eat the Lord's
   supper: for in eating, every one taketh before other his own supper;
   and one is hungry, and another is drunken. What! have ye not houses to
   eat and to drink in, or despise ye the church of God?" [1532] After
   reading which, I more especially begged them to remark that not even
   innocent and temperate feasts were permitted in the church: for the
   apostle said not, "Have ye not houses of your own in which to be
   drunken?"--as if it was drunkenness alone which was unlawful in the
   church; but, "Have ye not houses to eat and to drink in?"--things
   lawful in themselves, but not lawful in the church, inasmuch as men
   have their own houses in which they may be recruited by necessary food:
   whereas now, by the corruption of the times and the relaxation of
   morals, we have been brought so low, that, no longer insisting upon
   sobriety in the houses of men, all that we venture to demand is, that
   the realm of tolerated excess be restricted to their own homes.

   6. I reminded them also of a passage in the Gospel which I had
   expounded the day before, in which it is said of the false prophets:
   "Ye shall know them by their fruits." [1533] I also bade them remember
   that in that place our works are signified by the word fruits. Then I
   asked among what kind of fruits drunkenness was named, and read that
   passage in the Epistle to the Galatians: "Now the works of the flesh
   are manifest, which are these: adultery, fornication, uncleanness,
   lasciviousness, idolatry, witchcraft, hatred, variance, emulations,
   wrath, strife, seditions, heresies, envyings, murder, drunkenness,
   revellings, and such like; of the which I tell you before, as I have
   told you in time past, that they which do such things shall not inherit
   the kingdom of God." [1534] After these words, I asked how, when God
   has commanded that Christians be known by their fruits, we could be
   known as Christians by this fruit of drunkenness? I added also, that we
   must read what follows there: "But the fruit of the Spirit is love,
   joy, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith, meekness,
   temperance." [1535] And I pled with them to consider how shameful and
   lamentable it would be, if, not content with living at home in the
   practice of these works of the flesh, they even wished by them,
   forsooth, to honour the church, and to fill the whole area of so large
   a place of worship, if they were permitted, with crowds of revellers
   and drunkards: and yet would not present to God those fruits of the
   Spirit which, by the authority of Scripture, and by my groans, they
   were called to yield, and by the offering of which they would most
   suitably celebrate the saints' days.

   7. This being finished, I returned the manuscript; and being asked to
   speak, [1536] I set before their eyes with all my might, as the danger
   itself constrained me, and as the Lord was pleased to give strength,
   the danger shared by them who were committed to my care, and by me, who
   must give account to the Chief Shepherd, and implored them by His
   humiliation, by the unparalleled insults, the buffetings and spitting
   on the face which He endured, by His pierced hands and crown of thorns,
   and by His cross and blood, to have pity on me at least, if they were
   displeased with themselves, and to consider the inexpressible love
   cherished towards me by the aged and venerable Valerius, who had not
   scrupled to assign to me for their sakes the perilous burden of
   expounding to them the word of truth, and had often told them that in
   my coming here his prayers were answered; not rejoicing, surely, that I
   had come to share or to behold the death of our hearers, but rejoicing
   that I had come to share his labours for the eternal life. In
   conclusion, I told them that I was resolved to trust in Him who cannot
   lie, and who has given us a promise by the mouth of the prophet, saying
   of our Lord Jesus Christ, "If His children forsake my law, and walk not
   in my judgments; if they break my statutes, and keep not my
   commandments; then will I visit their transgression with the rod, and
   their iniquity with stripes: nevertheless my loving-kindness will I not
   utterly take from Him." [1537] I declared, therefore, that I put my
   trust in Him, that if they despised the weighty words which had now
   been read and spoken to them, He would visit them with the rod and with
   stripes, and not leave them to be condemned with the world. In this
   appeal I put forth all the power in thought and utterance which, in an
   emergency so great and hazardous, our Saviour and Ruler was pleased to
   supply. I did not move them to weep by first weeping myself; but while
   these things were being spoken, I own that, moved by the tears which
   they began to shed, I myself could not refrain from following their
   example. And when we had thus wept together, I concluded my sermon with
   full persuasion that they would be restrained by it from the abuses
   denounced.

   8. Next morning, however, when the day dawned, which so many were
   accustomed to devote to excess in eating and drinking, I received
   notice that some, even of those who were present when I preached, had
   not yet desisted from complaint, and that so great was the power of
   detestable custom with them, that, using no other argument, they asked,
   "Wherefore is this now prohibited? Were they not Christians who in
   former times did not interfere with this practice?" On hearing this, I
   knew not what more powerful means for influencing them I could devise;
   but resolved, in the event of their judging it proper to persevere,
   that after reading in Ezekiel's prophecy that the watchman has
   delivered his own soul if he has given warning, even though the persons
   warned refuse to give heed to him, I would shake my garments and
   depart. But then the Lord showed me that He leaves us not alone, and
   taught me how He encourages us to trust Him; for before the time at
   which I had to ascend the pulpit, [1538] the very persons of whose
   complaint against interference with long-established custom I had heard
   came to me. Receiving them kindly, I by a few words brought them round
   to a right opinion; and when it came to the time for my discourse,
   having laid aside the lecture which I had prepared as now unnecessary,
   I said a few things concerning the question mentioned above, "Wherefore
   now prohibit this custom?" saying that to those who might propose it
   the briefest and best answer would be this: "Let us now at last put
   down what ought to have been earlier prohibited."

   9. Lest, however, any slight should seem to be put by us on those who,
   before our time, either tolerated or did not dare to put down such
   manifest excesses of an undisciplined multitude, I explained to them
   the circumstances out of which this custom seems to have necessarily
   risen in the Church,--namely, that when, in the peace which came after
   such numerous and violent persecutions, crowds of heathen who wished to
   assume the Christian religion were kept back, because, having been
   accustomed to celebrate the feasts connected with their worship of
   idols in revelling and drunkenness, they could not easily refrain from
   pleasures so hurtful and so habitual, it had seemed good to our
   ancestors, making for the time a concession to this infirmity, to
   permit them to celebrate, instead of the festivals which they
   renounced, other feasts in honour of the holy martyrs, which were
   observed, not as before with a profane design, but with similar
   self-indulgence. I added that now upon them, as persons bound together
   in the name of Christ, and submissive to the yoke of His august
   authority, the wholesome restraints of sobriety were laid--restraints
   with which the honour and fear due to Him who appointed them should
   move them to comply--and that therefore the time had now come in which
   all who did not dare to cast off the Christian profession should begin
   to walk according to Christ's will; and being now confirmed Christians,
   should reject those concessions to infirmity which were made only for a
   time in order to their becoming such.

   10. I then exhorted them to imitate the example of the churches beyond
   the sea, in some of which these practices had never been tolerated,
   while in others they had been already put down by the people complying
   with the counsel of good ecclesiastical rulers; and as the examples of
   daily excess in the use of wine in the church of the blessed Apostle
   Peter were brought forward in defence of the practice, I said in the
   first place, that I had heard that these excesses had been often
   forbidden, but because the place was at a distance from the bishop's
   control, and because in such a city the multitude of carnally-minded
   persons was great, the foreigners especially, of whom there is a
   constant influx, clinging to that practice with an obstinacy
   proportioned to their ignorance, the suppression of so great an evil
   had not yet been possible. If, however, I continued, we would honour
   the Apostle Peter, we ought to hear his words, and look much more to
   the epistles by which his mind is made known to us, than to the place
   of worship, by which it is not made known; and immediately taking the
   manuscript, I read his own words: "Forasmuch then as Christ hath
   suffered for us in the flesh arm yourselves likewise with the same mind
   for he that hath suffered in the flesh hath ceased from sin; that he no
   longer should live the rest of his time in the flesh to the lusts of
   men, but to the will of God. For the time past of our life may suffice
   us to have wrought the will of the Gentiles, when we walked in
   lasciviousness, lusts, excess of wine, revellings, banquetings, and
   abominable idolatries." [1539] After this, when I saw that all were
   with one consent turning to a right mind, and renouncing the custom
   against which I had protested, I exhorted them to assemble at noon for
   the reading of God's word and singing of psalms; stating that we had
   resolved thus to celebrate the festival in a way much more accordant
   with purity and piety; and that, by the number of worshippers who
   should assemble for this purpose, it would plainly appear who were
   guided by reason, and who were the slaves of appetite. With these words
   the discourse concluded.

   11. In the afternoon a greater number assembled than in the forenoon,
   and there was reading and praise alternately up to the hour at which I
   went out in company with the bishop; and after our coming two psalms
   were read. Then the old man [Valerius] constrained me by his express
   command to say something to the people; from which I would rather have
   been excused, as I was longing for the close of the anxieties of the
   day. I delivered a short discourse in order to express our gratitude to
   God. And as we heard the noise of the feasting, which was going on as
   usual in the church of the heretics, who still prolonged their revelry
   while we were so differently engaged, I remarked that the beauty of day
   is enhanced by contrast with the night, and that when anything black is
   near, the purity of white is the more pleasing; and that, in like
   manner, our meeting for a spiritual feast might perhaps have been
   somewhat less sweet to us, but for the contrast of the carnal excesses
   in which the others indulged; and I exhorted them to desire eagerly
   such feasts as we then enjoyed, if they had tasted the goodness of the
   Lord. At the same time, I said that those may well be afraid who seek
   anything which shall one day be destroyed as the chief object of their
   desire, seeing that every one shares the portion of that which he
   worships; a warning expressly given by the apostle to such, when he
   says of them their "god is their belly," [1540] inasmuch as he has
   elsewhere said, "Meats for the belly, and the belly for meats; but God
   shall destroy both it and them." [1541] I added that it is our duty to
   seek that which is imperishable, which, far removed from carnal
   affections, is obtained through sanctification of the spirit; and when
   those things which the Lord was pleased to suggest to me had been
   spoken on this subject as the occasion required, the daily evening
   exercises of worship were performed; and when with the bishop I retired
   from the church, the brethren said a hymn there, a considerable
   multitude remaining in the church, and engaging in praise [1542] even
   till daylight failed.

   12. I have thus related as concisely as I could that which I am sure
   you longed to hear. Pray that God may be pleased to protect our efforts
   from giving offence or provoking odium in any way. In the tranquil
   prosperity which you enjoy we do with lively warmth of affection
   participate in no small measure, when tidings so frequently reach us of
   the gifts possessed by the highly spiritual church of Thagaste. The
   ship bringing our brethren has not yet arrived. At Hasna, where our
   brother Argentius is presbyter, the Circumcelliones, entering our
   church, demolished the altar. The case is now in process of trial; and
   we earnestly ask your prayers that it may be decided in a peaceful way
   and as becomes the Catholic Church, so as to silence the tongues of
   turbulent heretics. I have sent a letter to the Asiarch. [1543]

   Brethren most blessed, may ye persevere in the Lord, and remember us.
   Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1525] Leontius was Bishop of Hippo in the latter part of the second
   century. He built a church which was called after him, and in which
   some of the sermons of Augustin were delivered.

   [1526] Matt. vii. 6.

   [1527] Matt. xxi. 12.

   [1528] Ex. xxxii. 6.

   [1529] 2 Cor. iii. 3.

   [1530] 1 Cor. v. 11.

   [1531] 1 Cor. vi. 9-11.

   [1532] 1 Cor. xi. 20-22.

   [1533] Matt. vii. 16.

   [1534] Gal. v. 19-21.

   [1535] Gal. v. 22, 23.

   [1536] Imperatâ oratione.

   [1537] Ps. lxxxix. 30-33.

   [1538] Exhedra.

   [1539] 1 Pet. iv. 1-3.

   [1540] Phil. iii. 19.

   [1541] 1 Cor. vi. 13.

   [1542] Psallente.

   [1543] A magistrate who was also charged with the affairs pertaining to
   the protection of religion. The title belonged primarily to those who
   in the province of Asia had charge of the games.--Codex Theodosianus,
   xv. 9.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXX.

   (a.d. 396.)

   This letter of Paulinus was written before receiving a reply to his
   former letter, No. 27, p. 248.

   To Augustin, Our Lord and Holy and Beloved Brother, Paulinus and
   Therasia, Sinners, Send Greeting.

   1. My beloved brother in Christ the Lord, having through your holy and
   pious works come to know you without your knowledge, and to see you
   though absent long ago, my mind embraced you with unreserved affection,
   and I hastened to secure the gratification of hearing you through
   familiar brotherly exchange of letters. I believe also that by the
   Lord's hand and favour my letter has reached you; but as the youth
   whom, before winter, we had sent to salute you and others equally loved
   in God's name, has not returned, we could no longer either put off what
   we feel to be our duty, or restrain the vehemence of our desire to hear
   from you. If, then, my former letter has been found worthy to reach
   you, this is the second; if, however, it was not so fortunate as to
   come to your hand, accept this as the first.

   2. But, my brother, judging all things as a spiritual man, do not
   estimate our love to you by the duty which we render, or the frequency
   of our letters. For the Lord, who everywhere, as one and the same,
   worketh His love in His own, is witness that, from the time when, by
   the kindness of the venerable bishops Aurelius and Alypius, we came to
   know you through your writings against the Manichæans, love for you has
   taken such a place in us, that we seemed not so much to be acquiring a
   new friendship as reviving an old affection. Now at length we address
   you in writing; and though we are novices in expressing, we are not
   novices in feeling love to you; and by communion of the spirit, which
   is the inner man, we are as it were acquainted with you. Nor is it
   strange that though distant we are near, though unknown we are well
   known to each other; for we are members of one body, having one Head,
   enjoying the effusion of the same grace, living by the same bread,
   walking in the same way, and dwelling in the same home. In short, in
   all that makes up our being,--in the whole faith and hope by which we
   stand in the present life, or labour for that which is to come,--we are
   both in the spirit and in the body of Christ so united, that if we fell
   from this union we would cease to be.

   3. How small a thing, therefore, is that which our bodily separation
   denies to us!--for it is nothing more than one of those fruits that
   gratify the eyes, which are occupied only with the things of time. And
   yet, perhaps, we should not number this pleasure which in the body we
   enjoy among the blessings which are only in time the portion of
   spiritual men, to whose bodies the resurrection will impart
   immortality; as we, though in ourselves unworthy, are bold to expect,
   through the merit of Christ and the mercy of God the Father. Wherefore
   I pray that the grace of God by our Lord Jesus Christ may grant unto us
   this favour too, that we may yet see your face. Not only would this
   bring great gratification to our desires; but by it illumination would
   be brought to our minds, and our poverty would be enriched by your
   abundance. This indeed you may grant to us even while we are absent
   from you, especially on the present occasion, through our sons Romanus
   and Agilis, beloved and most dear to us in the Lord (whom as our second
   selves we commend to you), when they return to us in the Lord's name,
   after fulfilling the labour of love in which they are engaged; in which
   work we beg that they may especially enjoy the goodwill of your
   Charity. For you know what high rewards the Most High promises to the
   brother who gives his brother help. If you are pleased to impart to me
   any gift of the grace that has been bestowed on you, you may safely do
   it through them; for, believe me, they are of one heart and of one mind
   with us in the Lord. May the grace of God always abide as it is with
   you, O brother beloved, venerable, most dear, and longed for in Christ
   the Lord! Salute on our behalf all the saints in Christ who are with
   you, for doubtless such attach themselves to your fellowship; commend
   us to them all, that they may, along with yourself, remember us in
   prayer.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Second Division.

   Letters Which Were Written by Augustin After His Becoming Bishop of
   Hippo, and Before the Conference Held with the Donatists at Carthage,
   and the Discovery of the Heresy of Pelagius in Africa (a.d. 396-410).

   Letter XXXI.

   (a.d. 396.)

   To Brother Paulinus and to Sister Therasia, Most Beloved and Sincere,
   Truly Most Blessed and Most Eminent for the Very Abundant Grace of God
   Bestowed on Them Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Although in my longing to be without delay near you in one sense,
   while still remote in another, I wished much that what I wrote in
   answer to your former letter (if, indeed, any letter of mine deserves
   to be called an answer to yours) should go with all possible expedition
   to your Grace, [1544] my delay has brought me the advantage of a second
   letter from you. The Lord is good, who often withholds what we desire,
   that He may add to it what we would prefer. For it is one pleasure to
   me that you will write me on receiving my letter, and it is another
   that, through not receiving it at once, you have written now. The joy
   which I have felt in reading this letter would have been lost to me if
   my letter to your Holiness had been quickly conveyed to you, as I
   intended and earnestly desired. But now, to have this letter, and to
   expect a reply to my own, multiplies my satisfaction. The blame of the
   delay cannot be laid to my charge; and the Lord, in His more abundant
   kindness, has done that which He judged to be more conducive to my
   happiness.

   2. We welcomed with great gladness in the Lord the holy brothers
   Romanus and Agilis, who were, so to speak, an additional letter from
   you, capable of hearing and answering our voices, whereby most
   agreeably your presence was in part enjoyed by us, although only to
   make us long the more eagerly to see you. It would be at all times and
   in every way impossible for you to give, and unreasonable for us to
   ask, as much information from you concerning yourself by letter as we
   received from them by word of mouth. There was manifest also in them
   (what no paper could convey) such delight in telling us of you, that by
   their very countenance and eyes while they spoke, we could with
   unspeakable joy read you written on their hearts. Moreover, a sheet of
   paper, of whatever kind it be, and however excellent the things written
   upon it may be, enjoys no benefit itself from what it contains, though
   it may be unfolded with great benefit to others; but, in reading this
   letter of yours--namely, the minds of these brethren--when conversing
   with them, we found that the blessedness of those upon whom you had
   written was manifestly proportioned to the fulness with which they had
   been written upon by you. In order, therefore, to attain to the same
   blessedness, we transcribed in our own hearts what was written in
   theirs, by most eager questioning as to everything concerning you.

   3. Notwithstanding all this, it is with deep regret that we consent to
   their so soon leaving us, even to return to you. For observe, I beseech
   you, the conflicting emotions by which we are agitated. Our obligation
   to let them go without delay was increased according to the vehemence
   of their desire to obey you; but the greater the vehemence of this
   desire in them, the more completely did they set you forth as almost
   present with us, because they let us see how tender your affections
   are. Therefore our reluctance to let them go increased with our sense
   of the reasonableness of their urgency to be permitted to go. Oh
   insupportable trial, were it not that by such partings we are not,
   after all, separated from each other,--were it not that we are "members
   of one body, having one Head, enjoying the effusion of the same grace,
   living by the same bread, walking in the same way, and dwelling in the
   same home!" [1545] You recognise these words, I suppose, as quoted from
   your own letter; and why should not I also use them? Why should they be
   yours any more than mine, seeing that, inasmuch as they are true, they
   proceed from communion with the same head? And in so far as they
   contain something that has been specially given to you, I have so loved
   them the more on that account, that they have taken possession of the
   way leading through my breast, and would suffer no words to pass from
   my heart to my tongue until they went first, with the priority which is
   due to them as yours. My brother and sister, holy and beloved in God,
   members of the same body with us, who could doubt that we are animated
   by one spirit, except those who are strangers to that affection by
   which we are bound to each other?

   4. Yet I am curious to know whether you bear with more patience and
   ease than I do this bodily separation. If it be so, I do not, I
   confess, take any pleasure in your fortitude in this respect, unless
   perhaps because of its reasonableness, seeing that I confess myself
   much less worthy of your affectionate longing than you are of mine. At
   all events, if I found in myself a power of bearing your absence
   patiently, this would displease me, because it would make me relax my
   efforts to see you; and what could be more absurd than to be made
   indolent by power of endurance? But I beg to acquaint your Charity with
   the ecclesiastical duties by which I am kept at home, inasmuch as the
   blessed father Valerius (who with me salutes you, and thirsts for you
   with a vehemence of which you will hear from our brethren), not content
   with having me as his presbyter, has insisted upon adding the greater
   burden of sharing the episcopate with him. This office I was afraid to
   decline, being persuaded, through the love of Valerius and the
   importunity of the people, that it was the Lord's will, and being
   precluded from excusing myself on other grounds by some precedents of
   similar appointments. The yoke of Christ, it is true, is in itself
   easy, and His burden light; [1546] yet, through my perversity and
   infirmity, I may find the yoke vexatious and the burden heavy in some
   degree; and I cannot tell how much more easy and light my yoke and
   burden would become if I were comforted by a visit from you, who live,
   as I am informed, more disengaged and free from such cares. [1547] I
   therefore feel warranted in asking, nay, demanding and imploring you to
   condescend to come over into Africa, which is more oppressed with
   thirst for men such as you are than even by the well-known aridity of
   her soil. [1548]

   5. God knoweth that I long for your visiting this country, not merely
   to gratify my own desire, nor merely on account of those who through
   me, or by public report, have heard of your pious resolution; [1549] I
   long for it for the sake of others also who either have not heard, or,
   hearing, have not believed the fame of your piety, but who might be
   constrained to love excellence of which they could then be no longer in
   ignorance or doubt. For although the perseverance and purity of your
   compassionate benevolence is good, more is required of you; namely,
   "Let your light so shine before men, that they may behold your good
   works, and may glorify your Father which is in heaven." [1550] The
   fishermen of Galilee found pleasure not only in leaving their ships and
   their nets at the Lord's command, but also in declaring that they had
   left all and followed Him. [1551] And truly he despises all who
   despises not only all that he was able, but also all that he was
   desirous to possess. What may have been desired is seen only by the
   eyes of God; what was actually possessed is seen also by the eyes of
   men. Moreover, when things trivial and earthly are loved by us, we are
   somehow more firmly wedded to what we have than to what we desire to
   have. For whence was it that he who sought from the Lord counsel as to
   the way of eternal life, went away sorrowful upon hearing that, if he
   would be perfect, he must sell all, and distribute to the poor, and
   have treasure in heaven, unless because, as the Gospel tells us, he had
   great possessions? [1552] For it is one thing to forbear from
   appropriating what is wanting to us; it is another thing to rend away
   that which has become a part of ourselves: the former action is like
   declining food, the latter is like cutting off a limb. How great and
   how full of wonder is the joy with which Christian charity beholds in
   our day a sacrifice cheerfully made in obedience to the Gospel of
   Christ, which that rich man grieved and refused to make at the bidding
   of Christ Himself!

   6. Although language fails to express that which my heart has conceived
   and labours to utter, nevertheless, since you perceive with your
   discernment and piety that the glory of this is not yours, that is to
   say, not of man, but the glory of the Lord in you (for you yourselves
   are most carefully on your guard against your Adversary, and most
   devoutly strive to be found as learners of Christ, meek and lowly in
   heart; and, indeed, it were better with humility to retain than with
   pride to renounce this world's wealth);--since, I say, you are aware
   that the glory here is not yours, but the Lord's, you see how weak and
   inadequate are the things which I have spoken. For I have been speaking
   of the praises of Christ, a theme transcending the tongue of angels. We
   long to see this glory of Christ brought near to the eyes of our
   people; that in you, united in the bonds of wedlock, there may be given
   to both sexes an example of the way in which pride must be trodden
   under foot, and perfection hopefully pursued. I know not any way in
   which you could give greater proof of your benevolence, than in
   resolving to be not less willing to permit your worth to be seen, than
   you are zealous to acquire and retain it.

   7. I recommend to your kindness and charity this boy Vetustinus, whose
   case might draw forth the sympathy even of those who are not religious:
   the causes of his affliction and of his leaving his country you will
   hear from his own lips. As to his pious resolution--his promise,
   namely, to devote himself to the service of God--it will be more
   decisively known after some time has elapsed, when his strength has
   been confirmed, and his present fear is removed. Perceiving the warmth
   of your love for me, and encouraged thereby to believe that you will
   not grudge the labour of reading what I have written, I send to your
   Holiness and Charity three books: would that the size of the volumes
   were an index of the completeness of the discussion of so great a
   subject; for the question of free-will is handled in them! I know that
   these books, or at least some of them, are not in the possession of our
   brother Romanianus; but almost everything which I have been able for
   the benefit of any readers to write is, as I have intimated, accessible
   to your perusal through him, because of your love to me, although I did
   not charge him to carry them to you. For he already had them all, and
   was carrying them with him: moreover, it was by him that my answer to
   your first letter was sent. I suppose that your Holiness has already
   discovered, by that spiritual sagacity which the Lord has given you,
   how much that man bears in his soul of what is good, and how far he
   still comes short through infirmity. In the letter sent through him you
   have, as I trust, read with what anxiety I commended himself and his
   son to your sympathy and love, as well as how close is the bond by
   which they are united to me. May the Lord build them up by your means!
   This must be asked from Him rather than from you, for I know how much
   it is already your desire.

   8. I have heard from the brethren that you are writing a treatise
   against the Pagans: if we have any claim on your heart, send it at once
   to us to read. For your heart is such an oracle of divine truth, that
   we expect from it answers which shall satisfactorily and clearly decide
   the most prolix debates. I understand that your Holiness has the books
   of the most blessed father [1553] Ambrose, of which I long greatly to
   see those which, with much care and at great length, he has written
   against some most ignorant and pretentious men, who affirm that our
   Lord was instructed by the writings of Plato. [1554]

   9. Our most blessed brother Severus, formerly of our community, now
   president [1555] of the church in Milevis, and well known by the
   brethren in that city, joins me in respectful salutation to your
   Holiness. The brethren also who are with me serving the Lord salute you
   as warmly as they long to see you: they long for you as much as they
   love you; and they love you as your eminent goodness merits. The loaf
   which we send you will become more rich as a blessing through the love
   with which your kindness receives it. May the Lord keep you for ever
   from this generation, [1556] my brother and sister most beloved and
   sincere, truly benevolent, and most eminently endowed with abundant
   grace from the Lord.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1544] Charitas.

   [1545] Letter XXX. p. 257.

   [1546] Matt. xi. 30.

   [1547] Paulinus was then at Nola, having gone thither from Barcelona in
   A.D. 393 or 394. He became Bishop of Nola in 409.

   [1548] Nobilitate siccitatis.

   [1549] This refers to the voluntary poverty which Paulinus and
   Therasia, though of high rank and great wealth, embraced, selling all
   that they had in order to give to the poor.

   [1550] Matt. v. 16.

   [1551] Matt. xix. 27.

   [1552] Luke xviii. 22, 23.

   [1553] Beatissimi papæ.

   [1554] These books of Ambrose are lost.

   [1555] Antistes.

   [1556] See Ps. xii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXXII.

   This letter from Paulinus to Romanianus and Licentius expresses the
   satisfaction with which he heard of the promotion of Augustin to the
   episcopate, and conveys both in prose and in verse excellent counsels
   to Licentius: it is one which in this selection may without loss be
   omitted.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXXIII.

   (a.d. 396.)

   To Proculeianus, My Lord, Honourable and Most Beloved, Augustin Sends
   Greeting.

   1. The titles prefixed to this letter I need not defend or explain at
   any length to you, though they may give offence to the vain prejudices
   of ignorant men. For I rightly address you as lord, seeing that we are
   both seeking to deliver each other from error, although to some it may
   seem uncertain which of us is in error before the matter has been fully
   debated; and therefore we are mutually serving one another, if we
   sincerely labour that we may both be delivered from the perversity of
   discord. That I labour to do this with a sincere heart, and with the
   fear and trembling of Christian humility, is not perhaps to most men
   manifest, but is seen by Him to whom all hearts are open. What I
   without hesitation esteem honourable in you, you readily perceive. For
   I do not esteem worthy of any honour the error of schism, from which I
   desire to have all men delivered, so far as is within my power; but
   yourself I do not for a moment hesitate to regard as worthy of honour,
   chiefly because you are knit to me in the bonds of a common humanity,
   and because there are conspicuous in you some indications of a more
   gentle disposition, by which I am encouraged to hope that you may
   readily embrace the truth when it has been demonstrated to you. As for
   my love to you, I owe not less than He commanded who so loved us as to
   bear the shame of the cross for our sakes.

   2. Be not, however, surprised that I have so long forborne from
   addressing your Benevolence; for I did not think that your views were
   such as were with great joy declared to me by brother Evodius, whose
   testimony I cannot but believe. For he tells me that, when you met
   accidentally at the same house, and conversation began between you
   concerning our hope, that is to say, the inheritance of Christ, you
   were kindly pleased to say that you were willing to have a conference
   with me in the presence of good men. I am truly glad that you have
   condescended to make this proposal: and I can in no wise forego so
   important an opportunity, given by your kindness, of using whatever
   strength the Lord may be pleased to give me in considering and debating
   with you what has been the cause, or source, or reason of a division so
   lamentable and deplorable in that Church of Christ to which He said:
   "Peace I give you, my peace I leave unto you. [1557]

   3. I heard from the brother aforesaid that you had complained of his
   having said something in answer to you in an insulting manner; but, I
   pray you, do not regard it as an insult, for I am sure it did not
   proceed from an overbearing spirit, as I know my brother well. But if,
   in disputing in defence of his own faith and the Church's love, he
   spoke perchance with a degree of warmth something which you regarded as
   wounding your dignity, that deserves to be called, not contumacy, but
   boldness. For he desired to debate and discuss the question, not to be
   merely submitting to you and flattering you. For such flattery is the
   oil of the sinner, with which the prophet does not desire to have his
   head anointed; for he saith: "The righteous shall correct me in
   compassion, and rebuke me; but the oil of the sinner shall not anoint
   my head." [1558] For he prefers to be corrected by the stern compassion
   of the righteous, rather than to be commended with the soothing oil of
   flattery. Hence also the saying of the prophet: "They who pronounce you
   happy cause you to err." [1559] Therefore also it is commonly and
   justly said of a man whom false compliments have made proud, "his head
   has grown;" [1560] for it has been increased by the oil of the sinner,
   that is, not of one correcting with stern truth, but of one commending
   with smooth flattery. Do not, however, suppose me to mean by this, that
   I wish it to be understood that you have been corrected by brother
   Evodius, as by a righteous man; for I fear lest you should think that
   anything is spoken by me also in an insulting manner, against which I
   desire to the utmost of my power to be on guard. But He is righteous
   who hath said, "I am the truth. [1561] When, therefore, any true word
   has been uttered, though it may be somewhat rudely, by the mouth of any
   man, we are corrected not by the speaker, who may perhaps be not less a
   sinner than ourselves, but by the truth itself, that is to say, by
   Christ who is righteous, lest the unction of smooth but pernicious
   flattery, which is the oil of the sinner, should anoint our head.
   Although, therefore, brother Evodius, through undue excitement in
   defending the communion to which he belongs, may have said something
   too vehemently through strong feeling, you ought to excuse him on the
   ground of his age, and of the importance of the matter in his
   estimation.

   4. I beseech you, however, to remember what you have been pleased to
   promise; namely, to investigate amicably with me a matter of so great
   importance, and so closely pertaining to the common salvation, in the
   presence of such spectators as you may choose (provided only that our
   words are not uttered so as to be lost, but are taken down with the
   pen; so that we may conduct the discussion in a more calm and orderly
   manner, and anything spoken by us which escapes the memory may be
   recalled by reading the notes taken). Or, if you prefer it, we may
   discuss the matter without the interference of any third party, by
   means of letters or conference and reading, wherever you please, lest
   perchance some hearers, unwisely zealous, should be more concerned with
   the expectation of a conflict between us, than the thought of our
   mutual profit by the discussion. Let the people, however, be afterwards
   informed through us of the debate, when it is concluded; or, if you
   prefer to have the matter discussed by letters exchanged, let these
   letters be read to the two congregations, in order that they may yet
   come to be no longer divided, but one. In fact, I willingly accede to
   whatever terms you wish, or prescribe, or prefer. And as to the
   sentiments of my most blessed and venerable father Valerius, who is at
   present from home, I undertake with fullest confidence that he will
   hear of this with great joy; for I know how much he loves peace, and
   how free he is from being influenced by any paltry regard for vain
   parade of dignity.

   5. I ask you, what have we to do with the dissensions of a past
   generation? Let it suffice that the wounds which the bitterness of
   proud men inflicted on our members have remained until now; for we
   have, through the lapse of time, ceased to feel the pain to remove
   which the physician's help is usually sought. You see how great and
   miserable is the calamity by which the peace of Christian homes and
   families is broken. Husbands and wives, agreeing together at the family
   hearth, are divided at the altar of Christ. By Him they pledge
   themselves to be at peace between themselves, yet in Him they cannot be
   at peace. Children have the same home, but not the same house of God,
   with their own parents. They desire to be secure of the earthly
   inheritance of those with whom they wrangle concerning the inheritance
   of Christ. Servants and masters divide their common Lord, who took on
   Him the form of a servant that He might deliver all from bondage. Your
   party honours us, and our party honours you. Your members appeal to us
   by our episcopal insignia, [1562] and our members show the same respect
   to you. We receive the words of all, we desire to give offence to none.
   Why then, finding cause of offence in none besides, do we find it in
   Christ, whose members we rend asunder? When we may be serviceable to
   men that are desirous of terminating through our help disputes
   concerning secular affairs, they address us as saints and servants of
   God, in order that they may have their questions as to property
   disposed of by us: let us at length, unsolicited, take up a matter
   which concerns both our own salvation and theirs. It is not about gold
   or silver, or land, or cattle, matters concerning which we are daily
   saluted with lowly respect, in order that we may bring disputes to a
   peaceful termination,--but it is concerning our Head Himself that this
   dissension, so unworthy and pernicious, exists between us. However low
   they bow their heads who salute us in the hope that we may make them
   agree together in regard to the things of this world, our Head stooped
   from heaven even to the cross, and yet we do not agree together in Him.

   6. I beg and beseech you, if there be in you that brotherly feeling for
   which some give you credit, let your goodness be approved sincere, and
   not feigned with a view to passing honours, by this, that your bowels
   of compassion be moved, so that you consent to have this matter
   discussed; joining with me in persevering prayer, and in peaceful
   discussion of every point. Let not the respect paid by the unhappy
   people to our dignities be found, in the judgment of God, aggravating
   our condemnation; rather let them be recalled along with us, through
   our unfeigned love, from errors and dissensions, and guided into the
   ways of truth and peace.

   My lord, honourable and most beloved, I pray that you may be blessed in
   the sight of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1557] John xiv. 27.

   [1558] Ps. cxli. 5.

   [1559] Isa. iii. 12, according to the LXX. version.

   [1560] Crevit caput.

   [1561] John xiv. 6.

   [1562] Corona.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXXIV.

   (a.d. 396.)

   To Eusebius, My Excellent Lord and Brother, Worthy of Affection and
   Esteem, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. God, to whom the secrets of the heart of man are open, knoweth that
   it is because of my love for Christian peace that I am so deeply moved
   by the profane deeds of those who basely and impiously persevere in
   dissenting from it. He knoweth also that this feeling of mine is one
   tending towards peace, and that my desire is, not that any one should
   against his will be coerced into the Catholic communion, but that to
   all who are in error the truth may be openly declared, and being by
   God's help clearly exhibited through my ministry, may so commend itself
   as to make them embrace and follow it.

   2. Passing many other things unnoticed, what could be more worthy of
   detestation than what has just happened? A young man is reproved by his
   bishop for frequently beating his mother like a madman, and not
   restraining his impious hands from wounding her who bore him, even on
   those days on which the sternness of law shows mercy to the most guilty
   criminals. [1563] He then threatens his mother that he would pass to
   the party of the Donatists, and that he would kill her whom he is
   accustomed to beat with incredible ferocity. He utters these threats,
   then passes over to the Donatists, and is rebaptized while filled with
   wicked rage, and is arrayed in white vestments while he is burning to
   shed his mother's blood. He is placed in a prominent and conspicuous
   position within the railing in the church; and to the eyes of sorrowful
   and indignant beholders, he who is purposing matricide is exhibited as
   a regenerate man.

   3. I appeal to you, as a man of most mature judgment, can these things
   find favour in your eyes? I do not believe this of you: I know your
   wisdom. A mother is wounded by her son in the members of that body
   which bore and nursed the ungrateful wretch; and when the Church, his
   spiritual mother, interferes, she too is wounded in those sacraments by
   which, to the same ungrateful son, she ministered life and nourishment.
   Do you not seem to hear the young man gnashing his teeth in rage for a
   parent's blood, and saying, "What shall I do to the Church which
   forbids my wounding my mother? I have found out what to do: let the
   Church herself be wounded by such blows as she can suffer; let that be
   done in me which may cause her members pain. Let me go to those who
   know how to despise the grace with which she gave me spiritual birth,
   and to mar the form which in her womb I received. Let me vex both my
   natural and my spiritual mother with cruel tortures: let the one who
   was the second to give me birth be the first to give me burial; for her
   sorrow let me seek spiritual death, and for the other's death let me
   prolong my natural life." Oh, Eusebius! I appeal to you as an
   honourable man, what else may we expect than that now he shall feel
   himself, as a Donatist, so armed as to have no fear in assailing that
   unhappy woman, decrepit with age and helpless in her widowhood, from
   wounding whom he was restrained while he remained a Catholic? For what
   else had he purposed in his passionate heart when he said to his
   mother, "I will pass over to the party of Donatus, and I will drink
   your blood?" Behold, arrayed in white vestments, but with conscience
   crimson with blood, he has fulfilled his threat in part; the other part
   remains, viz. that he drink his mother's blood. If, therefore, these
   things find favour in your eyes, let him be urged by those who are now
   his clergy and his sanctifiers to fulfil within eight days the
   remaining portion of his vow.

   4. The Lord's right hand indeed is strong, so that He may keep back
   this man's rage from that unhappy and desolate widow, and, by means
   known unto His own wisdom, may deter him from his impious design; but
   could I do otherwise than utter my feelings when my heart was pierced
   with such grief? Shall they do such things, and am I to be commanded to
   hold my peace? When He commands me by the mouth of the apostle saying
   that those who teach what they ought not must be rebuked by the bishop,
   [1564] shall I be silent through dread of their displeasure? The Lord
   deliver me from such folly! As to my desire for having such an impious
   crime recorded in our public registers, it was desired by me chiefly
   for this end, that no one who may hear me bewailing these proceedings,
   especially in other towns where it may be expedient for me to do so,
   may think that I am inventing a falsehood, and the rather, because in
   Hippo itself it is already affirmed that Proculeianus did not issue the
   order which was in the official report ascribed to him.

   5. In what more temperate way could we dispose of this important matter
   than through the mediation of such a man as you, invested with most
   illustrious rank, and possessing calmness as well as great prudence and
   goodwill? I beg, therefore, as I have already done by our brethren,
   good and honourable men, whom I sent to your Excellency, that you will
   condescend to inquire whether it is the case that the presbyter Victor
   did not receive from his bishop the order which the public official
   records reported; or whether, since Victor himself has said otherwise,
   they have in their records laid a thing falsely to his charge, though
   they belong to the same communion with him. Or, if he consents to our
   calmly discussing the whole question of our differences, in order that
   the error which is already manifest may become yet more so, I willingly
   embrace the opportunity. For I have heard that he proposed that without
   popular tumult, in the presence only of ten esteemed and honourable men
   from each party, we should investigate what is the truth in this matter
   according to the Scriptures. As to another proposal which some have
   reported to me as made by him, that I should rather go to Constantina,
   [1565] because in that town his party was more numerous; or that I
   should go to Milevis, because there, as they say, they are soon to hold
   a council;--these things are absurd, for my special charge does not
   extend beyond the Church of Hippo. The whole importance of this
   question to me, in the first place, is as it affects Proculeianus and
   myself; and if, perchance, he thinks himself not a match for me, let
   him implore the aid of any one whom he pleases as his colleague in the
   debate. For in other towns we interfere with the affairs of the Church
   only so far as is permitted or enjoined by our brethren bearing the
   same priestly office with us, the bishops of these towns.

   6. And yet I cannot comprehend what there is in me, a novice, that
   should make him, who calls himself a bishop of so many years' standing,
   unwilling and afraid to enter into discussion with me. If it be my
   acquaintance with liberal studies, which perhaps he did not pursue at
   all, or at least not so much as I have done, what has this to do with
   the question in debate, which is to be decided by the Holy Scriptures
   or by ecclesiastical or public documents, with which he has for so many
   years been conversant, that he ought to be more skilled in them than I
   am? Once more, I have here my brother and colleague Samsucius, bishop
   of the Church of Turris, [1566] who has not learned any of those
   branches of culture of which he is said to be afraid: let him attend in
   my place, and let the debate be between them. I will ask him, and, as I
   trust in the name of Christ, he will readily consent to take my place
   in this matter; and the Lord will, I trust, give aid to him when
   contending for the truth: for although unpolished in language, he is
   well instructed in the true faith. There is therefore no reason for his
   referring me to others whom I do not know, instead of letting us settle
   between ourselves that which concerns ourselves. However, as I have
   said, I will not decline meeting them if he himself asks their
   assistance.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1563] During Lent and the Easter holidays.

   [1564] Tit. i. 9-13.

   [1565] Constantina, a chief city of Numidia.

   [1566] Turris, a town in Numidia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXXV.

   (a.d. 396.)

   (Another letter to Eusebius on the same subject.)

   To Eusebius, My Excellent Lord and Brother, Worthy of Affection and
   Esteem, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. I did not impose upon you, by importunate exhortation or entreaty in
   spite of your reluctance, the duty, as you call it, of arbitrating
   between bishops. Even if I had desired to move you to this, I might
   perhaps have easily shown how competent you are to judge between us in
   a cause so clear and simple; nay, I might show how you are already
   doing this, inasmuch as you, who are afraid of the office of judge, do
   not hesitate to pronounce sentence in favour of one of the parties
   before you have heard both. But of this, as I have said, I do not
   meanwhile say anything. For I had asked nothing else from your
   honourable good-nature,--and I beseech you to be pleased to remark it
   in this letter, if you did not in the former,--than that you should ask
   Proculeianus whether he himself said to his presbyter Victor that which
   the public registers have by official report ascribed to him, or
   whether those who were sent have written in the public registers not
   what they heard from Victor, but a falsehood; and further, what his
   opinion is as to our discussing the whole question between us. I think
   that he is not constituted judge between parties, who is only requested
   by the one to put a question to the other, and condescend to write what
   reply he has received. This also I now again ask you not to refuse to
   do, because, as I know by experiment, he does not wish to receive a
   letter from me, otherwise I would not employ your Excellency's
   mediation. Since, therefore, he does not wish this, what could I do
   less likely to give offence, than to apply through you, so good a man
   and such a friend of his, for an answer concerning a matter about which
   the burden of my responsibility forbids me to hold my peace? Moreover,
   you say (because the son's beating of his mother is disapproved by your
   sound judgment), "If Proculeianus had known this, he would have
   debarred that man from communion with his party." I answer in a
   sentence, "He knows it now, let him now debar him."

   2. Let me mention another thing. A man who was formerly a subdeacon of
   the church at Spana, Primus by name, when, having been forbidden such
   intercourse with nuns as contravened the laws of the Church, [1567] he
   treated with contempt the established and wise regulations, was
   deprived of his clerical office,--this man also, being provoked by the
   divinely warranted discipline, went over to the other party, and was by
   them rebaptized. Two nuns also, who were settled in the same lands of
   the Catholic Church with him, either taken by him to the other party,
   or following him, were likewise rebaptized: and now, among bands of
   Circumcelliones and troops of homeless women, who have declined
   matrimony that they may avoid restraint, he proudly boasts himself in
   excesses of detestable revelry, rejoicing that he now has without
   hindrance the utmost freedom in that misconduct from which in the
   Catholic Church he was restrained. Perhaps Proculeianus knows nothing
   about this case either. Let it therefore through you, as a man of grave
   and dispassionate spirit, be made known to him; and let him order that
   man to be dismissed from his communion, who has chosen it for no other
   reason than that he had, on account of insubordination and dissolute
   habits, forfeited his clerical office in the Catholic Church.

   3. For my own part, if it please the Lord, I purpose to adhere to this
   rule, that whoever, after being deposed among them by a sentence of
   discipline, shall express a desire to pass over into the Catholic
   Church, must be received on condition of submitting to give the same
   proofs of penitence as those which, perhaps, they would have
   constrained him to give if he had remained among them. But consider, I
   beseech you, how worthy of abhorrence is their procedure in regard to
   those whom we check by ecclesiastical censures for unholy living,
   persuading them first to come to a second baptism, in order to their
   being qualified for which they declare themselves to be pagans (and how
   much blood of martyrs has been poured out rather than that such a
   declaration should proceed from the mouth of a Christian!); and
   thereafter, as if renewed and sanctified, but in truth more hardened in
   sin, to defy with the impiety of new madness, under the guise of new
   grace, that discipline to which they could not submit. If, however, I
   am wrong in attempting to obtain the correction of these abuses through
   your benevolent interposition, let no one find fault with my causing
   them to be made known to Proculeianus by the public registers,--a means
   of notification which in this Roman city cannot, I believe, be refused
   to me. For, since the Lord commands us to speak and proclaim the truth,
   and in teaching to rebuke what is wrong, and to labour in season and
   out of season, as I can prove by the words of the Lord and of the
   apostles, [1568] let no man think that I am to be persuaded to be
   silent concerning these things. If they meditate any bold measures of
   violence or outrage, the Lord, who has subdued under His yoke all
   earthly kingdoms in the bosom of His Church spread abroad through the
   whole world, will not fail to defend her from wrong.

   4. The daughter of one of the cultivators of the property of the Church
   here, who had been one of our catechumens, had been, against the will
   of her parents, drawn away by the other party, and after being baptized
   among them, had assumed the profession of a nun. Now her father wished
   to compel her by severe treatment to return to the Catholic Church; but
   I was unwilling that this woman, whose mind was so perverted, should be
   received by us unless with her own will, and choosing, in the free
   exercise of judgment, that which is better: and when the countryman
   began to attempt to compel his daughter by blows to submit to his
   authority, I immediately forbade his using any such means.
   Notwithstanding, after all, when I was passing through the Spanian
   district, a presbyter of Proculeianus, standing in a field belonging to
   an excellent Catholic woman, shouted after me with a most insolent
   voice that I was a Traditor and a persecutor; and he hurled the same
   reproach against that woman, belonging to our communion, on whose
   property he was standing. But when I heard his words, I not only
   refrained from pursuing the quarrel, but also held back the numerous
   company which surrounded me. Yet if I say, Let us inquire and ascertain
   who are or have been indeed Traditors and persecutors, they reply, "We
   will not debate, but we will rebaptize. Leave us to prey upon your
   flocks with crafty cruelty, like wolves; and if you are good shepherds,
   bear it in silence." For what else has Proculeianus commanded but this,
   if indeed the order is justly ascribed to him: "If thou art a
   Christian," said he, "leave this to the judgment of God; whatever we
   do, hold thou thy peace." The same presbyter, moreover, dared to utter
   a threat against a countryman who is overseer of one of the farms
   belonging to the Church.

   5. I pray you to inform Proculeianus of all these things. Let him
   repress the madness of his clergy, which, honoured Eusebius, I have
   felt constrained to report to you. Be pleased to write to me, not your
   own opinion concerning them all, lest you should think that the
   responsibility of a judge is laid upon you by me, but the answer which
   they give to my questions. May the mercy of God preserve you from harm,
   my excellent lord and brother, most worthy of affection and esteem.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1567] Accessus indisciplinatus sanctimonialium.

   [1568] 2 Tim. iv. 2 and Tit. i. 9-11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXXVI.

   (a.d. 396.)

   To My Brother and Fellow-Presbyter Casulanus, Most Beloved and Longed
   For, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. I know not how it was that I did not reply to your first letter; but
   I know that my neglect was not owing to want of esteem for you. For I
   take pleasure in your studies, and even in the words in which you
   express your thoughts; and it is my desire as well as advice that you
   make great attainments in your early years in the word of God, for the
   edification of the Church. Having now received a second letter from
   you, in which you plead for an answer on the most just and amiable
   ground of that brotherly love in which we are one, I have resolved no
   longer to postpone the gratification of the desire expressed by your
   love; and although in the midst of most engrossing business, I address
   myself to discharge the debt due to you.

   2. As to the question on which you wish my opinion, "whether it is
   lawful to fast on the seventh day of the week," [1569] I answer, that
   if it were wholly unlawful, neither Moses nor Elijah, nor our Lord
   Himself, would have fasted for forty successive days. But by the same
   argument it is proved that even on the Lord's day fasting is not
   unlawful. And yet, if any one were to think that the Lord's day should
   be appointed a day of fasting, in the same way as the seventh day is
   observed by some, such a man would be regarded, and not unjustly, as
   bringing a great cause of offence into the Church. For in those things
   concerning which the divine Scriptures have laid down no definite rule,
   the custom of the people of God, or the practices instituted by their
   fathers, are to be held as the law of the Church. [1570] If we choose
   to fall into a debate about these things, and to denounce one party
   merely because their custom differs from that of others, the
   consequence must be an endless contention, in which the utmost care is
   necessary lest the storm of conflict overcast with clouds the calmness
   of brotherly love, while strength is spent in mere controversy which
   cannot adduce on either side any decisive testimonies of truth. This
   danger the author has not been careful to avoid, whose prolix
   dissertation you deemed worth sending to me with your former letter,
   that I might answer his arguments.

   Chap. II.

   3. I have not at my disposal sufficient leisure to enter on the
   refutation of his opinions one by one: my time is demanded by other and
   more important work. But if you devote a little more carefully to this
   treatise of an anonymous Roman author, [1571] the talents which by your
   letters you prove yourself to possess, and which I greatly love in you
   as God's gift, you will see that he has not hesitated to wound by his
   most injurious language almost the whole Church of Christ, from the
   rising of the sun to its going down. Nay, I may say not almost, but
   absolutely, the whole Church. For he is found to have not even spared
   the Roman Christians, whose custom he seems to himself to defend; but
   he is not aware how the force of his invectives recoils upon them, for
   it has escaped his observation. For when arguments to prove the
   obligation to fast on the seventh day of the week fail him, he enters
   on a vehement blustering protest against the excesses of banquets and
   drunken revelries, and the worst licence of intoxication, as if there
   were no medium between fasting and rioting. Now if this be admitted,
   what good can fasting on Saturday do to the Romans? since on the other
   days on which they do not fast they must be presumed, according to his
   reasoning, to be gluttonous, and given to excess in wine. If,
   therefore, there is any difference between loading the heart with
   surfeiting and drunkenness, which is always sinful, and relaxing the
   strictness of fasting, with due regard to self-restraint and temperance
   on the other, which is done on the Lord's day without censure from any
   Christian,--if, I say, there is a difference between these two things,
   let him first mark the distinction between the repasts of saints and
   the excessive eating and drinking of those whose god is their belly,
   lest he charge the Romans themselves with belonging to the latter class
   on the days on which they do not fast; and then let him inquire, not
   whether it is lawful to indulge in drunkenness on the seventh day of
   the week, which is not lawful on the Lord's day, but whether it is
   incumbent on us to fast on the seventh day of the week, which we are
   not wont to do on the Lord's day.

   4. This question I would wish to see him investigate, and resolve in
   such a manner as would not involve him in the guilt of openly speaking
   against the whole Church diffused throughout the world, with the
   exception of the Roman Christians, and hitherto a few of the Western
   communities. Is it, I ask, to be endured among the entire Eastern
   Christian communities, and many of those in the West, that this man
   should say of so many and so eminent servants of Christ, who on the
   seventh day of the week refresh themselves soberly and moderately with
   food, that they "are in the flesh, and cannot please God;" and that of
   them it is written, "Let the wicked depart from me, I will not know
   their way;" and that they make their belly their god, that they prefer
   Jewish rites to those of the Church, and are sons of the bondwoman;
   that they are governed not by the righteous law of God, but by their
   own good pleasure, consulting their own appetites instead of submitting
   to salutary restraint; also that they are carnal, and savour of death,
   and other such charges, which if he had uttered against even one
   servant of God, who would listen to him, who would not be bound to turn
   away from him? But now, when he assails with such reproachful and
   abusive language the Church bearing fruit and increasing throughout the
   whole world, and in almost all places observing no fast on the seventh
   day of the week, I warn him, whoever he is, to beware. For in wishing
   to conceal from me his name, you plainly showed your unwillingness that
   I should judge him.

   Chap. III.

   5. "The Son of man," he says, "is Lord of the Sabbath, and in that day
   it is by all means lawful to do good rather than do evil." [1572] If,
   therefore, we do evil when we break our fast, there is no Lord's day
   upon which we live as we should. As to his admission that the apostles
   did eat upon the seventh day of the week, and his remark upon this,
   that the time for their fasting had not then come, because of the
   Lord's own words, "The days will come when the Bridegroom shall be
   taken away from them, and then shall the children of the Bridegroom
   fast;" [1573] since there is "a time to rejoice, and a time to mourn,"
   [1574] he ought first to have observed, that our Lord was speaking
   there of fasting in general, but not of fasting upon the seventh day.
   Again, when he says that by fasting grief is signified, and that by
   food joy is represented, why does he not reflect what it was which God
   designed to signify by that which is written, "that He rested on the
   seventh day from all His works,"--namely, that joy, and not sorrow, was
   set forth in that rest? Unless, perchance, he intends to affirm that in
   God's resting and hallowing of the Sabbath, joy was signified to the
   Jews, but grief to the Christians. But God did not lay down a rule
   concerning fasting or eating on the seventh day of the week, either at
   the time of His hallowing that day because in it He rested from His
   works, or afterwards, when He gave precepts to the Hebrew nation
   concerning the observance of that day. The only thing enjoined on man
   there is, that he abstain from doing work himself, or requiring it from
   his servants. And the people of the former dispensation, accepting this
   rest as a shadow of things to come, obeyed the command by such
   abstinence from work as we now see practised by the Jews; not, as some
   suppose, through their being carnal, and misunderstanding what the
   Christians rightly understand. Nor do we understand this law better
   than the prophets, who, at the time when this was still binding,
   observed such rest on the Sabbath as the Jews believe ought to be
   observed to this day. Hence also it was that God commanded them to
   stone to death a man who had gathered sticks on the Sabbath; [1575] but
   we nowhere read of any one being stoned, or deemed worthy of any
   punishment whatever, for either fasting or eating on the Sabbath. Which
   of the two is more in keeping with rest, and which with toil, let our
   author himself decide, who has regarded joy as the portion of those who
   eat, and sorrow as the portion of those who fast, or at least has
   understood that these things were so regarded by the Lord, when, giving
   answer concerning fasting, He said: "Can the children of the
   bride-chamber mourn as long as the Bridegroom is with them?" [1576]

   6. Moreover, as to his assertion, that the reason of the apostles
   eating on the seventh day (a thing forbidden by the tradition of the
   elders) was, that the time for their fasting on that day had not come;
   I ask, if the time had not then come for the abolition of the Jewish
   rest from work on that day? Did not the tradition of the elders
   prohibit fasting on the one hand, and enjoin rest on the other? and.yet
   the disciples of Christ, of whom we read that they did eat on the
   Sabbath, did on the same day pluck the ears of corn, which was not then
   lawful, because forbidden by the tradition of the elders. Let him
   therefore consider whether it might not with more reason be said in
   reply to him, that the Lord desired to have these two things, the
   plucking of the ears of corn and the taking of food, done in the same
   day by His disciples, for this reason, that the former action might
   confute those who would prohibit all work on the seventh day, and the
   latter action confute those who would enjoin fasting on the seventh
   day; since by the former action He taught that the rest from labour was
   now, through the change in the dispensation, an act of superstition;
   and by the latter He intimated His will, that under both dispensations
   the matter of fasting or not was left to every man's choice. I do not
   say this by way of argument in support of my view, but only to show
   how, in answer to him, things much more forcible than what he has
   spoken might be advanced.

   Chap. IV.

   7. "How shall we," says our author, "escape sharing the condemnation of
   the Pharisee, if we fast twice in the week?" [1577] As if the Pharisee
   had been condemned for fasting twice in the week, and not for proudly
   vaunting himself above the publican. He might as well say that those
   also are condemned with that Pharisee, who give a tenth of all their
   possessions to the poor, for he boasted of this among his other works;
   whereas I would that it were done by many Christians, instead of a very
   small number, as we find. Or let him say, that whosoever is not an
   unjust man, or adulterer, or extortioner, must be condemned with that
   Pharisee, because he boasted that he was none of these; but the man who
   could think thus is, beyond question, beside himself. Moreover, if
   these things which the Pharisee mentioned as found in him, being
   admitted by all to be good in themselves, are not to be retained with
   the haughty boastfulness which was manifest in him, but are to be
   retained with the lowly piety which was not in him; by the same rule,
   to fast twice in the week is in a man such as the Pharisee
   unprofitable, but is in one who has humility and faith a religious
   service. Moreover, after all, the Scripture does not say that the
   Pharisee was condemned, but only that the publican was "justified
   rather than the other."

   8. Again, when our author insists upon interpreting, in connection with
   this matter, the words of the Lord, "Except your righteousness shall
   exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees, ye shall not
   enter into the kingdom of heaven," [1578] and thinks that we cannot
   fulfil this precept unless we fast oftener than twice in the week, let
   him mark well that there are seven days in the week. If, then, from
   these any one subtract two, not fasting on the seventh day nor on the
   Lord's day, there remain five days in which he may surpass the
   Pharisee, who fasts but twice in the week. For I think that if any man
   fast three times in the week, he already surpasses the Pharisee who
   fasted but twice. And if a fast is observed four times, or even so
   often as five times, passing over only the seventh day and the Lord's
   day without fasting,--a practice observed by many through their whole
   lifetime, especially by those who are settled in monasteries,--by this
   not the Pharisee alone is surpassed in the labour of fasting, but that
   Christian also whose custom is to fast on the fourth, and sixth, and
   seventh days, as the Roman community does to a large extent. And yet
   your nameless metropolitan disputant calls such an one carnal, even
   though for five successive days of the week, excepting the seventh and
   the Lord's day, he so fast as to withhold all refection from the body;
   as if, forsooth, food and drink on other days had nothing to do with
   the flesh, and condemns him as making a god of his belly, as if it was
   only the seventh day's repast which entered into the belly.

               .            .            .            .
   .            .            .            .            .            .

   We have no compunction in passing over about eight columns here of this
   letter, in which Augustin exposes, with a tedious minuteness and with a
   waste of rhetoric, other feeble and irrelevant puerilities of the Roman
   author whose work Casulanus had submitted to his review. Instead of
   accompanying him into the shallow places into which he was drawn while
   pursuing such an insignificant foe, let us resume the translation at
   the point at which Augustin gives his own opinion regarding the
   question whether it is binding on Christians to fast on Saturday.

   Chap. XI.

   25. As to the succeeding paragraphs with which he concludes his
   treatise, they are, like some other things in it which I have not
   thought worthy of notice, even more irrelevant to a discussion of the
   question whether we should fast or eat on the seventh day of the week.
   But I leave it to yourself, especially if you have found any help from
   what I have already said, to observe and dispose of these. Having now
   to the best of my ability, and as I think sufficiently, replied to the
   reasonings of this author, if I be asked what is my own opinion in this
   matter, I answer, after carefully pondering the question, that in the
   Gospels and Epistles, and the entire collection of books for our
   instruction called the New Testament, I see that fasting is enjoined.
   But I do not discover any rule definitely laid down by the Lord or by
   the apostles as to days on which we ought or ought not to fast. And by
   this I am persuaded that exemption from fasting on the seventh day is
   more suitable, not indeed to obtain, but to foreshadow, that eternal
   rest in which the true Sabbath is realized, and which is obtained only
   by faith, and by that righteousness whereby the daughter of the King is
   all glorious within.

   26. In this question, however, of fasting or not fasting on the seventh
   day, nothing appears to me more safe and conducive to peace than the
   apostle's rule: "Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not,
   and let not him which eateth not judge him that eateth:" [1579] "for
   neither if we eat are we the better, neither if we eat not are we the
   worse;" [1580] our fellowship with those among whom we live, and along
   with whom we live in God, being preserved undisturbed by these things.
   For as it is true that, in the words of the apostles, "it is evil for
   that man who eateth with offence," [1581] it is equally true that it is
   evil for that man who fasteth with offence. Let us not therefore be
   like those who, seeing John the Baptist neither eating nor drinking,
   said, "He hath a devil;" but let us equally avoid imitating those who
   said, when they saw Christ eating and drinking, "Behold a man
   gluttonous, and a winebibber, a friend of publicans and sinners."
   [1582] After mentioning these sayings, the Lord subjoined a most
   important truth in the words, "But Wisdom is justified of her
   children;" and if you ask who these are, read what is written, "The
   sons of Wisdom are the congregation of the righteous:" [1583] they are
   they who, when they eat, do not despise others who do not eat; and when
   they eat not, do not judge those who eat, but who do despise and judge
   those who, with offence, either eat or abstain from eating.

   Chap. XII.

   27. As to the seventh day of the week there is less difficulty in
   acting on the rule above quoted, because both the Roman Church and some
   other churches, though few, near to it or remote from it, observe a
   fast on that day; but to fast on the Lord's day is a great offence,
   especially since the rise of that detestable heresy of the Manichæans,
   so manifestly and grievously contradicting the Catholic faith and the
   divine Scriptures: for the Manichæans have prescribed to their
   followers the obligation of fasting upon that day; whence it has
   resulted that the fast upon the Lord's day is regarded with the greater
   abhorrence. Unless, perchance, some one be able to continue an unbroken
   fast for more than a week, so as to approach as nearly as may be to the
   fast of forty days, as we have known some do; and we have even been
   assured by brethren most worthy of credit, that one person did attain
   to the full period of forty days. For as, in the time of the Old
   Testament fathers, Moses and Elijah did not do anything against liberty
   of eating on the seventh day of the week, when they fasted forty days;
   so the man who has been able to go beyond seven days in fasting has not
   chosen the Lord's day as a day of fasting, but has only come upon it in
   course among the days for which, so far as he might be able, he had
   vowed to prolong his fast. If, however, a continuous fast is to be
   concluded within a week, there is no day upon which it may more
   suitably be concluded than the Lord's day; but if the body is not
   refreshed until more than a week has elapsed, the Lord's day is not in
   that case selected as a day of fasting, but is found occurring within
   the number of days for which it had seemed good to the person to make a
   vow.

   28. Be not moved by that which the Priscillianists [1584] (a sect very
   like the Manichæans) are wont to quote as an argument from the Acts of
   the Apostles, concerning what was done by the Apostle Paul in Troas.
   The passage is as follows: "Upon the first day of the week, when the
   disciples came together to break bread, Paul preached unto them, ready
   to depart on the morrow; and continued his speech until midnight."
   [1585] Afterwards, when he had come down from the supper chamber where
   they had been gathered together, that he might restore the young man
   who, overpowered with sleep, had fallen from the window and was taken
   up dead, the Scripture states further concerning the apostle: "When he
   therefore was come up again, and had broken bread, and eaten and talked
   a long while, even till break of day, so he departed." [1586] Far be it
   from us to accept this as affirming that the apostles were accustomed
   to fast habitually on the Lord's day. For the day now known as the
   Lord's day was then called the first day of the week, as is more
   plainly seen in the Gospels; for the day of the Lord's resurrection is
   called by Matthew mia sabbaton, and by the other three evangelists he
   mia (ton) sabbaton, [1587] and it is well ascertained that the same is
   the day which is now called the Lord's day. Either, therefore, it was
   after the close of the seventh day that they had assembled,--namely, in
   the beginning of the night which followed, and which belonged to the
   Lord's day, or the first day of the week,--and in this case the
   apostle, before proceeding to break bread with them, as is done in the
   sacrament of the body of Christ, continued his discourse until
   midnight, and also, after celebrating the sacrament, continued still
   speaking again to those who were assembled, being much pressed for time
   in order that he might set out at dawn upon the Lord's day; or if it
   was on the first day of the week, at an hour before sunset on the
   Lord's day, that they had assembled, the words of the text, "Paul
   preached unto them, ready to depart on the morrow," themselves
   expressly state the reason for his prolonging his discourse,--namely,
   that he was about to leave them, and wished to give them ample
   instruction. The passage does not therefore prove that they habitually
   fasted on the Lord's day, but only that it did not seem meet to the
   apostle to interrupt, for the sake of taking refreshment, an important
   discourse, which was listened to with the ardour of most lively
   interest by persons whom he was about to leave, and whom, on account of
   his many other journeyings, he visited but seldom, and perhaps on no
   other occasion than this, especially because, as subsequent events
   prove, he was then leaving them without expectation of seeing them
   again in this life. Nay, by this instance, it is rather proved that
   such fasting on the Lord's day was not customary, because the writer of
   the history, in order to prevent this being thought, has taken care to
   state the reason why the discourse was so prolonged, that we might know
   that in an emergency dinner is not to stand in the way of more
   important work. But indeed the example of these most eager listeners
   goes further; for by them all bodily refreshment, not dinner only, but
   supper also, was disregarded when thirsting vehemently, not for water,
   but for the word of truth; and considering that the fountain was about
   to be removed from them, they drank in with unabated desire whatever
   flowed from the apostle's lips.

   29. In that age, however, although fasting upon the Lord's day was not
   usually practised, it was not so great an offence to the Church when,
   in any similar emergency to that in which Paul was at Troas, men did
   not attend to the refreshment of the body throughout the whole of the
   Lord's day until midnight, or even until the dawn of the following
   morning. But now, since heretics, and especially these most impious
   Manichæans, have begun not to observe an occasional fast upon the
   Lord's day, when constrained by circumstances, but to prescribe such
   fasting as a duty binding by sacred and solemn institution, and this
   practice of theirs has become well known to Christian communities; even
   were such an emergency arising as that which the apostle experienced, I
   verily think that what he then did should not now be done, lest the
   harm done by the offence given should be greater than the good received
   from the words spoken. Whatever necessity may arise, or good reason,
   compelling a Christian to fast on the Lord's day,--as we find, e.g., in
   the Acts of the Apostles, that in peril of shipwreck they fasted on
   board of the ship in which the apostle was for fourteen days
   successively, within which the Lord's day came round twice, [1588] --we
   ought to have no hesitation in believing that the Lord's day is not to
   be placed among the days of voluntary fasting, except in the case of
   one vowing to fast continuously for a period longer than a week.

   Chap. XIII.

   30. The reason why the Church prefers to appoint the fourth and sixth
   days of the week for fasting, is found by considering the gospel
   narrative. There we find that on the fourth day of the week [1589] the
   Jews took counsel to put the Lord to death. One day having
   intervened,--on the evening of which, at the close, namely, of the day
   which we call the fifth day of the week, the Lord ate the passover with
   His disciples,--He was thereafter betrayed on the night which belonged
   to the sixth day of the week, the day (as is everywhere known) of His
   passion. This day, beginning with the evening, was the first day of
   unleavened bread. The evangelist Matthew, however, says that the fifth
   day of the week was the first of unleavened bread, because in the
   evening following it the paschal supper was to be observed, at which
   they began to eat the unleavened bread, and the lamb offered in
   sacrifice. From which it is inferred that it was upon the fourth day of
   the week that the Lord said, "You know that after two days is the feast
   of the passover, and the Son of man is betrayed to be crucified;"
   [1590] and for this reason that day has been regarded as one suitable
   for fasting, because, as the evangelist immediately adds: "Then
   assembled together the chief priests and the scribes and the elders of
   the people unto the palace of the high priest, who is called Caiaphas,
   and consulted that they might take Jesus by subtilty and kill Him."
   [1591] After the intermission of one day,--the day, namely, of which
   the evangelist writes: [1592] "Now, on the first day of the feast of
   unleavened bread, the disciples came to Jesus, saying unto Him, Where
   wilt Thou that we prepare for Thee to eat the passover? "--the Lord
   suffered on the sixth day of the week, as is admitted by all: wherefore
   the sixth day also is rightly reckoned a day for fasting, as fasting is
   symbolical of humiliation; whence it is said, "I humbled my soul with
   fasting." [1593]

   31. The next day is the Jewish Sabbath, on which day Christ's body
   rested in the grave, as in the original fashioning of the world God
   rested on that day from all His works. Hence originated that variety in
   the robe of His bride [1594] which we are now considering: some,
   especially the Eastern communities, preferring to take food on that
   day, that their action might be emblematic of the divine rest; others,
   namely the Church of Rome, and some churches in the West, preferring to
   fast on that day because of the humiliation of the Lord in death. Once
   in the year, namely at Easter, all Christians observe the seventh day
   of the week by fasting, in memory of the mourning with which the
   disciples, as men bereaved, lamented the death of the Lord (and this is
   done with the utmost devoutness by those who take food on the seventh
   day throughout the rest of the year); thus providing a symbolical
   representation of both events,--of the disciples' sorrow on one seventh
   day in the year, and of the blessing of repose on all the others. There
   are two things which make the happiness of the just and the end of all
   their misery to be confidently expected, viz. death and the
   resurrection of the dead. In death is that rest of which the prophet
   speaks: "Come, my people, enter thou into thy chambers, and shut thy
   doors about thee: hide thyself as it were for a little moment, until
   the indignation be overpast." [1595] In resurrection blessedness is
   consummated in the whole man, both body and soul. Hence it came to be
   thought that both of these things [death and resurrection] should be
   symbolized, not by the hardship of fasting, but rather by the
   cheerfulness of refreshment with food, excepting only the Easter
   Saturday, on which, as I have said, it had been resolved to commemorate
   by a more protracted fast the mourning of the disciples, as one of the
   events to be had in remembrance.

   Chap. XIV.

   32. Since, therefore (as I have said above), we do not find in the
   Gospels or in the apostolical writings, belonging properly to the
   revelation of the New Testament, that any law was laid down as to fasts
   to be observed on particular days; and since this is consequently one
   of many things, difficult to enumerate, which make up a variety in the
   robe of the King's daughter, [1596] that is to say, of the Church,--I
   will tell you the answer given to my questions on this subject by the
   venerable Ambrose Bishop of Milan, by whom I was baptized. When my
   mother was with me in that city, I, as being only a catechumen, felt no
   concern about these questions; but it was to her a question causing
   anxiety, whether she ought, after the custom of our own town, to fast
   on the Saturday, or, after the custom of the Church of Milan, not to
   fast. To deliver her from perplexity, I put the question to the man of
   God whom I have just named. He answered, "What else can I recommend to
   others than what I do myself?" When I thought that by this he intended
   simply to prescribe to us that we should take food on Saturdays--for I
   knew this to be his own practice--he, following me, added these words:
   "When I am here I do not fast on Saturday; but when I am at Rome I do:
   whatever church you may come to, conform to its custom, if you would
   avoid either receiving or giving offence." This reply I reported to my
   mother, and it satisfied her, so that she scrupled not to comply with
   it; and I have myself followed the same rule. Since, however, it
   happens, especially in Africa, that one church, or the churches within
   the same district, may have some members who fast and others who do not
   fast on the seventh day, it seems to me best to adopt in each
   congregation the custom of those to whom authority in its government
   has been committed. Wherefore, if you are quite willing to follow my
   advice, especially because in regard to this matter I have spoken at
   greater length than was necessary, do not in this resist your own
   bishop, but follow his practice without scruple or debate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1569] Sabbato.

   [1570] We give the ipsissima verba of this canon: "In his enim rebus de
   quibus nihil certi statuit Scriptura divina mos populi Dei vel
   instituta majorum pro lege tenenda sunt."

   [1571] In the text the name is Urbicus, from Urbs Roma.

   [1572] Matt. xii. 8-12.

   [1573] Matt. ix. 15.

   [1574] Eccles. iii. 4.

   [1575] Num. xv. 35.

   [1576] Matt. ix. 15.

   [1577] Luke xviii. 11, 12.

   [1578] Matt. v. 21.

   [1579] Rom. xiv. 3.

   [1580] 1 Cor. viii. 8.

   [1581] Rom. xiv. 20.

   [1582] Matt. xi. 19.

   [1583] Ecclus. iii. 1.

   [1584] Priscillian, Bishop of Avila in Spain, adopted Gnostic and
   Manichæan errors and practices. He was condemned by the Synod of
   Saragossa in 381 A.D., and beheaded, along with his principal
   followers, by order of Maximus in 385 A.D.

   [1585] Acts xx. 7.

   [1586] Acts xx. 11.

   [1587] "Prima Sabbati a Matthæo, a cætetis autem tribus una Sabbati
   dicitur." Matt. xxviii. 1; Mark xvi. 2; Luke xxiv. 1; John xx. 1.

   [1588] Acts xxvii. 33.

   [1589] Commonly called quarta feria.

   [1590] Matt. xxvi. 2.

   [1591] Matt. xxvi. 3, 4.

   [1592] Matt. xxvi. 17.

   [1593] Ps. xxxv. 13.

   [1594] Ps. xlv. 13, 14.

   [1595] Isa. xxvi. 20.

   [1596] Ps. xlv. 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXXVII.

   (a.d. 397.)

   To Simplicianus, [1597] My Lord Most Blessed, and My Father Most Worthy
   of Being Cherished with Respect and Sincere Affection, Augustin Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I received the letter which your Holiness kindly sent,--a letter
   full of occasions of much joy to me, because assuring me that you
   remember me, that you love me as you used to do, and that you take
   great pleasure in every one of the gifts which the Lord has in His
   compassion been pleased to bestow on me. In reading that letter, I have
   eagerly welcomed the fatherly affection which flows from your benignant
   heart towards me: and this I have not found for the first time, as
   something short-lived and new, but long ago proved and well known, my
   lord, most blessed, and most worthy of being cherished with respect and
   sincere love.

   2. Whence comes so great a recompense for the literary labour given by
   me to the writing of a few books as this, that your Excellency should
   condescend to read them? Is it not that the Lord, to whom my soul is
   devoted, has purposed thus to comfort me under my anxieties, and to
   lighten the fear with which in such labour I cannot but be exercised,
   lest, notwithstanding the evenness of the plain of truth, I stumble
   through want either of knowledge or of caution? For when what I write
   meets your approval, I know by whom it is approved, for I know who
   dwells in you; and the Giver and Dispenser of all spiritual gifts
   designs by your approbation to confirm my obedience to Him. For
   whatever in these writings of mine merits your approbation is from God,
   who has by me as His instrument said, "Let it be done," and it was
   done; and in your approval God has pronounced that what was done is
   "good." [1598]

   3. As for the questions which you have condescended to command me to
   resolve, even if through the dulness of my mind I did not understand
   them, I might through the assistance of your merits find an answer to
   them. This only I ask, that on account of my weakness you intercede
   with God for me, and that whatever writings of mine come into your
   sacred hands, whether on the topics to which you have in a manner so
   kind and fatherly directed my attention, or on any others, you will not
   only take pains to read them, but also accept the charge of reviewing
   and correcting them; for I acknowledge the mistakes which I myself have
   made, as readily as the gifts which God has bestowed on me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1597] Simplicianus succeeded Ambrose in the see of Milan in 397 A.D.
   This letter is the preface to the two books addressed to Simplicianus,
   and contained in vol. vi. of the Benedictine edition of Augustin.

   [1598] Gen. i. 3, 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXXVIII.

   (a.d. 397.)

   To His Brother Profuturus Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. As for my spirit, I am well, through the Lord's good pleasure, and
   the strength which He condescends to impart; but as for my body, I am
   confined to bed. I can neither walk, nor stand, nor sit, because of the
   pain and swelling of a boil or tumour. [1599] But even in such a case,
   since this is the will of the Lord, what else can I say than that I am
   well? For if we do not wish that which He is pleased to do, we ought
   rather to take blame to ourselves than to think that He could err in
   anything which He either does or suffers to be done. All this you know
   well; but what shall I more willingly say to you than the things which
   I say to myself, seeing that you are to me a second self? I commend
   therefore both my days and my nights to your pious intercessions. Pray
   for me, that I may not waste my days through want of self-control, and
   that I may bear my nights with patience: pray that, though I walk in
   the midst of the shadow of death, the Lord may so be with me that I
   shall fear no evil.

   2. You have heard, doubtless, of the death of the aged Megalius, [1600]
   for it is now twenty-four days since he put off this mortal body. I
   wish to know, if possible, whether you have seen, as you proposed, his
   successor in the primacy. We are not delivered from offences, but it is
   equally true that we are not deprived of our refuge; our griefs do not
   cease, but our consolations are equally abiding. And well do you know,
   my excellent brother, how, in the midst of such offences, we must watch
   lest hatred of any one gain a hold upon the heart, and so not only
   hinder us from praying to God with the door of our chamber closed,
   [1601] but also shut the door against God Himself; for hatred of
   another insidiously creeps upon us, while no one who is angry considers
   his anger to be unjust. For anger habitually cherished against any one
   becomes hatred, since the sweetness which is mingled with what appears
   to be righteous anger makes us detain it longer than we ought in the
   vessel, until the whole is soured, and the vessel itself is spoiled.
   Wherefore it is much better for us to forbear from anger, even when one
   has given us just occasion for it, than, beginning with what seems just
   anger against any one, to fall, through this occult tendency of
   passion, into hating him. We are wont to say that, in entertaining
   strangers, it is much better to bear the inconvenience of receiving a
   bad man than to run the risk of having a good man shut out, through our
   caution lest any bad man be admitted; but in the passions of the soul
   the opposite rule holds true. For it is incomparably more for our
   soul's welfare to shut the recesses of the heart against anger, even
   when it knocks with a just claim for admission, than to admit that
   which it will be most difficult to expel, and which will rapidly grow
   from a mere sapling to a strong tree. Anger dares to increase with
   boldness more suddenly than men suppose, for it does not blush in the
   dark, when the sun has gone down upon it. [1602] You will understand
   with how great care and anxiety I write these things, if you consider
   the things which lately on a certain journey you said to me.

   3. I salute my brother Severus, and those who are with him. I would
   perhaps write to them also, if the limited time before the departure of
   the bearer permitted me. I beseech you also to assist me in persuading
   our brother Victor (to whom I desire through your Holiness to express
   my thanks for his informing me of his setting out to Constantina) not
   to refuse to return by way of Calama, on account of a business known to
   him, in which I have to bear a very heavy burden in the importunate
   urgency of the elder Nectarius concerning it; he gave me his promise to
   this effect. Farewell!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1599] Rhagas vel exochas.

   [1600] Megalius, Bishop of Calama and Primate of Numidia, by whom two
   years before Augustin had been ordained Bishop of Hippo. The
   reflections upon anger which follow the allusion here to the death of
   Megalius were probably suggested by the remembrance of an incident in
   the life of that bishop. While Augustin was a presbyter, Megalius had
   written in anger a letter to him for which he afterwards apologized,
   formally retracting calumny which it contained.

   [1601] Matt. vi. 6.

   [1602] Eph. iv. 26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XXXIX.

   (a.d. 397.)

   To My Lord Augustin, a Father [1603] Truly Holy and Most Blessed,
   Jerome Sends Greeting in Christ.

   Chap. I.

   1. Last year I sent by the hand of our brother, the subdeacon Asterius,
   a letter conveying to your Excellency a salutation due to you, and
   readily rendered by me; and I think that my letter was delivered to
   you. I now write again, by my holy brother the deacon Præsidius,
   begging you in the first place not to forget me, and in the second
   place to receive the bearer of this letter, whom I commend to you with
   the request that you recognise him as one very near and dear to me, and
   that you encourage and help him in whatever way his circumstances may
   demand; not that he is in need of anything (for Christ has amply
   endowed him), but that he is most eagerly desiring the friendship of
   good men, and thinks that in securing this he obtains the most valuable
   blessing. His design in travelling to the West you may learn from his
   own lips.

   Chap. II.

   2. As for us, established here in our monastery, we feel the shock of
   waves on every side, and are burdened with the cares of our lot as
   pilgrims. But we believe in Him who hath said, "Be of good cheer, I
   have overcome the world," [1604] and are confident that by His grace
   and guidance we shall prevail against our adversary the devil.

   I beseech you to give my respectful salutation to the holy and
   venerable brother, our father Alypius. The brethren who, with me,
   devote themselves to serve the Lord in this monastery, salute you
   warmly. May Christ our Almighty God guard you from harm, and keep you
   mindful of me, my lord and father truly holy and venerable.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1603] [Papa.]

   [1604] John xvi. 33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XL.

   (a.d. 397.)

   To My Lord Much Beloved, and Brother Worthy of Being Honoured and
   Embraced with the Most Sincere Devotion of Charity, My Fellow-Presbyter
   Jerome, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   Chap. I.

   1. I thank you that, instead of a mere formal salutation, you wrote me
   a letter, though it was much shorter than I would desire to have from
   you; since nothing that comes from you is tedious, however much time it
   may demand. Wherefore, although I am beset with great anxieties about
   the affairs of others, and that, too, in regard to secular matters, I
   would find it difficult to pardon the brevity of your letter, were it
   not that I consider that it was written in reply to a yet shorter
   letter of my own. Address yourself, therefore, I entreat you, to that
   exchange of letters by which we may have fellowship, and may not permit
   the distance which separates us to keep us wholly apart from each
   other; though we are in the Lord bound together by the unity of the
   Spirit, even when our pens rest and we are silent. The books in which
   you have laboured to bring treasures from the Lord's storehouse give me
   almost a complete knowledge of you. For if I may not say, "I know you,"
   because I have not seen your face, it may with equal truth be said that
   you do not know yourself, for you cannot see your own face. If,
   however, it is this alone which constitutes your acquaintance with
   yourself, that you know your own mind, we also have no small knowledge
   of it through your writings, in studying which we bless God that to
   yourself, to us, to all who read your works, He has given you as you
   are.

   Chap. II.

   2. It is not long since, among other things, a certain book of yours
   came into my hands, the name of which I do not yet know, for the
   manuscript itself had not the title written, as is customary, on the
   first page. The brother with whom it was found said that its title is
   Epitaphium,--a name which we might believe you to have approved, if we
   found in the work a notice of the lives or writings of those only who
   are deceased. Inasmuch, however, as mention is there made of the works
   of some who were at the time when it was written, or are even now,
   alive, we wonder why you either gave this title to it, or permitted
   others to believe that you had done so. The book itself has our
   complete approval as a useful work.

   Chap. III.

   3. In your exposition of the Epistle of Paul to the Galatians I have
   found one thing which causes me much concern. For if it be the case
   that statements untrue in themselves, but made, as it were, out of a
   sense of duty in the interest of religion, [1605] have been admitted
   into the Holy Scriptures, what authority will be left to them? If this
   be conceded, what sentence can be produced from these Scriptures, by
   the weight of which the wicked obstinacy of error can be broken down?
   For as soon as you have produced it, if it be disliked by him who
   contends with you, he will reply that, in the passage alleged, the
   writer was uttering a falsehood under the pressure of some honourable
   sense of duty. And where will any one find this way of escape
   impossible, if it be possible for men to say and believe that, after
   introducing his narrative with these words, "The things which I write
   unto you, behold, before God, I lie not," [1606] the apostle lied when
   he said of Peter and Barnabas, "I saw that they walked not uprightly,
   according to the truth of the gospel "? [1607] For if they did walk
   uprightly, Paul wrote what was false; and if he wrote what was false
   here, when did he say what was true? Shall he be supposed to say what
   is true when his teaching corresponds with the predilection of his
   reader, and shall everything which runs counter to the impressions of
   the reader be reckoned a falsehood uttered by him under a sense of
   duty? It will be impossible to prevent men from finding reasons for
   thinking that he not only might have uttered a falsehood, but was bound
   to do so, if we admit this canon of interpretation. There is no need
   for many words in pursuing this argument, especially in writing to you,
   for whose wisdom and prudence enough has already been said. I would by
   no means be so arrogant as to attempt to enrich by my small coppers
   [1608] your mind, which by the divine gift is golden; and none is more
   able than yourself to revise and correct that work to which I have
   referred.

   Chap. IV.

   4. You do not require me to teach you in what sense the apostle says,
   "To the Jews I became as a Jew, that I might gain the Jews," [1609] and
   other such things in the same passage, which are to be ascribed to the
   compassion of pitying love, not the artifices of intentional deceit.
   For he that ministers to the sick becomes as if he were sick himself;
   not, indeed, falsely pretending to be under the fever, but considering,
   with the mind of one truly sympathizing, what he would wish done for
   himself if he were in the sick man's place. Paul was indeed a Jew; and
   when he had become a Christian, he had not abandoned those Jewish
   sacraments which that people had received in the right way, and for a
   certain appointed time. Therefore, even although he was an apostle of
   Christ, he took part in observing these; but with this view, that he
   might show that they were in no wise hurtful to those who, even after
   they had believed in Christ, desired to retain the ceremonies which by
   the law they had learned from their fathers; provided only that they
   did not build on these their hope of salvation, since the salvation
   which was foreshadowed in these has now been brought in by the Lord
   Jesus. For the same reason, he judged that these ceremonies should by
   no means be made binding on the Gentile converts, because, by imposing
   a heavy and superfluous burden, they might turn aside from the faith
   those who were unaccustomed to them.

   5. The thing, therefore, which he rebuked in Peter was not his
   observing the customs handed down from his fathers--which Peter, if he
   wished, might do without being chargeable with deceit or inconsistency,
   for, though now superfluous, these customs were not hurtful to one who
   had been accustomed to them--but his compelling the Gentiles to observe
   Jewish ceremonies, [1610] which he could not do otherwise than by so
   acting in regard to them as if their observance was, even after the
   Lord's coming, still necessary to salvation, against which truth
   protested through the apostolic office of Paul. Nor was the Apostle
   Peter ignorant of this, but he did it through fear of those who were of
   the circumcision. Manifestly, therefore, Peter was truly corrected, and
   Paul has given a true narrative of the event, unless, by the admission
   of a falsehood here, the authority of the Holy Scriptures given for the
   faith of all coming generations is to be made wholly uncertain and
   wavering. For it is neither possible nor suitable to state within the
   compass of a letter how great and how unutterably evil must be the
   consequences of such a concession. It might, however, be shown
   seasonably, and with less hazard, if we were conversing together.

   6. Paul had forsaken everything peculiar to the Jews that was evil,
   especially this: "That, being ignorant of God's righteousness, and
   going about to establish their own righteousness, they had not
   submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God." [1611] In this,
   moreover, he differed from them: that after the passion and
   resurrection of Christ, in whom had been given and made manifest the
   mystery of grace, according to the order of Melchizedek, they still
   considered it binding on them to celebrate, not out of mere reverence
   for old customs, but as necessary to salvation, the sacraments of the
   old economy, which were indeed at one time necessary, else had it been
   unprofitable and vain for the Maccabees to suffer martyrdom, as they
   did, for their adherence to them. [1612] Lastly, in this also Paul
   differed from the Jews: that they persecuted the Christian preachers of
   grace as enemies of the law. These and all similar errors and sins he
   declares that he "counted but loss and dung that he might win Christ;"
   [1613] but he does not, in so saying, disparage the ceremonies of the
   Jewish law, if only they were observed after the custom of their
   fathers, in the way in which he himself observed them, without
   regarding them as necessary to salvation, and not in the way in which
   the Jews affirmed that they must be observed, nor in the exercise of
   deceptive dissimulation such as he had rebuked in Peter. For if Paul
   observed these sacraments in order, by pretending to be a Jew, to gain
   the Jews, why did he not also take part with the Gentiles in heathen
   sacrifices, when to them that were without law he became as without
   law, that he might gain them also? The explanation is found in this,
   that he took part in the Jewish sacrifices, as being himself by birth a
   Jew; and that when he said all this which I have quoted, he meant, not
   that he pretended to be what he was not, but that he felt with true
   compassion that he must bring such help to them as would be needful for
   himself if he were involved in their error. Herein he exercised not the
   subtlety of a deceiver, but the sympathy of a compassionate deliverer.
   In the same passage the apostle has stated the principle more
   generally: "To the weak became I as weak, that I might gain the weak; I
   am made all things to all men, that I might by all means save some,"
   [1614] --the latter clause of which guides us to understand the former
   as meaning that he showed himself one who pitied the weakness of
   another as much as if it had been his own. For when he said, "Who is
   weak, and I am not weak?" [1615] he did not wish it to be supposed that
   he pretended to suffer the infirmity of another, but rather that he
   showed it by sympathy.

   7. Wherefore I beseech you, apply to the correction and emendation of
   that book a frank and truly Christian severity, and chant what the
   Greeks call palinodia. For incomparably more lovely than the Grecian
   Helen is Christian truth: In her defence, our martyrs have fought
   against Sodom with more courage than the heroes of Greece displayed
   against Troy for Helen's sake. I do not say this in order that you may
   recover the faculty of spiritual sight, [1616] --far be it from me to
   say that you have lost it!--but that, having eyes both clear and quick
   in discernment, you may turn them towards that from which, in
   unaccountable dissimulation, you have turned them away, refusing to see
   the calamitous consequences which would follow on our once admitting
   that a writer of the divine books could in any part of his work
   honourably and piously utter a falsehood.

   Chap. V.

   8. I had written some time ago a letter to you on this subject, [1617]
   which was not delivered to you, because the bearer to whom it was
   entrusted did not finish his journey to you. From it I may quote a
   thought which occurred to me while I was dictating it, and which I
   ought not to omit in this letter, in order that, if your opinion is
   still different from mine, and is better, you may readily forgive the
   anxiety which has moved me to write. It is this: If your opinion is
   different, and is according to truth (for only in that case can it be
   better than mine), you will grant that "a mistake of mine, which is in
   the interest of truth, cannot deserve great blame, if indeed it
   deserves blame at all, when it is possible for you to use truth in the
   interest of falsehood without doing wrong." [1618]

   9. As to the reply which you were pleased to give me concerning Origen,
   I did not need to be told that we should, not only in ecclesiastical
   writers, but in all others, approve and commend what we find right and
   true, but reject and condemn what we find false and mischievous. What I
   craved from your wisdom and learning (and I still crave it), was that
   you should acquaint us definitely with the points in which that
   remarkable man is proved to have departed from the belief of the truth.
   Moreover, in that book in which you have mentioned all the
   ecclesiastical writers whom you could remember, and their works, it
   would, I think, be a more convenient arrangement if, after naming those
   whom you know to be heretics (since you have chosen not to pass them
   without notice), you would add in what respect their doctrine is to be
   avoided. Some of these heretics also you have omitted, and I would fain
   know on what grounds. If, however, perchance it has been from a desire
   not to enlarge that volume unduly that you refrained from adding to a
   notice of heretics, the statement of the things in which the Catholic
   Church has authoritatively condemned them, I beg you not to grudge
   bestowing on this subject, to which with humility and brotherly love I
   direct your attention, a portion of that literary labour by which
   already, by the grace of the Lord our God, you have in no small measure
   stimulated and assisted the saints in the study of the Latin tongue,
   and publish in one small book (if your other occupations permit you) a
   digest of the perverse dogmas of all the heretics who up to this time
   have, through arrogance, or ignorance, or self-will, attempted to
   subvert the simplicity of the Christian faith; a work most necessary
   for the information of those who are prevented, either by lack of
   leisure or by their not knowing the Greek language, from reading and
   understanding so many things. I would urge my request at greater
   length, were it not that this is commonly a sign of misgivings as to
   the benevolence of the party from whom a favour is sought. Meanwhile I
   cordially recommend to your goodwill in Christ our brother Paulus, to
   whose high standing in these regions I bear before God willing
   testimony.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1605] [Velut officiosa mendacia.]

   [1606] Gal. i. 20.

   [1607] Gal. ii. 14.

   [1608] [Obolis meis.]

   [1609] 1 Cor. ix. 20.

   [1610] Gal. ii. 14.

   [1611] Rom. x. 3.

   [1612] 2 Macc. vii. 1.

   [1613] Phil. iii. 8.

   [1614] 1 Cor. ix. 22.

   [1615] 2 Cor. xi. 29.

   [1616] The reference here is to the story of the poet Stesichorus, who,
   having lost his sight as a judgment for writing an attack on Helen, was
   miraculously healed when he wrote a poem in retractation.

   [1617] [Epist. XXVIII.]

   [1618] See Letter XXVIII. sec. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLI.

   (a.d. 397.)

   To Father Aurelius, Our Lord Most Blessed and Worthy of Veneration, Our
   Brother Most Sincerely Beloved, and Our Partner in the Sacerdotal
   Office, Alypius and Augustin Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. "Our mouth is filled with laughter, and our tongue with singing,"
   [1619] by your letter informing us that, by the help of that God whose
   inspiration guided you, you have carried into effect your pious purpose
   concerning all our brethren in orders, and especially concerning the
   regular delivering of a sermon to the people in your presence by the
   presbyters, through whose tongues thus engaged your love sounds louder
   in the hearts than their voice does in the ears of men. Thanks be unto
   God! Is there anything better for us to have in our heart, or utter
   with our lips, or record with our pen, than this? Thanks be unto God!
   No other phrase is more easily spoken, and nothing more pleasant in
   sound, profound in significance, and profitable in practice, than this.
   Thanks be unto God, who has endowed you with a heart so true to the
   interests of your sons, and who has brought to light what you had
   latent in the inner soul, beyond the reach of human eye, giving you not
   only the will to do good, but the means of realizing your desires. So
   be it, certainly so be it! let these works shine before men, that they
   may see them, and rejoice and glorify your Father in heaven. [1620] In
   such things delight yourself in the Lord; and may your prayers for
   these presbyters be graciously heard on their behalf by Him whose voice
   you do not consider it beneath you to hear when He speaks by them! May
   they go on, and walk, yea, run in the way of the Lord! May the small
   and the great be blessed together, being made glad by those who say
   unto them, "Let us go into the house of the Lord!" [1621] Let the
   stronger lead; let the weaker imitate their example, being followers of
   them, as they are of Christ. May we all be as ants pursuing eagerly the
   path of holy industry, as bees labouring amidst the fragrance of holy
   duty; and may fruit be brought forth in patience by the saving grace of
   stedfastness unto the end! May the Lord "not suffer us to be tempted
   above that we are able, but with the temptation may He make a way to
   escape, that we may be able to bear it"! [1622]

   2. Pray for us: we value your prayers as worthy to be heard, since you
   go to God with so great an offering of unfeigned love, and of praise
   brought to Him by your works. Pray that in us also these works may
   shine, for He to whom you pray knows with what fulness of joy we behold
   them shining in you. Such are our desires; such are the abounding
   comforts which in the multitude of our thoughts within us delight our
   souls. [1623] It is so now because such is the promise of God; and as
   He hath promised, so shall it be in the time to come. We beseech you,
   by Him who hath blessed you, and has by you bestowed this blessing on
   the people whom you serve, to order any of the presbyters' sermons
   which you please to be transcribed, and after revisal sent to us. For I
   on my part am not neglecting what you required of me; and as I have
   written often before, I am still longing to know what you think of
   Tychonius' seven Rules or Keys. [1624]

   We warmly commend to you our brother Hilarinus, leading physician and
   magistrate of Hippo. As to our brother Romanus, we know how actively
   you are exerting yourself on his behalf, and that we need ask nothing
   but that God may prosper your endeavours.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1619] Ps. cxxvi. 1.

   [1620] Matt. v. 16.

   [1621] Ps. cxxii. 1.

   [1622] 1 Cor. ix. 13.

   [1623] Ps. xciv. 19.

   [1624] On this work of Tychonius, see Augustin, De Doctrina Christiana,
   b. iii., in which these seven keys for the opening of Scripture are
   stated and examined.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLII.

   (a.d. 397.)

   To Paulinus and Therasia, My Brother and Sister in Christ, Worthy of
   Respect and Praise, Most Eminent for Piety, Augustin Sends Greeting in
   the Lord.

   Could this have been hoped or expected by us, that now by our brother
   Severus we should have to claim the answer which your love has not yet
   written to us, so long and so impatiently desiring your reply? Why have
   we been doomed through two summers (and these in the parched land of
   Africa) to bear this thirst? What more can I say? O generous man, who
   art daily giving away what is your own, be just, and pay what is a debt
   to us. Perhaps the reason of your long delay is your desire to finish
   and transmit to me that book against heathen worship, in writing which
   I had heard that you were engaged, and for which I had expressed a very
   earnest desire. O that you might by so rich a feast satisfy the hunger
   which has been sharpened by fasting (so far as your pen was concerned)
   for more than a year! but if this be not yet prepared, our complaints
   will not cease unless meanwhile you prevent us from being famished
   before that is finished. Salute our brethren, especially Romanus and
   Agilis. [1625] From this place all who are with me salute you, and they
   would be less provoked by your delay in writing if they loved you less
   than they do.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1625] See Epistle XXXI. p. 258.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLIII.

   (a.d. 397.)

   To Glorius, Eleusius, the Two Felixes, Grammaticus, and All Others to
   Whom This May Be Acceptable, My Lords Most Beloved and Worthy of
   Praise, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   Chap. I.

   1. The Apostle Paul hath said: "A man that is an heretic after the
   first and second admonition reject, knowing that he that is such is
   subverted and sinneth, being condemned of himself." [1626] But though
   the doctrine which men hold be false and perverse, if they do not
   maintain it with passionate obstinacy, especially when they have not
   devised it by the rashness of their own presumption, but have accepted
   it from parents who had been misguided and had fallen into error, and
   if they are with anxiety seeking the truth, and are prepared to be set
   right when they have found it, such men are not to be counted heretics.
   Were it not that I believe you to be such, perhaps I would not write to
   you. And yet even in the case of a heretic, however puffed up with
   odious conceit, and insane through the obstinacy of his wicked
   resistance to truth, although we warn others to avoid him, so that he
   may not deceive the weak and inexperienced, we do not refuse to strive
   by every means in our power for his correction. On this ground I wrote
   even to some of the chief of the Donatists, not indeed letters of
   communion, which on account of their perversity they have long ceased
   to receive from the undivided Catholic Church which is spread
   throughout the world, but letters of a private kind, such as we may
   send even to pagans. These letters, however, though they have sometimes
   read them, they have not been willing, or perhaps it is more probable,
   have not been able, to answer. In these cases, it seems to me that I
   have discharged the obligation laid on me by that love which the Holy
   Spirit teaches us to render, not only to our own, but to all, saying by
   the apostle: "The Lord make you to increase and abound in love one
   toward another, and toward all men." [1627] In another place we are
   warned that those who are of a different opinion from us must be
   corrected with meekness, "if God peradventure will give them repentance
   to the acknowledging of the truth, and that they may recover themselves
   out of the snare of the devil, who are taken captive by him at his
   will." [1628]

   2. I have said these things by way of preface, lest any one should
   think, because you are not of our communion, that I have been
   influenced by forwardness rather than consideration in sending this
   letter, and in desiring thus to confer with you regarding the welfare
   of the soul; though I believe that, if I were writing to you about an
   affair of property, or the settlement of some dispute about money, no
   one would find fault with me. So precious is this world in the esteem
   of men, and so small is the value which they set upon themselves! This
   letter, therefore, shall be a witness in my vindication at the bar of
   God, who knows the spirit in which I write, and who has said: "Blessed
   are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the sons of God." [1629]

   Chap. II.

   3. I beg you, therefore, to call to mind that, when I was in your town,
   [1630] and was discussing with you a little concerning the communion of
   Christian unity, certain Acts were brought forward by you, from which a
   statement was read aloud that about seventy bishops condemned
   Cæcilianus, formerly our Bishop of Carthage, along with his colleagues,
   and those by whom he was ordained. In the same Acts was given a full
   account of the case of Felix of Aptunga, as one singularly odious and
   criminal. When all these had been read, I answered that it was not to
   be wondered at if the men who then caused that schism, and who did not
   scruple to tamper with Acts, thought that it was right to condemn those
   against whom they had been instigated by envious and wicked men,
   although the sentence was passed without deliberation, in the absence
   of the parties condemned, and without acquainting them with the matter
   laid to their charge. I added that we have other ecclesiastical Acts,
   according to which Secundus of Tigisis, who was for the time Primate of
   Numidia, left those who, being there present, confessed themselves
   traditors to the judgment of God, and permitted them to remain in the
   episcopal sees which they then occupied; and I stated that the names of
   these men are in the list of those who condemned Cæcilianus, and that
   this Secundus himself was president of the Council in which he secured
   the condemnation of those who, being absent, were accused as traditors,
   by the votes of those whom he pardoned when, being present, they
   confessed the same crime.

   4. I then said that some time after the ordination of Majorinus, whom
   they with impious wickedness set up against Cæcilianus, raising one
   altar against another, and rending with infatuated contentiousness the
   unity of Christ, they applied to Constantine, who was then emperor, to
   appoint bishops to act as judges and arbiters concerning the questions
   which, having arisen in Africa, disturbed the peace of the Church.
   [1631] This having been done, Cæcilianus and those who had sailed from
   Africa to accuse him being present, and the case tried by Melchiades,
   who was then Bishop of Rome, along with the assessors whom at the
   request of the Donatists the Emperor had sent, nothing could be proved
   against Cæcilianus; and thus, while he was confirmed in his episcopal
   see, Donatus, who was present as his opponent, was condemned. After all
   this, when they all still persevered in the obstinacy of their most
   sinful schism, the Emperor being appealed to, took pains to have the
   matter again more carefully examined and settled at Arles. They,
   however, declining an ecclesiastical decision, appealed to Constantine
   himself to hear their cause. When this trial came on, both parties
   being present, Cæcilianus was pronounced innocent, and they retired
   vanquished; but they still persisted in the same perversity. At the
   same time the case of Felix of Aptunga was not forgotten, and he too
   was acquitted of the crimes laid to his charge, after an investigation
   by the proconsul at the order of the same prince.

   5. Since, however, I was only saying these things, not reading from the
   record, I seemed to you to be doing less than my earnestness had led
   you to expect. Perceiving this, I sent at once for that which I had
   promised to read. While I went on to visit the Church at Gelizi,
   intending to return thence to you, all these Acts were brought to you
   before two days had passed, and were read to you, as you know, so far
   as time permitted, in one day. We read first how Secundus of Tigisis
   did not dare to depose his colleagues in office who confessed
   themselves to be traditors; but afterwards, by the help of these very
   men, dared to condemn, without their confessing the crime, and in their
   absence, Cæcilianus and others who were his colleagues. And we next
   read the proconsular Acts in which Felix was, after a most thorough
   investigation, proved innocent. These, as you will remember, were read
   in the forenoon. In the afternoon I read to you their petition to
   Constantine, and the ecclesiastical record of the proceedings in Rome
   of the judges whom he appointed, by which the Donatists were condemned,
   and Cæcilianus confirmed in his episcopal dignity. In conclusion, I
   read the letters of the Emperor Constantine, in which the evidence of
   all these things was established beyond all possibility of dispute.

   Chap. III.

   6. What more do you ask, sirs? what more do you ask? The matter in
   question here is not your gold and silver; it is not your land, nor
   property, nor bodily health that is at stake. I appeal to your souls
   concerning their obtaining eternal life, and escaping eternal death. At
   length awake! I am not handling an obscure question, nor searching into
   some hidden mystery, for the investigation of which capacity is found
   in no human intellect, or at least in only a few: the thing is clear as
   day. Is anything more obvious? could anything be more quickly seen? I
   affirm that parties innocent and absent were condemned by a Council,
   very numerous indeed, but hasty in their decisions. I prove this by the
   proconsular Acts, in which that man was wholly cleared from the charge
   of being a traditor, whom the Acts of the Council which your party
   brought forward proclaimed as most specially guilty. I affirm further,
   that the sentence against those who were said to be traditors was
   passed by men who had confessed themselves guilty of that very crime. I
   prove this by the ecclesiastical Acts in which the names of those men
   are set forth, to whom Secundus of Tigisis, professing a desire to
   preserve peace, granted pardon of a crime which he knew them to have
   committed, and by whose help he afterwards, notwithstanding the
   destruction of peace, passed sentence upon others of whose crime he had
   no evidence; whereby he made it manifest that in the former decision he
   had been moved, not by a regard for peace, but by fear for himself. For
   Purpurius, Bishop of Limata, had alleged against him that he himself,
   when he had been put in custody by a curator and his soldiers, in order
   to compel him to give up the Scriptures, was let go, doubtless not
   without paying a price, in either giving up something, or ordering
   others to do so for him. He, fearing that this suspicion might be
   easily enough confirmed, having obtained the advice of Secundus the
   younger, his own kinsman, and having consulted all his colleagues in
   the episcopal office, remitted crimes which required no proof to be
   judged by God, and in so doing appeared to be protecting the peace of
   the Church: which was false, for he was only protecting himself.

   7. For if, in truth, regard for peace had any place in his heart, he
   would not afterwards at Carthage have joined those traditors whom he
   had left to the judgment of God when they were present, and confessed
   their fault, in passing sentence for the same crime upon others who
   were absent, and against whom no one had proved the charge. He was
   bound, moreover, to be the more afraid on that occasion of disturbing
   the peace, inasmuch as Carthage was a great and famous city, from which
   any evil originating there might extend, as from the head of the body,
   throughout all Africa. Carthage was also near to the countries beyond
   the sea, and distinguished by illustrious renown, so that it had a
   bishop of more than ordinary influence, who could afford to disregard
   even a number of enemies conspiring against him, because he saw himself
   united by letters of communion both to the Roman Church, in which the
   supremacy of an apostolic chair has always flourished, [1632] and to
   all other lands from which Africa itself received the gospel, and was
   prepared to defend himself before these Churches if his adversaries
   attempted to cause an alienation of them from him. Seeing, therefore,
   that Cæcilianus declined to come before his colleagues, whom he
   perceived or suspected (or, as they affirm, pretended to suspect) to be
   biassed by his enemies against the real merits of his case, it was all
   the more the duty of Secundus, if he wished to be the guardian of true
   peace, to prevent the condemnation in their absence of those who had
   wholly declined to compear at their bar. For it was not a matter
   concerning presbyters or deacons or clergy of inferior order, but
   concerning colleagues who might refer their case wholly to the judgment
   of other bishops, especially of apostolical churches, in which the
   sentence passed against them in their absence would have no weight,
   since they had not deserted their tribunal after having compeared
   before it, but had always declined compearance because of the
   suspicions which they entertained.

   8. This consideration ought to have weighed much with Secundus, who was
   at that time Primate, if his desire, as president of the Council, was
   to promote peace; for he might perhaps have quieted or restrained the
   mouths of those who were raging against men who were absent, if he had
   spoken thus: "Ye see, brethren, how after so great havoc of persecution
   peace has been given to us, through God's mercy, by the princes of this
   world; surely we, being Christians and bishops, ought not to break up
   the Christian unity which even pagan enemies have ceased to assail.
   Either, therefore, let us leave to God, as Judge, all those cases which
   the calamity of a most troublous time has brought upon the Church; or
   if there be some among you who have such certain knowledge of the guilt
   of other parties, that they are able to bring against them a definite
   indictment, and prove it if they plead not guilty, and who also shrink
   from having communion with such persons, let them hasten to our
   brethren and peers, the bishops of the churches beyond the sea, and
   present to them in the first place a complaint concerning the conduct
   and contumacy of the accused, as having through consciousness of guilt
   declined the jurisdiction of their peers in Africa, so that by these
   foreign bishops they may be summoned to compear and answer before them
   regarding the things laid to their charge. If they disobey this
   summons, their criminality and obduracy will become known to those
   other bishops; and by a synodical letter sent in their name to all
   parts of the world throughout which the Church of Christ is now
   extended, the parties accused will be excluded from communion with all
   churches, in order to prevent the springing up of error in the see of
   the Church at Carthage. When that has been done, and these men have
   been separated from the whole Church, we shall without fear ordain
   another bishop over the community in Carthage; whereas, if now another
   bishop be ordained by us, communion will most probably be withheld from
   him by the Church beyond the sea, because they will not recognise the
   validity of the deposition of the bishop, whose ordination was
   everywhere acknowledged, and with whom letters of communion had been
   exchanged; and thus, through our undue eagerness to pronounce without
   deliberation a final sentence, the great scandal of schism within the
   Church, when it has rest from without, may arise, and we may be found
   presuming to set up another altar, not against Cæcilianus, but against
   the universal Church, which, uninformed of our procedure, would still
   hold communion with him."

   9. If any one had been disposed to reject sound and equitable counsels
   such as these, what could he have done? or how could he have procured
   the condemnation of any one of his absent peers, when he could not have
   any decisions with the authority of the Council, seeing that the
   Primate was opposed to him? And if such a serious revolt against the
   authority of the Primate himself arose, that some were resolved to
   condemn at once those whose case he desired to postpone, how much
   better would it have been for him to separate himself by dissent from
   such quarrelsome and factious men, than from the communion of the whole
   world! But because there were no charges which could be proved at the
   bar of foreign bishops against Cæcilianus and those who took part in
   his ordination, those who condemned them were not willing to delay
   passing sentence; and when they had pronounced it, were not at any
   pains to intimate to the Church beyond the sea the names of those in
   Africa with whom, as condemned traditors, she should avoid communion.
   For if they had attempted this, Cæcilianus and the others would have
   defended themselves, and would have vindicated their innocence against
   their false accusers by a most thorough trial before the ecclesiastical
   tribunal of bishops beyond the sea.

   10. Our belief concerning that perverse and unjust Council is, that it
   was composed chiefly of traditors whom Secundus of Tigisis had pardoned
   on their confession of guilt; and who, when a rumour had gone abroad
   that some had been guilty of delivering up the sacred books, sought to
   turn aside suspicion from themselves by bringing a calumny upon others,
   and to escape the detection of their crime, through surrounding
   themselves with a cloud of lying rumours, when men throughout all
   Africa, believing their bishops, said what was false concerning
   innocent men, that they had been condemned at Carthage as traditors.
   Whence you perceive, my beloved friends, how that which some of your
   party affirmed to be improbable could indeed happen, viz. that the very
   men who had confessed their own guilt as traditors, and had obtained
   the remission of their case to the divine tribunal, afterwards took
   part in judging and condemning others who, not being present to defend
   themselves, were accused of the same crime. For their own guilt made
   them more eagerly embrace an opportunity by which they might overwhelm
   others with a groundless accusation, and by thus finding occupation for
   the tongues of men, which screen their own misdeeds from investigation.
   Moreover, if it were inconceivable that a man should condemn in another
   the wrong which he had himself done, the Apostle Paul would not have
   had occasion to say: "Therefore thou art inexcusable, O man, whosoever
   thou art that judgest: for wherein thou judgest another, thou
   condemnest thyself; for thou that judgest doest the same things."
   [1633] This is exactly what these men did, so that the words of the
   apostle may be fully and appropriately applied to them.

   11. Secundus, therefore, was not acting in the interests of peace and
   unity when he remitted to the divine tribunal the crimes which these
   men confessed: for, if so, he would have been much more careful to
   prevent a schism at Carthage, when there were none present to whom he
   might be constrained to grant pardon of a crime which they confessed;
   when, on the contrary, all that the preservation of peace demanded was
   a refusal to condemn those who were absent. They would have acted
   unjustly to these innocent men, had they even resolved to pardon them,
   when they were not proved guilty, and had not confessed the guilt, but
   were actually not present at all. For the guilt of a man is established
   beyond question when he accepts a pardon. How much more outrageous and
   blind were they who thought that they had power to condemn for crimes
   which, as unknown, they could not even have forgiven! In the former
   case, crimes that were known were remitted to the divine arbitration,
   lest others should be inquired into; in the latter case, crimes that
   were not known were made ground of condemnation, that those which were
   known might be concealed. But it will be said, the crime of Cæcilianus
   and the others was known. Even if I were to admit this, the fact of
   their absence ought to have protected them from such a sentence. For
   they were not chargeable with deserting a tribunal before which they
   had never stood; nor was the Church so exclusively represented in these
   African bishops, that in refusing to appear before them they could be
   supposed to decline all ecclesiastical jurisdiction. For there remained
   thousands of bishops in countries beyond the sea, before whom it was
   manifest that those who seemed to distrust their peers in Africa and
   Numidia could be tried. Have you forgotten what Scripture commands:
   "Blame no one before you have examined him; and when you have examined
   him, let your correction be just"? [1634] If, then, the Holy Spirit has
   forbidden us to blame or correct any one before we have questioned him,
   how much greater is the crime of not merely blaming or correcting, but
   actually condemning men who, being absent, could not be examined as to
   the charges brought against them!

   12. Moreover, as to the assertion of these judges, that though the
   parties accused were absent, having not fled from trial, but always
   avowed their distrust of that faction, and declined to appear before
   them, the crimes for which they condemned them were well known; I ask,
   my brethren, how did they know them? You reply, We cannot tell, since
   the evidence is not stated in the public Acts. But I will tell you how
   they knew them. Observe carefully the case of Felix of Aptunga, and
   first read how much more vehement they were against him; for they had
   just the same grounds for their knowledge in the case of the others as
   in his, who was afterwards proved most completely innocent by a
   thorough and severe investigation. How much greater the justice and
   safety and readiness with which we are warranted in believing the
   innocence of the others whose indictment was less serious, and their
   condemnation less severe, seeing that the man against whom they raged
   much more furiously has been proved innocent!

   Chap. IV.

   13. Some one may perhaps make an objection which, though it was
   disapproved by you when it was brought forward, I must not pass over,
   for it has been made by others, viz.: It was not meet that a bishop
   should be acquitted by trial before a proconsul: as if the bishop had
   himself procured this trial, and it had not been done by order of the
   Emperor, to whose care this matter, as one concerning which he was
   responsible to God, especially belonged. For they themselves had
   constituted the Emperor the arbiter and judge in this question
   regarding the surrender of the sacred books, and regarding the schism,
   by their sending petitions to him, and afterwards appealing to him; and
   nevertheless they refuse to acquiesce in his decision. If, therefore,
   he is to be blamed whom the magistrate absolved, though he had not
   himself applied to that tribunal, how much more worthy of blame are
   those who desired an earthly king to be the judge of their cause! For
   if it be not wrong to appeal to the Emperor, it is not wrong to be
   tried by the Emperor, and consequently not wrong to be tried by him to
   whom the Emperor refers the case. One of your friends was anxious to
   make out a ground of complaint on the fact that, in the case of the
   bishop Felix, one witness was suspended on the rack, and another
   tortured with pincers. [1635] But was it in the power of Felix to
   prevent the prosecution of the inquiry with diligence, and even
   severity, when the case regarding which the advocate was labouring to
   discover the truth was his own? For what else would such a resistance
   to investigation have been construed to signify, than a confession of
   his crime? And yet this proconsul, surrounded with the awe-inspiring
   voices of heralds, and the blood-stained hands of executioners at his
   service, would not have condemned one of his peers in absence, who
   declined to come before his tribunal, if there was any other place
   where his cause could be disposed of. Or if he had in such
   circumstances pronounced sentence, he would himself assuredly have
   suffered the due and just award prescribed by civil law.

   Chap. V.

   14. If, however, you repudiate the Acts of a proconsul, submit
   yourselves to the Acts of the Church. These have all been read over to
   you in their order. Perhaps you will say that Melchiades, bishop of the
   Roman Church, along with the other bishops beyond the sea who acted as
   his colleagues, had no right to usurp the place of judge in a matter
   which had been already settled by seventy African bishops, over whom
   the bishop of Tigisis as Primate presided. But what will you say if he
   in fact did not usurp this place? For the Emperor, being appealed to,
   sent bishops to sit with him as judges, with authority to decide the
   whole matter in the way which seemed to them just. This we prove, both
   by the petitions of the Donatists and the words of the Emperor himself,
   both of which were, as you remember, read to you, and are now
   accessible to be studied or transcribed by you. Read and ponder all
   these. See with what scrupulous care for the preservation or
   restoration of peace and unity everything was discussed; how the legal
   standing of the accusers was inquired into, and what defects were
   proved in this matter against some of them; and how it was clearly
   proved by the testimony of those present that they had nothing to say
   against Cæcilianus, but wished to transfer the whole matter to the
   people belonging to the party of Majorinus, [1636] that is, to the
   seditious multitude who were opposed to the peace of the Church, in
   order, forsooth, that Cæcilianus might be accused by that crowd which
   they believed to be powerful enough to bend aside to their views the
   minds of the judges by mere turbulent clamour, without any documentary
   evidence or examination as to the truth; unless it was likely that true
   accusations should be brought against Cæcilianus by a multitude
   infuriated and infatuated by the cup of error and wickedness, in a
   place where seventy bishops had with insane precipitancy condemned, in
   their absence, men who were their peers, and who were innocent, as was
   proved in the case of Felix of Aptunga. They wished to have Cæcilianus
   accused by a mob such as that to which they had given way themselves,
   when they pronounced sentence upon parties who were absent, and who had
   not been examined. But assuredly they had not come to judges who could
   be persuaded to such madness.

   15. Your own prudence may enable you to remark here both the obstinacy
   of these men, and the wisdom of the judges, who to the last persisted
   in refusing to admit accusations against Cæcilianus from the populace
   who were of the faction of Majorinus, who had no legal standing in the
   case. You will also remark how they were required to bring forward the
   men who had come with them from Africa as accusers or witnesses, or in
   some other connection with the case, and how it was said that they had
   been present, but had been withdrawn by Donatus. The said Donatus
   promised that he would produce them, and this promise he made
   repeatedly; yet, after all, declined to appear again in presence of
   that tribunal before which he had already confessed so much, that it
   seemed as if by his refusal to return he desired only to avoid being
   present to hear himself condemned; but the things for which he was to
   be condemned had been proved against him in his own presence, and after
   examination. Besides this, a libel bringing charges against Cæcilianus
   was handed in by some parties. How the inquiry was thereupon opened
   anew, what persons brought up the libel, and how nothing after all
   could be proved against Cæcilianus, I need not state, seeing that you
   have heard it all, and can read it as often as you please.

   16. As to the fact that there were seventy bishops in the Council
   [which condemned Cæcilianus], you remember what was said in the way of
   pleading against him the venerable authority of so great a number.
   Nevertheless these most venerable men resolved to keep their judgment
   unembarrassed by endless questions of hopeless intricacy, and did not
   care to inquire either what was the number of those bishops, or whence
   they had been collected, when they saw them to be blinded with such
   reckless presumption as to pronounce rash sentence upon their peers in
   their absence, and without having examined them. And yet what a
   decision was finally pronounced by the blessed Melchiades himself; how
   equitable, how complete, how prudent, and how fitted to make peace! For
   he did not presume to depose from his own rank those peers against whom
   nothing had been proved; and, laying blame chiefly upon Donatus, whom
   he had found the cause of the whole disturbance, he gave to all the
   others restoration if they chose to accept it, and was prepared to send
   letters of communion even to those who were known to have been ordained
   by Majorinus; so that wherever there were two bishops, through this
   dissension doubling their number, he decided that the one who was prior
   in the date of ordination should be confirmed in his see, and a new
   congregation found for the other. O excellent man! O son of Christian
   peace, father of the Christian people! Compare now this handful, with
   that multitude of bishops, not counting, but weighing them: on the one
   side you have moderation and circumspection; on the other, precipitancy
   and blindness. On the one side, clemency has not wronged justice, nor
   has justice been at variance with clemency; on the other side, fear was
   hiding itself under passion, and passion was goaded to excess by fear.
   In the one case, they assembled to clear the innocent from false
   accusations by discovering where the guilt really lay; in the other,
   they had met to screen the guilty from true accusations by bringing
   false charges against the innocent.

   Chap. VI.

   17. Could Cæcilianus leave himself to be tried and judged by these men,
   when he had such others before whom, if his case were argued, he could
   most easily prove his innocence? He could not have left himself in
   their hands even had he been a stranger recently ordained over the
   Church at Carthage, and consequently not aware of the power in
   perverting the minds of men, either worthless or unwise, which was then
   possessed by a certain Lucilla, a very wealthy woman, whom he had
   offended when he was a deacon, by rebuking her in the exercise of
   church discipline; for this evil influence was also at work to bring
   about that iniquitous transaction. For in that Council, in which men
   absent and innocent were condemned by persons who had confessed
   themselves to be traditors, there were a few who wished, by defaming
   others, to hide their own crimes, that men, led astray by unfounded
   rumours, might be turned aside from inquiring into the truth. The
   number of those who were especially interested in this was not great,
   although the preponderating authority was on their side; because they
   had with them Secundus himself, who, yielding to fear, had pardoned
   them. But the rest are said to have been bribed and instigated
   specially against Cæcilianus by the money of Lucilla. There are Acts in
   the possession of Zenophilus, a man of consular rank, according to
   which one Nundinarius, a deacon who had been (as we learn from the same
   Acts) deposed by Sylvanus, bishop of Cirta, having failed in an attempt
   to recommend himself to that party by the letters of other bishops, in
   the heat of passion revealed many secrets, and brought them forward in
   open court; amongst which we read this on the record, that the rearing
   of rival altars in the Church of Carthage, the chief city of Africa,
   was due to the bishops being bribed by the money of Lucilla. I am aware
   that I did not read these Acts to you, but you remember that there was
   not time. Besides these influences, there was also some bitterness
   arising from mortified pride, because they had not themselves ordained
   Cæcilianus bishop of Carthage.

   18. When Cæcilianus knew that these men had assembled, not as impartial
   judges, but hostile and perverted through all these things, was it
   possible that either he should consent, or the people over whom he
   presided should allow him, to leave the church and go into a private
   dwelling, where he was not to be tried fairly by his peers, but to be
   slain by a small faction, urged on by a woman's spite, especially when
   he saw that his case might have an unbiassed and equitable hearing
   before the Church beyond the sea, which was uninfluenced by private
   enmities on either side in the dispute? If his adversaries declined
   pleading before that tribunal, they would thereby cut themselves off
   from that communion with the whole world which innocence enjoys. And if
   they attempted there to bring a charge against him, then he would
   compear for himself, and defend his innocence against all their plots,
   as you have learned that he afterwards did, when they, already guilty
   of schism, and stained with the atrocious crime of having actually
   reared their rival altar, applied--but too late--for the decision of
   the Church beyond the sea. For this they would have done at first, if
   their cause had been supported by truth; but their policy was to come
   to the trial after false rumours had gained strength by lapse of time,
   and public report of old standing, so to speak, had prejudged the case;
   or, which seems more likely, having first condemned Cæcilianus as they
   pleased, they relied for safety upon their number, and did not dare to
   open the discussion of so bad a case before other judges, by whom, as
   they were not influenced by bribery, the truth might be discovered.

   Chap. VII.

   19. But when they actually found that the communion of the whole world
   with Cæcilianus continued as before, and that letters of communion from
   churches beyond the sea were sent to him, and not to the man whom they
   had flagitiously ordained, they became ashamed of being always silent;
   for it might be objected to them: Why did they suffer the Church in so
   many countries to go on in ignorance, communicating with men that were
   condemned; and especially why did they cut themselves off from
   communion with the whole world, against which they had no charge to
   make, by their bearing in silence the exclusion from that communion of
   the bishop whom they had ordained in Carthage? They chose, therefore,
   as it is reported, to bring their dispute with Cæcilianus before the
   foreign churches, in order to secure one of two things, either of which
   they were prepared to accept: if, on the one hand, by any amount of
   craft, they succeeded in making good the false accusation, they would
   abundantly satisfy their lust of revenge; if, however, they failed,
   they might remain as stubborn as before, but would now have, as it
   were, some excuse for it, in alleging that they had suffered at the
   hands of an unjust tribunal,--the common outcry of all worthless
   litigants, though they have been defeated by the clearest light of
   truth,--as if it might not have been said, and most justly said, to
   them: "Well, let us suppose that those bishops who decided the case at
   Rome were not good judges; there still remained a plenary Council of
   the universal Church, in which these judges themselves might be put on
   their defence; so that, if they were convicted of mistake, their
   decisions might be reversed." Whether they have done this or not, let
   them prove: for we easily prove that it was not done, by the fact that
   the whole world does not communicate with them; or if it was done, they
   were defeated there also, of which their state of separation from the
   Church is a proof.

   20. What they actually did afterwards, however, is sufficiently shown
   in the letter of the Emperor. For it was not before other bishops, but
   at the bar of the Emperor, that they dared to bring the charge of wrong
   judgment against ecclesiastical judges of so high authority as the
   bishops by whose sentence the innocence of Cæcilianus and their own
   guilt had been declared. He granted them the second trial at Aries,
   before other bishops; not because this was due to them, but only as a
   concession to their stubbornness, and from a desire by all means to
   restrain so great effrontery. For this Christian Emperor did not
   presume so to grant their unruly and groundless complaints as to make
   himself the judge of the decision pronounced by the bishops who had sat
   at Rome; but he appointed, as I have said, other bishops, from whom,
   however, they preferred again to appeal to the Emperor himself; and you
   have heard the terms in which he disapproved of this. Would that even
   then they had desisted from their most insane contentions, and had
   yielded at last to the truth, as he yielded to them when (intending
   afterwards to apologize for this course to the reverend prelates) he
   consented to try their case after the bishops, on condition that, if
   they did not submit to his decision, for which they had themselves
   appealed, they should thenceforward be silent! For he ordered that both
   parties should meet him at Rome to argue the case. When Cæcilianus, for
   some reason, failed to compear there, he, at their request, ordered all
   to follow him to Milan. Then some of their party began to withdraw,
   perhaps offended that Constantine did not follow their example, and
   condemn Cæcilianus in his absence at once and summarily. When the
   prudent Emperor was aware of this, he compelled the rest to come to
   Milan in charge of his guards. Cæcilianus having come thither, he
   brought him forward in person, as he has written; and having examined
   the matter with the diligence, caution, and prudence which his letters
   on the subject indicate, he pronounced Cæcilianus perfectly innocent,
   and them most criminal.

   Chap. VIII.

   21. And to this day they administer baptism outside of the communion of
   the Church, and, if they can, they rebaptize the members of the Church:
   they offer sacrifice in discord and schism, and salute in the name of
   peace communities which they pronounce beyond the bounds of the peace
   of salvation. The unity of Christ is rent asunder, the heritage of
   Christ is reproached, the baptism of Christ is treated with contempt;
   and they refuse to have these errors corrected by constituted human
   authorities, applying penalties of a temporal kind in order to prevent
   them from being doomed to eternal punishment for such sacrilege. We
   blame them for the rage which has driven them to schism, the madness
   which makes them rebaptize, and for the sin of separation from the
   heritage of Christ, which has been spread abroad through all lands. In
   using manuscripts which are in their hands as well as in ours, we
   mention churches, the names of which are now read by them also, but
   with which they have now no communion; and when these are pronounced in
   their conventicles, they say to the reader, "Peace be with thee;" and
   yet they have no peace with those to whom these letters were written.
   They, on the other hand, blame us for crimes of men now dead, making
   charges which either are false, or, if true, do not concern us; not
   perceiving that in the things which we lay to their charge they are all
   involved, but in the things which they lay to our charge the blame is
   due to the chaff or the tares in the Lord's harvest, and the crime does
   not belong to the good grain; not considering, moreover, that within
   our unity those only have fellowship with the wicked who take pleasure
   in their being such, whereas those who are displeased with their
   wickedness yet cannot correct them,--as they do not presume to root out
   the tares before the harvest, lest they root out the wheat also, [1637]
   --have fellowship with them, not in their deeds, but in the altar of
   Christ; so that not only do they avoid being defiled by them, but they
   deserve commendation and praise according to the word of God, because,
   in order to prevent the name of Christ from being reproached by odious
   schisms, they tolerate in the interest of unity that which in the
   interest of righteousness they hate.

   22. If they have ears, let them hear what the Spirit saith to the
   churches. For in the Apocalypse of John we read: "Unto the angel of the
   Church of Ephesus write: These things saith He that holdeth the seven
   stars in His right hand, who walketh in the midst of the seven golden
   candlesticks; I know thy works, and thy labour, and thy patience, and
   how thou canst not bear them which are evil: and thou hast tried them
   which say they are apostles, and are not, and hast found them liars:
   and hast borne, and hast patience, and for My name's sake hast
   tolerated them, [1638] and hast not fainted." [1639] Now, if He wished
   this to be understood as addressed to a celestial angel, and not to
   those invested with authority in the Church, He would not go on to say:
   "Nevertheless I have somewhat against thee, because thou hast left thy
   first love. Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent,
   and do the first works; or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will
   remove thy candlestick out of his place, except thou repent." [1640]
   This could not be said to the heavenly angels, who retain their love
   unchanged, as the only beings of their order that have departed and
   fallen from their love are the devil and his angels. The first love
   here alluded to is that which was proved in their tolerating for
   Christ's name's sake the false apostles. To this He commands them to
   return, and to do "their first works." Now we are reproached with the
   crimes of bad men, not done by us, but by others; and some of them,
   moreover, not known to us. Nevertheless, even if they were actually
   committed, and that under our own eyes, and we bore with them for the
   sake of unity, letting the tares alone on account of the wheat,
   whosoever with open heart receives the Holy Scriptures would pronounce
   us not only free from blame, but worthy of no small praise.

   23. Aaron bears with the multitude demanding, fashioning, and
   worshipping an idol. Moses bears with thousands murmuring against God,
   and so often offending His holy name. David bears with Saul his
   persecutor, even when forsaking the things that are above by his wicked
   life, and following after the things that are beneath by magical arts,
   avenges his death, and calls him the Lord's anointed, [1641] because of
   the venerable right by which he had been consecrated. Samuel bears with
   the reprobate sons of Eli, and his own perverse sons, whom the people
   refused to tolerate, and were therefore rebuked by the warning and
   punished by the severity of God. Lastly, he bears with the nation
   itself, though proud and despising God. Isaiah bears with those against
   whom he hurls so many merited denunciations. Jeremiah bears with those
   at whose hands he suffers so many things. Zechariah bears with the
   scribes and Pharisees, as to whose character in those days Scripture
   informs us. I know that I have omitted many examples: let those who are
   willing and able read the divine records for themselves: they will find
   that all the holy servants and friends of God have always had to bear
   with some among their own people, with whom, nevertheless, they partook
   in the sacraments of that dispensation, and in so doing not only were
   not defiled by them, but were to be commended for their tolerant
   spirit, "endeavouring to keep," as the apostle says, "the unity of the
   Spirit in the bond of peace." [1642] Let them also observe what has
   occurred since the Lord's coming, in which time we would find many more
   examples of this toleration in all parts of the world, if they could
   all be written down and authenticated: but attend to those which are on
   record. The Lord Himself bears with Judas, a devil, a thief, His own
   betrayer; He permits him, along with the innocent disciples, to receive
   that which believers know as our ransom. [1643] The apostles bear with
   false apostles; and in the midst of men who sought their own things,
   and not the things of Jesus Christ, Paul, not seeking his own, but the
   things of Christ, lives in the practice of a most noble toleration. In
   fine, as I mentioned a little while ago, the person presiding under the
   title of Angel over a Church, is commended, because, though he hated
   those that were evil, he yet bore with them for the Lord's name's sake,
   even when they were tried and discovered.

   24. In conclusion, let them ask themselves: Do they not bear with the
   murders and devastations by fire which are perpetrated by the
   Circumcelliones, who treat with honour the dead bodies of those who
   cast themselves down from dangerous heights? Do they not bear with the
   misery which has made all Africa groan for years beneath the incredible
   outrages of one man, Optatus [bishop of Thamugada]? I forbear from
   specifying the tyrannical acts of violence and public depredations in
   districts, towns, and properties throughout Africa; for it is better to
   leave you to speak of these to each other, whether in whispers or
   openly, as you please. For wherever you turn your eyes, you will find
   the things of which I speak, or, more correctly, refrain from speaking.
   Nor do we on this ground accuse those whom, when they do such things,
   you love. What we dislike in that party is not their bearing with those
   who are wicked, but their intolerable wickedness in the matter of
   schism, of raising altar against altar, and of separation from the
   heritage of Christ now spread, as was so long ago promised, throughout
   the world. We behold with grief and lamentation peace broken, unity
   rent asunder, baptism administered a second time, and contempt poured
   on the sacraments, which are holy even when ministered and received by
   the wicked. If they regard these things as trifles, let them observe
   those examples by which it has been proved how they are esteemed by
   God. The men who made an idol perished by a common death, being slain
   with the sword: [1644] but when the men endeavoured to make a schism in
   Israel, the leaders were swallowed up by the opening earth, and the
   crowd of their accomplices was consumed by fire. [1645] In the
   difference between the punishments, the different degrees of demerit
   may be discerned.

   Chap. IX.

   25. These, then, are the facts: In time of persecution, the sacred
   books are surrendered to the persecutors. Those who were guilty of this
   surrender confess it, and are remitted to the divine tribunal; those
   who were innocent are not examined, but condemned at once by rash men.
   The integrity of that one who, of all the men thus condemned in their
   absence, was the most vehemently accused, is afterwards vindicated
   before unimpeachable judges. From the decision of bishops an appeal is
   made to the Emperor; the Emperor is chosen judge; and the sentence of
   the Emperor, when pronounced, is set at naught. What was then done you
   have read; what is now being done you have before your eyes. If, after
   all that you have read, you are still in doubt, be convinced by what
   you see. By all means let us give up arguing from ancient manuscripts,
   public archives, or the acts of courts, civil or ecclesiastical. We
   have a greater book--the world itself. In it I read the accomplishment
   of that of which I read the promise in the Book of God: "The Lord hath
   said unto me, Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten Thee: ask of
   Me, and I shall give Thee the heathen for Thine inheritance, and the
   uttermost parts of the earth for Thy possession." [1646] He that has
   not communion with this inheritance may know himself to be
   disinherited, whatever books he may plead to the contrary. He that
   assails this inheritance is plainly enough declared to be an outcast
   from the family of God. The question is raised as to the parties guilty
   of surrendering the divine books in which that inheritance is promised.
   Let him be believed to have delivered the testament to the flames, who
   is resisting the intentions of the testator. O faction of Donatus, what
   has the Corinthian Church done against you? In speaking of this one
   Church, I wish to be understood as asking the same question in regard
   to all similar churches remote from you. What have these churches done
   against you, which could not know even what you had done, or the names
   of the men whom you branded with condemnation? Or is it so, that
   because Cæcilianus gave offence to Lucilla in Africa, the light of
   Christ is lost to the whole world? [1647]

   26. Let them at last become sensible of what they have done; for in the
   lapse of years, by a just retribution, their work has recoiled upon
   themselves. Ask by what woman's instigation Maximianus [1648] (said to
   be a kinsman of Donatus) withdrew himself from the communion of
   Primianus, and how, having gathered a faction of bishops, he pronounced
   sentence against Primianus in his absence, and had himself ordained as
   a rival bishop in his place,--precisely as Majorinus, under the
   influence of Lucilla, assembled a faction of bishops, and, having
   condemned Cæcilianus in his absence, was ordained bishop in opposition
   to him. Do you admit, as I suppose you do, that when Primianus was
   delivered by the other bishops of his communion in Africa from the
   sentence pronounced by the faction of Maximianus, this decision was
   valid and sufficient? And will you refuse to admit the same in the case
   of Cæcilianus, when he was released by the bishops of the same one
   Church beyond the sea from the sentence pronounced by the faction of
   Majorinus? Pray, my brethren, what great thing do I ask of you? What
   difficulty is there in comprehending what I bring before you? The
   African Church, if it be compared with the churches in other parts of
   the world, is very different from them, and is left far behind both in
   numbers and in influence; and even if it had retained its unity, is far
   smaller when compared with the universal Church in other nations, than
   was the faction of Maximianus when compared with that of Primianus. I
   ask, however, only this--and I believe it to be just--that you give no
   more weight to the Council of Secundus of Tigisis, which Lucilla
   stirred up against Cæcilianus when absent, and against an apostolic see
   and the whole world in communion with Cæcilianus, than you give to the
   Council of Maximianus, which in like manner some other woman stirred up
   against Primianus when absent, and against the rest of the multitude
   throughout Africa which was in communion with him. What case could be
   more transparent? what demand more just?

   27. You see and know all these things, and you groan over them; and yet
   God at the same time sees that nothing compels you to remain in such
   fatal and impious schism, if you would but subdue the lust of the flesh
   in order to win the spiritual kingdom; and in order to escape from
   eternal punishment, have courage to forfeit the friendship of men,
   whose favour will not avail at the bar of God. Go now, and take counsel
   together: find what you can say in reply to that which I have written.
   If you bring forward manuscripts on your side, we do the same; if your
   party say that our documents are not to be trusted, let them not take
   it amiss if we retort the charge. No one can erase from heaven the
   divine decree, no one can efface from earth the Church of God. His
   decree has promised the whole world, and the Church has filled it; and
   it includes both bad and good. On earth it loses none but the bad, and
   into heaven it admits none but the good.

   In writing this discourse, God is my witness with what sincere love to
   peace and to you I have taken and used that which He has given. It
   shall be to you a means of correction if you be willing, and a
   testimony against you whether you will or not.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1626] Tit. iii. 10, 11.

   [1627] 1 Thess. iii. 12.

   [1628] 2 Tim. ii. 25, 26.

   [1629] Matt. v. 9.

   [1630] Tubursi, a town recently identified, half-way between Calama and
   Madaura.

   [1631] They asked judges from Gaul, as a country in which none had been
   guilty of surrendering the sacred books under pressure of persecution.
   The bishops appointed were Maternus of Agrippina, Rheticius of
   Augustodunum, and Marinus of Arles. They were sent to Rome with fifteen
   Italian bishops; Melchiades, Bishop of Rome, presided in their meeting
   in A.D. 313, and acquitted Cæcilianus.

   [1632] "In qua semper apostolicæ cathedræ viguit principatus." The use
   in the translalion of the indefinite article, "an apostolic chair," is
   vindicated by the language of Augustin in sec. 26 of this letter
   regarding Carthage, and by the words in Letter CCXXXII. sec. 3:
   "Christianæ societatis quæ per sedes apostolorum et successiones
   episcoporum certa per orbem propagatione diffunditur."

   [1633] Rom. ii. 1.

   [1634] Ecclus. xi. 7.

   [1635] Ungulæ, mentioned in Codex Justinianus. ix. 18. 7.

   [1636] Ordained by the Donatists bishop of Carthage in room of
   Cæcilianus.

   [1637] Matt. xiii. 29.

   [1638] Augustin translates ebastasas (E. V. "hast laboured") by
   "sustinuisti eos"--"hast tolerated them;" and upon this his argument
   turns.

   [1639] Rev. ii. 1-3.

   [1640] Rev. ii. 4, 5.

   [1641] Christum Domini.

   [1642] Eph. iv. 3.

   [1643] Augustin holds that Judas was present at the institution of the
   Lord's Supper. See Letter XLIV. sec. 10, p. 288.

   [1644] Ex. xxxii. 27, 28.

   [1645] Num. xvi. 31, 35.

   [1646] Ps. ii. 7, 8.

   [1647] The original has a play on the words Lucillam and Lucem.

   [1648] A deacon in the Donatist communion at Carthage. This matter is
   more fully gone into by Augustin in his second sermon on Ps. xxxvi.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLIV.

   (a.d. 398.)

   To My Lords Most Beloved, and Brethren Worthy of All Praise, Eleusius,
   Glorius, and the Two Felixes, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   Chap. I.

   1. In passing through Tubursi on my way to the church at Cirta, though
   pressed for time, I visited Fortunius, your bishop there, and found him
   to be, in truth, just such a man as you were wont most kindly to lead
   me to expect. When I sent him notice of your conversation with me
   concerning him, and expressed a desire to see him, he did not decline
   the visit. I therefore went to him, because I thought it due to his age
   that I should go to him, instead of insisting upon his first coming to
   me. I went, therefore, accompanied by a considerable number of persons,
   who, as it happened, were at that time beside me. When, however, we had
   taken our seats in his house, the thing becoming known, a considerable
   addition was made to the crowd assembled; but in that whole multitude
   there appeared to me to be very few who desired the matter to be
   discussed in a sound and profitable manner, or with the deliberation
   and solemnity which so great a question demands. All the others had
   come rather in the mood of playgoers, expecting a scene in our debates,
   than in Christian seriousness of spirit, seeking instruction in regard
   to salvation. Accordingly they could neither favour us with silence
   when we spoke, nor speak with care, or even with due regard to decorum
   and order,--excepting, as I have said, those few persons about whose
   pious and sincere interest in the matter there was no doubt. Everything
   was therefore thrown into confusion by the noise of men speaking
   loudly, and each according to the unchecked impulse of his own
   feelings; and though both Fortunius and I used entreaty and
   remonstrance, we utterly failed in persuading them to listen silently
   to what was spoken.

   2. The discussion of the question was opened notwithstanding, and for
   some hours we persevered, speeches being delivered by each side in
   turn, so far as was permitted by an occasional respite from the voices
   of the noisy onlookers. In the beginning of the debate, perceiving that
   things which had been spoken were liable to be forgotten by myself, or
   by those about whose salvation I was deeply concerned; being desirous
   also that our debate should be managed with caution and self-restraint,
   and that both you and other brethren who were absent might be able to
   learn from a record what passed in the discussion, I demanded that our
   words should be taken down by reporters. This was for a long time
   resisted, either by Fortunius or by those on his side. At length,
   however, he agreed to it; but the reporters who were present, and were
   able to do the work thoroughly, declined, for some reason unknown to
   me, to take notes. I urged them, that at least the brethren who
   accompanied me, though not so expert in the work, should take notes,
   and promised that I would leave the tablets on which the notes were
   taken in the hands of the other party. This was agreed to. Some words
   of mine were first taken down, and some statements on the other side
   were dictated and recorded. After that, the reporters, not being able
   to endure the disorderly interruptions vociferated by the opposing
   party, and the increased vehemence with which under this pressure our
   side maintained the debate, gave up their task. This, however, did not
   close the discussion, many things being still said by each as he
   obtained an opportunity. This discussion of the whole question, or at
   least so much of all that was said as I can remember, I have resolved,
   my beloved friends, that you shall not lose; and you may read this
   letter to Fortunius, that he may either confirm my statements as true,
   or himself inform you, without hesitation, of anything which his more
   accurate recollection suggests.

   Chap. II.

   3. He was pleased to begin with commending my manner of life, which he
   said he had come to know through your statements (in which I am sure
   there was more kindness than truth), adding that he had remarked to you
   that I might have done well all the things which you had told him of
   me, if I had done them within the Church. I thereupon asked him what
   was the Church within which it was the duty of a man so to live;
   whether it was that one which, as Sacred Scripture had long foretold,
   was spread over the whole world, or that one which a small section of
   Africans, or a small part of Africa, contained. To this he at first
   attempted to reply, that his communion was in all parts of the earth. I
   asked him whether he was able to issue letters of communion, which we
   call regular, [1649] to places which I might select; and I affirmed,
   what was obvious to all, that in this way the question might be most
   simply settled. In the event of his agreeing to this, my intention was
   that we should send such letters to those churches which we both knew,
   on the authority of the apostles, to have been already founded in their
   time.

   4. As the falsity of his statement, however, was apparent, a hasty
   retreat from it was made in a cloud of confused words, in the midst of
   which he quoted the Lord's words: "Beware of false prophets, which come
   to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves. Ye
   shall know them by their fruits." [1650] When I said that these words
   of the Lord might also be applied by us to them, he went on to magnify
   the persecution which he affirmed that his party had often suffered;
   intending thereby to prove that his party were Christians because they
   endured persecution. When I was preparing, as he went on with this, to
   answer him from the Gospel, he himself anticipated me in bringing
   forward the passage in which the Lord says: "Blessed are they which are
   persecuted for righteousness' sake: for theirs is the kingdom of
   heaven." [1651] Thanking him for the apt quotation, I immediately added
   that this behoved therefore to be inquired into, whether they had
   indeed suffered persecution for righteousness' sake. In following up
   this inquiry I wished this to be ascertained, though indeed it was
   patent to all, whether the persecutions under Macarius [1652] fell upon
   them while they were within the unity of the Church, or after they had
   been severed from it by schism; so that those who wished to see whether
   they had suffered persecution for righteousness' sake might turn rather
   to the prior question, whether they had done rightly in cutting
   themselves off from the unity of the whole world. For if they were
   found in this to have done wrong, it was manifest that they suffered
   persecution for unrighteousness' sake rather than for righteousness'
   sake, and could not therefore be numbered among those of whom it is
   said, "Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness' sake."
   Thereupon mention was made of the surrender of the sacred books, a
   matter about which much more has been spoken than has ever been proved
   true. On our side it was said in reply, that their leaders rather than
   ours had been traditors; but that if they would not believe the
   documents with which we supported this charge, we could not be
   compelled to accept those which they brought forward.

   Chap. III.

   5. Having therefore laid aside that question as one on which there was
   a doubt, I asked how they could justify their separation of themselves
   from all other Christians who had done them no wrong, who throughout
   the world preserved the order of succession, and were established in
   the most ancient churches, but had no knowledge whatever as to who were
   traditors in Africa; and who assuredly could not hold communion with
   others than those whom they had heard of as occupying the episcopal
   sees. He answered that the foreign churches had done them no wrong, up
   to the time when they had consented to the death of those who, as he
   had said, had suffered in the Macarian persecution. Here I might have
   said that it was impossible for the innocence of the foreign churches
   to be affected by the offence given in the time of Macarius, seeing
   that it could not be proved that he had done with their sanction what
   he did. I preferred, however, to save time by asking whether, supposing
   that the foreign churches had, through the cruelties of Macarius, lost
   their innocence from the time in which they were said to have approved
   of these, it could even be proved that up to that time the Donatists
   had remained in unity with the Eastern churches and other parts of the
   world.

   6. Thereupon he produced a certain volume, by which he wished to show
   that a Council at Sardica had sent a letter to African bishops who
   belonged to the party of Donatus. When this was read aloud, I heard the
   name Donatus among the bishops to whom the writing had been sent. I
   therefore insisted upon being told whether this was the Donatus from
   whom their faction takes its name; as it was possible that they had
   written to some bishop named Donatus belonging to another section
   [heresy], especially since in these names no mention had been made of
   Africa. How then, I asked, could it be proved that we must believe the
   Donatus here named to be the Donatist bishop, when it could not even be
   proved that this letter had been specially directed to bishops in
   Africa? For although Donatus is a common African name, there is nothing
   improbable in the supposition, that either some one in other countries
   should be found bearing an African name, or that a native of Africa
   should be made a bishop there. We found, moreover, no day or name of
   consul given in the letter, from which any certain light might have
   been furnished by comparison of dates. I had indeed once heard that the
   Arians, when they had separated from the Catholic communion, had
   endeavoured to ally the Donatists in Africa with themselves; and my
   brother Alypius recalled this to me at the time in a whisper. Having
   then taken up the volume itself, and glancing over the decrees of the
   said Council, I read that Athanasius, Catholic bishop of Alexandria,
   who was so conspicuous as a debater in the keen controversies with the
   Arians, and Julius, bishop of the Roman Church, also a Catholic, had
   been condemned by that Council of Sardica; from which we were sure that
   it was a Council of Arians, against which heretics these Catholic
   bishops had contended with singular fervour. I therefore wished to take
   up and carry with me the volume, in order to give more pains to find
   out the date of the Council. He refused it, however, saying that I
   could get it there if I wished to study anything in it. I asked also
   that he would allow me to mark the volume; for I feared, I confess,
   lest, if perchance necessity arose for my asking to consult it, another
   should be substituted in its room. This also he refused.

   Chap. IV.

   7. Thereafter he began to insist upon my answering categorically this
   question: Whether I thought the persecutor or the persecuted to be in
   the right? To which I answered, that the question was not fairly
   stated: it might be that both were in the wrong, or that the
   persecution might be made by the one who was the more righteous of the
   two parties; and therefore it was not always right to infer that one is
   on the better side because he suffers persecution, although that is
   almost always the case. When I perceived that he still laid great
   stress upon this, wishing to have the justice of the cause of his party
   acknowledged as beyond dispute because they had suffered persecution, I
   asked him whether he believed Ambrose, bishop of the Church of Milan,
   to be a righteous man and a Christian? He was compelled to deny
   expressly that that man was a Christian and a righteous man; for if he
   had admitted this, I would at once have objected to him that he
   esteemed it necessary for him to be rebaptized. When, therefore, he was
   compelled to pronounce concerning Ambrose that he was not a Christian
   nor a righteous man, I related the persecution which he endured when
   his church was surrounded with soldiers. I also asked whether
   Maximianus, who had made a schism from their party at Carthage, was in
   his view a righteous man and a Christian. He could not but deny this. I
   therefore reminded him that he had endured such persecution that his
   church had been razed to the foundations. By these instances I laboured
   to persuade him, if possible, to give up affirming that the suffering
   of persecution is the most infallible mark of Christian righteousness.

   8. He also related that, in the infancy of their schism, his
   predecessors, being anxious to devise some way of hushing up the fault
   of Cæcilianus, lest a schism should take place, had appointed over the
   people belonging to his communion in Carthage an interim bishop before
   Majorinus was ordained in opposition to Cæcilianus. He alleged that
   this interim bishop was murdered in his own meeting house by our party.
   This, I confess, I had never heard before, though so many charges
   brought by them against us have been refuted and disproved, while by us
   greater and more numerous crimes have been alleged against them. After
   having narrated this story, he began again to insist on my answering
   whether in this case I thought the murderer or the victim the more
   righteous man; as if he had already proved that the event had taken
   place as he had stated. I therefore said that we must first ascertain
   the truth of the story, for we ought not to believe without examination
   all that is said: and that even were it true, it was possible either
   that both were equally bad, or that one who was bad had caused the
   death of another yet worse than himself. For, in truth, it is possible
   that his guilt is more heinous who rebaptizes the whole man than his
   who kills the body only.

   9. After this there was no occasion for the question which he
   afterwards put to me. He affirmed that even a bad man should not be
   killed by Christians and righteous men; as if we called those who in
   the Catholic Church do such things righteous men: a statement,
   moreover, which it is more easy for them to affirm than to prove to us,
   so long as they themselves, with few exceptions, bishops, presbyters,
   and clergy of all kinds, go on gathering mobs of most infatuated men,
   and causing, wherever they are able, so many violent massacres, and
   devastations to the injury not of Catholics only, but sometimes even of
   their own partisans. In spite of these facts, Fortunius, affecting
   ignorance of the most villanous doings, which were better known by him
   than by me, insisted upon my giving an example of a righteous man
   putting even a bad man to death. This was, of course, not relevant to
   the matter in hand; for I conceded that wherever such crimes were
   committed by men having the name of Christians, they were not the
   actions of good men. Nevertheless, in order to show him what was the
   true question before us, I answered by inquiring whether Elijah seemed
   to him to be a righteous man; to which he could not but assent.
   Thereupon I reminded him how many false prophets Elijah slew with his
   own hand. [1653] He saw plainly herein, as indeed he could not but see,
   that such things were then lawful to righteous men. For they did these
   things as prophets guided by the Spirit and sanctioned by the authority
   of God, who knows infallibly to whom it may be even a benefit to be put
   to death. [1654] He therefore required me to show him one who, being a
   righteous man, had in the New Testament times put any one, even a
   criminal and impious man, to death.

   Chap. V.

   10. I then returned to the argument used in my former letter, [1655] in
   which I laboured to show that it was not right either for us to
   reproach them with atrocities of which some of their party had been
   guilty, or for them to reproach us if any such deeds were found by them
   to have been done on our side. For I granted that no example could be
   produced from the New Testament of a righteous man putting any one to
   death; but I insisted that by the example of our Lord Himself, it could
   be proved that the wicked had been tolerated by the innocent. For His
   own betrayer, who had already received the price of His blood, He
   suffered to remain undistinguished from the innocent who were with Him,
   even up to that last kiss of peace. He did not conceal from the
   disciples the fact that in the midst of them was one capable of such a
   crime; and, nevertheless, He administered to them all alike, without
   excluding the traitor, the first sacrament of His body and blood.
   [1656] When almost all felt the force of this argument, Fortunius
   attempted to meet it by saying, that before the Lord's Passion that
   communion with a wicked man did no harm to the apostles, because they
   had not as yet the baptism of Christ, but the baptism of John only.
   When he said this, I asked him to explain how it was written that Jesus
   baptized more disciples than John, though Jesus Himself baptized not,
   but His disciples, that is to say, baptized by means of His disciples?
   [1657] How could they give what they had not received (a question often
   used by the Donatists themselves)? Did Christ baptize with the baptism
   of John? I was prepared to ask many other questions in connection with
   this opinion of Fortunius; such as--how John himself was interrogated
   as to the Lord's baptizing, and replied that He had the bride, and was
   the Bridegroom? [1658] Was it, then, lawful for the Bridegroom to
   baptize with the baptism of him who was but a friend or servant? Again,
   how could they receive the Eucharist if not previously baptized? or how
   could the Lord in that case have said in reply to Peter, who was
   willing to be wholly washed by Him, "He that is washed needeth not save
   to wash his feet, but is clean every whit"? [1659] For perfect
   cleansing is by the baptism, not of John, but of the Lord, if the
   person receiving it be worthy; if, however, he be unworthy, the
   sacraments abide in him, not to his salvation, but to his perdition.
   When I was about to put these questions, Fortunius himself saw that he
   ought not to have mooted the subject of the baptism of the disciples of
   the Lord.

   11. From this we passed to something else, many on both sides
   discoursing to the best of their ability. Among other things it was
   alleged that our party was still intending to persecute them; and he
   [Fortunius] said that he would like to see how I would act in the event
   of such persecution, whether I would consent to such cruelty, or
   withhold from it all countenance. I said that God saw my heart, which
   was unseen by them; also that they had hitherto had no ground for
   apprehending such persecution, which if it did take place would be the
   work of bad men, who were, however, not so bad as some of their own
   party; but that it was not incumbent on us to withdraw ourselves from
   communion with the Catholic Church on the ground of anything done
   against our will, and even in spite of our opposition (if we had an
   opportunity of testifying against it), seeing that we had learned that
   toleration for the sake of peace which the apostle prescribes in the
   words: "Forbearing one another in love, endeavouring to keep the unity
   of the Spirit in the bond of peace." [1660] I affirmed that they had
   not preserved this peace and forbearance, when they had caused a
   schism, within which, moreover, the more moderate among them now
   tolerated more serious evils, lest that which was already a fragment
   should be broken again, although they did not, in order to preserve
   unity, consent to exercise forbearance in smaller things. I also said
   that in the ancient economy the peace of unity and forbearance had not
   been so fully declared and commended as it is now by the example of the
   Lord and the charity of the New Testament; and yet prophets and holy
   men were wont to protest against the sins of the people, without
   endeavouring to separate themselves from the unity of the Jewish
   people, and from communion in partaking along with them of the
   sacraments then appointed.

   12. After that, mention was made, I know not in what connection, of
   Genethlius of blessed memory, the predecessor of Aurelius in the see of
   Carthage, because he had suppressed some edict granted against the
   Donatists, and had not suffered it to be carried into effect. They were
   all praising and commending him with the utmost kindness. I interrupted
   their commendatory speeches with the remark that, for all this, if
   Genethlius himself had fallen into their hands, it would have been
   declared necessary to baptize him a second time. (We were by this time
   all standing, as the time of our going away was at hand.) On this the
   old man said plainly, that a rule had now been made, according to which
   every believer who went over from us to them must be baptized; but he
   said this with the most manifest reluctance and sincere regret. When he
   himself most frankly bewailed many of the evil deeds of his party,
   making evident, as was further proved by the testimony of the whole
   community, how far he was from sharing in such transactions, and told
   us what he was wont to say in mild expostulation to those of his own
   party; when also I had quoted the words of Ezekiel--"As the soul of the
   father, so also the soul of the son is mine: the soul that sinneth it
   shall die" [1661] --it which it is written that the son's fault is not
   to be reckoned to his father, nor the father's fault reckoned to his
   son, it was agreed by all that in such discussions the excesses of bad
   men ought not to be brought forward by either party against the other.
   There remained, therefore, only the question as to schism. I therefore
   exhorted him again and again that he should with tranquil and
   undisturbed mind join me in an effort to bring to a satisfactory end,
   by diligent research, the examination of so important a matter. When he
   kindly replied that I myself sought this with a single eye, but that
   others who were on my side were averse to such examination of the
   truth, I left him with this promise, that I would bring to him more of
   my colleagues, ten at least, who desire this question to be sifted with
   the same good-will and calmness and pious care which I saw that he had
   discovered and now commended in myself. He gave me a similar promise
   regarding a like number of his colleagues.

   Chap. VI.

   13. Wherefore I exhort you, and by the blood of the Lord implore you,
   to put him in mind of his promise, and to insist urgently that what has
   been begun, and is now, as you see, nearly finished, may be concluded.
   For, in my opinion, you will have difficulty in finding among your
   bishops another whose judgment and feelings are so sound as we have
   seen that old man's to be. The next day he came to me himself, and we
   began to discuss the matter again. I could not, however, remain long
   with him, as the ordination of a bishop required my departing from the
   place. I had already sent a messenger to the chief man of the
   Coelicolæ, [1662] of whom I had heard that he had introduced a new
   baptism among them, and had by this impiety led many astray, intending,
   so far as my limited time permitted, to confer with him. Fortunius,
   when he learned that he was coming, perceiving that I was to be
   otherwise engaged, and having himself some other duty calling him from
   home, bade me a kind and friendly farewell.

   14. It seems to me that if we would avoid the attendance of a noisy
   crowd, rather hindering than helping the debate, and if we wish to
   complete by the Lord's help so great a work begun in a spirit of
   unfeigned good-will and peace, we ought to meet in some small village
   in which neither party has a church, and which is inhabited by persons
   belonging to both churches, such as Titia. Let this or any other such
   place be agreed upon in the region of Tubursi or of Thagaste, and let
   us take care to have the canonical books at hand for reference. Let any
   other documents be brought thither which either party may judge useful;
   and laying all other things aside, uninterrupted, if it please God, by
   other cares, devoting our time for as many days as we can to this one
   work, and each imploring in private the Lord's guidance, we may, by the
   help of Him to whom Christian peace is most sweet, bring to a happy
   termination the inquiry which has been in such a good spirit opened. Do
   not fail to write in reply what you or Fortunius think of this.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1649] Formatæ.

   [1650] Matt. vii. 15, 16.

   [1651] Matt. v. 10.

   [1652] Macarius was sent in a.d. 348 by the Emperor Constans to Africa,
   to exhort all to cherish the unity of the Catholic Church, and at the
   same time to collect for the relief of the poor. The vehement
   opposition with which the Donatists met him led to conflicts and
   bloodshed, the Donatists claiming the honour of martyrdom for all of
   their party who fell in fighting with the imperial soldiers.

   [1653] 1 Kings xviii. 40.

   [1654] Qui novit cui etiam prosit occidi.

   [1655] Let. XLIII. pp. 283, 284.

   [1656] Matt. xxvi. 20-28.

   [1657] John iv. 1, 2.

   [1658] John iii. 29.

   [1659] John xiii. 10.

   [1660] Eph. iv. 2, 3.

   [1661] Ezek. xviii. 4.

   [1662] The Coelicolæ are mentioned in some laws of Honorius as heretics
   whose heresy, if they refused to abandon it, involved them in civil
   penalties.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLV.

   A short letter to Paulinus and Therasia repeating the request made in
   Letter XLII., and again complaining of the long silence of his friend.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLVI.

   (a.d. 398.)

   A letter propounding several cases of conscience.

   To My Beloved and Venerable Father the Bishop Augustin, Publicola Sends
   Greeting.

   It is written: "Ask thy father, and he will show thee; thy elders, and
   they will tell thee." [1663] I have therefore judged it right to "seek
   the law at the mouth of the priest" in regard to a certain case which I
   shall state in this letter, desiring at the same time to be instructed
   in regard to several other matters. I have distinguished the several
   questions by stating each in a separate paragraph, and I beg you kindly
   to give an answer to each in order.

   I. In the country of the Arzuges it is customary, as I have heard, for
   the barbarians to take an oath, swearing by their false gods, in the
   presence of the decurion stationed on the frontier or of the tribune,
   when they have come under engagement to carry baggage to any part, or
   to protect the crops from depredation; and when the decurion certifies
   in writing that this oath has been taken, the owners or farmers of land
   employ them as watchmen of their crops; or travellers who have occasion
   to pass through their country hire them, as if assured of their now
   being trustworthy. Now a doubt has arisen in my mind whether the
   landowner who thus employs a barbarian, of whose fidelity he is
   persuaded in consequence of such an oath, does not make himself and the
   crops committed to that man's charge to share the defilement of that
   sinful oath; and so also with the traveller who may employ his
   services. I should mention, however, that in both cases the barbarian
   is rewarded for his services with money. Nevertheless in both
   transactions there comes in, besides the pecuniary remuneration, this
   oath before the decurion or tribune involving mortal sin. I am
   concerned as to whether this sin does not defile either him who accepts
   the oath of the barbarian, or at least the things which are committed
   to the barbarian's keeping. For whatever other terms be in the
   arrangement, even such as the payment of gold, and giving of hostages
   in security, nevertheless this sinful oath has been a real part of the
   transaction. Be pleased to resolve my doubts definitely and positively.
   For if your answer indicate that you are in doubt yourself, I may fall
   into greater perplexity than before.

   II. I have also heard that my own land-stewards receive from the
   barbarians hired to protect the crops an oath in which they appeal to
   their false gods. Does not this oath so defile these crops, that if a
   Christian uses them or takes the money realized by their sale, he is
   himself defiled? Do answer this.

   III. Again, I have heard from one person that no oath was taken by the
   barbarian in making agreement with my steward, but another has said to
   me that such an oath was taken. Suppose now that the latter statement
   were false, tell me if I am bound to forbear from using these crops, or
   the money obtained for them, merely because I have heard the statement
   made, according to the scriptural rule: "If any man say unto you, This
   is offered in sacrifice unto idols, eat not, for his sake that showed
   it." [1664] Is this case parallel to the case of meat offered to idols;
   and if it is, what am I to do with the crops, or with the price of
   them?

   IV. In this case ought I to examine both him who said that no oath was
   taken before my steward, and the other who said that the oath was
   taken, and bring witnesses to prove which of the two spoke truly,
   leaving the crops or their price untouched so long as there is
   uncertainty in the matter?

   V. If the barbarian who swears this sinful oath were to require of the
   steward or of the tribune stationed on the frontier, that he, being a
   Christian, should give him assurance of his faithfulness to his part of
   the engagement about watching the crops, by the same oath which he
   himself has taken, involving mortal sin, does the oath pollute only
   that Christian man? Does it not also pollute the things regarding which
   he took the oath? Or if a pagan who has authority on the frontier thus
   give to a barbarian this oath in token of acting faithfully to him,
   does he not involve in the defilement of his own sin those in whose
   interest he swears? If I send a man to the Arzuges, is it lawful for
   him to take from a barbarian that sinful oath? Is not the Christian who
   takes such an oath from him also defiled by his sin?

   VI. Is it lawful for a Christian to use wheat or beans from the
   threshing-floor, wine or oil from the press, if, with his knowledge,
   some part of what has been taken thence was offered in sacrifice to a
   false god?

   VII. May a Christian use for any purpose wood which he knows to have
   been taken from one of their idols' groves?

   VIII. If a Christian buy in the market meat which has not been offered
   to idols, and have in his mind conflicting doubts as to whether it has
   been offered to idols or not, but eventually adopt the opinion that it
   was not, does he sin if he partake of this meat?

   IX. If a man does an action good in itself, about which he has some
   misgivings as to whether it is good or bad, can it be reckoned as a sin
   to him if he does it believing it to be good, although formerly he may
   have thought it bad?

   X. If any one has falsely said that some meat has been offered to
   idols, and afterwards confess that it was a falsehood, and this
   confession is believed, may a Christian use the meat regarding which he
   heard that statement, or sell it, and use the price obtained?

   XI. If a Christian on a journey, overpowered by want, having fasted for
   one, two, or several days, so that he can no longer endure the
   privation, should by chance, when in the last extremity of hunger, and
   when he sees death close at hand, find food placed in an idol's temple,
   where there is no man near him, and no other food to be found; whether
   should he die or partake of that food?

   XII. If a Christian is on the point of being killed by a barbarian or a
   Roman, ought he to kill the aggressor to save his own life? or ought he
   even, without killing the assailant, to drive him back and fight with
   him, seeing it has been said, "Resist not evil"? [1665]

   XIII. May a Christian put a wall for defence against an enemy round his
   property? and if some use that wall as a place from which to fight and
   kill the enemy, is the Christian the cause of the homicide?

   XIV. May a Christian drink at a fountain or well into which anything
   from a sacrifice has been cast? May he drink from a well found in a
   deserted temple? If there be in a temple where an idol is worshipped a
   well or fountain which nothing has defiled, may he draw water thence,
   and drink of it?

   XV. May a Christian use baths [1666] in places in which sacrifice is
   offered to images? May he use baths which are used by pagans on a
   feastday, either while they are there or after they have left?

   XVI. May a Christian use the same sedanchair [1667] as has been used by
   pagans coming down from their idols on a feastday, if in that chair
   they have performed any part of their idolatrous service, and the
   Christian is aware of this?

   XVII. If a Christian, being the guest of another, has forborne from
   using meat set before him, concerning which it was said to him that it
   had been offered in sacrifice, but afterwards by some accident finds
   the same meat for sale and buys it, or has it presented to him at
   another man's table, and then eat of it, without knowing that it is the
   same, is he guilty of sin?

   XVIII. May a Christian buy and use vegetables or fruit which he knows
   to have been brought from the garden of a temple or of the priests of
   an idol? That you may not be put to trouble in searching the Scriptures
   concerning the oath of which I have spoken and the idols, I resolved to
   set before you those texts which, by the Lord's help, I have found; but
   if you have found anything better or more to the purpose in Scripture,
   be so good as let me know. For example, when Laban said to Jacob, "The
   God of Abraham and the God of Nahor judge betwixt us," [1668] Scripture
   does not declare which god is meant. Again, when Abimelech came to
   Isaac, and he and those who were with him sware to Isaac, we are not
   told what kind of oath it was. [1669] As to the idols, Gideon was
   commanded by the Lord to make a whole burnt-offering of the bullock
   which he killed. [1670] And in the book of Joshua the son of Nun, it is
   said of Jericho that all the silver, and gold, and brass should be
   brought into the treasures of the Lord, and the things found in the
   accursed city were called sacred. [1671] Also we read in Deuteronomy:
   [1672] "Neither shalt thou bring an abomination into thine house, lest
   thou be a cursed thing like it."

   May the Lord preserve thee. I salute thee. Pray for me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1663] Deut. xxxii. 7.

   [1664] 1 Cor. x. 28.

   [1665] Matt. v. 39.

   [1666] Balneis vel thermis.

   [1667] The Benedictine Fathers translate this, in their note,
   sitz-bath.

   [1668] Gen. xxxi. 53.

   [1669] Gen. xxvi. 31.

   [1670] Judg. vi. 26.

   [1671] Josh. vi. 19.

   [1672] Deut. vii. 26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLVII.

   (a.d. 398.)

   To the Honourable Publicola, My Much Beloved Son, Augustin Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Your perplexities have, since I learned them by your letter, become
   mine also, not because all those things by which you tell me that you
   are disturbed, disturb my mind: but I have been much perplexed, I
   confess, by the question how your perplexities were to be removed;
   especially since you require me to give a conclusive answer, lest you
   should fall into greater doubts than you had before you applied to me
   to have them resolved. For I see that I cannot give this, since, though
   I may write things which appear to me most certain, if I do not
   convince you, you must be beyond question more at a loss than before;
   and though it is in my power to use arguments which weigh with myself,
   I may fail of convincing another by these. However, lest I should
   refuse the small service which your love claims, I have resolved after
   some consideration to write in reply.

   2. One of your doubts is as to using the services of a man who has
   guaranteed his fidelity by swearing by his false gods. In this matter I
   beg you to consider whether, in the event of a man failing to keep his
   word after having pledged himself by such an oath, you would not regard
   him as guilty of a twofold sin. For if he kept the engagement which he
   had confirmed by this oath, he would be pronounced guilty in this only,
   that he swore by such deities; but no one would justly blame him for
   keeping his engagement. But in the case supposed, seeing that he both
   swore by those whom he should not worship, and did, notwithstanding his
   promise, what he should not have done, he was guilty of two sins:
   whence it is obvious that in using, not for an evil work, but for some
   good and lawful end, the service of a man whose fidelity is known to
   have been confirmed by an oath in the name of false gods, one
   participates, not in the sin of swearing by the false gods, but in the
   good faith with which he keeps his promise. The faith which I here
   speak of as kept is not that on account of which those who are baptized
   in Christ are called faithful: that is entirely different and far
   removed from the faith desiderated in regard to the arrangements and
   compacts of men. Nevertheless it is, beyond all doubt, worse to swear
   falsely by the true God than to swear truly by the false gods; for the
   greater the holiness of that by which we swear, the greater is the sin
   of perjury. It is therefore a different question whether he is not
   guilty who requires another to pledge himself by taking an oath in the
   name of his gods, seeing that he worships false gods. In answering this
   question, we may accept as decisive those examples which you yourself
   quoted of Laban and of Abimelech (if Abimelech did swear by his gods,
   as Laban swore by the god of Nahor). This is, as I have said, another
   question, and one which would perchance perplex me, were it not for
   those examples of Isaac and Jacob, to which, for aught I know, others
   might be added. It may be that some scruple might yet be suggested by
   the precept in the New Testament, "Swear not at all;" [1673] words
   which were in my opinion spoken, not because it is a sin to swear a
   true oath, but because it is a heinous sin to forswear oneself: from
   which crime our Lord would have us keep at a great distance, when He
   charged us not to swear at all. I know, however, that our opinion is
   different: wherefore it should not be discussed at present; let us
   rather treat of that about which you have thought of asking my advice.
   On the same ground on which you forbear from swearing yourself, you
   may, if such be your opinion, regard it as forbidden to exact an oath
   from another, although it is expressly said, Swear not; but I do not
   remember reading anywhere in Holy Scripture that we are not to take
   another's oath. The question whether we ought to take advantage of the
   concord which is established between other parties by their exchange of
   oaths is entirely different. If we answer this in the negative, I know
   not whether we could find any place on earth in which we could live.
   For not only on the frontier, but throughout all the provinces, the
   security of peace rests on the oaths of barbarians. And from this it
   would follow, that not only the crops which are guarded by men who have
   sworn fidelity in the name of their false gods, but all things which
   enjoy the protection secured by the peace which a similar oath has
   ratified, are defiled. If this be admitted by you to be a complete
   absurdity, dismiss with it your doubts on the cases which you named.

   3. Again, if from the threshing-floor or wine-press of a Christian
   anything be taken, with his knowledge, to be offered to false gods, he
   is guilty in permitting this to be done, if it be in his power to
   prevent it. If he finds that it has been done, or has not the power to
   prevent it, he uses without scruple the rest of the grain or wine, as
   uncontaminated, just as we use fountains from which we know that water
   has been taken to be used in idol-worship. The same principle decides
   the question about baths. For we have no scruple about inhaling the air
   into which we know that the smoke from all the altars and incense of
   idolaters ascends. From which it is manifest, that the thing forbidden
   is our devoting anything to the honour of the false gods, or appearing
   to do this by so acting as to encourage in such worship those who do
   not know our mind, although in our heart we despise their idols. And
   when temples, idols, groves, etc., are thrown down by permission from
   the authorities, although our taking part in this work is a clear proof
   of our not honouring, but rather abhorring, these things, we must
   nevertheless forbear from appropriating any of them to our own personal
   and private use; so that it may be manifest that in overthrowing these
   we are influenced, not by greed, but by piety. When, however, the
   spoils of these places are applied to the benefit of the community or
   devoted to the service of God, they are dealt with in the same manner
   as the men themselves when they are turned from impiety and sacrilege
   to the true religion. We understand this to be the will of God from the
   examples quoted by yourself: the grove of the false gods from which He
   commanded wood to be taken [by Gideon] for the burnt-offering; and
   Jericho, of which all the gold, silver, and brass was to be brought
   into the Lord's treasury. Hence also the precept in Deuteronomy: "Thou
   shalt not desire the silver or gold that is on them, nor take it unto
   thee, lest thou be snared therein; for it is an abomination to the Lord
   thy God. Neither shalt thou bring an abomination into thine house, lest
   thou become a cursed thing like it: but thou shalt utterly detest it,
   and thou shalt utterly abhor it; for it is a cursed thing." [1674] From
   which it appears plainly, that either the appropriation of such spoils
   to their own private use was absolutely forbidden, or they were
   forbidden to carry anything of that kind into their own houses with the
   intention of giving to it honour; for then this would be an abomination
   and accursed in the sight of God; whereas the honour impiously given to
   such idols is, by their public destruction, utterly abolished.

   4. As to meats offered to idols, I assure you we have no duty beyond
   observing what the apostle taught concerning them. Study, therefore,
   his words on the subject, which, if they were obscure to you, I would
   explain as well as I could. He does not sin who, unwittingly,
   afterwards partakes of food which he formerly refused because it had
   been offered to an idol. A kitchen-herb, or any other fruit of the
   ground, belongs to Him who created it; for "the earth is the Lord's,
   and the fulness thereof," and "every creature of God is good." [1675]
   But if that which the earth has borne is consecrated or offered to an
   idol, then we must reckon it among the things offered to idols. We must
   beware lest, in pronouncing that we ought not to eat the fruits of a
   garden belonging to an idol-temple, we be involved in the inference
   that it was wrong for the apostle to take food in Athens, since that
   city belonged to Minerva, and was consecrated to her as the guardian
   deity. The same answer I would give as to the well or fountain enclosed
   in a temple, though my scruples would be somewhat more awakened if some
   part of the sacrifices be thrown into the said well or fountain. But
   the case is, as I have said before, exactly parallel to our using of
   the air which receives the smoke of these sacrifices; or, if this be
   thought to make a difference, that the sacrifice, the smoke whereof
   mingles with the air, is not offered to the air itself, but to some
   idol or false god, whereas sometimes offerings are cast into the water
   with the intention of sacrificing to the waters themselves, it is
   enough to say that the same principle would preclude us from using the
   light of the sun, because wicked men continually worship that luminary
   wherever they are tolerated in doing so. Sacrifices are offered to the
   winds, which we nevertheless use for our convenience, although they
   seem, as it were, to inhale and swallow greedily the smoke of these
   sacrifices. If any one be in doubt regarding meat, whether it has been
   offered to an idol or not, and the fact be that it has not, when he
   eats that meat under the impression that it has not been offered to an
   idol, he by no means does wrong; because neither in fact, nor now in
   his judgment, is it food offered to an idol, although he formerly
   thought it was. For surely it is lawful to correct false impressions by
   others that are true. But if any one believes that to be good which is
   evil, and acts accordingly, he sins in entertaining that belief; and
   these are all sins of ignorance, in which one thinks that to be right
   which it is wrong for him to do.

   5. As to killing others in order to defend one's own life, I do not
   approve of this, unless one happen to be a soldier or public
   functionary acting, not for himself, but in defence of others or of the
   city in which he resides, if he act according to the commission
   lawfully given him, and in the manner becoming his office. [1676] When,
   however, men are prevented, by being alarmed, from doing wrong, it may
   be said that a real service is done to themselves. The precept, "Resist
   not evil," [1677] was given to prevent us from taking pleasure in
   revenge, in which the mind is gratified by the sufferings of others,
   but not to make us neglect the duty of restraining men from sin. From
   this it follows that one is not guilty of homicide, because he has put
   up a wall round his estate, if any one is killed by the wall falling
   upon him when he is throwing it down. For a Christian is not guilty of
   homicide though his ox may gore or his horse kick a man, so that he
   dies. On such a principle, the oxen of a Christian should have no
   horns, and his horses no hoofs, and his dogs no teeth. On such a
   principle, when the Apostle Paul took care to inform the chief captain
   that an ambush was laid for him by certain desperadoes, and received in
   consequence an armed escort, [1678] if the villains who plotted his
   death had thrown themselves on the weapons of the soldiers, Paul would
   have had to acknowledge the shedding of their blood as a crime with
   which he was chargeable. God forbid that we should be blamed for
   accidents which, without our desire, happen to others through things
   done by us or found in our possession, which are in themselves good and
   lawful. In that event, we ought to have no iron implements for the
   house or the field, lest some one should by them lose his own life or
   take another's; no tree or rope on our premises, lest some one hang
   himself; no window in our house, lest some one throw himself down from
   it. But why mention more in a list which must be interminable? For what
   good and lawful thing is there in use among men which may not become
   chargeable with being an instrument of destruction?

   6. I have now only to notice (unless I am mistaken) the case which you
   mentioned of a Christian on a journey overcome by the extremity of
   hunger; whether, if he could find nothing to eat but meat placed in an
   idol's temple, and there was no man near to relieve him, it would be
   better for him to die of starvation than to take that food for his
   nourishment? Since in this question it is not assumed that the food
   thus found was offered to the idol (for it might have been left by
   mistake or designedly by persons who, on a journey, had turned aside
   there to take refreshment; or it might have been put there for some
   other purpose), I answer briefly thus: Either it is certain that this
   food was offered to the idol, or it is certain that it was not, or
   neither of these things is known. If it is certain, it is better to
   reject it with Christian fortitude. In either of the other
   alternatives, it may be used for his necessity without any
   conscientious scruple.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1673] Matt. v. 34, 36.

   [1674] Deut. vii. 25, 26.

   [1675] Ps. xxiv. 1; 1 Cor. x. 25, 26; and 1 Tim. iv. 4.

   [1676] For Augustin's mature view on this subject, see his work, De
   Libero Arbitrio, i. 5. 13: "That it is wrong to shed the blood of our
   fellow-men in defence of those things which ought to be despised by
   us."

   [1677] Matt. v. 39.

   [1678] Acts xxiii. 17-24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLVIII.

   (a.d. 398.)

   To My Lord Eudoxius, My Brother and Fellow-Presbyter, Beloved and
   Longed For, and to the Brethren Who are with Him, [1679] Augustin and
   the Brethren Who are Here Send Greeting.

   1. When we reflect upon the undisturbed rest which you enjoy in Christ,
   we also, although engaged in labours manifold and arduous, find rest
   with you, beloved. We are one body under one Head, so that you share
   our toils, and we share your repose: for "if one member suffer, all the
   members suffer with it; or if one member be honoured, all the members
   rejoice with it." [1680] Therefore we earnestly exhort and beseech you,
   by the deep humility and most compassionate majesty of Christ, to be
   mindful of us in your holy intercessions; for we believe you to be more
   lively and undistracted in prayer than we can be, whose prayers are
   often marred and weakened by the darkness and confusion arising from
   secular occupations: not that we have these on our own account, but we
   can scarcely breathe for the pressure of such duties imposed upon us by
   men compelling us, so to speak, to go with them one mile, with whom we
   are commanded by our Lord to go farther than they ask. [1681] We
   believe, nevertheless, that He before whom the sighing of the prisoner
   comes [1682] will look on us persevering in the ministry in which He
   was pleased to put us, with promise of reward, and, by the assistance
   of your prayers, will set us free from all distress.

   2. We exhort you in the Lord, brethren, to be stedfast in your purpose,
   and persevere to the end; and if the Church, your Mother, calls you to
   active service, guard against accepting it, on the one hand, with too
   eager elation of spirit, or declining it, on the other, under the
   solicitations of indolence; and obey God with a lowly heart, submitting
   yourselves in meekness to Him who governs you, who will guide the meek
   in judgment, and will teach them His way. [1683] Do not prefer your own
   ease to the claims of the Church; for if no good men were willing to
   minister to her in her bringing forth of her spiritual children, the
   beginning of your own spiritual life would have been impossible. As men
   must keep the way carefully in walking between fire and water, so as to
   be neither burned nor drowned, so must we order our steps between the
   pinnacle of pride and the whirlpool of indolence; as it is written,
   "declining neither to the right hand nor to the left." [1684] For some,
   while guarding too anxiously against being lifted up and raised, as it
   were, to the dangerous heights on the right hand, have fallen and been
   engulphed in the depths on the left. Again, others, while turning too
   eagerly from the danger on the left hand of being immersed in the
   torpid effeminacy of inaction, are, on the other hand, so destroyed and
   consumed by the extravagance of self-conceit, that they vanish into
   ashes and smoke. See then, beloved, that in your love of ease you
   restrain yourselves from all mere earthly delight, and remember that
   there is no place where the fowler who fears lest we fly back to God
   may not lay snares for us; let us account him whose captives we once
   were to be the sworn enemy of all good men; let us never consider
   ourselves in possession of perfect peace until iniquity shall have
   ceased, and "judgment shall have returned unto righteousness." [1685]

   3. Moreover, when you are exerting yourselves with energy and fervour,
   whatever you do, whether labouring diligently in prayer, fasting, or
   almsgiving, or distributing to the poor, or forgiving injuries, "as God
   also for Christ's sake hath forgiven us," [1686] or subduing evil
   habits, and chastening the body and bringing it into subjection, [1687]
   or bearing tribulation, and especially bearing with one another in love
   (for what can he bear who is not patient with his brother?), or
   guarding against the craft and wiles of the tempter, and by the shield
   of faith averting and extinguishing his fiery darts, [1688] or "singing
   and making melody to the Lord in your hearts," or with voices in
   harmony with your hearts; [1689] --whatever you do, I say, "do all to
   the glory of God," [1690] who "worketh all in all," [1691] and be so
   "fervent in Spirit" [1692] that your "soul may make her boast in the
   Lord." [1693] Such is the course of those who walk in the "straight
   way," whose "eyes are ever upon the Lord, for He shall pluck their feet
   out of the net." [1694] Such a course is neither interrupted by
   business, nor benumbed by leisure, neither boisterous nor languid,
   neither presumptuous nor desponding, neither reckless nor supine.
   "These things do, and the God of peace shall be with you." [1695]

   4. Let your charity prevent you from accounting me forward in wishing
   to address you by letter. I remind you of these things, not because I
   think you come short in them, but because I thought that I would be
   much commended unto God by you, if, in doing your duty to Him, you do
   it with a remembrance of my exhortation. For good report, even before
   the coming of the brethren Eustasius and Andreas from you, had brought
   to us, as they did, the good savour of Christ, which is yielded by your
   holy conversation. Of these, Eustasius has gone before us to that land
   of rest, on the shore of which beat no rude waves such as those which
   encompass your island home, and in which he does not regret Caprera,
   for the homely raiment [1696] with which it furnished him he wears no
   more.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1679] The monastery of these brethren was in the island of
   Capraria--the same, I suppose, with Caprera--now so widely famous as
   Garibaldi's home.

   [1680] 1 Cor. xii. 26.

   [1681] Matt. v. 41.

   [1682] Ps. lxxix. 11.

   [1683] Ps. xxv. 9.

   [1684] Deut. xvii. 11.

   [1685] Ps. lvii. 1 and xciv. 15.

   [1686] Eph. iv. 32.

   [1687] 1 Cor. ix. 27.

   [1688] Eph. vi. 16.

   [1689] Eph. v. 19.

   [1690] 1 Cor. x. 31.

   [1691] 1 Cor. xii. 6.

   [1692] Rom. xii. 11.

   [1693] Ps. xxxiv. 2.

   [1694] Ps. xxv. 15.

   [1695] Phil. iv. 9.

   [1696] Cilicium, the garment of goats' hair worn by the brethren. These
   were the staple article of manufacture in Caprera, "the goat island."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XLIX.

   This letter, written to Honoratus, a Donatist bishop, contains nothing
   on the Donatist schism which is not already found in Letters XLIII. and
   XLIV., or supplied in Letter LIII.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter L. [1697]

   (a.d. 399.)

   To the Magistrates and Leading Men, or Elders, of the Colony of
   Suffectum, Bishop Augustin Sends Greeting.

   Earth reels and heaven trembles at the report of the enormous crime and
   unprecedented cruelty which has made your streets and temples run red
   with blood, and ring with the shouts of murderers. You have buried the
   laws of Rome in a dishonoured grave, and trampled in scorn the
   reverence due to equitable enactments. The authority of emperors you
   neither respect nor fear. In your city there has been shed the innocent
   blood of sixty of our brethren; and whoever approved himself most
   active in the massacre, was rewarded with your applause, and with a
   high place in your Council. Come now, let us arrive at the chief
   pretext for this outrage. If you say that Hercules belonged to you, by
   all means we will make good your loss: we have metals at hand, and
   there is no lack of stone; nay, we have several varieties of marble,
   and a host of artisans. Fear not, your god is in the hands of his
   makers, and shall be with all diligence hewn out and polished and
   ornamented. We will give in addition some red ochre, to make him blush
   in such a way as may well harmonize with your devotions. Or if you say
   that the Hercules must be of your own making, we will raise a
   subscription in pennies, [1698] and buy a god from a workman of your
   own for you. Only do you at the same time make restitution to us; and
   as your god Hercules is given back to you, let the lives of the many
   men whom your violence has destroyed be given back to us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1697] This letter is found only in the Vatican Ms. On this ground, and
   because of its tone and style, its composition has been ascribed to
   another hand than Augustin's. The reader may judge for himself. The
   sixty Christians of Suffectum (a town in the territory of Tunis), whose
   death is here mentioned, are commemorated in the martyrology of the
   Roman Catholic Church. Their day in the Calendar is Aug. 30.

   [1698] Singulis nummis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LI.

   (a.d. 399 or 400.)

   An invitation to Crispinus, Donatist bishop at Calama, to discuss the
   whole question of the Donatist schism.

   (No salutation at the beginning of the letter.)

   1. I have adopted this plan in regard to the heading of this letter,
   because your party are offended by the humility which I have shown in
   the salutations prefixed to others. I might be supposed to have done it
   as an insult to you, were it not that I trust that you will do the same
   in your reply to me. Why should I say much regarding your promise at
   Carthage, and my urgency to have it fulfilled? Let the manner in which
   we then acted to each other be forgotten with the past, lest it should
   obstruct future conference. Now, unless I am mistaken, there is, by the
   Lord's help, no obstacle in the way: we are both in Numidia, and
   located at no great distance from each other. I have heard it said that
   you are still willing to examine, in debate with me, the question which
   separates us from communion with each other. See how promptly all
   ambiguities may be cleared away: send me an answer to this letter if
   you please, and perhaps that may be enough, not only for us, but for
   those also who desire to hear us; or if it is not, let us exchange
   letters again and again until the discussion is exhausted. For what
   greater benefit could be secured to us by the comparative nearness of
   the towns which we inhabit? I have resolved to debate with you in no
   other way than by letters, in order both to prevent anything that is
   said from escaping from our memory, and to secure that others
   interested in the question, but unable to be present at a debate, may
   not forfeit the instruction. You are accustomed, not with any intention
   of falsehood, but by mistake, to reproach us with charges such as may
   suit your purpose, concerning past transactions, which we repudiate as
   untrue. Therefore, if you please, let us weigh the question in the
   light of the present, and let the past alone. You are doubtless aware
   that in the Jewish dispensation the sin of idolatry was committed by
   the people, and once the book of the prophet of God was burned by a
   defiant king; [1699] the punishment of the sin of schism would not have
   been more severe than that with which these two were visited, had not
   the guilt of it been greater. You remember, of course, how the earth
   opening swallowed up alive the leaders of a schism, and fire from
   heaven breaking forth destroyed their accomplices. [1700] Neither the
   making and worshipping of an idol, nor the burning of the Holy Book,
   was deemed worthy of such punishment.

   2. You are wont to reproach us with a crime, not proved against us,
   indeed, though proved beyond question against some of your own
   party,--the crime, namely, of yielding up, through fear of persecution,
   the Scriptures [1701] to be burned. Let me ask, therefore, why you have
   received back men whom you condemned for the crime of schism by the
   "unerring voice of your plenary Council" (I quote from the record), and
   replaced them in the same episcopal sees as they were in at the time
   when you passed sentence against them? I refer to Felicianus of Musti
   and Prætextatus of Assuri. [1702] These were not, as you would have the
   ignorant believe, included among those to whom your Council appointed
   and intimated a certain time, after the lapse of which, if they had not
   returned to your communion, the sentence would become final; but they
   were included among the others whom you condemned, without delay, on
   the day on which you gave to some, as I have said, a respite. I can
   prove this, if you deny it. Your own Council is witness. We have also
   the proconsular Acts, in which you have not once, but often, affirmed
   this. Provide, therefore, some other line of defence if you can, lest,
   denying what I can prove, you cause loss of time. If, then, Felicianus
   and Prætextatus were innocent, why were they thus condemned? If they
   were guilty, why were they thus restored? If you prove them to have
   been innocent, can you object to our believing that it was possible for
   innocent men, falsely charged with being traditors, to be condemned by
   a much smaller number of your predecessors, if it is found possible for
   innocent men, falsely charged with being schismatics, to be condemned
   by three hundred and ten of their successors, whose decision is
   magniloquently described as proceeding from "the unerring voice of a
   plenary Council"? If, however, you prove them to have been justly
   condemned, what can you plead in defence of their being restored to
   office in the same episcopal sees, unless, magnifying the importance
   and benefit of peace, you maintain that even such things as these
   should be tolerated in order to preserve unbroken the bond of unity?
   Would to God that you would urge this plea, not with the lips only, but
   with the whole heart! You could not fail then to perceive that no
   calumnies whatever could justify the breaking up of the peace of Christ
   throughout the world, if it is lawful in Africa for men, once condemned
   for impious schism, to be restored to the same office which they held,
   rather than break up the peace of Donatus and his party.

   3. Again, you are wont to reproach us with persecuting you by the help
   of the civil power. In regard to this, I do not draw an argument either
   from the demerit involved in the enormity of so great an impiety, nor
   from the Christian meekness moderating the severity of our measures. I
   take up this position: if this be a crime, why have you harshly
   persecuted the Maximianists by the help of judges appointed by those
   emperors whose spiritual birth by the gospel was due to our Church? Why
   have you driven them, by the din of controversy, the authority of
   edicts, and the violence of soldiery, from those buildings for worship
   which they possessed, and in which they were when they seceded from
   you? The wrongs endured by them in that struggle in every place are
   attested by the existing traces of events so recent. Documents declare
   the orders given. The deeds done are notorious throughout regions in
   which also the sacred memory of your leader Optatus is mentioned with
   honour.

   4. Again, you are wont to say that we have not the baptism of Christ,
   and that beyond your communion it is not to be found. On this I would
   enter into a more lengthened argument; but in dealing with you this is
   not necessary, seeing that, along with Felicianus and Prætextatus, you
   admitted also the baptism of the Maximianists as valid. For all whom
   these bishops baptized so long as they were in communion with
   Maximianus, while you were doing your utmost in a protracted contest in
   the civil courts to expel these very men [Felicianus and Prætextatus]
   from their churches, as the Acts testify,--all those, I say, whom they
   baptized during that time, they now have in fellowship with them and
   with you; and though these were baptized by them when excommunicated
   and in the guilt of schism, not only in cases of extremity through
   dangerous sickness, but also at the Easter services, in the large
   number of churches belonging to their cities, and in these important
   cities themselves,--in the case of none of them has the rite of baptism
   been repeated. And I wish you could prove that those whom Felicianus
   and Prætextatus had baptized, as it were, in vain, when they were
   excommunicated and in the guilt of schism, were satisfactorily baptized
   again by them when they were restored. For if the renewal of baptism
   was necessary for the people, the renewal of ordination was not less
   necessary for the bishops. For they had forfeited their episcopal
   office by leaving you, if they could not baptize beyond your communion;
   because, if they had not forfeited their episcopal office by leaving
   you, they could still baptize. But if they had forfeited their
   episcopal office, they should have received ordination when they
   returned, so that what they had lost might be restored. Let not this,
   however, alarm you. As it is certain that they returned with the same
   standing as bishops with which they had gone forth from you, so is it
   also certain that they brought back with themselves to your communion,
   without any repetition of their baptism, all those whom they had
   baptized in the schism of Maximianus.

   5. How can we weep enough when we see the baptism of the Maximianists
   acknowledged by you, and the baptism of the Church universal despised?
   Whether it was with or without hearing their defence, whether it was
   justly or unjustly, that you condemned Felicianus and Prætextatus, I do
   not ask; but tell me what bishop of the Corinthian Church ever defended
   himself at your bar, or received sentence from you? or what bishop of
   the Galatians has done so, or of the Ephesians, Colossians,
   Philippians, Thessalonians, or of any of the other cities included in
   the promise: "All the kindreds of the nations shall worship before
   Thee"? [1703] Yet you accept the baptism of the former, while that of
   the latter is despised; whereas baptism belongs neither to the one nor
   to the other, but to Him of whom it was said: "This same is He that
   baptizeth with the Holy Ghost." [1704] I do not, however, dwell on this
   in the meantime: take notice of the things which are beside us--behold
   what might make an impression even on the blind! Where do we find the
   baptism which you acknowledge? With those, forsooth, whom you have
   condemned, but not with those who were never even tried at your
   bar!--with those who were denounced by name, and cast forth from you
   for the crime of schism, but not with those who, unknown to you, and
   dwelling in remote lands, never were accused or condemned by you!--with
   those who are but a fraction of the inhabitants of a fragment of
   Africa, but not with those from whose country the gospel first came to
   Africa! Why should I add to your burden? Let me have an answer to these
   things. Look to the charge made by your Council against the
   Maximianists as guilty of impious schism: look to the persecutions by
   the civil courts to which you appealed against them: look to the fact
   that you restored some of them without re-ordination, and accepted
   their baptism as valid: and answer, if you can, whether it is in your
   power to hide, even from the ignorant, the question why you have
   separated yourselves from the whole world, in a schism much more
   heinous than that which you boast of having condemned in the
   Maximianists? May the peace of Christ triumph in your heart! Then all
   shall be well. [1705]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1699] Jer. xxxvi. 23.

   [1700] Num. xvi. 31-35.

   [1701] Dominici libri.

   [1702] Felicianus and Prætextatus were two of the twelve bishops by
   whom Maximianus was ordained. They were condemned by the Donatist
   Council of Bagæ; but finding it impossible to eject them from their
   sees, the Donatists yielded after a time, and restored them to their
   office. See Letter LIII. p. 299.

   [1703] Ps. xxii. 27.

   [1704] John i. 33.

   [1705] We conjecture this to be the meaning of the elliptical
   expression EUTUChOS with which the letter ends.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LII.

   This letter to his kinsman Severinus, exhorting him to withdraw from
   the Donatists, contains no new argument.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LIII.

   (a.d. 400.)

   To Generosus, Our Most Loved and Honourable Brother, Fortunatus,
   Alypius, and Augustin Send Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. Since you were pleased to acquaint us with the letter sent to you by
   a Donatist presbyter, although, with the spirit of a true Catholic, you
   regarded it with contempt, nevertheless, to aid you in seeking his
   welfare if his folly be not incurable, we beg you to forward to him the
   following reply. He wrote that an angel had enjoined him to declare to
   you the episcopal succession [1706] of the Christianity of your town;
   to you, forsooth, who hold the Christianity not of your own town only,
   nor of Africa only, but of the whole world, the Christianity which has
   been published, and is now published to all nations. This proves that
   they think it a small matter that they themselves are not ashamed of
   being cut off, and are taking no measures, while they may, to be
   engrafted anew; they are not content unless they do their utmost to cut
   others off, and bring them to share their own fate, as withered
   branches fit for the flames. Wherefore, even if you had yourself been
   visited by that angel whom he affirms to have appeared to him,--a
   statement which we regard as a cunning fiction; and if the angel had
   said to you the very words which he, on the warrant of the alleged
   command, repeated to you,--even in that case it would have been your
   duty to remember the words of the apostle: "Though we, or an angel from
   heaven, preach any other gospel unto you than that we have preached
   unto you, let him be accursed." [1707] For to you it was proclaimed by
   the voice of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself, that His "gospel shall be
   preached unto all nations, and then shall the end come." [1708] To you
   it has moreover been proclaimed by the writings of the prophets and of
   the apostles, that the promises were given to Abraham and to his seed,
   which is Christ, [1709] when God said unto him: "In thy seed shall all
   nations of the earth be blessed." Having then such promises, if an
   angel from heaven were to say to thee, "Let go the Christianity of the
   whole earth, and cling to the faction of Donatus, the episcopal
   succession of which is set forth in a letter of their bishop in your
   town," he ought to be accursed in your estimation; because he would be
   endeavouring to cut you off from the whole Church, and thrust you into
   a small party, and make you forfeit your interest in the promises of
   God.

   2. For if the lineal succession of bishops is to be taken into account,
   with how much more certainty and benefit to the Church do we reckon
   back till we reach Peter himself, to whom, as bearing in a figure the
   whole Church, [1710] the Lord said: "Upon this rock will I build my
   Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it!" [1711] The
   successor of Peter was Linus, and his successors in unbroken continuity
   were these:--Clement, Anacletus, Evaristus, Alexander, Sixtus,
   Telesphorus, Iginus, Anicetus, Pius, Soter, Eleutherius, Victor,
   Zephirinus, Calixtus, Urbanus, Pontianus, Antherus, Fabianus,
   Cornelius, Lucius, Stephanus, Xystus, Dionysius, Felix, Eutychianus,
   Gaius, Marcellinus, Marcellus, Eusebius, Miltiades, Sylvester, Marcus,
   Julius, Liberius, Damasus, and Siricius, whose successor is the present
   Bishop Anastasius. In this order of succession no Donatist bishop is
   found. But, reversing the natural course of things, the Donatists sent
   to Rome from Africa an ordained bishop, who, putting himself at the
   head of a few Africans in the great metropolis, gave some notoriety to
   the name of "mountain men," or Cutzupits, by which they were known.

   3. Now, even although some traditor had in the course of these
   centuries, through inadvertence, obtained a place in that order of
   bishops, reaching from Peter himself to Anastasius, who now occupies
   that see,--this fact would do no harm to the Church and to Christians
   having no share in the guilt of another; for the Lord, providing
   against such a case, says, concerning officers in the Church who are
   wicked: "All whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do; but
   do not ye after their works: for they say, and do not." [1712] Thus the
   stability of the hope of the faithful is secured, inasmuch as being
   fixed, not in man, but in the Lord, it never can be swept away by the
   raging of impious schism; whereas they themselves are swept away who
   read in the Holy Scriptures the names of churches to which the apostles
   wrote, and in which they have no bishop. For what could more clearly
   prove their perversity and their folly, than their saying to their
   clergy, when they read these letters, "Peace be with thee," [1713] at
   the very time that they are themselves disjoined from the peace of
   those churches to which the letters were originally written?

   Chap. II.

   4. Lest, however, he should congratulate himself too much on the
   succession of bishops in Constantina, your own city, read to him the
   records of proceedings before Munatius Felix, the resident Flamen
   [heathen priest], who was governor of your city in the consulship of
   Diocletian for the eighth time, and Maximian for the seventh, on the
   eleventh day before the calends of June. By these records it is proved
   that the bishop Paulus was a traditor; the fact being that Sylvanus was
   then one of his sub-deacons, and, along with him, produced and
   surrendered certain things belonging to the Lord's house, which had
   been most carefully concealed, namely a box [1714] and a lamp of
   silver, upon seeing which a certain Victor is reported to have said,
   "You would have been put to death if you had not found these." Your
   Donatist priest makes great account of this Sylvanus, this clearly
   convicted traditor, in the letter which he writes you, mentioning him
   as then ordained to the office of bishop by the Primate Secundus of
   Tigisis. Let them keep their proud tongues silent, let them admit the
   charges which may truly be brought against themselves, and not utter
   foolish calumnies against others. Read to him also, if he permits it,
   the ecclesiastical records of the proceedings of this same Secundus of
   Tigisis in the house of Urbanus Donatus, in which he remitted to God,
   as judge, men who confessed themselves to have been traditors--Donatus
   of Masculi, Marinns of Aquæ Tibilitanæ, Donatus of Calama, with whom as
   his colleagues, though they were confessed traditors, he ordained their
   bishop Sylvanus, of whose guilt in the same matter I have given the
   history above. Read to him also the proceedings before Zenophilus, a
   man of consular rank, in the course of which a certain deacon of
   theirs, Nundinarius, being angry with Sylvanus for having
   excommunicated him, brought all these facts into court, proving them
   incontestably by authentic documents, and the questioning of witnesses,
   and the reading of public records and many letters.

   5. There are many other things which you might read in his hearing, if
   he is disposed not to dispute angrily, but to listen prudently, such
   as: the petition of the Donatists to Constantine, begging him to send
   from Gaul bishops who should settle this controversy which divided the
   African bishops; the Acts recording what took place in Rome, when the
   case was taken up and decided by the bishops whom he sent thither: also
   you might read in other letters how the Emperor aforesaid states that
   they had made a complaint to him against the decision of their
   peers--the bishops, namely, whom he had sent to Rome; how he appointed
   other bishops to try the case over again at Arles; how they appealed
   from that tribunal also to the Emperor again; how at last he himself
   investigated the matter; and how he most emphatically declares that
   they were vanquished by the innocence of Cæcilianus. Let him listen to
   these things if he be willing, and he will be silent and desist from
   plotting against the truth.

   Chap. III.

   6. We rely, however, not so much on these documents as on the Holy
   Scriptures, wherein a dominion extending to the ends of the earth among
   all nations is promised as the heritage of Christ, separated from which
   by their sinful schism they reproach us with the crimes which belong to
   the chaff in the Lord's threshing-floor, which must be permitted to
   remain mixed with the good grain until the end come, until the whole be
   winnowed in the final judgment. From which it is manifest that, whether
   these charges be true or false, they do not belong to the Lord's wheat,
   [1715] which must grow until the end of the world throughout the whole
   field, i.e. the whole earth; as we know, not by the testimony of a
   false angel such as confirmed your correspondent in his error, but from
   the words of the Lord in the Gospel. And because these unhappy
   Donatists have brought the reproach of many false and empty accusations
   against Christians who were blameless, but who are throughout the world
   mingled with the chaff or tares, i.e. with Christians unworthy of the
   name, therefore God has, in righteous retribution, appointed that they
   should, by their universal Council, condemn as schismatics the
   Maximianists, because they had condemned Primianus, and baptized while
   not in communion with Primianus, and rebaptized those whom he had
   baptized, and then after a short interval should, under the coercion of
   Optatus the minion of Gildo, reinstate in the honours of their office
   two of these, the bishops Felicianus of Musti and Prætextatus of
   Assuri, and acknowledge the baptism of all whom they, while under
   sentence and excommunicated, had baptized. If, therefore, they are not
   defiled by communion with the men thus restored again to their
   office,--men whom with their own mouth they had condemned as wicked and
   impious, and whom they compared to those first heretics whom the earth
   swallowed up alive, [1716] --let them at last awake and consider how
   great is their blindness and folly in pronouncing the whole world
   defiled by unknown crimes of Africans, and the heritage of Christ
   (which according to the promise has been shown unto all nations)
   destroyed through the sins of these Africans by the maintenance of
   communion with them; while they refuse to acknowledge themselves to be
   destroyed and defiled by communicating with men whose crimes they had
   both known and condemned.

   7. Wherefore, since the Apostle Paul says in another place, that even
   Satan transforms himself into an angel of light, and that therefore it
   is not strange that his servants should assume the guise of ministers
   of righteousness: [1717] if your correspondent did indeed see an angel
   teaching him error, and desiring to separate Christians from the
   Catholic unity, he has met with an angel of Satan transforming himself
   into an angel of light. If, however, he has lied to you, and has seen
   no such vision, he is himself a servant of Satan, assuming the guise of
   a minister of righteousness. And yet, if he be not incorrigibly
   obstinate and perverse, he may, by considering all the things now
   stated, be delivered both from misleading others, and from being
   himself misled. For, embracing the opportunity which you have given, we
   have met him without any rancour, remembering in regard to him the
   words of the apostle: "The servant of the Lord must not strive; but be
   gentle unto all men, apt to teach, patient; in meekness instructing
   those that oppose themselves; if God peradventure will give them
   repentance to the acknowledging of the truth; and that they may recover
   themselves out of the snare of the devil, who are taken captive by him
   at his will." [1718] If, therefore, we have said anything severe, let
   him know that it arises not from the bitterness of controversy, but
   from love vehemently desiring his return to the right path. May you
   live safe in Christ, most beloved and honourable brother!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1706] "Ordo." The phrase is afterwards given (sec. 2) more fully,
   "ordo episcoporum sibi succcdentium."

   [1707] Gal. i. 8.

   [1708] Matt. xxiv. 14.

   [1709] Gal. iii. 16.

   [1710] Totius Ecclesiæ figuram gerenti.

   [1711] Matt. xvi. 18.

   [1712] Matt. xxiii. 3.

   [1713] Compare the allusion to the same custom in Letter XLIII. sec.
   21, p. 155.

   [1714] Capitulata.

   [1715] Matt. xiii. 30.

   [1716] Num. xvi. 31-33.

   [1717] 2 Cor. xi. 13-15.

   [1718] 2 Tim. ii. 24-26.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LIV.

   Styled also Book I. of Replies to Questions of Januarius.

   (a.d. 400.)

   To His Beloved Son Januarius, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. In regard to the questions which you have asked me, I would like to
   have known what your own answers would have been; for thus I might have
   made my reply in fewer words, and might most easily confirm or correct
   your opinions, by approving or amending the answers which you had
   given. This I would have greatly preferred. But desiring to answer you
   at once, I think it better to write a long letter than incur loss of
   time. I desire you therefore, in the first place, to hold fast this as
   the fundamental principle in the present discussion, that our Lord
   Jesus Christ has appointed to us a "light yoke" and an "easy burden,"
   as He declares in the Gospel: [1719] in accordance with which He has
   bound His people under the new dispensation together in fellowship by
   sacraments, which are in number very few, in observance most easy, and
   in significance most excellent, as baptism solemnized in the name of
   the Trinity, the communion of His body and blood, and such other things
   as are prescribed in the canonical Scriptures, with the exception of
   those enactments which were a yoke of bondage to God's ancient people,
   suited to their state of heart and to the times of the prophets, and
   which are found in the five books of Moses. As to those other things
   which we hold on the authority, not of Scripture, but of tradition, and
   which are observed throughout the whole world, it may be understood
   that they are held as approved and instituted either by the apostles
   themselves, or by plenary Councils, whose authority in the Church is
   most useful, e.g. the annual commemoration, by special solemnities, of
   the Lord's passion, resurrection, and ascension, and of the descent of
   the Holy Spirit from heaven, and whatever else is in like manner
   observed by the whole Church wherever it has been established.

   Chap. II.

   2. There are other things, however, which are different in different
   places and countries: e.g., some fast on Saturday, others do not; some
   partake daily of the body and blood of Christ, others receive it on
   stated days: in some places no day passes without the sacrifice being
   offered; in others it is only on Saturday and the Lord's day, or it may
   be only on the Lord's day. In regard to these and all other variable
   observances which may be met anywhere, one is at liberty to comply with
   them or not as he chooses; and there is no better rule for the wise and
   serious Christian in this matter, than to conform to the practice which
   he finds prevailing in the Church to which it may be his lot to come.
   For such a custom, if it is clearly not contrary to the faith nor to
   sound morality, is to be held as a thing indifferent, and ought to be
   observed for the sake of fellowship with those among whom we live.

   3. I think you may have heard me relate before, [1720] what I will
   nevertheless now mention. When my mother followed me to Milan, she
   found the Church there not fasting on Saturday. She began to be
   troubled, and to hesitate as to what she should do; upon which I,
   though not taking a personal interest then in such things, applied on
   her behalf to Ambrose, of most blessed memory, for his advice. He
   answered that he could not teach me anything but what he himself
   practised, because if he knew any better rule, he would observe it
   himself. When I supposed that he intended, on the ground of his
   authority alone, and without supporting it by any argument, to
   recommend us to give up fasting on Saturday, he followed me, and said:
   "When I visit Rome, I fast on Saturday; when I am here, I do not fast.
   On the same principle, do you observe the custom prevailing in whatever
   Church you come to, if you desire neither to give offence by your
   conduct, nor to find cause of offence in another's." When I reported
   this to my mother, she accepted it gladly; and for myself, after
   frequently reconsidering his decision, I have always esteemed it as if
   I had received it by an oracle from heaven. For often have I perceived,
   with extreme sorrow, many disquietudes caused to weak brethren by the
   contentious pertinacity or superstitious vacillation of some who, in
   matters of this kind, which do not admit of final decision by the
   authority of Holy Scripture, or by the tradition of the universal
   Church or by their manifest good influence on manners raise questions,
   it may be, from some crotchet of their own, or from attachment to the
   custom followed in one's own country, or from preference for that which
   one has seen abroad, supposing that wisdom is increased in proportion
   to the distance to which men travel from home, and agitate these
   questions with such keenness, that they think all is wrong except what
   they do themselves.

   Chap. III.

   4. Some one may say, "The Eucharist ought not to be taken every day."
   You ask, "On what grounds?" He answers, "Because, in order that a man
   may approach worthily to so great a sacrament, he ought to choose those
   days upon which he lives in more special purity and self-restraint; for
   whosoever eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh judgment
   to himself.'" [1721] Another answers, "Certainly; if the wound
   inflicted by sin and the violence of the soul's distemper be such that
   the use of these remedies must be put off for a time, every man in this
   case should be, by the authority of the bishop, forbidden to approach
   the altar, and appointed to do penance, and should be afterwards
   restored to privileges by the same authority; for this would be
   partaking unworthily, if one should partake of it at a time when he
   ought to be doing penance, [1722] and it is not a matter to be left to
   one's own judgment to withdraw himself from the communion of the
   Church, or restore himself, as he pleases. If, however, his sins are
   not so great as to bring him justly under sentence of excommunication,
   he ought not to withdraw himself from the daily use of the Lord's body
   for the healing of his soul." Perhaps a third party interposes with a
   more just decision of the question, reminding them that the principal
   thing is to remain united in the peace of Christ, and that each should
   be free to do what, according to his belief, he conscientiously regards
   as his duty. For neither of them lightly esteems the body and blood of
   the Lord; on the contrary, both are contending who shall most highly
   honour the sacrament fraught with blessing. There was no controversy
   between those two mentioned in the Gospel, Zacchæus and the Centurion;
   nor did either of them think himself better than the other, though,
   whereas the former received the Lord joyfully into his house, [1723]
   the latter said, "I am not worthy that Thou shouldest come under my
   roof," [1724] --both honouring the Saviour, though in ways diverse and,
   as it were, mutually opposed; both miserable through sin, and both
   obtaining the mercy they required. We may further borrow an
   illustration here, from the fact that the manna given to the ancient
   people of God tasted in each man's mouth as he desired that it might.
   [1725] It is the same with this world-subduing sacrament in the heart
   of each Christian. For he that dares not take it every day, and he who
   dares not omit it any day, are both alike moved by a desire to do it
   honour. That sacred food will not submit to be despised, as the manna
   could not be loathed with impunity. Hence the apostle says that it was
   unworthily partaken of by those who did not distinguish between this
   and all other meats, by yielding to it the special veneration which was
   due; for to the words quoted already, "eateth and drinketh judgment to
   himself," he has added these, "not discerning the Lord's body;" and
   this is apparent from the whole of that passage in the first Epistle to
   the Corinthians, if it be carefully studied.

   Chap. IV.

   5. Suppose some foreigner visit a place in which during Lent it is
   customary to abstain from the use of the bath, and to continue fasting
   on Thursday. "I will not fast today," he says. The reason being asked,
   he says, "Such is not the custom in my own country." Is not he, by such
   conduct, attempting to assert the superiority of his custom over
   theirs? For he cannot quote a decisive passage on the subject from the
   Book of God; nor can he prove his opinion to be right by the unanimous
   voice of the universal Church, wherever spread abroad; nor can he
   demonstrate that they act contrary to the faith, and he according to
   it, or that they are doing what is prejudicial to sound morality, and
   he is defending its interests. Those men injure their own tranquillity
   and peace by quarrelling on an unnecessary question. I would rather
   recommend that, in matters of this kind, each man should, when
   sojourning in a country in which he finds a custom different from his
   own consent to do as others do. If, on the other hand, a Christian,
   when travelling abroad in some region where the people of God are more
   numerous, and more easily assembled together, and more zealous in
   religion, has seen, e.g., the sacrifice twice offered, both morning and
   evening, on the Thursday of the last week in Lent, and therefore, on
   his coming back to his own country, where it is offered only at the
   close of the day, protests against this as wrong and unlawful, because
   he has himself seen another custom in another land, this would show a
   childish weakness of judgment against which we should guard ourselves,
   and which we must bear with in others, but correct in all who are under
   our influence.

   Chap. V.

   6. Observe now to which of these three classes the first question in
   your letter is to be referred. You ask, "What ought to be done on the
   Thursday of the last week of Lent? Ought we to offer the sacrifice in
   the morning, and again after supper, on account of the words in the
   Gospel, Likewise also . . . after supper'? [1726] Or ought we to fast
   and offer the sacrifice only after supper? Or ought we to fast until
   the offering has been made, and then take supper as we are accustomed
   to do?" I answer, therefore, that if the authority of Scripture has
   decided which of these methods is right, there is no room for doubting
   that we should do according to that which is written; and our
   discussion must be occupied with a question, not of duty, but of
   interpretation as to the meaning of the divine institution. In like
   manner, if the universal Church follows any one of these methods, there
   is no room for doubt as to our duty; for it would be the height of
   arrogant madness to discuss whether or not we should comply with it.
   But the question which you propose is not decided either by Scripture
   or by universal practice. It must therefore be referred to the third
   class--as pertaining, namely, to things which are different in
   different places and countries. Let every man, therefore, conform
   himself to the usage prevailing in the Church to which he may come. For
   none of these methods is contrary to the Christian faith or the
   interests of morality, as favoured by the adoption of one custom more
   than the other. If this were the case, that either the faith or sound
   morality were at stake, it would be necessary either to change what was
   done amiss, or to appoint the doing of what had been neglected. But
   mere change of custom, even though it may be of advantage in some
   respects, unsettles men by reason of the novelty: therefore, if it
   brings no advantage, it does much harm by unprofitably disturbing the
   Church.

   7. Let me add, that it would be a mistake to suppose that the custom
   prevalent in many places, of offering the sacrifice on that day after
   partaking of food, is to be traced to the words, "Likewise after
   supper," etc. For the Lord might give the name of supper to what they
   had received, in already partaking of His body, so that it was after
   this that they partook of the cup: as the apostle says in another
   place, "When ye come together into one place, this is not to eat [1727]
   the Lord's Supper," [1728] giving to the receiving of the Eucharist to
   that extent (i.e. the eating of the bread) the name of the Lord's
   Supper.

   Chap. VI.

   As to the question whether upon that day it is right to partake of food
   before either offering or partaking of the Eucharist, these words in
   the Gospel might go far to decide our minds, "As they were eating,
   Jesus took bread and blessed it;" taken in connection with the words in
   the preceding context, "When the even was come, He sat down with the
   twelve: and as they did eat, He said, Verily I say unto you, that one
   of you shall betray Me." For it was after that that He instituted the
   sacrament; and it is clear that when the disciples first received the
   body and blood of the Lord, they had not been fasting.

   8. Must we therefore censure the universal Church because the sacrament
   is everywhere partaken of by persons fasting? Nay, verily, for from
   that time it pleased the Holy Spirit to appoint, for the honour of so
   great a sacrament, that the body of the Lord should take the precedence
   of all other food entering the mouth of a Christian; and it is for this
   reason that the custom referred to is universally observed. For the
   fact that the Lord instituted the sacrament after other food had been
   partaken of, does not prove that brethren should come together to
   partake of that sacrament after having dined or supped, or imitate
   those whom the apostle reproved and corrected for not distinguishing
   between the Lord's Supper and an ordinary meal. The Saviour, indeed, in
   order to commend the depth of that mystery more affectingly to His
   disciples, was pleased to impress it on their hearts and memories by
   making its institution His last act before going from them to His
   Passion. And therefore He did not prescribe the order in which it was
   to be observed, reserving this to be done by the apostles, through whom
   He intended to arrange all things pertaining to the Churches. Had He
   appointed that the sacrament should be always partaken of after other
   food, I believe that no one would have departed from that practice. But
   when the apostle, speaking of this sacrament, says, "Wherefore, my
   brethren, when ye come together to eat, tarry one for another: and if
   any man hunger, let him eat at home; that ye come not together unto
   condemnation," he immediately adds, "and the rest will I set in order
   when I come." [1729] Whence we are given to understand that, since it
   was too much for him to prescribe completely in an epistle the method
   observed by the universal Church throughout the world, it was one of
   the things set in order by him in person, for we find its observance
   uniform amid all the variety of other customs.

   Chap. VII.

   9. There are, indeed, some to whom it has seemed right (and their view
   is not unreasonable), that it is lawful for the body and blood of the
   Lord to be offered and received after other food has been partaken of,
   on one fixed day of the year, the day on which the Lord instituted the
   Supper, in order to give special solemnity to the service on that
   anniversary. I think that, in this case, it would be more seemly to
   have it celebrated at such an hour as would leave it in the power of
   any who have fasted to attend the service before [1730] the repast
   which is customary at the ninth hour. Wherefore we neither compel nor
   do we dare to forbid any one to break his fast before the Lord's Supper
   on that day. I believe, however, that the real ground upon which this
   custom rests is, that many, nay, almost all, are accustomed in most
   places to use the bath on that day. And because some continue to fast,
   it is offered in the morning, for those who take food, because they
   cannot bear fasting and the use of the bath at the same time; and in
   the evening, for those who have fasted all day.

   10. If you ask me whence originated the custom of using the bath on
   that day, nothing occurs to me, when I think of it, as more likely than
   that it was to avoid the offence to decency which must have been given
   at the baptismal font, if the bodies of those to whom that rite was to
   be administered were not washed on some preceding day from the
   uncleanness consequent upon their strict abstinence from ablutions
   during Lent; and that this particular day was chosen for the purpose
   because of its being the anniversary of the institution of the Supper.
   And this being granted to those who were about to receive baptism, many
   others desired to join them in the luxury of a bath, and in relaxation
   of their fast.

   Having discussed these questions to the best of my ability, I exhort
   you to observe, in so far as you may be able, what I have laid down, as
   becomes a wise and peace-loving son of the Church. The remainder of
   your questions I purpose, if the Lord will, to answer at another time.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1719] Matt. xi. 30.

   [1720] Compare Letter XXXVI. sec. 32, p. 270.

   [1721] 1 Cor. xi. 29.

   [1722] Agere pænitentiam.

   [1723] Luke xix. 6.

   [1724] Matt. viii. 8.

   [1725] In his Retractations, b. ii. ch. xx., Augustin remarks on this
   statement: "I do not recollect any passage by which it could be
   substantiated, except from the book of Wisdom (ch. xvi. 21), which the
   Jews do not admit to be of canonical authority." He says, in the same
   place, that this peculiarity of the manna must have been enjoyed only
   by the pious in Israel, not by the murmurers who said, "Our soul
   loatheth this light bread" (Num. xxi. 5).

   [1726] Luke xxii. 20.

   [1727] Manducare.

   [1728] 1 Cor. xi. 20.

   [1729] 1 Cor. xi. 33, 34.

   [1730] "Ante" is the reading of seven Mss. The Benedictine edition
   gives "post" in the text. We think the former gives better sense.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LV.

   Or Book II. of Replies to Questions of Januarius.

   (a.d. 400.)

   Chap. I.

   1. Having read the letter in which you have put me in mind of my
   obligation to give answers to the remainder of those questions which
   you submitted to me a long time ago, I cannot bear to defer any longer
   the gratification of that desire for instruction which it gives me so
   much pleasure and comfort to see in you; and although encompassed by an
   accumulation of engagements, I have given the first place to the work
   of supplying you with the answers desired. I will make no further
   comment on the contents of your letter, lest my doing so should prevent
   me from paying at length what I owe.

   2. You ask, "Wherefore does the anniversary on which we celebrate the
   Passion of the Lord not fall, like the day which tradition has handed
   down as the day of His birth, on the same day every year?" and you add,
   "If the reason of this is connected with the week and the month, what
   have we to do with the day of the week or the state of the moon in this
   solemnity?" The first thing which you must know and remember here is,
   that the observance of the Lord's natal day is not sacramental, but
   only commemorative of His birth, and that therefore no more was in this
   case necessary, than that the return of the day on which the event took
   place should be marked by an annual religious festival. The celebration
   of an event becomes sacramental in its nature, only when the
   commemoration of the event is so ordered that it is understood to be
   significant of something which is to be received with reverence as
   sacred. [1731] Therefore we observe Easter [1732] in such a manner as
   not only to recall the facts of the death and resurrection of Christ to
   remembrance, but also to find a place for all the other things which,
   in connection with these events, give evidence as to the import of the
   sacrament. For since, as the apostle wrote, "He was delivered for our
   offences, and was raised again for our justification," [1733] a certain
   transition from death to life has been consecrated in that Passion and
   Resurrection of the Lord. For the word Pascha itself is not, as is
   commonly thought, a Greek word: those who are acquainted with both
   languages affirm it to be a Hebrew word. It is not derived, therefore,
   from the Passion, because of the Greek word paschein, signifying to
   suffer, but it takes its name from the transition, of which I have
   spoken, from death to life; the meaning of the Hebrew word Pascha
   being, as those who are acquainted with it assure us, [1734] a passing
   over or transition. To this the Lord Himself designed to allude, when
   He said," He that believeth in Me is passed from death to life." [1735]
   And the same evangelist who records that saying is to be understood as
   desiring to give emphatic testimony to this, when, speaking of the Lord
   as about to celebrate with His disciples the passover, at which He
   instituted the sacramental supper, he says, "When Jesus knew that His
   hour was come, that He should depart [1736] from this world unto the
   Father." [1737] This passing over from this mortal life to the other,
   the immortal life, that is, from death to life, is set forth in the
   Passion and Resurrection of the Lord.

   Chap. II.

   3. This passing from death to life is meanwhile wrought in us by faith,
   which we have for the pardon of our sins and the hope of eternal life,
   when we love God and our neighbour; "for faith worketh by love," [1738]
   and "the just shall live by his faith;" [1739] "and hope that is seen
   is not hope: for what a man seeth, why doth he yet hope for? But if we
   hope for that we see not, then do we with patience wait for it." [1740]
   According to this faith and hope and love, by which we have begun to be
   "under grace," we are already dead together with Christ, and buried
   together with Him by baptism into death; [1741] as the apostle hath
   said, "Our old man is crucified with Him;" [1742] and we have risen
   with Him, for "He hath raised us up together, and made us sit with Him
   in heavenly places." [1743] Whence also he gives this exhortation: "If
   ye then be risen with Christ, seek those things which are above, where
   Christ sitteth on the right hand of God. Set your affection on things
   above, not on things on the earth." [1744] In the next words, "For ye
   are dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God; when Christ, who is
   our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with Him in glory,"
   [1745] he plainly gives us to understand that our passing in this
   present time from death to life by faith is accomplished in the hope of
   that future final resurrection and glory, when "this corruptible," that
   is, this flesh in which we now groan, "shall put on incorruption, and
   this mortal shall put on immortality." [1746] For now, indeed, we have
   by faith "the first-fruits of the Spirit;" but still we "groan within
   ourselves, waiting for the adoption, to wit, the redemption of the
   body: for we are saved by hope." While we are in this hope, "the body
   indeed is dead because of sin, but the spirit is life because of
   righteousness." Now mark what follows: "But if the Spirit of Him that
   raised up Jesus from the dead dwell in you, He that raised up Christ
   from the dead shall also quicken your mortal bodies by His Spirit that
   dwelleth in you." [1747] The whole Church, therefore, while here in the
   conditions of pilgrimage and mortality, expects that to be accomplished
   in her at the end of the world which has been shown first in the body
   of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is "the first-begotten from the dead,"
   seeing that the body of which He is the Head is none other than the
   Church. [1748]

   Chap. III.

   4. Some, indeed, studying the words so frequently used by the apostle,
   about our being dead with Christ and raised together with Him, and
   misunderstanding the sense in which they are used, have thought that
   the resurrection is already past, and that no other is to be hoped for
   at the end of time: "Of whom," he says, "are Hymenæus and Philetus; who
   concerning the truth have erred, saying that the resurrection is past
   already; and overthrow the faith of some." [1749] The same apostle who
   thus reproves and testifies against them, teaches nevertheless that we
   are risen with Christ. How is the apparent contradiction to be removed,
   unless he means that this is accomplished in us by faith and hope and
   love, according to the first-fruits of the Spirit? But because "hope
   which is seen is not hope," and therefore "if we hope for that we see
   not, we do with patience wait for it," it is beyond question that there
   remains, as still future, the redemption of the body, in longing for
   which we "groan within ourselves." Hence also that saying, "Rejoicing
   in hope, patient in tribulation." [1750]

   5. This renewal, therefore, of our life is a kind of transition from
   death to life which is made first by faith, so that we rejoice in hope
   and are patient in tribulation, while still "our outward man perisheth,
   but the inward man is renewed day by day." [1751] It is because of this
   beginning of a new life, because of the new man which we are commanded
   to put on, putting off the old man, [1752] "purging out the old leaven,
   that we may be a new lump, because Christ our passover is sacrificed
   for us;" [1753] it is, I say, because of this newness of life in us,
   that the first of the months of the year has been appointed as the
   season of this solemnity. This very name is given to it, the month
   Abib, or beginning of months. [1754] Again, the resurrection of the
   Lord was upon the third day, because with it the third epoch of the
   world began. The first Epoch was before the Law, the second under the
   Law, the third under Grace, in which there is now the manifestation of
   the mystery, [1755] which was formerly hidden under dark prophetic
   sayings. This is accordingly signified also in the part of the month
   appointed for the celebration; for, since the number seven is usually
   employed in Scripture as a mystical number, indicating perfection of
   some kind, the day of the celebration of Easter is within the third
   week of the month, namely, between the fourteenth and the twenty-first
   day.

   Chap. IV.

   6. There is in this another mystery, [1756] and you are not to be
   distressed if perhaps it be not so readily perceived by you, because of
   your being less versed in such studies; nor are you to think me any
   better than you, because I learned these things in early years: for the
   Lord saith, "Let him that glorieth glory in this, that he understandeth
   and knoweth Me, that I am the Lord." [1757] Some men who give attention
   to such studies, have investigated many things concerning the numbers
   and motions of the heavenly bodies. And those who have done this most
   ably have found that the waxing and waning of the moon are due to the
   turning of its globe, and not to any such actual addition to or
   diminution of its substance as is supposed by the foolish Manichæans,
   who say that as a ship is filled, so the moon is filled with a fugitive
   portion of the Divine Being, which they, with impious heart and lips,
   do not hesitate to believe and to declare to have become mingled with
   the rulers of darkness, and contaminated with their pollution. And they
   account for the waxing of the moon by saying that it takes place when
   that lost portion of the Deity, being purified from contamination by
   great labours, escaping from the whole world, [1758] and from all foul
   abominations, [1759] is restored to the Deity, who mourns till it
   returns; that by this the moon is filled up till the middle of the
   month, and that in the latter half of the month this is poured back
   into the sun as into another ship. Amid these execrable blasphemies,
   they have never succeeded in devising any way of explaining why the
   moon in the beginning or end of its brightness shines with its light in
   the shape of a horn, or why it begins at the middle of the month to
   wane, and does not go on full until it pour back its increase into the
   sun.

   7. Those, however, to whom I refer have inquired into these things with
   trustworthy calculations, so that they can not only state the reason of
   eclipses, both solar and lunar, but also predict their occurrence long
   before they take place, and are able to determine by mathematical
   computation the precise intervals at which these must happen, and to
   state the results in treatises, by reading and understanding which any
   others may foretell as well as they the coming of these eclipses, and
   find their prediction verified by the event. Such men,--and they
   deserve censure, as Holy Scripture teaches, because "though they had
   wisdom enough to measure the periods of this world, they did not much
   more easily come," as by humble piety they might have done, "to the
   knowledge of its Lord," [1760] --such men, I say, have inferred from
   the horns of the moon, which both in waxing and in waning are turned
   from the sun, either that the moon is illuminated by the sun, and that
   the farther it recedes from the sun the more fully does it lie exposed
   to its rays on the side which is visible from the earth; but that the
   more it approaches the sun, after the middle of the month, on the other
   half of its orbit, it becomes more fully illuminated on the upper part,
   and less and less open to receive the sun's rays on the side which is
   turned to the earth, and seems to us accordingly to decrease: or, that
   if the moon has light in itself, it has this light in the hemisphere on
   one side only, which side it gradually turns more to the earth as it
   recedes from the sun, until it is fully displayed, thereby exhibiting
   an apparent increase, not by the addition of what was deficient, but by
   disclosing what was already there; and that, in like manner, going
   towards the sun, the moon again gradually turns from our view that
   which had been disclosed, and so appears to decrease. Whichever of
   these two theories be correct, this at least is plain, and is easily
   discovered by any careful observer, that the moon does not to our eyes
   increase except when it is receding from the sun, nor decrease except
   when returning towards the sun.

   Chap. V.

   8. Now mark what is said in Proverbs: "The wise man is fixed like the
   sun; but the fool changes like the moon." [1761] And who is the wise
   that has no changes, but that Sun of Righteousness of whom it is said,
   "The Sun of righteousness has risen upon me," and of which the wicked
   shall say, when mourning in the day of judgment that it has not risen
   upon them, "The light of righteousness hath not shone upon us, and the
   sun hath not risen upon us"? [1762] For that sun which is visible to
   the eye of sense, God makes to rise upon the evil and the good alike,
   as He sendeth rain upon the just and the unjust; [1763] but apt
   similitudes are often borrowed from things visible to explain things
   invisible. Again, who is the "fool" who "changes like the moon," if not
   Adam, in whom all have sinned? For the soul of man, receding from the
   Sun of righteousness, that is to say, from the internal contemplation
   of unchangeable truth, turns all its strength towards external things,
   and becomes more and more darkened in its deeper and nobler powers; but
   when the soul begins to return to that unchangeable wisdom, the more it
   draws near to it with pious desire, the more does the outward man
   perish, but the inward man is renewed day by day, and all that light of
   the soul which was inclining to things that are beneath is turned to
   the things that are above, and is thus withdrawn from the things of
   earth; so that it dies more and more to this world, and its life is hid
   with Christ in God.

   9. It is therefore for the worse that the soul is changed when it moves
   in the direction of external things, and throws aside that which
   pertains to the inner life; and to the earth, i.e. to those who mind
   earthly things, the soul looks better in such a case, for by them the
   wicked is commended for his heart's desire, and the unrighteous is
   blessed. [1764] But it is for the better that the soul is changed, when
   it gradually turns away its aims and ambition from earthly things,
   which appear important in this world, and directs them to things nobler
   and unseen; and to the earth, i.e. to men who mind earthly things, the
   soul in such a case seems worse. Hence those wicked men who at last
   shall in vain repent of their sins, will say this among other things:
   "These are the men whom once we derided and reproached; we in our folly
   esteemed their way of life to be madness." [1765] Now the Holy Spirit,
   drawing a comparison from things visible to things invisible, from
   things corporeal to spiritual mysteries, has been pleased to appoint
   that the feast symbolical of the passing from the old life to the new,
   which is signified by the name Pascha, should be observed between the
   14th and 21st days of the month,--after the 14th, in order that a
   twofold illustration of spiritual realities might be gained, both with
   respect to the third epoch of the world, which is the reason of its
   occurrence in the third week, as I have already said, and with respect
   to the turning of the soul from external to internal things,--a change
   corresponding to the change in the moon when on the wane; not later
   than the 21st, because of the number 7 itself, which is often used to
   represent the notion of the universe, and is also applied to the Church
   on the ground of her likeness to the universe.

   Chap. VI.

   10. For this reason the Apostle John writes in the Apocalypse to seven
   churches. The Church, moreover, while it remains under the conditions
   of our mortal life in the flesh, is, on account of her liability to
   change, spoken of Scripture by the name of the moon; e.g., "They have
   made ready their arrows in the quiver, that they may, while the moon is
   obscured, wound those who are upright in heart." [1766] For before that
   comes to pass of which the apostle says, "When Christ, who is our life,
   shall appear, then shall ye also appear with Him in glory," [1767] the
   Church seems in the time of her pilgrimage obscured, groaning under
   many iniquities; and at such a time, the snares of those who deceive
   and lead astray are to be feared, and these are intended by the word
   "arrows" in this passage. Again, we have another instance in Psalm
   lxxxix., [1768] where, because of the faithful witnesses which she
   everywhere brings forth on the side of truth, the Church is called "the
   moon, a faithful witness in heaven." And when the Psalmist sang of the
   Lord's kingdom, he said, "In His days shall be righteousness and
   abundance of peace, until the moon be destroyed;" [1769] i.e. abundance
   of peace shall increase so greatly, until He shall at length take away
   all the changeableness incidental to this mortal condition. Then shall
   death, the last enemy, be destroyed; and whatever obstacle to the
   perfection of our peace is due to the infirmity of our flesh shall be
   utterly consumed when this corruptible shall have put on incorruption,
   and this mortal shall have put on immortality. [1770] We have another
   instance in this, that the walls of the town named Jericho--which in
   the Hebrew tongue is said to signify "moon"--fell when they had been
   compassed for the seventh time by the ark of the covenant borne round
   the city. For what else is conveyed by the promise of the coming of the
   heavenly kingdom, which was symbolized in the carrying of the ark round
   Jericho, than that all the strongholds of this mortal life, i.e. every
   hope pertaining to this world which resists the hope of the world to
   come, must be destroyed, with the soul's free consent, by the sevenfold
   gift of the Holy Spirit. Therefore it was, that when the ark was going
   round, those walls fell, not by violent assault, but of themselves.
   There are, besides these, other passages in Scripture which, speaking
   of the moon, impress upon us under that figure the condition of the
   Church while here, amid cares and labours, she is a pilgrim under the
   lot of mortality, and far from that Jerusalem of which the holy angels
   are the citizens.

   11. These foolish men who refuse to be changed for the better have no
   reason, however, to imagine that worship is due to those heavenly
   luminaries because a similitude is occasionally borrowed from them for
   the representation of divine mysteries; for such are borrowed from
   every created thing. Nor is there any reason for our incurring the
   sentence of condemnation which is pronounced by the apostle on some who
   worshipped and served the creature more than the Creator, who is
   blessed for ever. [1771] We do not adore sheep or cattle, although
   Christ is called both a Lamb, [1772] and by the prophet a young
   bullock; [1773] nor any beast of prey, though He is called the Lion of
   the tribe of Judah; [1774] nor a stone, although Christ is called a
   Rock; [1775] nor Mount Zion, though in it there was a type of the
   Church. [1776] And, in like manner, we do not adore the sun or the
   moon, although, in order to convey instruction in holy mysteries,
   figures of sacred things are borrowed from these celestial works of the
   Creator, as they are also from many of the things which He hath made on
   earth.

   Chap. VII.

   12. We are therefore bound to denounce with abhorrence and contempt the
   ravings of the astrologers, who, when we find fault with the empty
   inventions by which they cast other men down into the delusions where
   into they themselves have fallen, imagine that they answer well when
   they say, "Why, then, do you regulate the time of the observance of
   Easter by calculation of the positions of the sun and moon?"--as if
   that with which we find fault was the arrangements of the heavenly
   bodies, or the succession of the seasons, which are appointed by God in
   His infinite power and goodness, and not their perversity in abusing,
   for the support of the most absurd opinions, those things which God has
   ordered in perfect wisdom. If the astrologer may on this ground forbid
   us from drawing comparisons from the heavenly bodies for the mystical
   representation of sacramental realities, then the augurs may with equal
   reason prevent the use of these words of Scripture, "Be harmless as
   doves;" and the snake-charmers may forbid that other exhortation, "Be
   wise as serpents;" [1777] while the play-actors may interfere with our
   mentioning the harp in the book of Psalms. Let them therefore say, if
   they please, that, because similitudes for the exhibition of the
   mysteries of God's word are taken from the things which I have named,
   we are chargeable either with consulting the omens given by the flight
   of birds, or with concocting the poisons of the charmer, or with taking
   pleasure in the excesses of the theatre,--a statement which would be
   the clime of absurdity.

   13. We do not forecast the issues of our enterprises by studying the
   sun and moon, and the times of the year or of the month, lest in the
   most trying emergencies of life, we, being dashed against the rocks of
   a wretched bondage, shall make shipwreck of our freedom of will; but
   with the most pious devoutness of spirit, we accept similitudes adapted
   to the illustration of holy things, which these heavenly bodies
   furnish, just as from all other works of creation, the winds, the sea,
   the land, birds, fishes, cattle, trees, men, etc., we borrow in our
   discourses manifold figures; and in the celebration of sacraments, the
   very few things which the comparative liberty of the Christian
   dispensation has prescribed, such as water, bread, wine, and oil. Under
   the bondage, however, of the ancient dispensation many rites were
   prescribed, which are made known to us only for our instruction as to
   their meaning. We do not now observe years, and months, and seasons,
   lest the words of the apostle apply to us, "I am afraid of you, lest I
   have bestowed upon you labour in vain." [1778] For he blames those who
   say, "I will not set out to-day, because it is an unlucky day, or
   because the moon is so and so;" or, "I will go to-day, that things may
   prosper with me, because the position of the stars is this or that; I
   will do no business this month, because a particular star rules it;"
   or, "I will do business, because another star has succeeded in its
   place; I will not plant a vineyard this year, because it is leap year."
   No man of ordinary sense would, however, suppose that those men deserve
   reproof for studying the seasons, who say, e.g., "I will not set out
   to-day, because a storm has begun;" or, "I will not put to sea, because
   the winter is not yet past;" or, "It is time to sow my seed, for the
   earth has been saturated with the showers of autumn;" and so on, in
   regard to any other natural effects of the motion and moisture of the
   atmosphere which have been observed in connection with that
   consummately ordered revolution of the heavenly bodies concerning which
   it was said when they were made, "Let them be for signs, and for
   seasons, and for days, and for years." [1779] And in like manner,
   whensoever illustrative symbols are borrowed, for the declaration of
   spiritual mysteries, from created things, not only from the heaven and
   its orbs, but also from meaner creatures, this is done to give to the
   doctrine of salvation an eloquence adapted to raise the affections of
   those who receive it from things seen, corporeal and temporal, to
   things unseen, spiritual and eternal.

   Chap. VIII.

   14. None of us gives any consideration to the circumstance that, at the
   time at which we observe Easter, the sun is in the Ram, as they call a
   certain region of the heavenly bodies, in which the sun is, in fact,
   found at the beginning of the months; but whether they, choose to call
   that part of the heavens the Ram or anything else, we have learned this
   from the Sacred Scriptures, that God made all the heavenly bodies, and
   appointed their places as it pleased Him; and whatever the parts may be
   into which astronomers divide the regions set apart and ordained for
   the different constellations, and whatever the names by which they
   distinguish them, the place occupied by the sun in the first month is
   that in which the celebration of this sacrament behoved to find that
   luminary, because of the illustration of a holy mystery in the
   renovation of life, of which I have already spoken sufficiently. If,
   however, the name of Ram could be given to that portion of the heavenly
   bodies because of some correspondence between their form and the name,
   the word of God would not hesitate to borrow from anything of this kind
   an illustration of a holy mystery, as it has done not only from other
   celestial bodies, but also from terrestrial things, e.g. from Orion and
   the Pleiades, Mount Zion, Mount Sinai, and the rivers of which the
   names are given, Gihon, Pison, Tigris, Euphrates, and particularly from
   the river Jordan, which is so often named in the sacred mysteries.

   15. But who can fail to perceive how great is the difference between
   useful observations of the heavenly bodies in connection with the
   weather, such as farmers or sailors make; or in order to mark the part
   of the world in which they are, and the course which they should
   follow, such as are made by pilots of ships or men going through the
   trackless sandy deserts of southern Africa; or in order to present some
   useful doctrine under a figure borrowed from some facts concerning
   heavenly bodies;--and the vain hallucinations of men who observe the
   heavens not to know the weather, or their course, or to make scientific
   calculations, or to find illustrations of spiritual things, but merely
   to pry into the future and learn now what fate has decreed?

   Chap. IX.

   16. Let us now direct our minds to observe the reason why, in the
   celebration of Easter, care is taken to appoint the day so that
   Saturday precedes it: for this is peculiar to the Christian religion.
   The Jews keep the Passover from the 14th to the 21st of the first
   month, on whatever day that week begins. But since at the Passover at
   which the Lord suffered, it was the case that the Jewish Sabbath came
   in between His death and His resurrection, our fathers have judged it
   right to add this specialty to their celebration of Easter, both that
   our feast might be distinguished from the Jewish Passover, and that
   succeeding generations might retain in their annual commemoration of
   His Passion that which we must believe to have been done for some good
   reason, by Him who is before the times, by whom also the times have
   been made, and who came in the fulness of the times, and who when He
   said, Mine hour is not yet come, had the power of laying down His life
   and taking it again, and was therefore waiting for an hour not fixed by
   blind fate, but suitable to the holy mystery which He had resolved to
   commend to our observation.

   17. That which we here hold in faith and hope, and to which by love we
   labour to come, is, as I have said above, a certain holy and perpetual
   rest from the whole burden of every kind of care; and from this life
   unto that rest we make a transition which our Lord Jesus Christ
   condescended to exemplify and consecrate in His Passion. This rest,
   however, is not a slothful inaction, but a certain ineffable
   tranquillity caused by work in which there is no painful effort. For
   the repose on which one enters at the end of the toils of this life is
   of such a nature as consists with lively joy in the active exercises of
   the better life. Forasmuch, however, as this activity is exercised in
   praising God without bodily toil or mental anxiety, the transition to
   that activity is not made through a repose which is to be followed by
   labour, i.e. a repose which, at the point where activity begins, ceases
   to be repose: for in these exercises there is no return to toil and
   care; but that which constitutes rest--namely, exemption from weariness
   in work and from uncertainty in thought--is always found in them. Now,
   since through rest we get back to that original life which the soul
   lost by sin, the emblem of this rest is the seventh day of the week.
   But that original life itself which is restored to those who return
   from their wanderings, and receive in token of welcome the robe which
   they had at first, [1780] is represented by the first day of the week,
   which we call the Lord's day. If, in reading Genesis, you search the
   record of the seven days, you will find that there was no evening of
   the seventh day, which signified that the rest of which it was a type
   was eternal. The life originally bestowed was not eternal, because man
   sinned; but the final rest, of which the seventh day was an emblem, is
   eternal, and hence the eighth day also will have eternal blessedness,
   because that rest, being eternal, is taken up by the eighth day, not
   destroyed by it; for if it were thus destroyed, it would not be
   eternal. Accordingly the eighth day, which is the first day of the
   week, represents to us that original life, not taken away, but made
   eternal.

   Chap. X.

   18. Nevertheless the seventh day was appointed to the Jewish nation as
   a day to be observed by rest of the body, that it might be a type of
   sanctification to which men attain through rest in the Holy Spirit. We
   do not read of sanctification in the history given in Genesis of all
   the earlier days: of the Sabbath alone it is said that "God blessed the
   seventh day, and sanctified it." [1781] Now the souls of men, whether
   good or bad, love rest, but how to attain to that which they love is to
   the greater part unknown: and that which bodies seek for their weight,
   is precisely what souls seek for their love, namely, a resting-place.
   For as, according to its specific gravity, a body descends or rises
   until it reaches a place where it can rest,--oil, for example, falling
   if poured into the air, but rising if poured into water,--so the soul
   of man struggles towards the things which it loves, in order that, by
   reaching them, it may rest. There are indeed many things which please
   the soul through the body, but its rest in these is not eternal, nor
   even long continued; and therefore they rather debase the soul and
   weigh it down, so as to be a drag upon that pure imponderability by
   which it tends towards higher things. When the soul finds pleasure from
   itself, it is not yet seeking delight in that which is unchangeable;
   and therefore it is still proud, because it is giving to itself the
   highest place, whereas God is higher. In such sin the soul is not left
   unpunished, for "God resisteth the proud, but giveth grace to the
   humble." [1782] When, however, the soul delights in God, there it finds
   the true, sure, and eternal rest, which in all other objects was sought
   in vain. Therefore the admonition is given in the book of Psalms,
   "Delight thyself in the Lord, and He shall give thee the desires of
   thine heart." [1783]

   19. Because, therefore, "the love of God [1784] is shed abroad in our
   hearts by the Holy Spirit which is given to us," [1785] sanctification
   was associated with the seventh day, the day in which rest was
   enjoined. But inasmuch as we neither are able to do any good work,
   except as helped by the gift of God, as the apostle says, "For it is
   God that worketh in you both to will and to do of His good pleasure,"
   [1786] nor will be able to rest, after all the good works which engage
   us in this life, except as sanctified and perfected by the same gift to
   eternity; for this reason it is said of God Himself, that when He had
   made all things "very good," He rested "on the seventh day from all His
   works which He had made." [1787] For He, in so doing, presented a type
   of that future rest which He purposed to bestow on us men after our
   good works are done. For as in our good works He is said to work in us,
   by whose gift we are enabled to work what is good, so in our rest He is
   said to rest by whose gift we rest.

   Chap. XI.

   20. This, moreover, is the reason why the law of the Sabbath is placed
   third among the three commandments of the Decalogue which declare our
   duty to God (for the other seven relate to our neighbour, that is, to
   man; the whole law hanging on these two commandments). [1788] The first
   commandment, in which we are forbidden to worship any likeness of God
   made by human contrivance, we are to understand as referring to the
   Father: this prohibition being made, not because God has no image, but
   because no image of Him but that One which is the same with Himself,
   ought to be worshipped; and this One not in His stead, but along with
   Him. Then, because a creature is mutable, and therefore it is said,
   "The whole creation is subject to vanity," [1789] since the nature of
   the whole is manifested also in any part of it, lest any one should
   think that the Son of God, the Word by whom all things were made, is a
   creature, the second commandment is, "Thou shalt not take the name of
   the Lord thy God in vain." [1790] And because God sanctified the
   seventh day, on which He rested, the Holy Spirit--in whom is given to
   us that rest which we love everywhere, but find only in loving God,
   when "His love is shed abroad in us, by the Holy Ghost given unto us"
   [1791] --is presented to our minds in the third commandment, which was
   written concerning the observance of the Sabbath, not to make us
   suppose that we attain to rest in this present life, but that all our
   labours in what is good may point towards nothing else than that
   eternal rest. For I would specially charge you to remember the passage
   quoted above: "We are saved by hope; but hope that is seen is not
   hope." [1792]

   21. For the feeding and fanning of that ardent love by which, under a
   law like that of gravitation, we are borne upwards or inwards to rest,
   the presentation of truth by emblems has a great power: for, thus
   presented, things move and kindle our affection much more than if they
   were set forth in bald statements, not clothed with sacramental
   symbols. Why this should be, it is hard to say; but it is the fact that
   anything which we are taught by allegory or emblem affects and pleases
   us more, and is more highly esteemed by us, than it would be if most
   clearly stated in plain terms. I believe that the emotions are less
   easily kindled while the soul is wholly involved in earthly things; but
   if it be brought to those corporeal things which are emblems of
   spiritual things, and then taken from these to the spiritual realities
   which they represent, it gathers strength by the mere act of passing
   from the one to the other, and, like the flame of a lighted torch, is
   made by the motion to burn more brightly, and is carried away to rest
   by a more intensely glowing love.

   Chap. XII.

   22. It is also for this reason, that of all the ten commandments, that
   which related to the Sabbath was the only one in which the thing
   commanded was typical; [1793] the bodily rest enjoined being a type
   which we have received as a means of our instruction, but not as a duty
   binding also upon us. For while in the Sabbath a figure is presented of
   the spiritual rest, of which it is said in the Psalm, "Be still, and
   know that I am God," [1794] and unto which men are invited by the Lord
   Himself in the words, "Come unto Me, all ye that labour and are heavy
   laden, and I will give you rest. Take My yoke upon you, and learn of
   Me; for I am meek and lowly in heart: so shall ye find rest unto your
   souls;" [1795] as to all the things enjoined in the other commandments,
   we are to yield to them an obedience in which there is nothing typical.
   For we have been taught literally not to worship idols; and the
   precepts enjoining us not to take God's name in vain, to honour our
   father and mother, not to commit adultery, or kill, or steal, or bear
   false witness, or covet our neighbour's wife, or covet anything that is
   our neighbour's, [1796] are all devoid of typical or mystical meaning,
   and are to be literally observed. But we are not commanded to observe
   the day of the Sabbath literally, in resting from bodily labour, as it
   is observed by the Jews; and even their observance of the rest as
   prescribed is to be deemed worthy of contempt, except as signifying
   another, namely, spiritual rest. From this we may reasonably conclude,
   that all those things which are figuratively set forth in Scripture,
   are powerful in stimulating that love by which we tend towards rest;
   since the only figurative or typical precept in the Decalogue is the
   one in which that rest is commended to us, which is desired everywhere,
   but is found sure and sacred in God alone.

   Chap. XIII.

   23. The Lord's day, however, has been made known not to the Jews, but
   to Christians, by the resurrection of the Lord, and from Him it began
   to have the festive character which is proper to it. [1797] For the
   souls of the pious dead are, indeed, in a state of repose before the
   resurrection of the body, but they are not engaged in the same active
   exercises as shall engage the strength of their bodies when restored.
   Now, of this condition of active exercise the eighth day (which is also
   the first of the week) is a type, because it does not put an end to
   that repose, but glorifies it. For with the reunion of the body no
   hindrance of the soul's rest returns, because in the restored body
   there is no corruption: for "this corruptible must put on incorruption,
   and this mortal must put on immortality." [1798] Wherefore, although
   the sacramental import of the 8th number, as signifying the
   resurrection, was by no means concealed from the holy men of old who
   were filled with the spirit of prophecy (for in the title of Psalms
   [vi. and xii.] we find the words "for the eighth," and infants were
   circumcised on the eighth day; and in Ecclesiastes it is said, with
   allusion to the two covenants, "Give a portion to seven, and also to
   eight" [1799] ); nevertheless before the resurrection of the Lord, it
   was reserved and hidden, and the Sabbath alone was appointed to be
   observed, because before that event there was indeed the repose of the
   dead (of which the Sabbath rest was a type), but there was not any
   instance of the resurrection of one who, rising from the dead, was no
   more to die, and over whom death should no longer have dominion; this
   being done in order that, from the time when such a resurrection did
   take place in the Lord's own body (the Head of the Church being the
   first to experience that which His body, the Church, expects at the end
   of time), the day upon which He rose, the eighth day namely (which is
   the same with the first of the week), should begin to be observed as
   the Lord's day. The same reason enables us to understand why, in regard
   to the day of keeping the passover, on which the Jews were commanded to
   kill and eat a lamb, which was most clearly a foreshadowing of the
   Lord's Passion, there was no injunction given to them that they should
   take the day of the week into account, waiting until the Sabbath was
   past, and making the beginning of the third week of the moon coincide
   with the beginning of the third week of the first month; the reason
   being, that the Lord might rather in His own Passion declare the
   significance of that day, as He had come also to declare the mystery of
   the day now known as the Lord's day, the eighth namely, which is also
   the first of the week.

   Chap. XIV.

   24. Consider now with attention these three most sacred days, the days
   signalized by the Lord's crucifixion, rest in the grave, and
   resurrection. Of these three, that of which the cross is the symbol is
   the business of our present life: those things which are symbolized by
   His rest in the grave and His resurrection we hold by faith and hope.
   For now the command is given to each man, "Take up thy cross, and
   follow me." [1800] But the flesh is crucified, when our members which
   are upon the earth are mortified, such as fornication, uncleanness,
   luxury, avarice, etc., of which the apostle says in another passage:
   "If ye live after the flesh, ye shall die; but if ye through the Spirit
   do mortify the deeds of the body, ye shall live." [1801] Hence also he
   says of himself: "The world is crucified unto me, and I unto the
   world." [1802] And again: "Knowing this, that our old man is crucified
   with Him, that the body of sin might be destroyed, that henceforth we
   should not serve sin." [1803] The period during which our labours tend
   to the weakening and destruction of the body of sin, during which the
   outward man is perishing, that the inward man may be renewed day by
   day,--that is the period of the cross.

   25. These are, it is true, good works, having rest for their
   recompense, but they are meanwhile laborious and painful: therefore we
   are told to be "rejoicing in hope," that while we contemplate the
   future rest, we may labour with cheerfulness in present toil. Of this
   cheerfulness the breadth of the cross in the transverse beam to which
   the hands were nailed is an emblem: for the hands we understand to be
   symbolical of working, and the breadth to be symbolical of cheerfulness
   in him who works, for sadness straitens the spirit. In the height of
   the cross, against which the head is placed, we have an emblem of the
   expectation of recompense from the sublime justice of God, "who will
   render to every man according to his deeds; to them who, by patient
   continuance in well-doing, seek for glory, and honour, and immortality,
   eternal life." [1804] Therefore the length of the cross, along which
   the whole body is extended, is an emblem of that patient continuance in
   the will of God, on account of which those who are patient are said to
   be long-suffering. The depth also, i.e. the part which is fixed in the
   ground, represents the occult nature of the holy mystery. For you
   remember, I suppose, the words of the apostle, which in this
   description of the cross I aim at expounding: "That ye, being rooted
   and grounded in love, may be able to comprehend with all saints what is
   the breadth, and length, and depth, and height." [1805]

   Those things which we do not yet see or possess, but hold in faith and
   hope, are the things represented in the events by which the second and
   third of the three memorable days above mentioned were signalized [viz.
   the Lord's rest in the grave, and His resurrection]. But the things
   which keep us occupied in this present life, while we are held fast in
   the fear of God by the commandments, as by nails driven through the
   flesh (as it is written, "Make my flesh fast with nails by fear of
   Thee" [1806] ), are to be reckoned among things necessary, not among
   those which are for their own sakes to be desired and coveted. Hence
   Paul says that he desired, as something far better, to depart and to be
   with Christ: "nevertheless," he adds, "to remain in the flesh is
   expedient for you" [1807] --necessary for your welfare. This departing
   and being with Christ is the beginning of the rest which is not
   interrupted, but glorified by the resurrection; and this rest is now
   enjoyed by faith, "for the just shall live by faith." [1808] "Know ye
   not," saith the same apostle, "that so many of us as were baptized into
   Jesus Christ, were baptized into His death? Therefore we are buried
   with Him by baptism unto death." [1809] How? By faith. For this is not
   actually completed in us so long as we are still "groaning within
   ourselves, and waiting for the adoption, to wit, the redemption of our
   body: for we are saved by hope; but hope that is seen is not hope: for
   what a man seeth why doth he yet hope for? But if we hope for that we
   see not, then do we with patience wait for it." [1810]

   26. Remember how often I repeat this to you, that we are not to think
   that we ought to be made happy and free from all difficulties in this
   present life, and are therefore at liberty to murmur profanely against
   God when we are straitened in the things of this world, as if He were
   not performing what He promised. He hath indeed promised the things
   which are necessary for this life, but the consolations which mitigate
   the misery of our present lot are very different from the joys of those
   who are perfect in blessedness. "In the multitude of my thoughts within
   me," saith the believer, "Thy comforts, O Lord, delight my soul."
   [1811] Let us not therefore murmur because of difficulties; let us not
   lose that breadth of cheerfulness, of which it is written, "Rejoicing
   in hope," because this follows,--"patient in tribulation." [1812] The
   new life, therefore, is meanwhile begun in faith, and maintained by
   hope: for it shall only then be perfect when this mortal shall be
   swallowed up in life, and death swallowed up in victory; when the last
   enemy, death, shall be destroyed; when we shall be changed, and made
   like the angels: for "we shall all rise again, but we shall not all be
   changed." [1813] Again, the Lord saith, "They shall be equal unto the
   angels." [1814] We now are apprehended by Him in fear by faith: then we
   shall apprehend Him in love by sight. For "whilst we are at home in the
   body, we are absent from the Lord: for we walk by faith, not by sight."
   [1815] Hence the apostle himself, who says, "I follow after, if that I
   may apprehend that for which also I am apprehended of Christ Jesus,"
   confesses frankly that he has not attained to it. "Brethren," he says,
   "I count not myself to have apprehended." [1816] Since, however, our
   hope is sure, because of the truth of the promise, when he said
   elsewhere, "Therefore we are buried with Him by baptism into death," he
   adds these words, "that like as Christ was raised up from the dead by
   the glory of the Father, even so we also should walk in newness of
   life." [1817] We walk, therefore, in actual labour, but in hope of
   rest, in the flesh of the old life, but in faith of the new. For he
   says again: "The body is dead because of sin; but the spirit is life
   because of righteousness. But if the Spirit of Him that raised up Jesus
   from the dead dwell in you, He that raised up Christ from the dead
   shall also quicken your mortal bodies by His Spirit that dwelleth in
   you."

   27. Both the authority of the Divine Scriptures and the consent of the
   whole Church spread throughout the world have combined to ordain the
   annual commemoration of these things at Easter, by observances which
   are, as you now see, full of spiritual significance. From the Old
   Testament Scriptures we are not taught as to the precise day of holding
   Easter, beyond the limitation to the period between the 14th and 21st
   days of the first month; but because we know from the Gospel beyond
   doubt which days of the week were signalized in succession by the
   Lord's crucifixion, His resting in the grave, and His resurrection, the
   observance of these days has been enjoined in addition by Councils of
   the Fathers, and the whole Christian world has arrived unanimously at
   the persuasion that this is the proper mode of observing Easter.

   Chap. XV.

   28. [1818] The Fast of Forty Days has its warrant both in the Old
   Testament, from the fasting of Moses [1819] and of Elijah, [1820] and
   in the Gospel from the fact that our Lord fasted the same number of
   days; [1821] proving thereby that the Gospel is not at variance with
   the Law and the Prophets. For the Law and the Prophets are represented
   in the persons of Moses and Elijah respectively; between whom also He
   appeared in glory on the Mount, that what the apostle says of Him, that
   He is "witnessed unto both by the Law and the Prophets," [1822] might
   be made more clearly manifest. Now, in what part of the year could the
   observance of the Fast of Forty Days be more appropriately placed, than
   in that which immediately precedes and borders on the time of the
   Lord's Passion? For by it is signified this life of toil, the chief
   work in which is to exercise self-control, in abstaining from the
   world's friendship, which never ceases deceitfully caressing us, and
   scattering profusely around us its bewitching allurements. As to the
   reason why this life of toil and self-control is symbolized by the
   number 40, it seems to me that the number ten (in which is the
   perfection of our blessedness, as in the number eight, because it
   returns to the unit) has a like place in this number [as the unit has
   in giving its significance to eight]; [1823] and therefore I regard the
   number forty as a fit symbol for this life, because in it the creature
   (of which the symbolical number is seven) cleaves to the Creator, in
   whom is revealed that unity of the Trinity which is to be published
   while time lasts throughout this whole world,--a world swept by four
   winds, constituted of four elements, and experiencing the changes of
   four seasons in the year. Now four times ten [seven added to three] are
   forty; but the number forty reckoned in along with [one of] its parts
   adds the number ten, [as seven reckoned in along with one of its parts
   adds the unit,] and the total is fifty,--the symbol, as it were, of the
   reward of the toil and self-control. [1824] For it is not without
   reason that the Lord Himself continued for forty days on this earth and
   in this life in fellowship with His disciples after His resurrection,
   and, when He ascended into heaven, sent the promised Holy Spirit, after
   an interval of ten days more, when the day of Pentecost was fully come.
   This fiftieth day, moreover, has wrapped up in it another holy mystery:
   [1825] for 7 times 7 days are 49. And when we return to the beginning
   of another seven, and add the eighth, which is also the first day of
   the week, we have the 50 days complete; which period of fifty days we
   celebrate after the Lord's resurrection, as representing not toil, but
   rest and gladness. For this reason we do not fast in them; and in
   praying we stand upright, which is an emblem of resurrection. Hence,
   also, every Lord's day during the fifty days, this usage is observed at
   the altar, and the Alleluia is sung, which signifies that our future
   exercise shall consist wholly in praising God, as it is written:
   "Blessed are they who dwell in Thy house, O Lord: they will be still
   (i.e. eternally) praising Thee." [1826]

   Chap. XVI.

   29. The fiftieth day is also commended to us in Scripture; and not only
   in the Gospel, by the fact that on that day the Holy Spirit descended,
   but also in the books of the Old Testament. For in them we learn, that
   after the Jews observed the first passover with the slaying of the lamb
   as appointed, 50 days intervened between that day and the day on which
   upon Mount Sinai there was given to Moses the Law written with the
   finger of God; [1827] and this "finger of God" is in the Gospels most
   plainly declared to signify the Holy Spirit: for where one evangelist
   quotes our Lord's words thus, "I with the finger of God cast out
   devils," [1828] another quotes them thus, "I cast out devils by the
   Spirit of God." [1829] Who would not prefer the joy which these divine
   mysteries impart, when the light of healing truth beams from them on
   the soul to all the kingdoms of this world, even though these were held
   in perfect prosperity and peace? May we not say, that as the two
   seraphim answer each other in singing the praise of the Most High,
   "Holy, holy, holy is the Lord God of Hosts," [1830] so the Old
   Testament and the New, in perfect harmony, give forth their testimony
   to sacred truth? The lamb is slain, the passover is celebrated, and
   after 50 days the Law is given, which inspires fear, written by the
   finger of God. Christ is slain, being led as a lamb to the slaughter as
   Isaiah testifies; [1831] the true Passover is celebrated; and after 50
   days is given the Holy Spirit, who is the finger of God, and whose
   fruit is love, and who is therefore opposed to men who seek their own,
   and consequently bear a grievous yoke and heavy burden, and find no
   rest for their souls; for love "seeketh not her own." [1832] Therefore
   there is no rest in the unloving spirit of heretics, whom the apostle
   declares guilty of conduct like that of the magicians of Pharaoh,
   saying, "Now as Jannes and Jambres withstood Moses, so do these also
   resist the truth: men of corrupt minds, reprobate concerning the faith.
   But they shall proceed no further: for their folly shall be manifest to
   all men, as theirs also was." [1833] For because through this
   corruptness of mind they were utterly disquieted, they failed at the
   third miracle, confessing that the Spirit of God which was in Moses was
   opposed to them: for in owning their failure, they said, "This is the
   finger of God." [1834] The Holy Spirit, who shows Himself reconciled
   and gracious to the meek and lowly in heart, and gives them rest, shows
   Himself an inexorable adversary to the proud and haughty, and vexes
   them with disquiet. Of this disquiet those despicable insects were a
   figure, under which Pharaoh's magicians owned themselves foiled,
   saying, "This is the finger of God."

   30. Read the book of Exodus, and observe the number of days between the
   first passover and the giving of the Law. God speaks to Moses in the
   desert of Sinai on the first day of the third month. Mark, then, this
   as one day of the month, and then observe what (among other things) the
   Lord said on that day: "Go unto the people, and sanctify them today and
   tomorrow, and let them wash their clothes, and be ready against the
   third day; for the third day the Lord will come down in the sight of
   all the people upon Mount Sinai." [1835] The Law was accordingly given
   on the third day of the month. Now reckon the days between the 14th day
   of the first month, the day of the passover, and the 3d day of the
   third month, and you have 17 days of the first month, 30 of the second,
   and 3 of the third--50 in all. The Law in the Ark of the Testimony
   represents holiness in the Lord's body, by whose resurrection is
   promised to us the future rest; for our receiving of which, love is
   breathed into us by the Holy Spirit. But the Spirit had not then been
   given, for Jesus had not yet been glorified. [1836] Hence that
   prophetic song, "Arise, O Lord, into Thy rest, Thou and the ark of Thy
   strength" [holiness, LXX.]. [1837] Where there is rest, there is
   holiness. Wherefore we have now received a pledge of it, that we may
   love and desire it. For to the rest belonging to the other life,
   whereunto we are brought by that transition from this life of which the
   passover is a symbol, all are now invited in the name of the Father,
   the Son, and the Holy Spirit.

   Chap. XVII.

   31. Hence also, in the number of the large fishes which our Lord after
   His resurrection, showing this new life, commanded to be taken on the
   right side of the ship, there is found the number 50 three times
   multiplied, with the addition of three more [the symbol of the Trinity]
   to make the holy mystery more apparent; and the disciples' nets were
   not broken, [1838] because in that new life there shall be no schism
   caused by the disquiet of heretics. Then [in this new life] man, made
   perfect and at rest, purified in body and in soul by the pure words of
   God, which are like silver purged from its dross, seven times refined,
   [1839] shall receive his reward, the denarius; [1840] so that with that
   reward the numbers 10 and 7 meet in him. For in this number [17] there
   is found, as in other numbers representing a combination of symbols, a
   wonderful mystery. Nor is it without good reason that the seventeenth
   Psalm [1841] is the only one which is given complete in the book of
   Kings, [1842] because it signifies that kingdom in which we shall have
   no enemy. For its title is, "A Psalm of David, in the day that the Lord
   delivered him from the hand of all his enemies, and from the hand of
   Saul." For of whom is David the type, but of Him who, according to the
   flesh, was born of the seed of David? [1843] He in His Church, that is,
   in His body, still endures the malice of enemies. Therefore the words
   which from heaven fell upon the ear of that persecutor whom Jesus slew
   by His voice, and whom He transformed into a part of His body (as the
   food which we use becomes a part of ourselves), were these, "Saul,
   Saul, why persecutest thou Me?" [1844] And when shall this His body be
   finally delivered from enemies? Is it not when the last enemy, Death,
   shall be destroyed? It is to that time that the number of the 153
   fishes pertains. For if the number 17 itself be the side of an
   arithmetical triangle, [1845] formed by placing above each other rows
   of units, increasing in number from 1 to 17, the whole sum of these
   units is 153: since 1 and 2 make 3; 3 and 3, 6; 6 and 4, 10; 10 and 5,
   15; 15 and 6, 21; and so on: continue this up to 17, the total is 153.

   32. The celebration of Easter and Pentecost is therefore most firmly
   based on Scripture. As to the observance of the forty days before
   Easter, this has been confirmed by the practice of the Church; as also
   the separation of the eight days of the neophytes, in such order that
   the eighth of these coincides with the first. The custom of singing the
   Alleluia on those 50 days only in the Church is not universal; for in
   other places it is sung also at various other times, but on these days
   it is sung everywhere. Whether the custom of standing at prayer on
   these days and on all the Lord's days, is everywhere observed or not, I
   do not know; nevertheless, I have told you what guides the Church in
   this usage, and it is in my opinion sufficiently obvious. [1846]

   Chap. XVIII.

   33. As to the feet-washing, since the Lord recommended this because of
   its being an example of that humility which He came to teach, as He
   Himself afterwards explained, the question has arisen at what time it
   is best, by literal performance of this work, to give public
   instruction in the important duty which it illustrates, and this time
   [of Lent] was suggested in order that the lesson taught by it might
   make a deeper and more serious impression. Many, however, have not
   accepted this as a custom, lest it should be thought to belong to the
   ordinance of baptism; and some have not hesitated to deny it any place
   among our ceremonies. Some, however, in order to connect its observance
   with the more sacred associations of this solemn season, and at the
   same time to prevent its being confounded with baptism in any way, have
   selected for this ceremony either the eighth day itself, or that on
   which the third eighth day occurs, because of the great significance of
   the number three in many holy mysteries.

   34. I am surprised at your expressing a desire that I should write
   anything in regard to those ceremonies which are found different in
   different countries, because there is no necessity for my doing this;
   and, moreover, one most excellent rule must be observed in regard to
   these customs, when they do not in any way oppose either true doctrine
   or sound morality, but contain some incentives to the better life,
   viz., that wherever we see them observed, or know them to be
   established, we should not only refrain from finding fault with them,
   but even recommend them by our approval and imitation, unless
   restrained by fear of doing greater harm than good by this course,
   through the infirmity of others. We are not, however, to be restrained
   by this, if more good is to be expected from our consenting with those
   who are zealous for the ceremony, than loss to be feared from our
   displeasing those who protest against it. In such a case we ought by
   all means to adopt it, especially if it be something in defence of
   which Scripture can be alleged: as in the singing of hymns and psalms,
   for which we have on record both the example and the precepts of the
   Lord and of His apostles. In this religious exercise, so useful for
   inducing a devotional frame of mind and inflaming the strength of love
   to God, there is diversity of usage, and in Africa the members of the
   Church are rather too indifferent in regard to it; on which account the
   Donstists reproach us with our grave chanting of the divine songs of
   the prophets in our churches, while they inflame their passions in
   their revels by the singing of psalms of human composition, which rouse
   them like the stirring notes of the trumpet on the battle-field. But
   when brethren are assembled in the church, why should not the time be
   devoted to singing of sacred songs, excepting of course while reading
   or preaching [1847] is going on, or while the presiding minister prays
   aloud, or the united prayer of the congregation is led by the deacon's
   voice? At the other intervals not thus occupied, I do not see what
   could be a more excellent, useful, and holy exercise for a Christian
   congregation.

   Chap. XIX. [1848]

   35. I cannot, however, sanction with my approbation those ceremonies
   which are departures from the custom of the Church, and are instituted
   on the pretext of being symbolical of some holy mystery; although, for
   the sake of avoiding offence to the piety of some and the pugnacity of
   others, I do not venture to condemn severely many things of this kind.
   But this I deplore, and have too much occasion to do so, that
   comparatively little attention is paid to many of the most wholesome
   rites which Scripture has enjoined; and that so many false notions
   everywhere prevail, that more severe rebuke would be administered to a
   man who should touch the ground with his feet bare during the octaves
   (before his baptism), than to one who drowned his intellect in
   drunkenness. My opinion therefore is, that wherever it is possible, all
   those things should be abolished without hesitation, which neither have
   warrant in Holy Scripture, nor are found to have been appointed by
   councils of bishops, nor are confirmed by the practice of the universal
   Church, but are so infinitely various, according to the different
   customs of different places, that it is with difficulty, if at all,
   that the reasons which guided men in appointing them can be discovered.
   For even although nothing be found, perhaps, in which they are against
   the true faith; yet the Christian religion, which God in His mercy made
   free, appointing to her sacraments very few in number, and very easily
   observed, is by these burdensome ceremonies so oppressed, that the
   condition of the Jewish Church itself is preferable: for although they
   have not known the time of their freedom, they are subjected to burdens
   imposed by the law of God, not by the vain conceits of men. The Church
   of God, however, being meanwhile so constituted as to enclose much
   chaff and many tares, bears with many things; yet if anything be
   contrary to faith or to holy life, she does not approve of it either by
   silence or by practice.

   Chap. XX.

   36. Accordingly, that which you wrote as to certain brethren abstaining
   from the use of animal food, on the ground of its being ceremonially
   unclean, is most clearly contrary to the faith and to sound doctrine.
   If I were to enter on anything like a full discussion of this matter,
   it might be thought by some that there was some obscurity in the
   precepts of the apostle in this matter whereas he, among many other
   things which he said on this subject, expressed his abhorrence of this
   opinion of the heretics in these words: "Now the Spirit speaketh
   expressly, that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith,
   giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of devils; speaking lies
   in hypocrisy; having their conscience seared with a hot iron;
   forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, which God
   hath created to be received with thanksgiving of them which believe and
   know the truth. For every creature of God is good, and nothing to be
   refused, if it be received with thanksgiving: for it is sanctified by
   the word of God and prayer." [1849] Again, in another place, he says,
   concerning these things: "Unto the pure all things are pure: but unto
   them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure; but even their
   mind and conscience is defiled." [1850] Read the rest for yourself, and
   read these passages to others--to as many as you can--in order that,
   seeing that they have been called to liberty, they may not make void
   the grace of God toward them; only let them not use their liberty for
   an occasion to serve the flesh: let them not refuse to practise the
   purpose of curbing carnal appetite, abstinence from some kinds of food,
   on the pretext that it is unlawful to do so under the promptings of
   superstition or unbelief.

   37. As to those who read futurity by taking at random a text from the
   pages of the Gospels, although it is better that they should do this
   than go to consult spirits of divination, nevertheless it is, in my
   opinion, a censurable practice to try to turn to secular affairs and
   the vanity of this life those divine oracles which were intended to
   teach us concerning the higher life.

   Chap. XXI.

   38. If you do not consider that I have now written enough in answer to
   your questions, you must have little knowledge of my capacities or of
   my engagements. For so far am I from being, as you have thought,
   acquainted with everything, that I read nothing in your letter with
   more sadness than this statement, both because it is most manifestly
   untrue, and because I am surprised that you should not be aware, that
   not only are many things unknown to me in countless other departments,
   but that even in the Scriptures themselves the things which I do not
   know are many more than the things which I know. But I cherish a hope
   in the name of Christ, which is not without its reward, because I have
   not only believed the testimony of my God that "on these two
   commandments hang all the Law and the Prophets;" [1851] but I have
   myself proved it, and daily prove it, by experience. For there is no
   holy mystery, and no difficult passage of the word of God, in which,
   when it is opened up to me, I do not find these same commandments: for
   "the end of the commandment is charity, out of a pure heart, and of a
   good conscience, and of faith unfeigned;" [1852] and "love is the
   fulfilling of the law." [1853]

   39. I beseech you therefore also, my dearly beloved, whether studying
   these or other writings, so to read and so to learn as to bear in mind
   what hath been most truly said, "Knowledge puffeth up, but charity
   edifieth;" [1854] but charity vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up.
   Let knowledge therefore be used as a kind of scaffolding by which may
   be erected the building of charity, which shall endure for ever when
   knowledge faileth. [1855] Knowledge, if applied as a means to charity,
   is most useful; but apart from this high end, it has been proved not
   only superfluous, but even pernicious. I know, however, how holy
   meditation keeps you safe under the shadow of the wings of our God.
   These things I have stated, though briefly, because I know that this
   same charity of yours, which "vaunteth not itself," will prompt you to
   lend and read this letter to many.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1731] Sancte accipiendum.

   [1732] Pascha.

   [1733] Rom. iv. 25.

   [1734] Had Augustin not been obliged to take his Hebrew at second hand,
   he might have seen that the word chsph does not bear out his
   interpretation. Ex. xii. 13, 27.

   [1735] John v. 24.

   [1736] Transiret.

   [1737] John xiii. 1.

   [1738] Gal. v. 6.

   [1739] Hab. ii. 4.

   [1740] Rom. viii. 24, 25.

   [1741] Col. ii. 12 and Rom. vi. 4.

   [1742] Rom. vi. 6.

   [1743] Eph. ii. 6.

   [1744] Col. iii. 1, 2.

   [1745] Col. iii. 3, 4.

   [1746] 1 Cor. xv. 53.

   [1747] Rom. viii. 23, 24, 10, 11.

   [1748] Col. i. 18.

   [1749] 2 Tim. ii. 17.

   [1750] Rom. xii. 12.

   [1751] 2 Cor. iv. 16.

   [1752] Col. iii. 9, 10.

   [1753] 1 Cor. v. 7.

   [1754] Ex. xxiii. 15.

   [1755] Sacramentum.

   [1756] Sacramentum.

   [1757] Jer. ix. 24.

   [1758] Mundus.

   [1759] Cloacis.

   [1760] Wisd. xiii. 9.

   [1761] Ecclus. xxvii. 12.

   [1762] Wisd. v. 6.

   [1763] Matt. v. 45.

   [1764] Ps. x. 3, as rendered by Aug.

   [1765] Wisd. v. 3, 4.

   [1766] Ps. xi. 3; in the LXX. version, tou katatoxeusai en skotomene
   tous eutheis te kardia.

   [1767] Col. iii. 4.

   [1768] Ver. 39.

   [1769] Ps. lxxii. 7, Septuagint version.

   [1770] 1 Cor. xv. 26, 53, 54.

   [1771] Rom. i. 25.

   [1772] John i. 29.

   [1773] Ezek. xliii. 19.

   [1774] Rev. v. 5.

   [1775] 1 Cor. x. 4.

   [1776] 1 Pet. ii. 4.

   [1777] Matt. x. 16.

   [1778] Gal. iv. 1l.

   [1779] Gen. i. 14.

   [1780] Primam stolam.

   [1781] Gen. ii. 3.

   [1782] Jas. iv. 6.

   [1783] Ps. xxxvii. 4.

   [1784] Augustin interprets the "love of God" here as meaning our love
   to Him, and equivalent to delighting in Him.

   [1785] Rom. v. 5.

   [1786] Phil. ii. 13.

   [1787] Gen. i. 31, ii. 2.

   [1788] Matt. xxii. 10.

   [1789] Rom. viii. 20.

   [1790] Ex. xx. 7; Deut. v. 11.

   [1791] Rom. v. 5.

   [1792] Rom. viii. 24.

   [1793] Figurate observandum præcipitur.

   [1794] Ps. xlvi. 11.

   [1795] Matt. xi. 28, 29.

   [1796] Ex. xx. 1-17; Deut. v. 6-21.

   [1797] Ex illo habere cæpit festivitatem suam.

   [1798] 1 Cor. xv. 53.

   [1799] Eccles. xi. 2; which Aug. translates, "Da illis septem, et illis
   octo."

   [1800] Matt. xvi. 24.

   [1801] Rom. viii. 13.

   [1802] Gal. vi. 14.

   [1803] Rom. vi. 6.

   [1804] Rom. ii. 6, 7.

   [1805] Eph. iii. 17-18.

   [1806] Ps. cxix. 120; Septuagint version, katheloson ek tou phobou sou
   tas sarkas mou.

   [1807] Phil. i. 23, 24.

   [1808] Hab. ii. 4.

   [1809] Rom. vi. 3, 4.

   [1810] Rom. viii. 23, 25.

   [1811] Ps. xciv. 19.

   [1812] Rom. xii. 12.

   [1813] 1 Cor. xv. 54, 26, 51--the last of these verses being rendered
   by Augustin here, not as in the English version, but as given above.

   [1814] Luke xx. 36.

   [1815] 2 Cor. v. 6, 7.

   [1816] Phil. iii. 12, 13.

   [1817] Rom. vi. 4.

   [1818] In translating, we have ventured to take this title of Chap. xv.
   out of the place which the Benedictines have given to it, in the middle
   of a sentence of the preceding paragraph. There it almost hopelessly
   bewildered the reader. Here it prepares him for a new topic.

   [1819] Ex. xxxiv. 28.

   [1820] 1 Kings xix. 8.

   [1821] Matt. iv. 2.

   [1822] Rom. iii. 21.

   [1823] Compare "octavus qui et primus," and the remarks on the meaning
   of the number 8 in § 23.

   [1824] We give the original of this very obscure paragraph:--"Numero
   autem quadragenario vitam istam propter ea figurari arbitror, quia
   denarius in quo est perfectio beatitudinis nostræ, sicut in octonario,
   quia redit ad primum, ita in hoc mihi videtur exprimi: quia creatura,
   quæ septenario figuratur adhæret Creatori in quo declaratur unitas
   Trinitatis per universum mundum temporaliter annuntianda; qui mundus et
   a quatuor ventis delimatur et quatuor elementis erigitur, et quatuor
   anni temporum vicibus variatur. Decem autem quater in quadraginta
   consummantur, quadragenarius autem partibus suis computatus, addit
   ipsum denarium et fiunt quinquaginta tanquam merces laboris et
   continentiæ."

   [1825] Sacramentum.

   [1826] Ps. lxxxiv. 5.

   [1827] Ex. xii. xix. xx. xxxi.

   [1828] Luke xi. 20.

   [1829] Matt. xii. 28.

   [1830] Isa. vi. 3.

   [1831] Isa. liii. 7.

   [1832] 1 Cor. xiii. 5.

   [1833] 2 Tim. iii. 8.

   [1834] Ex. viii. 19.

   [1835] Ex. xix. 10, 11.

   [1836] John vii. 39.

   [1837] Ps. cxxxii. 8.

   [1838] 1 John xxi. 6, 11.

   [1839] Ps. xii. 6.

   [1840] Matt. xx. 9, 10.

   [1841] The eighteenth in the English Bible.

   [1842] 2 Sam. xxii. 2-51. The title of that book is in the LXX. the 2d
   book of Kings.

   [1843] Rom. i. 3.

   [1844] Acts ix. 4.

   [1845] Such a triangle as this: .
   . .
   . . .
   . . . .
   . . . . .
   . . . . . .
   . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

   [1846] He refers to the significance of the standing upright as an
   emblem of resurrection.

   [1847] Preaching. The word in the original is "disputatur,"--something
   much more lively and entertaining.

   [1848] I have taken the liberty here of putting the beginning of the
   Chapter and paragraph a sentence further on than in the Benedictine
   edition, so as to finish in sec. 34 the remarks on psalm-singing.

   [1849] 1 Tim. iv. 1-5.

   [1850] Tit. i. 15.

   [1851] Matt. xxii. 40.

   [1852] 1 Tim. i. 5.

   [1853] Rom. xiii. 10.

   [1854] 1 Cor. viii. 1.

   [1855] 1 Cor. xiii. 4, 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letters LVI. And LVII.

   are addressed (a.d. 400) to Celer, exhorting him to forsake the
   Donatist schismatics. They may be omitted, being brief, and containing
   no new argument.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LVIII.

   (a.d. 401.)

   To My Noble and Worthy Lord Pammachius, My Son, Dearly Beloved in the
   Bowels of Christ, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. The good works which spring from the grace of Christ in you have
   given you a claim to be esteemed by us His members, and have made you
   as truly known and as much beloved by us as you could be. For even were
   I daily seeing your face, this could add nothing to the completeness of
   the acquaintance with you which I now have, when in the shining light
   of one of your actions I have seen your inner being, fair with the
   loveliness of peace, and beaming with the brightness of truth. Seeing
   this has made me know you, and knowing you has made me love you; and
   therefore, in addressing you, I write to one who, notwithstanding our
   distance from each other, has become known to me, and is my beloved
   friend. The bond which binds us together is indeed of earlier date, and
   we were living united under One Head: for had you not been rooted in
   His love, the Catholic unity would not have been so dear to you, and
   you would not have dealt as you have done with your African tenants
   [1856] settled in the midst of the consular province of Numidia, the
   very country in which the folly of the Donatists began, addressing them
   in such terms, and encouraging them with such enthusiasm, as to
   persuade them with unhesitating devotion to choose that course which
   they believed that a man of your character and position would not adopt
   on other grounds than truth ascertained and acknowledged, and to submit
   themselves, though so remote from you, to the same Head; so that along
   with yourself they are reckoned for ever as members of Him by whose
   command they are for the time dependent upon you.

   2. Embracing you, therefore, as known to me by this transaction, I am
   moved by joyful feelings to congratulate you in Christ Jesus our Lord,
   and to send you this letter as a proof of my heart's love towards you;
   for I cannot do more. I beseech you, however, not to measure the amount
   of my love by this letter; but by means of this letter, when you have
   read it, pass on by the unseen inner passage which thought opens up
   into my heart, and see what is there felt towards you. For to the eye
   of love that sanctuary of love shall be unveiled which we shut against
   the disquieting trifles of this world when there we worship God; and
   there you will see the ecstasy of my joy in your good work, an ecstasy
   which I cannot describe with tongue or pen, glowing and burning in the
   offering of praise to Him by whose inspiration you were made willing,
   and by whose help you were made able to serve Him in this way. "Thanks
   be unto God for His unspeakable gift!" [1857]

   3. Oh how we desire in Africa to see such work as this by which you
   have gladdened us done by many, who are, like yourself, senators in the
   State, and sons of the holy Church! It is, however, hazardous to give
   them this exhortation: they may refuse to follow it, and the enemies of
   the Church will take advantage of this to deceive the weak, as if they
   had gained a victory over us in the minds of those who disregarded our
   counsel. But it is safe for me to express gratitude to you; for you
   have already done that by which, in the emancipation of those who were
   weak, the enemies of the Church are confounded. I have therefore
   thought it sufficient to ask you to read this letter with friendly
   boldness to any to whom you can do so on the ground of their Christian
   profession. For thus learning what you have achieved, they will believe
   that that, about which as an impossibility they are now indifferent,
   can be done in Africa. As to the snares which these heretics contrive
   in the perversity of their hearts, I have resolved not to speak of them
   in this letter, because I have been only amused at their imagining that
   they could gain any advantage over your mind, which Christ holds as His
   possession. You will hear them, however, from my brethren, whom I
   earnestly commend to your Excellency: they fear lest you should disdain
   some things which to you might seem unnecessary in connection with the
   great and unlooked for salvation of those men over whom, in consequence
   of your work, their Catholic Mother rejoices.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1856] Coloni.

   [1857] 1 Cor. ix. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LIX.

   (a.d. 401.)

   To My Most Blessed Lord and Venerable Father Victorinus, My Brother in
   the Priesthood, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Your summons to the Council reached me on the fifth day before the
   Ides of November, in the evening, and found me very much indisposed, so
   that I could not possibly attend. However, I submit to your pious and
   wise judgment whether certain perplexities which the summons occasioned
   were due to my own ignorance or to sufficient grounds. I read in that
   summons that it was written also to the districts of Mauritania, which,
   as we know, have their own primates. Now, if these provinces were to be
   represented in a Council held in Numidia, it was by all means proper
   that the names of some of the more eminent bishops who are in
   Mauritania should be attached to the circular letter; and not finding
   this, I have been greatly surprised. Moreover, to the bishops of
   Numidia it has been addressed in such a confused and careless manner,
   that my own name I find in the third place, although I know my proper
   order to be much further down in the roll of bishops. This wrongs
   others, and grieves me. Moreover, our venerable father and colleague,
   Xantippus of Tagosa, says that the primacy belongs to him, and by very
   many he is regarded as the primate, and he issues such letters as you
   have sent. Even supposing that this be a mistake, which your Holiness
   can easily discover and correct, certainly his name should not have
   been omitted in the summons which you have issued. If his name had been
   placed in the middle of the list, and not in the first line, I would
   have wondered much; how much greater, then, is my surprise, when I find
   in it no mention whatever made of him who, above all others, behoved to
   be present in the Council, that by the bishops of all the Numidian
   churches this question of the order of the primacy might be debated
   before any other!

   2. For these reasons, I might even hesitate to come to the Council,
   lest the summons in which so many flagrant mistakes are found should be
   a forgery; even were I not hindered both by the shortness of the
   notice, and manifold other important engagements standing in the way. I
   therefore beg you, most blessed prelate, to excuse me, and to be
   pleased to give attention, in the first instance, to bring about
   between your Holiness and the aged Xantippus a cordial mutual
   understanding as to the question which of you ought to summon the
   Council; or at least, as I think would be still better, let both of
   you, without prejudging the claim of either, conjointly call together
   our colleagues, especially those who have been nearly as long in the
   episcopate as yourselves, who may easily discover and decide which of
   you has truth on his side, [1858] that this question may be settled
   first among a few of you; and then, when the mistake has been
   rectified, let the younger bishops be gathered together, who, having no
   others whom it would be either possible or right for them to accept as
   witnesses in this matter but yourselves, are meanwhile at a loss to
   know to which of you the preference is to be given.

   I have sent this letter sealed with a ring which represents a man's
   profile.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1858] The primacy in Numidia belonged not to the bishop of the most
   important town, but to the oldest bishop.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LX.

   (a.d. 401.)

   To Father Aurelius, My Lord Most Blessed, and Revered with Most Justly
   Merited Respect, My Brother in the Priesthood, Most Sincerely Beloved,
   Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I have received no letter from your Holiness since we parted; but I
   have now read a letter of your Grace concerning Donatus and his
   brother, and I have long hesitated as to the reply which I ought to
   give. After frequently reconsidering what is in such a case conducive
   to the welfare of those whom we serve in Christ, and seek to nourish in
   Him, nothing has occurred to me which would alter my opinion that it is
   not right to give occasion for God's servants to think that promotion
   to a better position is more readily given to those who have become
   worse. Such a rule would make monks less careful of falling, and a most
   grievous wrong would be done to the order of clergy, if those who have
   deserted their duty as monks be chosen to serve as clergy, seeing that
   our custom is to select for that office only the more tried and
   superior men of those who continue faithful to their calling as monks;
   unless, perchance, the common people are to be taught to joke at our
   expense, saying "a bad monk makes a good clerk," as they are wont to
   say that "a poor flute-player makes a good singer." It would be an
   intolerable calamity if we were to encourage the monks to such fatal
   pride, and were to consent to brand with so grievous disgrace the
   clerical order to which we ourselves belong: seeing that sometimes even
   a good monk is scarcely qualified to be a good clerk; for though he be
   proficient in self-denial, he may lack the necessary instruction, or be
   disqualified by some personal defect.

   2. I believe, however, that your Holiness understood these monks to
   have left the monastery with my consent, in order that they might
   rather be useful to the people of their own district; but this was not
   the case: of their own accord they departed, of their own accord they
   deserted us, notwithstanding my resisting, from a regard to their
   welfare, to the utmost of my power. As to Donatus, seeing that he has
   obtained ordination before we could arrive at any decision in the
   Council [1859] as to his case, do as your wisdom may guide you; it may
   be that his proud obstinacy has been subdued. But as to his brother,
   who was the chief cause of Donatus leaving the monastery, I know not
   what to write, since you know what I think of him. I do not presume to
   oppose what may seem best to one of your wisdom, rank, and piety; and I
   hope with all my heart that you will do whatever you judge most
   profitable for the members of the Church.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1859] The Council held at Carthage in September 401.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXI.

   (a.d. 401.)

   To His well-Beloved and honourable Brother Theodorus, Bishop Augustin
   Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I have resolved to commit to writing in this letter what I said when
   you and I were conversing together as to the terms on which we would
   welcome clergy of the party of Donatus desiring to become Catholics, in
   order that, if any one asked you what are our sentiments and practice
   in regard to this, you might exhibit these by producing what I have
   written with my own hand. Be assured, therefore, that we detest nothing
   in the Donatist clergy but that which renders them schismatics and
   heretics, namely, their dissent from the unity and truth of the
   Catholic Church, in their not remaining in peace with the people of
   God, which is spread abroad throughout the world, and in their refusing
   to recognise the baptism of Christ in those who have received it. This
   their grievous error, therefore, we reject; but the good name of God
   which they bear, and His sacrament which they have received, we
   acknowledge in them, and embrace it with reverence and love. But for
   this very reason we grieve over their wandering, and long to gain them
   for God by the love of Christ, that they may have within the peace of
   the Church that holy sacrament for their salvation, which they
   meanwhile have beyond the pale of the Church for their destruction. If,
   therefore, there be taken away from between us the evil things which
   proceed from men, and if the good which comes from God and belongs to
   both parties in common be duly honoured, there will ensue such
   brotherly concord, such amiable peace, that the love of Christ shall
   gain the victory in men's hearts over the temptation of the devil.

   2. When, therefore, any come to us from the party of Donatus, we do not
   welcome the evil which belongs to them, viz. their error and schism:
   these, the only obstacles to our concord, are removed from between us,
   and we embrace our brethren, standing with them, as the apostle says,
   in "the unity of the Spirit, in the bond of peace," [1860] and
   acknowledging in them the good things which are divine, as their holy
   baptism, the blessing conferred by ordination, their profession of
   self-denial, their vow of celibacy, their faith in the Trinity, and
   such like; all which things were indeed theirs before, but "profited
   them nothing, because they had not charity." For what truth is there in
   the profession of Christian charity by him who does not embrace
   Christian unity? When, therefore, they come to the Catholic Church,
   they gain thereby not what they already possessed, but something which
   they had not before,--namely, that those things which they possessed
   begin then to be profitable to them. For in the Catholic Church they
   obtain the root of charity in the bond of peace and in the fellowship
   of unity: so that all the sacraments of truth which they hold serve not
   to condemn, but to deliver them. The branches ought not to boast that
   their wood is the wood of the vine, not of the thorn; for if they do
   not live by union to the root, they shall, notwithstanding their
   outward appearance, be cast into the fire. But of some branches which
   were broken off the apostle says that "God is able to graft them in
   again." [1861] Wherefore, beloved brother, if you see any one of the
   Donatist party in doubt as to the place into which they shall be
   welcomed by us, show them this writing in my own hand, which is
   familiar to you, and let them have it to read if they desire it; for "I
   call God for a record upon my soul," that I will welcome them on such
   terms as that they shall retain not only the baptism of Christ which
   they have received, but also the honour due to their vow of holiness
   and to their self-denying virtue.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1860] Eph. iv. 3.

   [1861] Rom. xi. 23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXII.

   (a.d. 401)

   Alypius, Augustin, and Samsucius, and the Brethren Who are with Them,
   Send Greeting in the Lord to Severus, [1862] Their Lord Most Blessed,
   and with All Reverence Most Beloved, Their Brother in Truth, and
   Partner in the Priestly Office, and to All the Brethren Who are with
   Him.

   1. When we came to Subsana, and inquired into the things which had been
   done there in our absence and against our will, we found some things
   exactly as we had heard reported, and some things otherwise, but all
   things calling for lamentation and forbearance; and we endeavoured, in
   so far as the Lord gave His help, to put them right by reproof,
   admonition, and prayer. What distressed us most, since your departure
   from the place, was that the brethren who went thence to you were
   allowed to go without a guide, which we beg you to excuse, as having
   taken place not from malice, but from an excessive caution. For,
   believing as they did that these men were sent by our son Timotheus in
   order to move you to be displeased with us, and being anxious to
   reserve the whole matter untouched until we should come (when they
   hoped to see you along with us), they thought that the departure of
   these men would be prevented if they were not furnished with a guide.
   That they did wrong in thus attempting to detain the brethren we
   admit,--nay, who could doubt it? Hence also arose the story which was
   told to Fossor, [1863] that Timotheus had already gone to you with
   these same brethren. This was wholly false, but the statement was not
   made by the presbyter; and that Carcedonius our brother was wholly
   unaware of all these things, was most clearly proved to us by all the
   ways in which such things are susceptible of proof.

   2. But why spend more time on these circumstances! Our son Timotheus,
   being greatly disturbed because he found himself, altogether in spite
   of his own wish, in such unlooked for perplexity, informed us that,
   when you were urging him to serve God at Subsana, he broke forth
   vehemently, and swore that he would never on any account leave you. And
   when we questioned him as to his present wish, he replied that by this
   oath he was precluded from going to the place which we had previously
   wished him to occupy, even though his mind were set at rest by the
   evidence given as to his freedom from restraint. When we showed him
   that he would not be guilty of violating his oath if a bar was put in
   the way of his being with you, not by him, but by you, in order to
   avoid a scandal; seeing that he could by his oath bind only his own
   will, not yours, and he admitted that you had not bound yourself
   reciprocally by your oath; at last he said, as it became a servant of
   God and a son of the Church to say, that he would without hesitation
   agree to whatever should seem good to us, along with your Holiness, to
   appoint concerning him. We therefore ask, and by the love of Christ
   implore you, in the exercise of your sagacity, to remember all that we
   spoke to each other in this matter, and to make us glad by your reply
   to this letter. For "we that are strong" (if, indeed, amid so great and
   perilous temptations, we may presume to claim this title) are bound, as
   the apostle says, to "bear the infirmities of the weak." [1864] Our
   brother Timotheus has not written to your Holiness, because your
   venerable brother has reported to all you. May you be joyful in the
   Lord, and remember us, our lord most blessed, and with all reverence
   most beloved, our brother in sincerity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1862] Severus, bishop of Milevi in Numidia, had at one time been an
   inmate of the monastery of Augustin, and was held by him in the highest
   esteem.

   [1863] Tillemont suggests that this may be "the sexton," and not a
   proper name.

   [1864] Rom. xv. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXIII.

   (a.d. 401.)

   To Severus, My lord Most Blessed and Venerable, a Brother Worthy of
   Being Embraced with Unfeigned Love, and Partner in the Priestly Office,
   and to the Brethren that are With Him, Augustin and the Brethren with
   Him Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. If I frankly say all that this case compels me to say, you may
   perhaps ask me where is my concern for the preservation of charity but
   if I may not thus say all that the case demands, may I not ask you
   where is the liberty conceded to friendship? Hesitating between these
   two alternatives, I have chosen to write so much as may justify me
   without accusing you. You wrote that you were surprised that we,
   notwithstanding our great grief at what was done, acquiesced in it,
   when it might have been remedied by our correction; as if when things
   wrongly done have been afterwards, so far as possible, corrected, they
   are no longer to be deplored; and more particularly, as if it were
   absurd for us to acquiesce in that which, though wrongly done, it is
   impossible for us to undo. Wherefore, my brother, sincerely esteemed as
   such, your surprise may cease. For Timotheus was ordained a subdeacon
   at Subsana against my advice and desire, at the time when the decision
   of his case was still pending as the subject of deliberation and
   conference between us. Behold me still grieving over this, although he
   has now returned to you; and we do not regret that in our consenting to
   his return we obeyed your will.

   2. May it please you to hear how, by rebuke, admonition, and prayer, we
   had, even before he went away from this place, corrected the wrong
   which had been done, lest it should appear to you that up to that time
   nothing had been corrected by us because he had not returned to you. By
   rebuke, addressing ourselves first to Timotheus himself, because he did
   not obey you, but went away to your Holiness without consulting our
   brother Carcedonius, to which act of his the origin of this affliction
   is to be traced; and afterwards censuring the presbyter (Carcedonius)
   and Verinus, through whom we found that the ordination of Timotheus had
   been managed. When all of these admitted, under our rebuke, that in all
   the things alleged they had done wrong and begged forgiveness, we would
   have acted with undue haughtiness if we had refused to believe that
   they were sufficiently corrected. For they could not make that to be
   not done which had been done; and we by our rebuke were not expecting
   or desiring to do more than bring them to acknowledge their faults, and
   grieve over them. By admonition: first, in warning all never to dare
   again to do such things, lest they should incur God's wrath; and then
   especially charging Timotheus, who said that he was bound only by his
   oath to go to your Grace, that if your Holiness, considering all that
   we had spoken together on the matter, should, as we hoped might be the
   case, decide not to have him with you, out of regard for the weak for
   whom Christ died, who might be offended, and for the discipline of the
   Church, which it is perilous to disregard, seeing that he had begun to
   be a reader in this diocese,--he should then, being free from the bond
   of his oath, devote himself with undisturbed mind to the service of
   God, to whom we are to give an account of all our actions. By such
   admonitions as we were able to give, we had also persuaded our brother
   Carcedonius to submit with perfect resignation to whatever might be
   seen to be necessary in regard to him for the preservation of the
   discipline of the Church. By prayer, moreover, we had laboured to
   correct ourselves, commending both the guidance and the issues of our
   counsels to the mercy of God, and seeking that if any sinful anger had
   wounded us, we might be cured by taking refuge under His healing right
   hand. Behold how much we had corrected by rebuke, admonition, and
   prayer!

   3. And now, considering the bond of charity, that we may not be
   possessed by Satan,--for we are not ignorant of his devices,--what else
   ought we to have done than obey your wish, seeing that you thought that
   what had been done could be remedied in no other way than by our giving
   back to your authority him in whose person you complained that wrong
   had been done to you. Even our brother Carcedonius himself consented to
   this, not indeed without much distress of spirit, on account of which I
   entreat you to pray for him, but eventually without opposition,
   believing that he submitted to Christ in submitting to you. Nay, even
   when I still thought it might be our duty to consider whether I should
   not write a second letter to you, my brother, while Timotheus still
   remained here, he himself, with filial reverence, feared to displease
   you, and cut my deliberations short by not only consenting, but even
   urging, that Timotheus should be restored to you.

   4. I therefore, brother Severus, leave my case to be decided by you.
   For I am sure that Christ dwells in your heart, and by Him I beseech
   you to ask counsel from Him, submitting your mind to His direction
   regarding the question whether, when a man had begun to be a Reader in
   the Church confided to my care, having read, not once only, but a
   second and a third time, at Subsana, and in company with the presbyter
   of the Church of Subsana had done the same also at Turres and Ciza and
   Verbalis, it is either possible or right that he be pronounced to have
   never been a Reader. And as we have, in obedience to God, corrected
   that which was afterwards done contrary to our will, do you also, in
   obedience to Him, correct in like manner that which was formerly,
   through your not knowing the facts of the case, wrongly done. For I
   have no fear of your failing to perceive what a door is opened for
   breaking down the discipline of the Church, if, when a clergyman of any
   church has sworn to one of another church that he will not leave him,
   that other encourage him to remain with him, alleging that he does so
   that he may not be the occasion of the breaking of an oath; seeing that
   he who forbids this, and declines to allow the other to remain with him
   (because that other could by his vow bind only his own conscience),
   unquestionably preserves the order which is necessary to peace in a way
   which none can justly censure.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXIV.

   (a.d. 401.)

   To My Lord Quintianus, My Most Beloved Brother and Fellow-Presbyter,
   Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. We do not disdain to look upon bodies which are defective in beauty,
   especially seeing that our souls themselves are not yet so beautiful as
   we hope that they shall be when He who is of ineffable beauty shall
   have appeared, in whom, though now we see Him not, we believe; for then
   "we shall be like Him," when "we shall see Him as He is." [1865] If you
   receive my counsel in a kindly and brotherly spirit, I exhort you to
   think thus of your soul, as we do of our own, and not presumptuously
   imagine that it is already perfect in beauty; but, as the apostle
   enjoins, "rejoice in hope," and obey the precept which he annexes to
   this, when he says, "Rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation:" [1866]
   "for we are saved by hope," as he says again; "but hope that is seen is
   not hope: for what a man seeth, why doth he yet hope for? But if we
   hope for that we see not, then do we with patience wait for it." [1867]
   Let not this patience be wanting in thee, but with a good conscience
   "wait on the Lord; be of good courage, and He shall strengthen thine
   heart: wait, I say, on the Lord." [1868]

   2. It is, of course, obvious that if you come to us while debarred from
   communion with the venerable bishop Aurelius, you cannot be admitted to
   communion with us; but we would act towards you with that same charity
   which we are assured shall guide his conduct. Your coming to us,
   however, should not on this account be embarrassing to us, because the
   duty of submission to this, out of regard to the discipline of the
   Church, ought to be felt by yourself, especially if you have the
   approval of your own conscience, which is known to yourself and to God.
   For if Aurelius has deferred the examination of your case, he has done
   this not from dislike to you, but from the pressure of other
   engagements; and if you knew his circumstances as well as you know your
   own, the delay would cause you neither surprise nor sorrow. That it is
   the same with myself, I entreat you to believe on my word, as you are
   equally unable to know how I am occupied. But there are other bishops
   older than I am, and both in authority more worthy and in place more
   convenient, by whose help you may more easily expedite the affairs now
   pending in the Church committed to your charge. I have not, however,
   failed to make mention of your distress, and of the complaint in your
   letter to my venerable brother and colleague the aged Aurelius, whom I
   esteem with the respect due to his worth; I took care to acquaint him
   with your innocence of the things laid to your charge, by sending him a
   copy of your letter. It was not until a day, or at the most two, before
   Christmas, [1869] that I received the letter in which you informed me
   of his intention to visit the Church at Badesile, by which you fear
   lest the people be disturbed and influenced against you. I do not
   therefore presume to address by letter your people; for I could write a
   reply to any who had written to me, but how could I put myself forward
   unasked to write to a people not committed to my care?

   3. Nevertheless, what I now say to you, who alone have written to me,
   may, through you, reach others who should hear it. I charge you then,
   in the first place, not to bring the Church into reproach by reading in
   the public assemblies those writings which the Canon of the Church has
   not acknowledged; for by these, heretics, and especially the Manichæans
   (of whom I hear that some are lurking, not without encouragement, in
   your district), are accustomed to subvert the minds of the
   inexperienced. I am amazed that a man of your wisdom should admonish me
   to forbid the reception into the monastery of those who have come from
   you to us, in order that a decree of the Council may be obeyed, and at
   the same time should forget another decree [1870] of the same Council,
   declaring what are the canonical Scriptures which ought to be read to
   the people. Read again the proceedings of the Council, and commit them
   to memory: you will there find that the Canon which you refer to [1871]
   as prohibiting the indiscriminate reception of applicants for admission
   to a monastery, was not framed in regard to laymen, but applies to the
   clergy alone. It is true there is no mention of monasteries in the
   canon; but it is laid down in general, that no one may receive a
   clergyman belonging to another diocese [except in such a way as upholds
   the discipline of the Church]. Moreover, it has been enacted in a
   recent Council, [1872] that any who desert a monastery, or are expelled
   from one, shall not be elsewhere admitted either to clerical office or
   to the charge of a monastery. If, therefore, you are in any measure
   disturbed regarding Privatio, let me inform you that he has not yet
   been received by us into the monastery; but that I have submitted his
   case to the aged Aurelius, and will act according to his decision. For
   it seems strange to me, if a man can be reckoned a Reader who has read
   only once in public, and on that occasion read writings which are not
   canonical. If for this reason he is regarded as an ecclesiastical
   reader, it follows that the writing which he read must be esteemed as
   sanctioned by the Church. But if the writing be not sanctioned by the
   Church as canonical, it follows that, although a man may have read it
   to a congregation, he is not thereby made an ecclesiastical reader,
   [but is, as before, a layman]. Nevertheless I must, in regard to the
   young man in question, abide by the decision of the arbiter whom I have
   named.

   4. As to the people of Vigesile, who are to us as well as to you
   beloved in the bowels of Christ, if they have refused to accept a
   bishop who has been deposed by a plenary Council in Africa, [1873] they
   act wisely, and cannot be compelled to yield, nor ought to be. And
   whoever shall attempt to compel them by violence to receive him, will
   show plainly what is his character, and will make men well understand
   what his real character was at an earlier time, when he would have had
   them believe no evil of him. For no one more effectually discovers the
   worthlessness of his cause, than the man who, employing the secular
   power, or any other kind of violent means, endeavours by agitating and
   complaining to recover the ecclesiastical rank which he has forfeited.
   For his desire is not to yield to Christ service which He claims, but
   to usurp over Christians an authority which they disown. Brethren, be
   cautious; great is the craft of the devil, but Christ is the wisdom of
   God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1865] 1 John iii. 2.

   [1866] Rom. xii. 12.

   [1867] Rom. viii. 24, 25.

   [1868] Ps. xxvii. 14.

   [1869] Pridie Natalis Domini.

   [1870] See Council of Hippo, A.D. 393, Can. 38, and the third Council
   of Carthage, A.D. 397, Can. 47.

   [1871] Ibid. Can. 21.

   [1872] Council of Carthage, 13th Sept. 401.

   [1873] Council of Carthage, 13th Sept. 401.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXV.

   (a.d. 402.)

   To the Aged [1874] Xantippus, My Lord Most Blessed and Worthy of
   Veneration, and My Father and Colleague in the Priestly Office,
   Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Saluting your Excellency with the respect due to your worth, and
   earnestly seeking an interest in your prayers, I beg to submit to the
   consideration of your wisdom the case of a certain Abundantius,
   ordained a presbyter in the domain of Strabonia, belonging to my
   diocese. He had begun to be unfavourably reported of, through his not
   walking in the way which becomes the servants of God; and I being on
   this account alarmed, though not believing the rumours without
   examination, was made more watchful of his conduct, and devoted some
   pains to obtain, if possible, indisputable evidences of the evil
   courses with which he was charged. The first thing which I ascertained
   was, that he had embezzled the money of a countryman, entrusted to him
   for religious purposes, and could give no satisfactory account of his
   stewardship. The next thing proved against him, and admitted by his own
   confession, was, that on Christmas day, on which the fast was observed
   by the Church of Gippe as by all the other Churches, after taking leave
   of his colleague the presbyter of Gippe, as if going to his own church
   about 11 A.M., he remained, without having any ecclesiastic in his
   company, in the same parish, and dined, supped, and spent the night in
   the house of a woman of ill fame. It happened that lodging in the same
   place was one of our clergy of Hippo, who had gone thither; and as the
   facts were known beyond dispute to this witness, Abundantius could not
   deny the charge. As to the things which he did deny, I left them to the
   divine tribunal, passing sentence upon him only in regard to those
   things which he had not been permitted to conceal. I was afraid to
   leave him in charge of a Church, especially of one placed as his was,
   in the very midst of rabid and barking heretics. And when he begged me
   to give him a letter with a statement of his case to the presbyter of
   the parish of Armema, in the district of Bulla, from which he had come
   to us, so as to prevent any exaggerated suspicion there of his
   character, and in order that he might there live, if possible, a more
   consistent life, having no duties as a presbyter, I was moved by
   compassion to do as he desired. At the same time, it was very specially
   incumbent on me to submit to your wisdom these facts, lest any
   deception should be practised upon you.

   2. I pronounced sentence in his case one hundred days before Easter
   Sunday, which falls this year on the 7th of April. I have taken care to
   acquaint you with the date, because of the decree of Council, [1875]
   which I also did not conceal from him, but explained to him the law of
   the Church, that if he thought anything could be done to reverse my
   decision, unless he began proceedings with this view within a year, no
   one would, after the lapse of that time, listen to his pleading. For my
   own part, my lord most blessed, and father worthy of all veneration, I
   assure you that if I did not think that these instances of vicious
   conversation in an ecclesiastic, especially when accompanied with an
   evil reputation, deserved to be visited with the punishment appointed
   by the Council, I would be compelled now to attempt to sift things
   which cannot be known, and either to condemn the accused upon doubtful
   evidence, or acquit him for want of proof. When a presbyter, upon a day
   of fasting which was observed as such also in the place in which he
   was, having taken leave of his colleague in the ministry in that place,
   and being unattended by any ecclesiastic, ventured to tarry in the
   house of a woman of ill fame, and to dine and sup and spend the night
   there, it seemed to me, whatever others might think, that he behoved to
   be deposed from his office, as I durst not commit to his charge a
   Church of God. If it should so happen that a different opinion be held
   by the ecclesiastical judges to whom he may appeal, seeing that it has
   been decreed by the Council [1876] that the decision of six bishops be
   final in the case of a presbyter, let who will commit to him a Church
   within his jurisdiction, I confess, for my own part, that I fear to
   entrust any congregation whatever to persons like him, especially when
   nothing in the way of general good character can be alleged as a reason
   for excusing these delinquencies; lest, if he were to break forth into
   some more ruinous wickedness, I should be compelled with sorrow to
   blame myself for the harm done by his crime.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1874] This title in the African Church seems equivalent to Primate
   when applied to a bishop. See Letter LIX.

   [1875] Held at Carthage, 13th Sept. 401.

   [1876] Held at Carthage, A.D. 318 or 319, Can. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXVI.

   (a.d. 402.)

   Addressed, Without Salutation, to Crispinus, the Donatist Bishop of
   Calama.

   1. You ought to have been influenced by the fear of God; but since, in
   your work of rebaptizing the Mappalians, [1877] you have chosen to take
   advantage of the fear with which as man you could inspire them, let me
   ask you what hinders the order of the sovereign from being carried out
   in the province, when the order of the governor of the province has
   been so fully enforced in a village? If you compare the persons
   concerned, you are but a vassal in possession; he is the Emperor. If
   you compare the positions of both, you are in a property, he is on a
   throne; if you compare the causes maintained by both, his aim is to
   heal division, and yours is to rend unity in twain. But we do not bid
   you stand in awe of man: though we might take steps to compel you to
   pay, according to the imperial decree, ten pounds of gold as the
   penalty of your outrage. Perhaps you might be unable to pay the fine
   imposed upon those who rebaptize members of the Church, having been
   involved in so much expense in buying people whom you might compel to
   submit to the rite. But, as I have said, we do not bid you be afraid of
   man: rather let Christ fill you with fear. I should like to know what
   answer you could give Him, if He said to you: "Crispinus, was it a
   great price which you paid in order to buy the fear of the Mappalian
   peasantry; and does My death, the price paid by Me to purchase the love
   of all nations, seem little in your eyes? Was the money which was
   counted out from your purse in acquiring these serfs in order to their
   being rebaptized, a more costly sacrifice than the blood which flowed
   from My side in redeeming the nations in order to their being
   baptized?" I know that, if you would listen to Christ, you might hear
   many more such appeals, and might, even by the possession which you
   have obtained, be warned how impious are the things which you have
   spoken against Christ. For if you think that your title to hold what
   you have bought with money is sure by human law, how much more sure, by
   divine law, is Christ's title to that which He hath bought with His own
   blood! And it is true that He of whom it is written, "He shall have
   dominion from sea to sea, and from the river unto the ends of the
   earth," shall hold with invincible might all which He has purchased;
   but how can you expect with any assurance to retain that which you
   think you have made your own by purchase in Africa, when you affirm
   that Christ has lost the whole world, and been left with Africa alone
   as His portion?

   2. But why multiply words? If these Mappalians have passed of their own
   free will into your communion, let them hear both you and me on the
   question which divides us,--the words of each of us being written down,
   and translated into the Punic tongue after having been attested by our
   signatures; and then, all pressure through fear of their superior being
   removed, let these vassals choose what they please. For by the things
   which we shall say it will be made manifest whether they remain in
   error under coercion, or hold what they believe to be truth with their
   own consent. They either understand these matters, or they do not: if
   they do not, how could you dare to transfer them in their ignorance to
   your communion? and if they do, let them, as I have said, hear both
   sides, and act freely for themselves. If there be any communities that
   have passed over from you to us, which you believe to have yielded to
   the pressure of their superiors, let the same be done in their case;
   let them hear both sides, and choose for themselves. Now, if you reject
   this proposal, who can fail to be convinced that your reliance is not
   upon the force of truth? But you ought to beware of the wrath of God
   both here and hereafter. I adjure you by Christ to give a reply to what
   I have written.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1877] About eighty persons, on a property which he had acquired, were
   compelled by Crispinus to undergo submersion, notwithstanding their
   groaning and protesting against this tyrannical act of their new
   landlord.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXVII.

   (a.d. 402.)

   To My Lord Most Beloved and Longed For, My Honoured Brother in Christ,
   and Fellow-Presbyter, Jerome, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. I have heard that my letter has come to your hand. I have not yet
   received a reply, but I do not on this account question your affection;
   doubtless something has hitherto prevented you. Wherefore I know and
   avow that my prayer should be, that God would put it in your power to
   forward your reply, for He has already given you power to prepare it,
   seeing that you can do so with the utmost ease if you feel disposed.

   Chap. II.

   2. I have hesitated whether to give credence or not to a certain report
   which has reached me; but I felt that I ought not to hesitate as to
   writing a few lines to you regarding the matter. To be brief, I have
   heard that some brethren have told your Charity that I have written a
   book against you and have sent it to Rome. Be assured that this is
   false: I call God to witness that I have not done this. But if
   perchance there be some things in some of my writings in which I am
   found to have been of a different opinion from you, I think you ought
   to know, or if it cannot be certainly known, at least to believe, that
   such things have been written not with a view of contradicting you, but
   only of stating my own views. In saying this, however, let me assure
   you that not only am I most ready to hear in a brotherly spirit the
   objections which you may entertain to anything in my writings which has
   displeased you, but I entreat, nay implore you, to acquaint me with
   them; and thus I shall be made glad either by the correction of my
   mistake, or at least by the expression of your goodwill.

   3. Oh that it were in my power, by our living near each other, if not
   under the same roof, to enjoy frequent and sweet conference with you in
   the Lord! Since, however, this is not granted, I beg you to take pains
   that this one way in which we can be together in the Lord be kept up;
   nay more, improved and perfected. Do not refuse to write me in return,
   however seldom.

   Greet with my respects our holy brother Paulinianus, and all the
   brethren who with you, and because of you, rejoice in the Lord. May
   you, remembering us, be heard by the Lord in regard to all your holy
   desires, my lord most beloved and longed for, my honoured brother in
   Christ.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXVIII.

   (a.d. 402.)

   To Augustin, My Lord, Truly Holy and Most Blessed Father, [1878] Jerome
   Sends Greeting in Christ.

   1. When my kinsman, our holy son Asterius, subdeacon, was just on the
   point of beginning his journey, the letter of your Grace arrived, in
   which you clear yourself of the charge of having sent to Rome a book
   written against your humble servant. [1879] I had not heard that
   charge; but by our brother Sysinnius, deacon, copies of a letter
   addressed by some one apparently to me have come hither. In the said
   letter I am exhorted to sing the palinodia, confessing mistake in
   regard to a paragraph of the apostle's writing, and to imitate
   Stesichorus, who, vacillating between disparagement and praises of
   Helen, recovered, by praising her, the eyesight which he had forfeited
   by speaking against her. [1880] Although the style and the method of
   argument appeared to be yours, I must frankly confess to your
   Excellency that I did not think it right to assume without examination
   the authenticity of a letter of which I had only seen copies, lest
   perchance, if offended by my reply, you should with justice complain
   that it was my duty first to have made sure that you were the author,
   and only after that was ascertained, to address you in reply. Another
   reason for my delay was the protracted illness of the pious and
   venerable Paula. For, while occupied long in attending upon her in
   severe illness, I had almost forgotten your letter, or more correctly,
   the letter written in your name, remembering the verse, "Like music in
   the day of mourning is an unseasonable discourse." [1881] Therefore, if
   it is your letter, write me frankly that it is so, or send me a more
   accurate copy, in order that without any passionate rancour we may
   devote ourselves to discuss scriptural truth; and I may either correct
   my own mistake, or show that another has without good reason found
   fault with me.

   2. Far be it from me to presume to attack anything which your Grace has
   written. For it is enough for me to prove my own views without
   controverting what others hold. But it is well known to one of your
   wisdom, that every one is satisfied with his own opinion, and that it
   is puerile self-sufficiency to seek, as young men have of old been wont
   to do, to gain glory to one's own name by assailing men who have become
   renowned. I am not so foolish as to think myself insulted by the fact
   that you give an explanation different from mine; since you, on the
   other hand, are not wronged by my views being contrary to those which
   you maintain. But that is the kind of reproof by which friends may
   truly benefit each other, when each, not seeing his own bag of faults,
   observes, as Persius has it, the wallet borne by the other. [1882] Let
   me say further, love one who loves you, and do not because you are
   young challenge a veteran in the field of Scripture. I have had my
   time, and have run my course to the utmost of my strength. It is but
   fair that I should rest, while you in your turn run and accomplish
   great distances; at the same time (with your leave, and without
   intending any disrespect), lest it should seem that to quote from the
   poets is a thing which you alone can do, let me remind you of the
   encounter between Dares and Entellus, [1883] and of the proverb, "The
   tired ox treads with a firmer step." With sorrow I have dictated these
   words. Would that I could receive your embrace, and that by converse we
   might aid each other in learning!

   3. With his usual effrontery, Calphurnius, surnamed Lanarius, [1884]
   has sent me his execrable writings, which I understand that he has been
   at pains to disseminate in Africa also. To these I have replied in
   past, and shortly; and I have sent you a copy of my treatise, intending
   by the first opportunity to send you a larger work, when I have leisure
   to prepare it. In this treatise I have been careful not to offend
   Christian feeling in any, but only to confute the lies and
   hallucinations arising from his ignorance and madness.

   Remember me, holy and venerable father. See how sincerely I love thee,
   in that I am unwilling, even when challenged, to reply, and refuse to
   believe you to be the author of that which in another I would sharply
   rebuke. Our brother Communis sends his respectful salutation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1878] Papæ.

   [1879] Parvitas mea.

   [1880] See Letter XL. sec. 7, p. 274.

   [1881] Ecclus. xxii. 6.

   [1882] "Ut nemo in sese tentat descendere, nemo; Sed præcedenti
   spectatur mantica tergo."--Sat. iv. 29. See also Phædrus, iv. 10.

   [1883] Virgil, Æneid, v. 369 seq.

   [1884] Rufinus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXIX.

   (a.d. 402.)

   To Their Justly Beloved Lord Castorius, Their Truly Welcomed and
   Worthily Honoured Son, Alypius and Augustin Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. An attempt was made by the enemy of Christians to cause, by occasion
   of our very dear and sweet son your brother, the agitation of a most
   dangerous scandal within the Catholic Church, which as a mother
   welcomed you to her affectionate embrace when you fled from a
   disinherited and separated fragment into the heritage of Christ; the
   desire of that enemy being evidently to becloud with unseemly
   melancholy the calm beauty of joy which was imparted to us by the
   blessing of your conversion. But the Lord our God, who is compassionate
   and merciful, who comforteth them that are cast down, nourishing the
   infants, and cherishing the infirm, permitted him to gain in some
   measure success in this design, only to make us rejoice more over the
   prevention of the calamity than we grieved over the danger. For it is a
   far more magnanimous thing to have resigned the onerous
   responsibilities of the bishop's dignity in order to save the Church
   from danger, than to have accepted these in order to have a share in
   her government. He truly proves that he was worthy of holding that
   office, had the interests of peace permitted him to do so, who does not
   insist upon retaining it when he cannot do so without endangering the
   peace of the Church. It has accordingly pleased God to show, by means
   of your brother, our beloved son Maximianus, unto the enemies of His
   Church, that there are within her those who seek not their own things,
   but the things of Jesus Christ. For in laying down that ministry of
   stewardship of the mysteries of God, he was not deserting his duty
   under the pressure of some worldly desire, but acting under the impulse
   of a pious love of peace, lest, on account of the honour conferred upon
   him, there should arise among the members of Christ an unseemly and
   dangerous, perhaps even fatal, dissension. For could anything have been
   more infatuated and worthy of utter reprobation, than to forsake
   schismatics because of the peace of the Catholic Church, and then to
   trouble that same Catholic peace by the question of one's own rank and
   preferment? On the other hand, could anything be more praiseworthy, and
   more in accordance with Christian charity, than that, after having
   forsaken the frenzied pride of the Donatists, he should, in the manner
   of his cleaving to the heritage of Christ, give such a signal proof of
   humility under the power of love for the unity of the Church? As for
   him, therefore, we rejoice indeed that he has been proved of such
   stability that the storm of this temptation has not cast down what
   divine truth had built in his heart; and therefore we desire and pray
   the Lord to grant that, by his life and conversation in the future, he
   may make it more and more manifest how well he would have discharged
   the responsibilities of that office which he would have accepted if
   that had been his duty. May that eternal peace which is promised to the
   Church be given in recompense to him, who discerned that the things
   which were not compatible with the peace of the Church were not
   expedient for him!

   2. As for you, our dear son, in whom we have great joy, since you are
   not restrained from accepting the office of bishop by any such
   considerations as have guided your brother in declining it, it becomes
   one of your disposition to devote to Christ that which is in you by His
   own gift. Your talents, prudence, eloquence, gravity, self-control, and
   everything else which adorns your conversation, are the gifts of God.
   To what service can they be more fittingly devoted than to His by whom
   they were bestowed, in order that they may be preserved, increased,
   perfected, and rewarded by Him? Let them not be devoted to the service
   of this world, lest with it they pass away and perish. We know that, in
   dealing with you, it is not necessary to insist much on your
   reflecting, as you may so easily do, upon the hopes of vain men, their
   insatiable desires, and the uncertainty of life. Away, therefore, with
   every expectation of deceptive and earthly felicity which your mind had
   grasped: labour in the vineyard of God, where the fruit is sure, where
   so many promises have already received so large measure of fulfilment,
   that it would be the height of madness to despair as to those which
   remain. We beseech you by the divinity and humanity of Christ, and by
   the peace of that heavenly city where we receive eternal rest after
   labouring for the time of our pilgrimage, to take the place as the
   bishop of the Church of Vagina which your brother has resigned, not
   under ignominious deposition, but by magnanimous concession. Let that
   people for whom we expect the richest increase of blessings through
   your mind and tongue, endowed and adorned by the gifts of God,--let
   that people, we say, perceive through you, that in what your brother
   has done, he was consulting not his own indolence, but their peace.

   We have given orders that this letter be not read to you until those to
   whom you are necessary hold you in actual possession. [1885] For we
   hold you in the bond of spiritual love, because to us also you are very
   necessary as a colleague. Our reason for not coming in person to you,
   you shall afterwards learn.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1885] It would seem that there was some reason to fear lest Castorius
   should elsewhere devote his talents to some other calling, and that a
   deputation from Vagina had been sent to seek him and bring him to that
   place. Alypius and Augustin for some reason did not accompany the
   deputation, but sent this letter with them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXX.

   (a.d. 402.)

   This letter is addressed by Alypius and Augustin to Naucelio, a person
   through whom they had discussed the question of the Donatist schism
   with Clarentius, an aged Donatist bishop (probably the same with the
   Numidian bishop of Tabraca, who took part in the Conference at Carthage
   in 411 a.d.). The ground traversed in the letter is the same as in
   pages 296 and 297, in Letter LI., regarding the inconsistencies of the
   Donatists in the case of Felicianus of Musti. We therefore leave it
   untranslated.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXI.

   (a.d. 403.)

   To My Venerable Lord Jerome, My Esteemed and Holy Brother and
   Fellow-Presbyter, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. Never since I began to write to you, and to long for your writing in
   return, have I met with a better opportunity for our exchanging
   communications than now, when my letter is to be carried to you by a
   most faithful servant and minister of God, who is also a very dear
   friend of mine, namely, our son Cyprian, deacon. Through him I expect
   to receive a letter from you with all the certainty which is in a
   matter of this kind possible. For the son whom I have named will not be
   found wanting in respect of zeal in asking, or persuasive influence in
   obtaining a reply from you; nor will he fail in diligently keeping,
   promptly bearing, and faithfully delivering the same. I only pray that
   if I be in any way worthy of this, the Lord may give His help and
   favour to your heart and to my desire, so that no higher will may
   hinder that which your brotherly goodwill inclines you to do.

   2. As I have sent you two letters already to which I have received no
   reply, I have resolved to send you at this time copies of both of them,
   for I suppose that they never reached you. If they did reach you, and
   your replies have failed, as may be the case, to reach me, send me a
   second time the same as you sent before, if you have copies of them
   preserved: if you have not, dictate again what I may read, and do not
   refuse to send to these former letters the answer for which I have been
   waiting so long. My first letter to you, which I had prepared while I
   was a presbyter, was to be delivered to you by a brother of ours,
   Profuturus, who afterwards became my colleague in the episcopate, and
   has since then departed from this life; but he could not then bear it
   to you in person, because at the very time when he intended to begin
   his journey, he was prevented by his ordination to the weighty office
   of bishop, and shortly afterwards he died. This letter I have resolved
   also to send at this time, that you may know how long I have cherished
   a burning desire for conversation with you, and with what reluctance I
   submit to the remote separation which prevents my mind from having
   access to yours through our bodily senses, my brother, most amiable and
   honoured among the members of the Lord.

   Chap. II.

   3. In this letter I have further to say, that I have since heard that
   you have translated Job out of the original Hebrew, although in your
   own translation of the same prophet from the Greek tongue we had
   already a version of that book. In that earlier version you marked with
   asterisks the words found in the Hebrew but wanting in the Greek, and
   with obelisks the words found in the Greek but wanting in the Hebrew;
   and this was done with such astonishing exactness, that in some places
   we have every word distinguished by a separate asterisk, as a sign that
   these words are in the Hebrew, but not in the Greek. Now, however, in
   this more recent version from the Hebrew, there is not the same
   scrupulous fidelity as to the words; and it perplexes any thoughtful
   reader to understand either what was the reason for marking the
   asterisks in the former version with so much care that they indicate
   the absence from the Greek version of even the smallest grammatical
   particles which have not been rendered from the Hebrew, or what is the
   reason for so much less care having been taken in this recent version
   from the Hebrew to secure that these same particles be found in their
   own places. I would have put down here an extract or two in
   illustration of this criticism; but at present I have not access to the
   Ms. of the translation from the Hebrew. Since, however, your quick
   discernment anticipates and goes beyond not only what I have said, but
   also what I meant to say, you already understand, I think, enough to be
   able, by giving the reason for the plan which you have adopted, to
   explain what perplexes me.

   4. For my part, I would much rather that you would furnish us with a
   translation of the Greek version of the canonical Scriptures known as
   the work of the Seventy translators. For if your translation begins to
   be more generally read in many churches, it will be a grievous thing
   that, in the reading of Scripture, differences must arise between the
   Latin Churches and the Greek Churches, especially seeing that the
   discrepancy is easily condemned in a Latin version by the production of
   the original in Greek, which is a language very widely known; whereas,
   if any one has been disturbed by the occurrence of something to which
   he was not accustomed in the translation taken from the Hebrew, and
   alleges that the new translation is wrong, it will be found difficult,
   if not impossible, to get at the Hebrew documents by which the version
   to which exception is taken may be defended. And when they are
   obtained, who will submit to have so many Latin and Greek authorities
   pronounced to be in the wrong? Besides all this, Jews, if consulted as
   to the meaning of the Hebrew text, may give a different opinion from
   yours: in which case it will seem as if your presence were
   indispensable, as being the only one who could refute their view; and
   it would be a miracle if one could be found capable of acting as
   arbiter between you and them.

   Chap. III.

   5. A certain bishop, one of our brethren, having introduced in the
   church over which he presides the reading of your version, came upon a
   word in the book of the prophet Jonah, of which you have given a very
   different rendering from that which had been of old familiar to the
   senses and memory of all the worshippers, and had been chanted for so
   many generations in the church. [1886] Thereupon arose such a tumult in
   the congregation, especially among the Greeks, correcting what had been
   read, and denouncing the translation as false, that the bishop was
   compelled to ask the testimony of the Jewish residents (it was in the
   town of Oea). These, whether from ignorance or from spite, answered
   that the words in the Hebrew Mss. were correctly rendered in the Greek
   version, and in the Latin one taken from it. What further need I say?
   The man was compelled to correct your version in that passage as if it
   had been falsely translated, as he desired not to be left without a
   congregation,--a calamity which he narrowly escaped. From this case we
   also are led to think that you may be occasionally mistaken. You will
   also observe how great must have been the difficulty if this had
   occurred in those writings which cannot be explained by comparing the
   testimony of languages now in use.

   Chap. IV.

   6. At the same time, we are in no small measure thankful to God for the
   work in which you have translated the Gospels from the original Greek,
   because in almost every passage we have found nothing to object to,
   when we compared it with the Greek Scriptures. By this work, any
   disputant who supports an old false translation is either convinced or
   confuted with the utmost ease by the production and collation of Mss.
   And if, as indeed very rarely happens, something be found to which
   exception may be taken, who would be so unreasonable as not to excuse
   it readily in a work so useful that it cannot be too highly praised? I
   wish you would have the kindness to open up to me what you think to be
   the reason of the frequent discrepancies between the text supported by
   the Hebrew codices and the Greek Septuagint version. For the latter has
   no mean authority, seeing that it has obtained so wide circulation, and
   was the one which the apostles used, as is not only proved by looking
   to the text itself, but has also been, as I remember, affirmed by
   yourself. You would therefore confer upon us a much greater boon if you
   gave an exact Latin translation of the Greek Septuagint version: for
   the variations found in the different codices of the Latin text are
   intolerably numerous; and it is so justly open to suspicion as possibly
   different from what is to be found in the Greek, that one has no
   confidence in either quoting it or proving anything by its help.

   I thought that this letter was to be a short one, but it has somehow
   been as pleasant to me to go on with it as if I were talking with you.
   I conclude with entreating you by the Lord kindly to send me a full
   reply, and thus give me, so far as is in your power, the pleasure of
   your presence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1886] Jonah iv. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXII.

   (a.d. 404.)

   To Augustin, My Lord Truly Holy, and Most Blessed Father, Jerome Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. You are sending me letter upon letter, and often urging me to answer
   a certain letter of yours, a copy of which, without your signature, had
   reached me through our brother Sysinnius, deacon, as I have already
   written, which letter you tell me that you entrusted first to our
   brother Profuturus, and afterwards to some one else; but that
   Profuturus was prevented from finishing his intended journey, and
   having been ordained a bishop, was removed by sudden death; and the
   second messenger, whose name you do not give, was afraid of the perils
   of the sea, and gave up the voyage which he had intended. These things
   being so, I am at a loss to express my surprise that the same letter is
   reported to be in the possession of most of the Christians in Rome, and
   throughout Italy, and has come to every one but myself, to whom alone
   it was ostensibly sent. I wonder at this all the more, because the
   brother Sysinnius aforesaid tells me that he found it among the rest of
   your published works, not in Africa, not in your possession, but in an
   island of the Adriatic some five years ago.

   2. True friendship can harbour no suspicion; a friend must speak to his
   friend as freely as to his second self. Some of my acquaintances,
   vessels of Christ, of whom there is a very large number in Jerusalem
   and in the holy places, suggested to me that this had not been done by
   you in a guileless spirit, but through desire for praise and celebrity,
   and éclat in the eyes of the people, intending to become famous at my
   expense; that many might know that you challenged me, and I feared to
   meet you; that you had written as a man of learning, and I had by
   silence confessed my ignorance, and had at last found one who knew how
   to stop my garrulous tongue. I, however, let me say it frankly, refused
   at first to answer your Excellency, because I did not believe that the
   letter, or as I may call it (using a proverbial expression), the
   honeyed sword, was sent from you. Moreover, I was cautious lest I
   should seem to answer uncourteously a bishop of my own communion, and
   to censure anything in the letter of one who censured me, especially as
   I judged some of its statements to be tainted with heresy. [1887]
   Lastly, I was afraid lest you should have reason to remonstrate with
   me, saying, "What! had you seen the letter to be mine,--had you
   discovered in the signature attached to it the autograph of a hand well
   known to you, when you so carelessly wounded the feelings of your
   friend, and reproached me with that which the malice of another had
   conceived?"

   Chap. II.

   3. Wherefore, as I have already written, either send me the identical
   letter in question subscribed with your own hand, or desist from
   annoying an old man, who seeks retirement in his monastic cell. If you
   wish to exercise or display your learning, choose as your antagonists,
   young, eloquent, and illustrious men, of whom it is said that many are
   found in Rome, who may be neither unable nor afraid to meet you, and to
   enter the lists with a bishop in debates concerning the Sacred
   Scriptures. As for me, a soldier once, but a retired veteran now, it
   becomes me rather to applaud the victories won by you and others, than
   with my worn-out body to take part in the conflict; beware lest, if you
   persist in demanding a reply, I call to mind the history of the way in
   which Quintus Maximus by his patience defeated Hannibal, who was, in
   the pride of youth, confident of success. [1888]

   "Omnia fert ætas, animum quoque. Sæpe ego longos

   Cantando puerum memini me condere soles;

   Nunc oblita mihi tot carmina: vox quoque Moerin

   Jam fugit ipsa." [1889]

   Or rather, to quote an instance from Scripture: Barzillai of Gilead,
   when he declined in favour of his youthful son the kindnesses of King
   David and all the charms of his court, taught us that old age ought
   neither to desire these things, nor to accept them when offered.

   4. As to your calling God to witness that you had not written a book
   against me, and of course had not sent to Rome what you had never
   written, adding that, if perchance some things were found in your works
   in which a different opinion from mine was advanced, no wrong had
   thereby been done to me, because you had, without any intention of
   offending me, written only what you believed to be right; I beg you to
   hear me with patience. You never wrote a book against me: how then has
   there been brought to me a copy, written by another hand, of a treatise
   containing a rebuke administered to me by you? How comes Italy to
   possess a treatise of yours which you did not write? Nay, how can you
   reasonably ask me to reply to that which you solemnly assure me was
   never written by you? Nor am I so foolish as to think that I am
   insulted by you, if in anything your opinion differs from mine. But if,
   challenging me as it were to single combat, you take exception to my
   views, and demand a reason for what I have written, and insist upon my
   correcting what you judge to be an error, and call upon me to recant it
   in a humble palinodi'a, and speak of your curing me of blindness; in
   this I maintain that friendship is wounded, and the laws of brotherly
   union are set at nought. Let not the world see us quarrelling like
   children, and giving material for angry contention between those who
   may become our respective supporters or adversaries. I write what I
   have now written, because I desire to cherish towards you pure and
   Christian love, and not to hide in my heart anything which does not
   agree with the utterance of my lips. For it does not become me, who
   have spent my life from youth until now, sharing the arduous labours of
   pious brethren in an obscure monastery, to presume to write anything
   against a bishop of my own communion, especially against one whom I had
   begun to love before I knew him, who also sought my friendship before I
   sought his, and whom I rejoiced to see rising as a successor to myself
   in the careful study of the Scriptures. Wherefore either disown that
   book, if you are not its author, and give over urging me to reply to
   that which you never wrote; or if the book is yours, admit it frankly;
   so that if I write anything in self-defence, the responsibility may lie
   on you who gave, not on me who am forced to accept, the challenge.

   Chap. III.

   5. You say also, that if there be anything in your writings which has
   displeased me, and which I would wish to correct, you are ready to
   receive my criticism as a brother; and you not only assure me that you
   would rejoice in such proof of my goodwill toward you, but you
   earnestly ask me to do this. I tell you again, without reserve, what I
   feel: you are challenging an old man, disturbing the peace of one who
   asks only to be allowed to be silent, and you seem to desire to display
   your learning. It is not for one of my years to give the impression of
   enviously disparaging one whom I ought rather to encourage by
   approbation. And if the ingenuity of perverse men finds something which
   they may plausibly censure in the writings even of evangelists and
   prophets, are you amazed if, in your books, especially in your
   exposition of passages in Scripture which are exceedingly difficult of
   interpretation, some things be found which are not perfectly correct?
   This I say, however, not because I can at this time pronounce anything
   in your works to merit censure. For, in the first place, I have never
   read them with attention; and in the second place, we have not beside
   us a supply of copies of what you have written, excepting the books of
   Soliloquies and Commentaries on some of the Psalms; which, if I were
   disposed to criticise them, I could prove to be at variance, I shall
   not say with my own opinion, for I am nobody, but with the
   interpretations of the older Greek commentators.

   Farewell, my very dear friend, my son in years, my father in
   ecclesiastical dignity; and to this I most particularly request your
   attention, that henceforth you make sure that I be the first to receive
   whatever you may write to me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1887] I have taken the liberty of making chap. ii begin at the end
   instead of the beginning of this sentence, where its interruption of
   the paragraph bewilders the reader.

   [1888] Livy, book xxii.

   [1889] Virgil, Eclogue ix.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXIII.

   (a.d. 404.)

   To Jerome, My Venerable and Most Esteemed Brother and Fellow-Presbyter
   Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. Although I suppose that, before this reaches you, you have received
   through our son the deacon Cyprian, a servant of God, the letter which
   I sent by him, from which you would be apprised with certainty that I
   wrote the letter of which you mentioned that a copy had been brought to
   you; in consequence of which I suppose that I have begun already, like
   the rash Dares, to be beaten and belaboured by the missiles and the
   merciless fists of a second Entellus [1890] in the reply which you have
   written; nevertheless I answer in the meantime the letter which you
   have deigned to send me by our holy son Asterius, in which I have found
   many proofs of your most kind goodwill to me, and at the same time some
   signs of your having in some measure felt agrieved by me. In reading
   it, therefore, I was no sooner soothed by one sentence than I was
   buffeted in another; my wonder being especially called forth by this,
   that after alleging, as your reason for not rashly accepting as
   authentic the letter from me of which you had a copy, the fact that,
   offended by your reply, I might justly remonstrate with you, because
   you ought first to have ascertained that it was mine before answering
   it, you go on to command me to acknowledge the letter frankly if it is
   mine, or send a more reliable copy of it, in order that we may, without
   any bitterness of feeling, address ourselves to the discussion of
   scriptural doctrine. For how can we engage in such discussion without
   bitterness of feeling, if you have made up your mind to offend me? or,
   if your mind is not made up to this, what reason could I have had, when
   you did not offend me, for justly complaining as having been offended
   by you, that you ought first to have made sure that the letter was
   mine, and only then to have replied, that is to say, only then to have
   offended me? For if there had been nothing to offend me in your reply,
   I could have had no just ground of complaint. Accordingly, when you
   write such a reply to that letter as must offend me, what hope is left
   of our engaging without any bitterness in the discussion of scriptural
   doctrine? Far be it from me to take offence if you are willing and able
   to prove, by incontrovertible argument, that you have apprehended more
   correctly than I have the meaning of that passage in Paul's Epistle [to
   the Galatians], or of any other text in Holy Scripture: nay, more, far
   be it from me to count it aught else than gain to myself, and cause of
   thankfulness to you, if in anything I am either informed by your
   teaching or set right by your correction.

   2. But, my very dear brother, you could not think that I could be
   offended by your reply, had you not thought that you were offended by
   what I had written. For I could never have entertained concerning you
   the idea that you had not felt yourself offended by me if you so framed
   your reply as to offend me in return. If, on the other hand, I have
   been supposed by you to be capable of such preposterous folly as to
   take offence when you had not written in such a way as to give me
   occasion, you have in this already wronged me, that you have
   entertained such an opinion of me. But surely you who are so cautious,
   that although you recognised my style in the letter of which you had a
   copy, you refused to believe its authenticity, would not without
   consideration believe me to be so different from what your experience
   has proved me to be. For if you had good reason for seeing that I might
   justly complain had you hastily concluded that a letter not written by
   me was mine, how much more reasonably may I complain if you form,
   without consideration, such an estimate of myself as is contradicted by
   your own experience! You would not therefore go so far astray in your
   judgment as to believe, when you had written nothing by which I could
   be offended, that I would nevertheless be so foolish as to be capable
   of being offended by such a reply.

   Chap. II.

   3. There can therefore be no doubt that you were prepared to reply in
   such a way as would offend me, if you had only indisputable evidence
   that the letter was mine. Accordingly, since I do not believe that you
   would think it right to offend me unless you had just cause, it remains
   for me to confess, as I now do, my fault as having been the first to
   offend by writing that letter which I cannot deny to be mine. Why
   should I strive to swim against the current, and not rather ask pardon?
   I therefore entreat you by the mercy of Christ to forgive me wherein I
   have injured you, and not to render evil for evil by injuring me in
   return. For it will be an injury to me if you pass over in silence
   anything which you find wrong in either word or action of mine. If,
   indeed, you rebuke in me that which merits no rebuke, you do wrong to
   yourself, not to me; for far be it from one of your life and holy vows
   to rebuke merely from a desire to give offence, using the tongue of
   malice to condemn in me that which by the truth-revealing light of
   reason you know to deserve no blame. Therefore either rebuke kindly him
   whom, though he is free from fault, you think to merit rebuke; or with
   a father's kindness soothe him whom you cannot bring to agree with you.
   For it is possible that your opinion may be at variance with the truth,
   while notwithstanding your actions are in harmony with Christian
   charity: for I also shall most thankfully receive your rebuke as a most
   friendly action, even though the thing censured be capable of defence,
   and therefore ought not to have been censured; or else I shall
   acknowledge both your kindness and my fault, and shall be found, so far
   as the Lord enables me, grateful for the one, and corrected in regard
   to the other.

   4. Why, then, shall I fear your words, hard, perhaps, like the
   boxing-gloves of Entellus, but certainly fitted to do me good? The
   blows of Entellus were intended not to heal, but to harm, and therefore
   his antagonist was conquered, not cured. But I, if I receive your
   correction calmly as a necessary medicine, shall not be pained by it.
   If, however, through weakness, either common to human nature or
   peculiar to myself, I cannot help feeling some pain from rebuke, even
   when I am justly reproved, it is far better to have a tumour in one's
   head cured, though the lance cause pain, than to escape the pain by
   letting the disease go on. This was clearly seen by him who said that,
   for the most part, our enemies who expose our faults are more useful
   than friends who are afraid to reprove us. For the former, in their
   angry recriminations, sometimes charge us with what we indeed require
   to correct; but the latter, through fear of destroying the sweetness of
   friendship, show less boldness on behalf of right than they ought.
   Since, therefore, you are, to quote your own comparison, an ox [1891]
   worn out, perhaps, as to your bodily strength by reason of years, but
   unimpaired in mental vigour, and toiling still assiduously and with
   profit in the Lord's threshing-floor; here am I, and in whatever I have
   spoken amiss, tread firmly on me: the weight of your venerable age
   should not be grievous to me, if the chaff of my fault be so bruised
   under foot as to be separated from me.

   5. Let me further say, that it is with the utmost affectionate yearning
   that I read or recollect the words at the end of your letter, "Would
   that I could receive your embrace, and that by converse we might aid
   each other in learning." For my part, I say,--Would that we were even
   dwelling in parts of the earth less widely separated; so that if we
   could not meet for converse, we might at least have a more frequent
   exchange of letters. For as it is, so great is the distance by which we
   are prevented from any kind of access to each other through the eye and
   ear, that I remember writing to your Holiness regarding these words in
   the Epistle to the Galatians when I was young; and behold I am now
   advanced in age, and have not yet received a reply, and a copy of my
   letter has reached you by some strange accident earlier than the letter
   itself, about the transmission of which I took no small pains. For the
   man to whom I entrusted it neither delivered it to you nor returned it
   to me. So great in my esteem is the value of those of your writings
   which we have been able to procure, that I should prefer to all other
   studies the privilege, if it were attainable by me, of sitting by your
   side and learning from you. Since I cannot do this myself, I propose to
   send to you one of my sons in the Lord, that he may for my benefit be
   instructed by you, in the event of my receiving from you a favourable
   reply in regard to the matter. For I have not now, and I can never hope
   to have, such knowledge of the Divine Scriptures as I see you possess.
   Whatever abilities I may have for such study, I devote entirely to the
   instruction of the people whom God has entrusted to me; and I am wholly
   precluded by my ecclesiastical occupations from having leisure for any
   further prosecution of my studies than is necessary for my duty in
   public teaching.

   Chap. III.

   6. I am not acquainted with the writings speaking injuriously of you,
   which you tell me have come into Africa. I have, however, received the
   reply to these which you have been pleased to send. After reading it,
   let me say frankly, I have been exceedingly grieved that the mischief
   of such painful discord has arisen between persons once so loving and
   intimate, and formerly united by the bond of a friendship which was
   well known in almost all the Churches. In that treatise of yours, any
   one may see how you are keeping yourself under restraint, and holding
   back the stinging keenness of your indignation, lest you should render
   railing for railing. If, however, even in reading this reply of yours,
   I fainted with grief and shuddered with fear, what would be the effect
   produced in me by the things which he has written against you, if they
   should come into my possession! "Woe unto the world because of
   offences!" [1892] Behold the complete fulfilment of which He who is
   Truth foretold: "Because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall
   wax cold." [1893] For what trusting hearts can now pour themselves
   forth with any assurance of their confidence being reciprocated? Into
   whose breast may confiding love now throw itself without reserve? In
   short, where is the friend who may not be feared as possibly a future
   enemy, if the breach that we deplore could arise between Jerome and
   Rufinus? Oh, sad and pitiable is our portion! Who can rely upon the
   affection of his friends because of what he knows them to be now, when
   he has no foreknowledge of what they shall afterwards become? But why
   should I reckon it cause for sorrow, that one man is thus ignorant of
   what another may become, when no man knows even what he himself is
   afterwards to be? The utmost that he knows, and that he knows but
   imperfectly, is his present condition; of what he shall hereafter
   become he has no knowledge.

   7. Do the holy and blessed angels possess not only this knowledge of
   their actual character, but also a foreknowledge of what they shall
   afterward become? If they do, I cannot see how it was possible for
   Satan ever to have been happy, even while he was still a good angel,
   knowing, as in this case he must have known, his future transgression
   and eternal punishment. I would wish to hear what you think as to this
   question, if indeed it be one which it would be profitable for us to be
   able to answer. But mark here what I suffer from the lands and seas
   which keep us, so far as the body is concerned, distant from each
   other. If I were myself the letter which you are now reading, you might
   have told me already what I have just asked; but now, when will you
   write me a reply? when will you get it sent away? when will it come
   here? when shall I receive it? And yet, would that I were sure that it
   would come at last, though meanwhile I must summon all the patience
   which I can command to endure the unwelcome but unavoidable delay!
   Wherefore I come back to those most delightful words of your letter,
   filled with your holy longing, and I in turn appropriate them as my
   own: "Would that I might receive your embrace, and that by converse we
   might aid each other in learning,"--if indeed there be any sense in
   which I could possibly impart instruction to you.

   8. When by these words, now mine not less than yours, I am gladdened
   and refreshed, and when I am comforted not a little by the fact that in
   both of us a desire for mutual fellowship exists, though meanwhile
   unsatisfied, it is not long before I am pierced through by darts of
   keenest sorrow when I consider Rufinus and you, to whom God had granted
   in fullest measure and for a length of time that which both of us have
   longed for, so that in most close and endearing fellowship you feasted
   together on the honey of the Holy Scriptures, and think how between you
   the blight of such exceeding bitterness has found its way, constraining
   us to ask when, where, and in whom the same calamity may not be
   reasonably feared; seeing that it has befallen you at the very time
   when, unencumbered, having cast away secular burdens, you were
   following the Lord and were living together in that very land which was
   trodden by the feet of our Lord, when He said, "Peace I leave with you,
   My peace I give unto you;" [1894] being, moreover, men of mature age,
   whose life was devoted to the study of the word of God. Truly "man's
   life on earth is a period of trial." [1895] If I could anywhere meet
   you both together--which, alas, I cannot hope to do--so strong are my
   agitation, grief, and fear, that I think I would cast myself at your
   feet, and there weeping till I could weep no more, would, with all the
   eloquence of love, appeal first to each of you for his own sake, then
   to both for each other's sake, and for the sake of those, especially
   the weak, "for whom Christ died," [1896] whose salvation is in peril,
   as they look on you who occupy a place so conspicuous on the stage of
   time; imploring you not to write and scatter abroad these hard words
   against each other, which, if at any time you who are now at variance
   were reconciled, you could not destroy, and which you could not then
   venture to read lest strife should be kindled anew.

   9. But I say to your Charity, that nothing has made me tremble more
   than your estrangement from Rufinus, when I read in your letter some of
   the indications of your being displeased with me. I refer not so much
   to what you say of Entellus and of the wearied ox, in which you appear
   to me to use genial pleasantry rather than angry threat, but to that
   which you have evidently written in earnest, of which I have already
   spoken perhaps more than was fitting, but not more than my fears
   compelled me to do,--namely, the words, "lest perchance, being
   offended, you should have reason to remonstrate with me." If it be
   possible for us to examine and discuss anything by which our hearts may
   be nourished, without any bitterness of discord I entreat you let us
   address ourselves to this. But if it is not possible for either of us
   to point out what he may judge to demand correction in the other's
   writings, without being suspected of envy and regarded as wounding
   friendship, let us, having regard to our spiritual life and health,
   leave such conference alone. Let us content ourselves with smaller
   attainments in that [knowledge] which puffeth up, if we can thereby
   preserve unharmed that [charity] which edifieth. [1897] I feel that I
   come far short of that perfection of which it is written, "If any man
   offend not in word, the same is a perfect man;" [1898] but through
   God's mercy I truly believe myself able to ask your forgiveness for
   that in which I have offended you: and this you ought to make plain to
   me, that through my hearing you, you may gain your brother. [1899] Nor
   should you make it a reason for leaving me in error, that the distance
   between us on the earth's surface makes it impossible for us to meet
   face to face. As concerns the subjects into which we inquire, if I
   know, or believe, or think that I have got hold of the truth in a
   matter in which your opinion is different from mine, I shall by all
   means endeavour, as the Lord may enable me, to maintain my view without
   injuring you. And as to any offence which I may give to you, so soon as
   I perceive your displeasure, I shall unreservedly beg your forgiveness.

   10. I think, moreover, that your reason for being displeased with me
   can only be, that I have either said what I ought not, or have not
   expressed myself in the manner in which I ought: for I do not wonder
   that we are less thoroughly known to each other than we are to our most
   close and intimate friends. Upon the love of such friends I readily
   cast myself without reservation, especially when chafed and wearied by
   the scandals of this world; and in their love I rest without any
   disturbing care: for I perceive that God is there, on whom I
   confidingly cast myself, and in whom I confidingly rest. Nor in this
   confidence am I disturbed by any fear of that uncertainty as to the
   morrow which must be present when we lean upon human weakness, and
   which I have in a former paragraph bewailed. For when I perceive that a
   man is burning with Christian love, and feel that thereby he has been
   made a faithful friend to me, whatever plans or thoughts of mine I
   entrust to him I regard as entrusted not to the man, but to Him in whom
   his character makes it evident that he dwells: for "God is love, and he
   that dwelleth in love dwelleth in God, and God in him;" [1900] and if
   he cease to dwell in love, his forsaking it cannot but cause as much
   pain as his abiding in it caused joy. Nevertheless, in such a case,
   when one who was an intimate friend has become an enemy, it is better
   that he should search out what ingenuity may help him to fabricate to
   our prejudice, than that he should find what anger may provoke him to
   reveal. This every one most easily secures, not by concealing what he
   does, but by doing nothing which he would wish to conceal. And this the
   mercy of God grants to good and pious men: they go out and in among
   their friends in liberty and without fear, whatever these friends may
   afterwards become: the sins which may have been committed by others
   within their knowledge they do not reveal, and they themselves avoid
   doing what they would fear to see revealed. For when any false charge
   is fabricated by a slanderer, either it is disbelieved, or, if it is
   believed, our reputation alone is injured, our spiritual wellbeing is
   not affected. But when, any sinful action is committed, that action
   becomes a secret enemy, even though it be not revealed by the
   thoughtless or malicious talk of one acquainted with our secrets.
   Wherefore any person of discernment may see in your own example how, by
   the comfort of a good conscience, you bear what would otherwise be
   insupportable--the incredible enmity of one who was formerly your most
   intimate and beloved friend; and how even what he utters against you,
   even what may to your disadvantage be believed by some, you turn to
   good account as the armour of righteousness on the left hand, which is
   not less useful than armour on the right hand [1901] in our warfare
   with the devil. But truly I would rather see him less bitter in his
   accusations, than see you thus more fully armed by them. This is a
   great and a lamentable wonder, that you should have passed from such
   amity to such enmity: it would be a joyful and a much greater event,
   should you come back from such enmity to the friendship of former days.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1890] See Jerome's Letter, LXVIII., sec. 2, p. 325.

   [1891] See p. 325.

   [1892] Matt. xviii. 7.

   [1893] Matt. xxiv. 12.

   [1894] John xiv. 27.

   [1895] Job vii. 1, according to the LXX., and more correctly than in
   E.V.

   [1896] 1 Cor. viii. 11.

   [1897] 1 Cor. viii. 1.

   [1898] Jas. iii. 2.

   [1899] Matt. xviii. 18.

   [1900] 1 John iv. 16.

   [1901] 2 Cor. vi. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXIV.

   (a.d. 404.)

   To My Lord Præsidius, Most Blessed, My Brother and Partner in the
   Priestly Office, Truly Esteemed, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I write to remind you of the request which I made to you as a
   sincere friend when you were here, that you would not refuse to send a
   letter of mine to our holy brother and fellow-presbyter Jerome; in
   order, moreover, to let your Charity know in what terms you ought to
   write to him on my behalf. I have sent a copy of my letter to him, and
   of his to me, by reading which your pious wisdom may easily see both
   the moderation of tone which I have been careful to preserve, and the
   vehemence on his part by which I have been not unreasonably filled with
   fear. If, however, I have written anything which I ought not to have
   written, or have expressed myself in an unbecoming way, let it not be
   to him, but to myself, in brotherly love, that you send your opinion of
   what I have done, in order that, if I am convinced of my fault by your
   rebuke, I may ask his forgiveness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXV.

   (a.d. 404.)

   Jerome's answer to Letters XXVIII., XL., and LXXI.

   To Augustin, My Lord Truly Holy, and Most Blessed Father, Jerome Sends
   Greeting in Christ.

   Chap. I.

   1. I have received by Cyprian, deacon, three letters, or rather three
   little books, at the same time, from your Excellency, containing what
   you call sundry questions, but what I feel to be animadversions on
   opinions which I have published, to answer which, if I were disposed to
   do it, would require a pretty large volume. Nevertheless I shall
   attempt to reply without exceeding the limits of a moderately long
   letter, and without causing delay to our brother, now in haste to
   depart, who only three days before the time fixed for his journey asked
   earnestly for a letter to take with him, in consequence of which I am
   compelled to pour out these sentences, such as they are, almost without
   premeditation, answering you in a rambling effusion, prepared not in
   the leisure of deliberate composition, but in the hurry of
   extemporaneous dictation, which usually produces a discourse that is
   more the offspring of chance than the parent of instruction; just as
   unexpected attacks throw into confusion even the bravest soldiers, and
   they are compelled to take to flight before they can gird on their
   armour.

   2. But our armour is Christ; it is that which the Apostle Paul
   prescribes when, writing to the Ephesians, he says, "Take unto you the
   whole armour of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day;"
   and again, "Stand, therefore, having your loins girt about with truth,
   and having on the breastplate of righteousness; and your feet shod with
   the preparation of the gospel of peace; above all, taking the shield of
   faith, wherewith ye shall be able to quench all the fiery darts of the
   wicked: and take the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit,
   which is the word of God." [1902] Armed with these weapons, King David
   went forth in his day to battle; and taking from the torrent's bed five
   smooth rounded stones, he proved that, even amidst all the eddying
   currents of the world, his feelings were free both from roughness and
   from defilement; drinking of the brook by the way, and therefore lifted
   up in spirit, he cut off the head of Goliath, using the proud enemy's
   own sword as the fittest instrument of death, [1903] smiting the
   profane boaster on the forehead and wounding him in the same place in
   which Uzziah was smitten with leprosy when he presumed to usurp the
   priestly office; [1904] the same also in which shines the glory that
   makes the saints rejoice in the Lord, saying, "The light of Thy
   countenance is sealed upon us, O Lord." [1905] Let us therefore also
   say, "My heart is fixed, O God, my heart is fixed: I will sing and give
   praise: awake up, my glory; awake, psaltery and harp; I myself will
   awake early;" [1906] that in us may be fulfilled that word, "Open thy
   mouth wide, and I will fill it;" [1907] and, "The Lord shall give the
   word with great power to them that publish it." [1908] I am well
   assured that your prayer as well as mine is, that in our contendings
   the victory may remain with the truth. For you seek Christ's glory, not
   your own: if you are victorious, I also gain a victory if I discover my
   error. On the other hand, if I win the day, the gain is yours; for "the
   children ought not to lay up for the parents, but the parents for the
   children." [1909] We read, moreover, in Chronicles, that the children
   of Israel went to battle with their minds set upon peace, [1910]
   seeking even amid swords and bloodshed and the prostrate slain a
   victory not for themselves, but for peace. Let me therefore, if it be
   the will of Christ, give an answer to all that you have written, and
   attempt in a short dissertation to solve your numerous questions. I
   pass by the conciliatory phrases in your courteous salutation: I say
   nothing of the compliments by which you attempt to take the edge off
   your censure: let me come at once to the matters in debate.

   Chap. II.

   3. You say that you received from some brother a book of mine, in which
   I have given a list of ecclesiastical writers, both Greek and Latin,
   but which had no title; and that when you asked the brother aforesaid
   (I quote your own statement) why the title-page had no inscription, or
   what was the name by which the book was known, he answered that it was
   called "Epitaphium," i.e. "Obituary Notices:" upon which you display
   your reasoning powers, by remarking that the name Epitaphium would have
   been properly given to the book if the reader had found in it an
   account of the lives and writings of deceased authors, but that
   inasmuch as mention is made of the works of many who were living when
   the book was written, and are at this day still living, you wonder why
   I should have given the book a title so inappropriate. I think that it
   must be obvious to your own common sense, that you might have
   discovered the title of that book from its contents, without any other
   help. For you have read both Greek and Latin biographies of eminent
   men, and you know that they do not give to works of this kind the title
   Epitaphium, but simply "Illustrious Men," e.g. "Illustrious Generals,"
   or "philosophers, orators, historians, poets," etc., as the case may
   be. An Epitaphium is a work written concerning the dead; such as I
   remember having composed long ago after the decease of the presbyter
   Nepotianus, of blessed memory. The book, therefore, of which you speak
   ought to be entitled, "Concerning Illustrious Men," or properly,
   "Concerning Ecclesiastical Writers," although it is said that by many
   who were not qualified to make any correction of the title, it has been
   called "Concerning Authors."

   Chap. III.

   4. You ask, in the second place, my reason for saying, in my commentary
   on the Epistle to the Galatians, that Paul could not have rebuked Peter
   for that which he himself had done, [1911] and could not have censured
   in another the dissimulation of which he was himself confessedly
   guilty; and you affirm that that rebuke of the apostle was not a
   manoeuvre of pious policy, [1912] but real; and you say that I ought
   not to teach falsehood, but that all things in Scripture are to be
   received literally as they stand.

   To this I answer, in the first place, that your wisdom ought to have
   suggested the remembrance of the short preface to my commentaries,
   saying of my own person, "What then? Am I so foolish and bold as to
   promise that which he could not accomplish? By no means; but I have
   rather, as it seems to me, with more reserve and hesitation, because
   feeling the deficiency of my strength, followed the commentaries of
   Origen in this matter. For that illustrious man wrote five volumes on
   the Epistle of Paul to the Galatians, and has occupied the tenth volume
   of his Stromata with a short treatise upon his explanation of the
   epistle. He also composed several treatises and fragmentary pieces upon
   it, which, if they even had stood alone, would have sufficed. I pass
   over my revered instructor Didymus [1913] (blind, it is true, but
   quick-sighted in the discernment of spiritual things), and the bishop
   of Laodicea, [1914] who has recently left the Church, and the early
   heretic Alexander, as well as Eusebius of Emesa and Theodorus of
   Heraclea, who have also left some brief disquisitions upon this
   subject. From these works if I were to extract even a few passages, a
   work which could not be altogether despised would be produced. Let me
   therefore frankly say that I have read all these; and storing up in my
   mind very many things which they contain, I have dictated to my
   amanuensis sometimes what was borrowed from other writers, sometimes
   what was my own, without distinctly remembering the method, or the
   words, or the opinions which belonged to each. I look now to the Lord
   in His mercy to grant that my want of skill and experience may not
   cause the things which others have well spoken to be lost, or to fail
   of finding among foreign readers the acceptance with which they have
   met in the language in which they were first written. If, therefore,
   anything in my explanation has seemed to you to demand correction, it
   would have been seemly for one of your learning to inquire first
   whether what I had written was found in the Greek writers to whom I
   have referred; and if they had not advanced the opinion which you
   censured, you could then with propriety condemn me for what I gave as
   my own view, especially seeing that I have in the preface openly
   acknowledged that I had followed the commentaries of Origen, and had
   dictated sometimes the view of others, sometimes my own, and have
   written at the end of the

   Chapter with which you find fault: "If any one be dissatisfied with the
   interpretation here given, by which it is shown that neither did Peter
   sin, nor did Paul rebuke presumptuously a greater than himself, he is
   bound to show how Paul could consistently blame in another what he
   himself did." By which I have made it manifest that I did not adopt
   finally and irrevocably that which I had read in these Greek authors,
   but had propounded what I had read, leaving to the reader's own
   judgment whether it should be rejected or approved.

   5. You, however, in order to avoid doing what I had asked, have devised
   a new argument against the view proposed; maintaining that the Gentiles
   who had believed in Christ were free from the burden of the ceremonial
   law, but that the Jewish converts were under the law, and that Paul, as
   the teacher of the Gentiles, rightly rebuked those who kept the law;
   whereas Peter, who was the chief of the "circumcision," [1915] was
   justly rebuked for commanding the Gentile converts to do that which the
   converts from among the Jews were alone under obligation to observe. If
   this is your opinion, or rather since it is your opinion, that all from
   among the Jews who believe are debtors to do the whole law, you ought,
   as being a bishop of great fame in the whole world, to publish your
   doctrine, and labour to persuade all other bishops to agree with you.
   As for me in my humble cell, [1916] along with the monks my
   fellow-sinners, I do not presume to dogmatize in regard to things of
   great moment; I only confess frankly that I read the writings of the
   Fathers, [1917] and, complying with universal usage, put down in my
   commentaries a variety of explanations, that each may adopt from the
   number given the one which pleases him. This method, I think, you have
   found in your reading, and have approved in connection with both
   secular literature and the Divine Scriptures.

   6. Moreover, as to this explanation which Origen first advanced, [1918]
   and which all the other commentators after him have adopted, they bring
   forward, chiefly for the purpose of answering, the blasphemies of
   Porphyry, who accuses Paul of presumption because he dared to reprove
   Peter and rebuke him to his face, and by reasoning convict him of
   having done wrong; that is to say, of being in the very fault which he
   himself, who blamed another for transgressing, had committed. What
   shall I say also of John, who has long governed the Church of
   Constantinople, and holding pontifical rank, [1919] who has composed a
   very large book upon this paragraph, and has followed the opinion of
   Origen and of the old expositors? If, therefore, you censure me as in
   the wrong, suffer me, I pray you, to be mistaken in company with such
   men; and when you perceive that I have so many companions in my error,
   you will require to produce at least one partisan in defence of your
   truth. So much on the interpretation of one paragraph of the Epistle to
   the Galatians.

   7. Lest, however, I should seem to rest my answer to your reasoning
   wholly on the number of witnesses who are on my side, and to use the
   names of illustrious men as a means of escaping from the truth, not
   daring to meet you in argument, I shall briefly bring forward some
   examples from the Scriptures.

   In the Acts of the Apostles, a voice was heard by Peter, saying unto
   him, "Rise, Peter, slay and eat," when all manner of four-footed
   beasts, and creeping things, and birds of the air, were presented
   before him; by which saying it is proved that no man is by nature
   [ceremonially] unclean, but that all men are equally welcome to the
   gospel of Christ. To which Peter answered, "Not so, Lord; for I have
   never eaten anything that is common or unclean." And the voice spake
   unto him again the second time, "What God hath cleansed, that call not
   thou common." Therefore he went to Cæsarea, and having entered the
   house of Cornelius, "he opened his mouth and said, Of a truth I
   perceive that God is no respecter of persons, but in every nation he
   that feareth Him and worketh righteousness is accepted with Him."
   Thereafter "the Holy Ghost fell on all them which heard the word; and
   they of the circumcision which believed were astonished, as many as
   came with Peter, because that on the Gentiles also was poured out the
   gift of the Holy Ghost. Then answered Peter, Can any man forbid water,
   that these should not be baptized, which have received the Holy Ghost
   as well as we? And he commanded them to be baptized in the name of the
   Lord." [1920] "And the apostles and brethren that were in Judea heard
   that the Gentiles had also received the word of God. And when Peter was
   come up to Jerusalem, they that were of the circumcision contended with
   him, saying, Thou wentest in to men uncircumcised, and didst eat with
   them." To whom he gave a full explanation of the reasons of his
   conduct, and concluded with these words: "Forasmuch then as God gave
   them the like gift as He did unto us who believed on the Lord Jesus
   Christ, what was I, that I could withstand God? When they heard these
   things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, Then hath God
   also to the Gentiles granted repentance unto life." [1921] Again, when,
   long after this, Paul and Barnabas had come to Antioch, and "having
   gathered the Church together, rehearsed all that God had done with
   them, and how He had opened the door of faith unto the Gentiles,
   certain men which came down from Judea taught the brethren, and said,
   Except ye be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved.
   When therefore Paul and Barnabas had no small dissension and
   disputation with them, they determined that Paul and Barnabas, and
   certain other of them, should go up to Jerusalem unto the apostles and
   elders about this question. And when they were come to Jerusalem, there
   rose up certain of the sect of the Pharisees which believed, saying
   that it was needful to circumcise them, and to command them to keep the
   law of Moses." And when there had been much disputing, Peter rose up,
   with his wonted readiness, "and said, Men and brethren, ye know how
   that a good while ago God made choice among us, that the Gentiles by my
   mouth should hear the word of the gospel, and believe. And God, which
   knoweth the hearts, bare them witness, giving them the Holy Ghost, even
   as He did unto us; and put no difference between us and them, purifying
   their hearts by faith. Now therefore why tempt ye God, to put a yoke
   upon the neck of the disciples, which neither our fathers nor we were
   able to bear? But we believe that, through the grace of the Lord Jesus
   Christ, we shall be saved, even as they. Then all the multitude kept
   silence;" and to his opinion the Apostle James, and all the elders
   together, gave consent. [1922]

   8. These quotations should not be tedious to the reader, but useful
   both to him and to me, as proving that, even before the Apostle Paul,
   Peter had come to know that the law was not to be in force after the
   gospel was given; nay more, that Peter was the prime mover in issuing
   the decree by which this was affirmed. Moreover, Peter was of so great
   authority, that Paul has recorded in his epistle: "Then, after three
   years, I went up to Jerusalem to see Peter, and abode with him fifteen
   days." [1923] In the following context, again, he adds: "Then, fourteen
   years after, I went up again to Jerusalem with Barnabas, and took Titus
   with me also. And I went up by revelation, and communicated unto them
   that gospel which I preach among the Gentiles;" proving that he had not
   had confidence in his preaching of the gospel if he had not been
   confirmed by the consent of Peter and those who were with him. The next
   words are, "but privately to them that were of reputation, lest by any
   means I should run, or had run, in vain." Why did he this privately
   rather than in public? Lest offence should be given to the faith of
   those who from among the Jews had believed, since they thought that the
   law was still in force, and that they ought to join observance of the
   law with faith in the Lord as their Saviour. Therefore also, when at
   that time Peter had come to Antioch (although the Acts of the Apostles
   do not mention this, but we must believe Paul's statement), Paul
   affirms that he "withstood him to the face, because he was to be
   blamed. For, before that certain came from James, he did eat with the
   Gentiles: but when they were come, he withdrew, and separated himself,
   fearing them which were of the circumcision. And the other Jews
   dissembled likewise with him; insomuch that Barnabas also was carried
   away with their dissimulation. But when I saw," he says, "that they
   walked not up-rightly, according to the truth of the gospel, I said
   unto Peter before them all, If thou, being a Jew, livest after the
   manner of Gentiles, and not as do the Jews, why compellest thou the
   Gentiles to live as do the Jews?" [1924] etc. No one can doubt,
   therefore, that the Apostle Peter was himself the author of that rule
   with deviation from which he is charged. The cause of that deviation,
   moreover, is seen to be fear of the Jews. For the Scripture says, that
   "at first he did eat with the Gentiles, but that when certain had come
   from James he withdrew, and separated himself, fearing them which were
   of the circumcision." Now he feared the Jews, to whom he had been
   appointed apostle, lest by occasion of the Gentiles they should go back
   from the faith in Christ; imitating the Good Shepherd in his concern
   lest he should lose the flock committed to him.

   9. As I have shown, therefore, that Peter was thoroughly aware of the
   abrogation of the law of Moses, but was compelled by fear to pretend to
   observe it, let us now see whether Paul, who accuses another, ever did
   anything of the same kind himself. We read in the same book: "Paul
   passed through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the churches. Then came he
   to Derbe and Lystra: and, behold, a certain disciple was there, named
   Timotheus, the son of a certain woman which was a Jewess, and believed;
   but his father was a Greek: which was well reported of by the brethren
   that were at Lystra and Iconium. Him would Paul have to go forth with
   him; and he took and circumcised him, because of the Jews which were in
   those quarters: for they knew all that his father was a Greek." [1925]
   O blessed Apostle Paul, who hadst rebuked Peter for dissimulation,
   because he withdrew himself from the Gentiles through fear of the Jews
   who came from James, why art thou, notwithstanding thine own doctrine,
   compelled to circumcise Timothy, the son of a Gentile, nay more, a
   Gentile himself (for he was not a Jew, having not been circumcised)?
   Thou wilt answer, "Because of the Jews which are in these quarters?"
   If, then, thou forgiveth thyself the circumcision of a disciple coming
   from the Gentiles, forgive Peter also, who has precedence above thee,
   his doing some things of the same kind through fear of the believing
   Jews. Again, it is written: "Paul after this tarried there yet a good
   while, and then took his leave of the brethren, and sailed thence into
   Syria, and with him Priscilla and Aquila; having shorn his head in
   Cenchrea, for he had a vow." [1926] Be it granted that he was compelled
   through fear of the Jews in the other case to do what he was unwilling
   to do; wherefore did he let his hair grow in accordance with a vow of
   his own making, and afterwards, when in Cenchrea, shave his head
   according to the law, as the Nazarites, who had given themselves by vow
   to God, were wont to do, according to the law of Moses?

   10. But these things are small when compared with what follows. The
   sacred historian Luke further relates: "And when we were come to
   Jerusalem, the brethren received us gladly;" and the day following,
   James, and all the elders who were with him, having expressed their
   approbation of his gospel, said to Paul: "Thou seest, brother, how many
   thousands of Jews there are which believe; and they are all zealous of
   the law: and they are informed of thee, that thou teachest all the Jews
   which are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, saying that they ought
   not to circumcise their children, neither to walk after the customs.
   What is it therefore? The multitude must needs come together: for they
   will hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to thee: We
   have four men which have a vow on them; them take, and purify thyself
   with them, and be at charges with them, that they may shave their
   heads: and all may know that those things, whereof they were informed
   concerning thee, are nothing; but that thou thyself also walkest
   orderly, and keepest the law. Then Paul took the men, and the next day
   purifying himself with them, entered into the temple, to signify the
   accomplishment of the days of purification, until an offering should be
   offered for every one of them." [1927] O Paul, here again let me
   question thee: Why didst thou shave thy head, why didst thou walk
   barefoot according to Jewish ceremonial law, why didst thou offer
   sacrifices, why were victims slain for thee according to the law? Thou
   wilt answer, doubtless, "To avoid giving offence to those of the Jews
   who had believed." To gain the Jews, thou didst pretend to be a Jew;
   and James and all the other elders taught thee this dissimulation. But
   thou didst not succeed in escaping, after all. For when thou wast on
   the point of being killed in a tumult which had arisen, thou wast
   rescued by the chief captain of the band, and was sent by him to
   Cæsarea, guarded by a careful escort of soldiers, lest the Jews should
   kill thee as a dissembler, and a destroyer of the law; and from Cæsarea
   coming to Rome, thou didst, in thine own hired house, preach Christ to
   both Jews and Gentiles, and thy testimony was sealed under Nero's
   sword. [1928]

   11. We have learned, therefore, that through fear of the Jews both
   Peter and Paul alike pretended that they observed the precepts of the
   law. How could Paul have the assurance and effrontery to reprove in
   another what he had done himself? I at least, or, I should rather say,
   others before me, have given such explanation of the matter as they
   deemed best, not defending the use of falsehood in the interest of
   religion, [1929] as you charge them with doing, but teaching the
   honourable exercise of a wise discretion; [1930] seeking both to show
   the wisdom of the apostles, and to restrain the shameless blasphemies
   of Porphyry, who says that Peter and Paul quarrelled with each other in
   childish rivalry, and affirms that Paul had been inflamed with envy on
   account of the excellences of Peter, and had written boastfully of
   things which he either had not done, or, if he did them, had done with
   inexcusable presumption, reproving in another that which he himself had
   done. They, in answering him, gave the best interpretation of the
   passage which they could find; what interpretation have you to
   propound? Surely you must intend to say something better than they have
   said, since you have rejected the opinion of the ancient commentators.

   Chap. IV.

   12. You say in your letter: [1931] "You do not require me to teach you
   in what sense the apostle says, To the Jews I became as a Jew, that I
   might gain the Jews;' [1932] and other such things in the same passage,
   which are to be ascribed to the compassion of pitying love, not to the
   artifices of intentional deceit. For he that ministers to the sick
   becomes as if he were sick himself, not indeed falsely pretending to be
   under the fever, but considering with the mind of one truly
   sympathizing what he would wish done for himself if he were in the sick
   man's place. Paul was indeed a Jew; and when he had become a Christian,
   he had not abandoned those Jewish sacraments which that people had
   received in the right way, and for a certain appointed time. Therefore,
   even when he was an apostle of Christ, he took part in observing these,
   but with this view, that he might show that they were in no wise
   hurtful to those who, even after they had believed in Christ, desired
   to retain the ceremonies which by the law they had learned from their
   fathers; provided only that they did not build on these their hope of
   salvation, since the salvation which was fore-shadowed in these has now
   been brought in by the Lord Jesus." The sum of your whole argument,
   which you have expanded into a most prolix dissertation, is this, that
   Peter did not err in supposing that the law was binding on those who
   from among the Jews had believed, but departed from the right course in
   this, that he compelled the Gentile converts to conform to Jewish
   observances. Now, if he compelled them, it was not by use of authority
   as a teacher, but by the example of his own practice. And Paul,
   according to your view, did not protest against what Peter had done
   personally, but asked wherefore Peter would compel those who were from
   among the Gentiles to conform to Jewish observances.

   13. The matter in debate, therefore, or I should rather say your
   opinion regarding it, is summed up in this: that since the preaching of
   the gospel of Christ, the believing Jews do well in observing the
   precepts of the law, i.e. in offering sacrifices as Paul did, in
   circumcising their children, as Paul did in the case of Timothy, and
   keeping the Jewish Sabbath, as all the Jews have been accustomed to do.
   If this be true, we fall into the heresy of Cerinthus and Ebion, who,
   though believing in Christ, were anathematized by the fathers for this
   one error, that they mixed up the ceremonies of the law with the gospel
   of Christ, and professed their faith in that which was new, without
   letting go what was old. Why do I speak of the Ebionites, who make
   pretensions to the name of Christian? In our own day there exists a
   sect among the Jews throughout all the synagogues of the East, which is
   called the sect of the Minei, and is even now condemned by the
   Pharisees. The adherents to this sect are known commonly as Nazarenes;
   they believe in Christ the Son of God, born of the Virgin Mary; and
   they say that He who suffered under Pontius Pilate and rose again, is
   the same as the one in whom we believe. But while they desire to be
   both Jews and Christians, they are neither the one nor the other. I
   therefore beseech you, who think that you are called upon to heal my
   slight wound, which is no more, so to speak, than a prick or scratch
   from a needle, to devote your skill in the healing art to this grievous
   wound, which has been opened by a spear driven home with the impetus of
   a javelin. For there is surely no proportion between the culpability of
   him who exhibits the various opinions held by the fathers in a
   commentary on Scripture, and the guilt of him who reintroduces within
   the Church a most pestilential heresy. If, however, there is for us no
   alternative but to receive the Jews into the Church, along with the
   usages prescribed by their law; if, in short, it shall be declared
   lawful for them to continue in the Churches of Christ what they have
   been accustomed to practise in the synagogues of Satan, I will tell you
   my opinion of the matter: they will not become Christians, but they
   will make us Jews.

   14. For what Christian will submit to hear what is said in your letter?
   "Paul was indeed a Jew; and when he had become a Christian, he had not
   abandoned those Jewish sacraments which that people had received in the
   right way, and for a certain appointed time. Therefore, even when he
   was an apostle of Christ, he took part in observing these; but with
   this view, that he might show that they were in no wise hurtful to
   those who, even after they had believed in Christ, desired to retain
   the ceremonies which by the law they had learned from their fathers."
   Now I implore you to hear patiently my complaint. Paul, even when he
   was an apostle of Christ, observed Jewish ceremonies; and you affirm
   that they are in no wise hurtful to those who wish to retain them as
   they had received them from their fathers by the law. I, on the
   contrary, shall maintain, and, though the world were to protest against
   my view, I may boldly declare that the Jewish ceremonies are to
   Christians both hurtful and fatal; and that whoever observes them,
   whether he be Jew or Gentile originally, is cast into the pit of
   perdition. "For Christ is the end of the law for righteousness to every
   one that believeth," [1933] that is, to both Jew and Gentile; for if
   the Jew be excepted, He is not the end of the law for righteousness to
   every one that believeth. Moreover, we read in the Gospel, "The law and
   the prophets were until John the Baptist." [1934] Also, in another
   place: "Therefore the Jews sought the more to kill Him, because He had
   not only broken the Sabbath, but said also that God was His Father,
   making Himself equal with God." [1935] Again: "Of His fulness have all
   we received, and grace for grace; for the law was given Moses, but
   grace and truth came by Jesus Christ." [1936] Instead of the grace of
   the law which has passed away, we have received the grace of the gospel
   which is abiding; and instead of the shadows and types of the old
   dispensation, the truth has come by Jesus Christ. Jeremiah also
   prophesied thus in God's name: "Behold, the days come, saith the Lord,
   that I will make a new covenant with the house of Israel, and with the
   house of Judah; not according to the covenant which I made with their
   fathers, in the day that I took them by the hand, to bring them out of
   the land of Egypt." [1937] Observe what the prophet says, not to
   Gentiles, who had not been partakers in any former covenant, but to the
   Jewish nation. He who has given them the law by Moses, promises in
   place of it the new covenant of the gospel, that they might no longer
   live in the oldness of the letter, but in the newness of the spirit.
   Paul himself, moreover, in connection with whom the discussion of this
   question has arisen, delivers such sentiments as these frequently, of
   which I subjoin only a few, as I desire to be brief: "Behold, I Paul
   say unto you, that if ye be circumcised, Christ shall profit you
   nothing." Again: "Christ is become of no effect unto you, whosoever of
   you are justified by the law; ye are fallen from grace." Again: "If ye
   be led of the Spirit, ye are not under the law." [1938] From which it
   is evident that he has not the Holy Spirit who submits to the law, not,
   as our fathers affirmed the apostles to have done, feignedly, under the
   promptings of a wise discretion, [1939] but, as you suppose to have
   been the case, sincerely. As to the quality of these legal precepts,
   let us learn from God's own teaching: "I gave them," He says, "statutes
   that were not good, and judgments whereby they should not live." [1940]
   I say these things, not that I may, like Manichæus and Marcion, destroy
   the law, which I know on the testimony of the apostle to be both holy
   and spiritual; but because when "faith came," and the fulness of times,
   "God sent forth His Son, made of a woman, made under the law, to redeem
   them that were under the law, that we might receive the adoption of
   sons," [1941] and might live no longer under the law as our
   schoolmaster, but under the Heir, who has now attained to full age, and
   is Lord.

   15. It is further said in your letter: "The thing, therefore, which he
   rebuked in Peter was not his observing the customs handed down from his
   fathers, which Peter, if he wished, might do without being chargeable
   with deceit or inconsistency." [1942] Again I say: Since you are a
   bishop, a teacher in the Churches of Christ, if you would prove what
   you assert, receive any Jew who, after having become a Christian,
   circumcises any son that may be born to him, observes the Jewish
   Sabbath, abstains from meats which God has created to be used with
   thanksgiving, and on the evening of the fourteenth day of the first
   month slays a paschal lamb; and when you have done this, or rather,
   have refused to do it (for I know that you are a Christian, and will
   not be guilty of a profane action), you will be constrained, whether
   willingly or unwillingly, to renounce your opinion; and then you will
   know that it is a more difficult work to reject the opinion of others
   than to establish your own. Moreover, lest perhaps we should not
   believe your statement, or, I should rather say, understand it (for it
   is often the case that a discourse unduly extended is not intelligible,
   and is less censured by the unskilled in discussion because its
   weakness is not so easily perceived), you inculcate your opinion by
   reiterating the statement in these words: "Paul had forsaken everything
   peculiar to the Jews that was evil, especially this, that being
   ignorant of God's righteousness, and going about to establish their own
   righteousness, they had not submitted themselves to the righteousness
   of God.' [1943] In this, moreover, he differed from them, that after
   the passion and resurrection of Christ, in whom had been given and made
   manifest the mystery of grace, according to the order of Melchizedek,
   they still considered it binding on them to celebrate, not out of mere
   reverence for old customs, but as necessary to salvation, the
   sacraments of the old dispensation; which were indeed at one time
   necessary, else had it been unprofitable and vain for the Maccabees to
   suffer martyrdom as they did for their adherence to them. [1944]
   Lastly, in this also Paul differed from the Jews, that they persecuted
   the Christian preachers of grace as enemies of the law. These, and all
   similar errors and sins, he declares that he counted but loss and dung,
   that he might win Christ." [1945]

   16. We have learned from you what evil things peculiar to the Jews Paul
   had abandoned; let us now learn from your teaching what good things
   which were Jewish he retained. You will reply: "The ceremonial
   observances in which they continued to follow the practice of their
   fathers, in the way in which these were complied with by Paul himself,
   without believing them to be at all necessary to salvation." I do not
   fully understand what you mean by the words, "without believing them to
   be at all necessary to salvation." For if they do not contribute to
   salvation, why are they observed? And if they must be observed, they by
   all means contribute to salvation; especially seeing that, because of
   observing them, some have been made martyrs: for they would not be
   observed unless they contributed to salvation. For they are not things
   indifferent--neither good nor bad, as philosophers say. Self-control is
   good, self-indulgence is bad: between these, and indifferent, as having
   no moral quality, are such things as walking, blowing one's nose,
   expectorating phlegm, etc. Such an action is neither good nor bad; for
   whether you do it or leave it undone, it does not affect your standing
   as righteous or unrighteous. But the observance of legal ceremonies is
   not a thing indifferent; it is either good or bad. You say it is good.
   I affirm it to be bad, and bad not only when done by Gentile converts,
   but also when done by Jews who have believed. In this passage you fall,
   if I am not mistaken, into one error while avoiding another. For while
   you guard yourself against the blasphemies of Porphyry, you become
   entangled in the snares of Ebion; pronouncing that the law is binding
   on those who from among the Jews have believed. Perceiving, again, that
   what you have said is a dangerous doctrine, you attempt to qualify it
   by words which are only superfluous: viz., "The law must be observed
   not from any belief, such as prompted the Jews to keep it, that this is
   necessary to salvation, and not in any misleading dissimulation such as
   Paul reproved in Peter."

   17. Peter therefore pretended to keep the law; but this censor of Peter
   boldly observed the things prescribed by the law. The next words of
   your letter are these: "For if Paul observed these sacraments in order,
   by pretending to be a Jew, to gain the Jews, why did he not also take
   part with the Gentiles in heathen sacrifices, when to them that were
   without law he became as without law, that he might gain them also? The
   explanation is found in this, that he took part in the Jewish rites as
   being himself a Jew; and that when he said all this which I have
   quoted, he meant not that he pretended to be what he was not, but that
   he felt with true compassion that he must bring such help to them as
   would be needful for himself if he were involved in their error. [1946]
   Herein he exercised not the subtlety of a deceiver, but the sympathy of
   a compassionate deliverer." A triumphant vindication of Paul! You prove
   that he did not pretend to share the error of the Jews, but was
   actually involved in it; and that he refused to imitate Peter in a
   course of deception, dissembling through fear of the Jews what he
   really was, but without reserve freely avowed himself to be a Jew. Oh,
   unheard of compassion of the apostle! In seeking to make the Jews
   Christians, he himself became a Jew! For he could not have persuaded
   the luxurious to become temperate if he had not himself become
   luxurious like them; and could not have brought help, in his
   compassion, as you say, to the wretched, otherwise than by experiencing
   in his own person their wretchedness! Truly wretched, and worthy of
   most compassionate lamentation, are those who, carried away by
   vehemence of disputation, and by love for the law which has been
   abolished, have made Christ's apostle to be a Jew. Nor is there, after
   all, a great difference between my opinion and yours: for I say that
   both Peter and Paul, through fear of the believing Jews, practised, or
   rather pretended to practise, the precepts of the Jewish law; whereas
   you maintain that they did this out of pity, "not with the subtlety of
   a deceiver, but with the sympathy of a compassionate deliverer." But by
   both this is equally admitted, that (whether from fear or from pity)
   they pretended to be what they were not. As to your argument against
   our view, that he ought to have become to the Gentiles a Gentile, if to
   the Jews he became a Jew, this favours our opinion rather than yours:
   for as he did not actually become a Jew, so he did not actually become
   a heathen; and as he did not actually become a heathen, so he did not
   actually become a Jew. His conformity to the Gentiles consisted in
   this, that he received as Christians the uncircumcised who believed in
   Christ, and left them free to use without scruple meats which the
   Jewish law prohibited; but not, as you suppose, in taking part in their
   worship of idols. For "in Christ Jesus, neither circumcision availeth
   anything, nor uncircumcision, but the keeping of the commandments of
   God." [1947]

   18. I ask you, therefore, and with all urgency press the request, that
   you forgive me this humble attempt at a discussion of the matter; and
   wherein I have transgressed, lay the blame upon yourself who compelled
   me to write in reply, and who made me out to be as blind as
   Stesichorus. And do not bring the reproach of teaching the practice of
   lying upon me who am a follower of Christ, who said, "I am the Way, the
   Truth, and the Life." [1948] It is impossible for me, who am a
   worshipper of the Truth, to bow under the yoke of falsehood. Moreover,
   refrain from stirring up against me the unlearned crowd who esteem you
   as their bishop, and regard with the respect due the priestly office
   the orations which you deliver in the church, but who esteem lightly an
   old decrepit man like me, courting the retirement of a monastery far
   from the busy haunts of men; and seek others who may be more fitly
   instructed or corrected by you. For the sound of your voice can
   scarcely reach me, who am so far separated from you by sea and land.
   And if you happen to write me a letter, Italy and Rome are sure to be
   acquainted with its contents long before it is brought to me, to whom
   alone it ought to be sent.

   Chap. V.

   19. In another letter you ask why a former translation which I made of
   some of the canonical books was carefully marked with asterisks and
   obelisks, whereas I afterwards published a translation without these.
   You must pardon my saying that you seem to me not to understand the
   matter: for the former translation is from the Septuagint; and wherever
   obelisks are placed, they are designed to indicate that the Seventy
   have said more than is found in the Hebrew. But the asterisks indicate
   what has been added by Origen from the version of Theodotion. In that
   version I was translating from the Greek: but in the later version,
   translating from the Hebrew itself, I have expressed what I understood
   it to mean, being careful to preserve rather the exact sense than the
   order of the words. I am surprised that you do not read the books of
   the Seventy translators in the genuine form in which they were
   originally given to the world, but as they have been corrected, or
   rather corrupted, by Origen, with his obelisks and asterisks; and that
   you refuse to follow the translation, however feeble, which has been
   given by a Christian man, especially seeing that Origen borrowed the
   things which he has added from the edition of a man who, after the
   passion of Christ, was a Jew and a blasphemer. Do you wish to be a true
   admirer and partisan of the Seventy translators? Then do not read what
   you find under the asterisks; rather erase them from the volumes, that
   you may approve yourself indeed a follower of the ancients. If,
   however, you do this, you will be compelled to find fault with all the
   libraries of the Churches; for you will scarcely find more than one Ms.
   here and there which has not these interpolations.

   Chap. VI.

   20. A few words now as to your remark that I ought not to have given a
   translation, after this had been already done by the ancients; and the
   novel syllogism which you use: "The passages of which the Seventy have
   given an interpretation were either obscure or plain. If they were
   obscure, it is believed that you are as likely to have been mistaken as
   the others; if they were plain, it is not believed that the Seventy
   could have been mistaken." [1949]

   All the commentators who have been our predecessors in the Lord in the
   work of expounding the Scriptures, have expounded either what was
   obscure or what was plain. If some passages were obscure, how could
   you, after them, presume to discuss that which they were not able to
   explain? If the passages were plain, it was a waste of time for you to
   have undertaken to treat of that which could not possibly have escaped
   them. This syllogism applies with peculiar force to the book of Psalms,
   in the interpretation of which Greek commentators have written many
   volumes: viz. 1st, Origen: 2d, Eusebius of Cæsarea; 3d, Theodorus of
   Heraclea; 4th, Asterius of Scythopolis; 5th, Apollinaris of Laodicea;
   and, 6th, Didymus of Alexandria. There are said to be minor works on
   selections from the Psalms, but I speak at present of the whole book.
   Moreover, among Latin writers the bishops Hilary of Poitiers, and
   Eusebius of Verceil, have translated Origen and Eusebius of Cæsarea,
   the former of whom has in some things been followed by our own Ambrose.
   Now, I put it to your wisdom to answer why you, after all the labours
   of so many and so competent interpreters, differ from them in your
   exposition of some passages? If the Psalms are obscure, it must be
   believed that you are as likely to be mistaken as others; if they are
   plain, it is incredible that these others could have fallen into
   mistake. In either case, your exposition has been, by your own showing,
   an unnecessary labour; and on the same principle, no one would ever
   venture to speak on any subject after others have pronounced their
   opinion, and no one would be at liberty to write anything regarding
   that which another has once handled, however important the matter might
   be.

   It is, however, more in keeping with your enlightened judgment, to
   grant to all others the liberty which you tolerate in yourself for in
   my attempt to translate into Latin, for the benefit of those who speak
   the same language with myself, the corrected Greek version of the
   Scriptures, I have laboured not to supersede what has been long
   esteemed, but only to bring prominently forward those things which have
   been either omitted or tampered with by the Jews, in order that Latin
   readers might know what is found in the original Hebrew. If any one is
   averse to reading it, none compels him against his will. Let him drink
   with satisfaction the old wine, and despise my new wine, i.e. the
   sentences which I have published in explanation of former writers, with
   the design of making more obvious by my remarks what in them seemed to
   me to be obscure.

   As to the principles which ought to be followed in the interpretation
   of the Sacred Scriptures, they are stated in the book which I have
   written, [1950] and in all the introductions to the divine books which
   I have in my edition prefixed to each; and to these I think it
   sufficient to refer the prudent reader. And since you approve of my
   labours in revising the translation of the New Testament, as you
   say,--giving me at the same time this as your reason, that very many
   are acquainted with the Greek language, and are therefore competent
   judges of my work,--it would have been but fair to have given me credit
   for the same fidelity in the Old Testament; for I have not followed my
   own imagination, but have rendered the divine words as I found them
   understood by those who speak the Hebrew language. If you have any
   doubt of this in any passage, ask the Jews what is the meaning of the
   original.

   21. Perhaps you will say, "What if the Jews decline to answer, or
   choose to impose upon us?" Is it conceivable that the whole multitude
   of Jews will agree together to be silent if asked about my translation,
   and that none shall be found that has any knowledge of the Hebrew
   language? Or will they all imitate those Jews whom you mention as
   having, in some little town, conspired to injure my reputation? For in
   your letter you put together the following story:--"A certain bishop,
   one of our brethren, having introduced in the Church over which he
   presides the reading of your version, came upon a word in the book of
   the prophet Jonah, of which you have given a very different rendering
   from that which had been of old familiar to the senses and memory of
   all the worshippers, and had been chanted for so many generations in
   the Church. Thereupon arose such a tumult in the congregation,
   especially among the Greeks, correcting what had been read, and
   denouncing the translation as false, that the bishop was compelled to
   ask the testimony of the Jewish residents (it was in the town of Oea).
   These, whether from ignorance or from spite, answered that the words in
   the Hebrew Mss. were correctly rendered in the Greek version, and in
   the Latin one taken from it. What further need I say? The man was
   compelled to correct your version in that passage as if it had been
   falsely translated, as he desired not to be left without a
   congregation,--a calamity which he narrowly escaped. From this case we
   also are led to think that you may be occasionally mistaken." [1951]

   Chap. VII.

   22. You tell me that I have given a wrong translation of some word in
   Jonah, and that a worthy bishop narrowly escaped losing his charge
   through the clamorous tumult of his people, which was caused by the
   different rendering of this one word. At the same time, you withhold
   from me what the word was which I have mistranslated; thus taking away
   the possibility of my saying anything in my own vindication, lest my
   reply should be fatal to your objection. Perhaps it is the old dispute
   about the gourd which has been revived, after slumbering for many long
   years since the illustrious man, who in that day combined in his own
   person the ancestral honours of the Cornelii and of Asinius Pollio,
   [1952] brought against me the charge of giving in my translation the
   word "ivy" instead of "gourd." I have already given a sufficient answer
   to this in my commentary on Jonah. At present, I deem it enough to say
   that in that passage, where the Septuagint has "gourd," and Aquila and
   the others have rendered the word "ivy" (kissos), the Hebrew Ms. has
   "ciceion," which is in the Syriac tongue, as now spoken, "ciceia." It
   is a kind of shrub having large leaves like a vine, and when planted it
   quickly springs up to the size of a small tree, standing upright by its
   own stem, without requiring any support of canes or poles, as both
   gourds and ivy do. If, therefore, in translating word for word, I had
   put the word "ciceia," no one would know what it meant; if I had used
   the word "gourd," I would have said what is not found in the Hebrew. I
   therefore put down "ivy," that I might not differ from all other
   translators. But if your Jews said, either through malice or ignorance,
   as you yourself suggest, that the word is in the Hebrew text which is
   found in the Greek and Latin versions, it is evident that they were
   either unacquainted with Hebrew, or have been pleased to say what was
   not true, in order to make sport of the gourd-planters.

   In closing this letter, I beseech you to have some consideration for a
   soldier who is now old and has long retired from active service, and
   not to force him to take the field and again expose his life to the
   chances of war. Do you, who are young, and who have been appointed to
   the conspicuous seat of pontifical dignity, give yourself to teaching
   the people, and enrich Rome with new stores from fertile Africa. [1953]
   I am contented to make but little noise in an obscure corner of a
   monastery, with one to hear me or read to me.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1902] Eph. vi. 13-17.

   [1903] 1 Sam. xvii. 40-51.

   [1904] 2 Chron. xvi. 19.

   [1905] Ps. iv. 7, according to the LXX.

   [1906] Ps. lvii. 7, 8.

   [1907] Ps. lxxxi. 10.

   [1908] Ps. lxviii. 11, in LXX. version.

   [1909] 2 Cor. xii. 14.

   [1910] 1 Chron. xii. 17, 18.

   [1911] Gal. ii. 14.

   [1912] Dispensatoria.

   [1913] "Videntem meum Didymum,"--Didymus of Alexandria, who, at the
   time when Jerome wrote his book on ecclesiastical writers (A.D. 392),
   was above ninety-three years of age. He became blind when he was five
   years old, but by perseverance attained extraordinary learning, and was
   much esteemed.

   [1914] The younger Apollinarius, who in 380 was excommunicated for
   error regarding the Incarnation. His works were valuable, but have been
   almost all lost, being not transcribed because of his lapsing into
   heresy.

   [1915] Gal. ii. 8.

   [1916] Parvo tuguriunculo.

   [1917] Majorum.

   [1918] In the tenth book of his Stromata, where he expounds the Epistle
   to the Galatians.

   [1919] This year (404) was the year of John Chrysostom's banishment
   from Constantinople, after being pontiff there for ten years.

   [1920] Acts x. 13-48.

   [1921] Acts xi. 1-18.

   [1922] Acts xiv. 27, and xv. 1-12.

   [1923] Gal. i. 18.

   [1924] Gal. ii. 1, 2, 14.

   [1925] Acts xv. 41, xvi. 1-3.

   [1926] Acts xviii. 18.

   [1927] Acts xxi. 17-26.

   [1928] Acts xxiii. 23, xxviii. 14, 30.

   [1929] Officiosum mendacium.

   [1930] Honestam dispensationem.

   [1931] Letter XL. 4, p. 273.

   [1932] 1 Cor. ix. 20.

   [1933] Rom. x. 4.

   [1934] Matt. xi. 13 and Luke xvi. 16.

   [1935] John v. 18.

   [1936] John i. 16, 17.

   [1937] Jer. xxxi. 31, 32.

   [1938] Gal. v. 2, 4, 18.

   [1939] Dispensative.

   [1940] Ezek. xx. 25.

   [1941] Gal. iv. 4.

   [1942] Letter XL. sec. 5, p. 273.

   [1943] Rom. x. 3.

   [1944] 2 Macc. vii. 1.

   [1945] Phil. iii. 8. Letter XL. sec. 6, p. 274.

   [1946] Letter XL. 6, p. 274.

   [1947] Gal. v. 6 and vi. 15.

   [1948] John xiv. 6.

   [1949] Letter XXVIII. ch. ii. p. 251.

   [1950] De optimo genere interpretandi.

   [1951] Letter LXXI., sec. 5, p. 327.

   [1952] The critic here referred to was Canthelius, whom Jerome abuses
   in his commentary on the passage, insinuating that the reason why the
   gourds found in this scion of a noble house a champion so devoted, was
   that they had often rendered him a service which ivy could not have
   done, screening his secret potations from public notice.

   [1953] Alluding to the extent to which Rome was indebted to Africa for
   corn.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXVI.

   (a.d. 402.)

   1. Hear, O Donatists, what the Catholic Church says to you: "O ye sons
   of men, how long will ye be slow of heart? why will ye love vanity, and
   follow after lies?" [1954] Why have you severed yourselves, by the
   heinous impiety of schism, from the unity of the whole world? You give
   heed to the falsehoods concerning the surrendering of the divine books
   to persecutors, which men who are either deceiving you, or are
   themselves deceived, utter in order that you may die in a state of
   heretical separation: and you do not give heed to what these divine
   books themselves proclaim, in order that you may live in the peace of
   the Catholic Church. Wherefore do you lend an open ear to the words of
   men who tell you things which they have never been able to prove, and
   are deaf to the voice of God speaking thus: "The Lord hath said unto
   me, Thou art My Son; this day have I begotten Thee. Ask of Me, and I
   shall give Thee the heathen for Thine inheritance, and the uttermost
   parts of the earth for Thy possession"? [1955] "To Abraham and his seed
   were the promises made. He saith not, And to seeds,' as of many, but as
   of one, And to thy seed,' which is Christ." [1956] And the promise to
   which the apostle refers is this: "In thy seed shall all the nations of
   the earth be blessed." [1957] Therefore lift up the eyes of your souls,
   and see how in the whole world all nations are blessed in Abraham's
   seed. Abraham, in his day, believed what was not yet seen; but you who
   see it refuse to believe what has been fulfilled. [1958] The Lord's
   death was the ransom of the world; He paid the price for the whole
   world; and you do not dwell in concord with the whole world, as would
   be for your advantage, but stand apart and strive contentiously to
   destroy the whole world, to your own loss. Hear now what is said in the
   Psalm concerning this ransom: "They pierced my hands and my feet. I may
   tell all my bones; they look and stare upon me. They part my garments
   among them, and cast lots upon my vesture." [1959] Wherefore will you
   be guilty of dividing the garments of the Lord, and not hold in common
   with the whole world that coat of charity, woven from above throughout,
   which even His executioners did not rend? In the same Psalm we read
   that the whole world holds this, for he says: "All the ends of the
   world shall remember and turn unto the Lord, and all the kindreds of
   the nations shall worship before Thee; for the kingdom is the Lord's,
   and He is the Governor among the nations." [1960] Open the ears of your
   soul, and hear: "The mighty God, even the Lord, hath spoken, and called
   the earth, from the rising of the sun unto the going down thereof; out
   of Zion, the perfection of beauty." [1961] If you do not wish to
   understand this, hear the gospel from the Lord's own lips, how He said:
   "All things must be fulfilled which were written in the Law of Moses,
   and in the Prophets, and in the Psalms, concerning Him; and that
   repentance and remission of sins should be preached in His name among
   all nations, beginning at Jerusalem." [1962] The words in the Psalm,
   "the earth from the rising of the sun unto the going down thereof,"
   correspond to these in the Gospel, "among all nations;" and as He said
   in the Psalm, "from Zion, the perfection of beauty," He has said in the
   Gospel, "beginning at Jerusalem."

   2. Your imagination that you are separating yourselves, before the time
   of the harvest, from the tares which are mixed with the wheat, proves
   that you are only tares. For if you were wheat, you would bear with the
   tares, and not separate yourselves from that which is growing in
   Christ's field. Of the tares, indeed, it has been said, "Because
   iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold;" but of the
   wheat it is said, "He that shall endure unto the end, the same shall be
   saved." [1963] What grounds have you for believing that the tares have
   increased and filled the world, and that the wheat has decreased, and
   is found now in Africa alone? You claim to be Christians, and you
   disclaim the authority of Christ. He said, "Let both grow together till
   the harvest;" He said not, "Let the wheat decrease, and let the tares
   multiply." He said, "The field is the world;" He said not, "The field
   is Africa." He said, "The harvest is the end of the world;" He said
   not, "The harvest is the time of Donatus." He said, "The reapers are
   the angels;" He said not, "The reapers are the captains of the
   Circumcelliones." [1964] But you, by charging the good wheat with being
   tares, have proved yourselves to be tares; and what is worse, you have
   prematurely separated yourselves from the wheat. For some of your
   predecessors, in whose impious schism you obstinately remain, delivered
   up to persecutors the sacred Mss. and the vessels of the Church (as may
   be seen in municipal records [1965] ); others of them passed over the
   fault which these men confessed, and remained in communion with them;
   and both parties having come together to Carthage as an infatuated
   faction, condemned others without a hearing, on the charge of that
   fault which they had agreed, so far as they themselves were concerned,
   to forgive, and then set up a bishop against the ordained bishop, and
   erected an altar against the altar already recognised. Afterwards they
   sent to the Emperor Constantine a letter begging that bishops of
   churches beyond the sea should be appointed to arbitrate between the
   bishops of Africa. When the judges whom they sought were granted, and
   at Rome had given their decision, they refused to submit to it, and
   complained to the Emperor or against the bishops as having judged
   unrighteously. From the sentence of another bench of bishops sent to
   Arles to try the case, they appealed to the Emperor himself. When he
   had heard them, and they had been proved guilty of calumny, they still
   persisted in their wickedness. Awake to the interest of your salvation!
   love peace, and return to unity! Whensoever you desire it, we are ready
   to recite in detail the events to which we have referred.

   3. He is the associate of wicked men who consents to the deeds of
   wicked men; not he who suffers the tares to grow in the Lord's field
   unto the harvest, or the chaff to remain until the final winnowing
   time. If you hate those who do evil, shake yourselves free from the
   crime of schism. If you really feared to associate with the wicked, you
   would not for so many years have permitted Optatus [1966] to remain
   among you when he was living in the most flagrant sin. And as you now
   give him the name of martyr, you must, if you are consistent, give him
   for whom he died the name of Christ. Finally, wherein has the Christian
   world offended you, from which you have insanely and wickedly cut
   yourselves off? and what claim upon your esteem have those followers of
   Maximianus, whom you have received back with honour after they had been
   condemned by you, and violently cast forth by warrant of the civil
   authorities from their churches? Wherein has the peace of Christ
   offended you, that you resist it by separating yourselves from those
   whom you calumniate? and wherein has the peace of Donatus earned your
   favour, that to promote it you receive back those whom you condemned?
   Felicianus of Musti is now one of you. We have read concerning him,
   that he was formerly condemned by your council, and afterwards accused
   by you at the bar of the proconsul, and in the town of Musti was
   attacked as is stated in the municipal records.

   4. If the surrendering of the sacred books to destruction is a crime
   which, in the case of the king who burned the book of Jeremiah, God
   punished with death as a prisoner of war, [1967] how much greater is
   the guilt of schism! For those authors of schism to whom you have
   compared the followers of Maximianus, the earth opening, swallowed up
   alive. [1968] Why, then, do you object against us the charge of
   surrendering the sacred books which you do not prove, and at the same
   time both condemn and welcome back those among yourselves who are
   schismatics? If you are proved to be in the right by the fact that you
   have suffered persecution from the Emperor, a still stronger claim than
   yours must be that of the followers of Maximianus, whom you have
   yourselves persecuted by the help of judges sent to you by Catholic
   emperors. If you alone have baptism, what weight do you attach to the
   baptism administered by followers of Maximianus in the case of those
   whom Felicianus baptized while he was under your sentence of
   condemnation, who came along with him when he was afterwards restored
   by you? Let your bishops answer these questions to your laity at least,
   if they will not debate with us; and do you, as you value your
   salvation, consider what kind of doctrine that must be about which they
   refuse to enter into discussion with us. If the wolves have prudence
   enough to keep out of the way of the shepherds, why have the flock so
   lost their prudence, that they go into the dens of the wolves?
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1954] Ps. iv. 2.

   [1955] Ps. ii. 7, 8.

   [1956] Gal. iii. 16.

   [1957] Gen. xxii. 18.

   [1958] The original here is antithetical: "jam vos videtis, et adhuc
   invidetis."

   [1959] Ps. xxii. 16, 17, 18.

   [1960] Ps. xxii. 27, 28.

   [1961] Ps. l. 1, 2.

   [1962] Luke xxiv. 44, 47.

   [1963] Matt. xxiv. 12, 13.

   [1964] Matt. xiii. 30-39.

   [1965] Proceedings before Munatius Felix, Letter LIII. sec. 4, p. 299.

   [1966] Optatus, Donatist bishop of Thamugada, was cast into prison A.D.
   397, and died there. He was a partisan of Gildo in his rebellion
   against Honorius, and shared the misfortunes, as he had participated in
   the crimes, of his chief.

   [1967] Jer. xxxvi. 23, 30.

   [1968] Num. xvi. 31-33.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXVII.

   (a.d. 404.)

   To Felix and Hilarinus, My Lords most Beloved, and Brethren Worthy of
   All Honour, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I do not wonder to see the minds of believers disturbed by Satan,
   whom resist, continuing in the hope which rests on the promises of God,
   who cannot lie, who has not only condescended to promise in eternity
   rewards to us who believe and hope in Him, and who persevere in love
   unto the end, but has also foretold that in time offences by which our
   faith must be tried and proved shall not be wanting; for He said,
   "Because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold;" but
   He added immediately, "and he that shall endure to the end, the same
   shall be saved." [1969] Why, therefore, should it seem strange that men
   bring calumnies against the servants of God, and being unable to turn
   them aside from an upright life, endeavour to blacken their reputation,
   seeing that they do not cease uttering blasphemies daily against God,
   the Lord of these servants, if they are displeased by anything in which
   the execution of His righteous and secret counsel is contrary to their
   desire? Wherefore I appeal to your wisdom, my lords most beloved, and
   brethren worthy of all honour, and exhort you to exercise your minds in
   the way which best becomes Christians, setting over against the empty
   calumnies and groundless suspicions of men the written word of God,
   which has foretold that these things should come, and has warned us to
   meet them with fortitude.

   2. Let me therefore say in a few words to your Charity, that the
   presbyter Boniface has not been discovered by me to be guilty of any
   crime, and that I have never believed, and do not yet believe, any
   charge brought against him. How, then, could I order his name to be
   deleted from the roll of presbyters, when filled with alarm by that
   word of our Lord in the gospel: "With what judgment ye judge ye shall
   be judged"? [1970] For, seeing that the dispute which has arisen
   between him and Spes has by their consent been submitted to divine
   arbitration in a way which, if you desire it, can be made known to you,
   [1971] who am I, that I should presume to anticipate the divine award
   by deleting or passing over his name? As a bishop, I ought not rashly
   to suspect him; and as being only a man, I cannot decide infallibly
   concerning things which are hidden from me. Even in secular matters,
   when an appeal has been made to a higher authority, all procedure is
   sisted while the case awaits the decision from which there is no
   appeal; because if anything were changed while the matter is depending
   on his arbitration, this would be an insult to the higher tribunal. And
   how great the distance between even the highest human authority and the
   divine!

   May the mercy of the Lord our God never forsake you, my lords most
   beloved, and brethren worthy of all honour.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1969] Matt. xxiv. 12, 13.

   [1970] Matt. vii. 2.

   [1971] He refers to their visiting the tomb of Felix of Nola, in the
   hope that by some miracle there the innocent and the guilty would be
   distinguished. See Letter LXXVIII. sec. 3, p. 346.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXVIII.

   (a.d. 404.)

   To My Most Beloved Brethren, the Clergy, Elders, and People of the
   Church of Hippo, Whom I Serve in the Love of Christ, I, Augustin, Send
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Would that you, giving earnest heed to the word of God, did not
   require counsel of mine to support you under whatsoever offences may
   arise! Would that your comfort rather came from Him by whom we also are
   comforted; who has foretold not only the good things which He designs
   to give to those who are holy and faithful, but also the evil things in
   which this world is to abound; and has caused these to be written, in
   order that we may expect the blessings which are to follow the end of
   this world with a certainty not less complete than that which attends
   our present experience of the evils which had been predicted as coming
   before the end of the world! Wherefore also the apostle says,
   "Whatsoever things were written aforetime, were written for our
   learning, that we through patience and comfort of the Scriptures might
   have hope." [1972] And wherefore did our Lord Himself judge it
   necessary not only to say, "Then shall the righteous shine forth as the
   sun in the kingdom of their Father" [1973] which shall come to pass
   after the end of the world, but also to exclaim, "Woe unto the world
   because of offences!" [1974] if not to prevent us from flattering
   ourselves with the idea that we can reach the mansions of eternal
   felicity, unless we have overcome the temptation to yield when
   exercised by the afflictions of time? Why was it necessary for Him to
   say, "Because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold,"
   if not in order that those of whom He spoke in the next sentence, "but
   he that shall endure to the end shall be saved," [1975] might, when
   they saw love waxing cold through abounding iniquity, be saved from
   being put to confusion, or filled with fear, or crushed with grief
   about such things, as if they were strange and unlooked for, and might
   rather, through witnessing the events which had been predicted as
   appointed to occur before the end, be assisted in patiently enduring
   unto the end, so as to obtain after the end the reward of reigning in
   peace in that life which has no end?

   2. Wherefore, beloved, in regard to that scandal by which some are
   troubled concerning the presbyter Boniface, I do not say to you that
   you are not to be grieved for it; for in men who do not grieve for such
   things the love of Christ is not, whereas those who take pleasure in
   such things are filled with the malice of the devil. Not, however, that
   anything has come to our knowledge which deserves censure in the
   presbyter aforesaid, but that two in our house are so situated that one
   of them must be regarded as beyond all doubt wicked; and though the
   conscience of the other be not defiled, his good name is forfeited in
   the eyes of some, and suspected by others. Grieve for these things, for
   they are to be lamented; but do not so grieve as to let your love grow
   cold, and yourselves be indifferent to holy living. Let it rather burn
   the more vehemently in the exercise of prayer to God, that if your
   presbyter is guiltless (which I am the more inclined to believe,
   because, when he had discovered the immoral and vile proposal of the
   other, he would neither consent to it nor conceal it), a divine
   decision may speedily restore him to the exercise of his official
   duties with his innocence vindicated; and that if, on the other hand,
   knowing himself to be guilty, which I dare not suspect, he has
   deliberately tried to destroy the good name of another when he could
   not corrupt his morals, as he charges his accuser with having done, God
   may not permit him to hide his wickedness, so that the thing which men
   cannot discover may be revealed by the judgment of God, to the
   conviction of the one or of the other.

   3. For when this case had long disquieted me, and I could find no way
   of convicting either of the two as guilty, although I rather inclined
   to believe the presbyter innocent, I had at first resolved to leave
   both in the hand of God, without deciding the case, until something
   should be done by the one of whom I had suspicion, giving just and
   unquestionable reasons for his expulsion from our house. But when he
   was labouring most earnestly to obtain promotion to the rank of the
   clergy, either on the spot from myself, or elsewhere through letter of
   recommendation from me, and I could on no account be induced either to
   lay hands in the act of ordination upon one of whom I thought so ill,
   or to consent to introduce him through commendation of mine to any
   brother for the same purpose, he began to act more violently demanding
   that if he was not to be promoted to clerical orders, Boniface should
   not be permitted to retain his status as a presbyter. This demand
   having been made, when I perceived that Boniface was unwilling that,
   through doubts as to his holiness of life, offence should be given to
   any who were weak and inclined to suspect him, and that he was ready to
   suffer the loss of his honour among men rather than vainly persist even
   to the disquieting of the Church in a contention the very nature of
   which made it impossible for him to prove his innocence (of which he
   was conscious) to the satisfaction of those who did not know him, or
   were in doubt or prone to suspicion in regard to him, I fixed upon the
   following as a means of discovering the truth. Both pledged themselves
   in a solemn compact to go to a holy place, where the more awe-inspiring
   works of God might much more readily make manifest the evil of which
   either of them was conscious, and compel the guilty to confess, either
   by judgment or through fear of judgment. God is everywhere, it is true,
   and He that made all things is not contained or confined to dwell in
   any place; and He is to be worshipped in spirit and in truth by His
   true worshippers, [1976] in order that, as He heareth in secret, He may
   also in secret justify and reward. But in regard to the answers to
   prayer which are visible to men, who can search out His reasons for
   appointing some places rather than others to be the scene of miraculous
   interpositions? To many the holiness of the place in which the body of
   the blessed Felix is buried is well known, and to this place I desired
   them to repair; because from it we may receive more easily and more
   reliably a written account of whatever may be discovered in either of
   them by divine interposition. For I myself knew how, at Milan, at the
   tomb of the saints, where demons are brought in a most marvellous and
   awful manner to confess their deeds, a thief who had come thither
   intending to deceive by perjuring himself, was compelled to own his
   theft, and to restore what he had taken away; and is not Africa also
   full of the bodies of holy martyrs? Yet we do not know of such things
   being done in any place here. Even as the gift of healing and the gift
   of discerning of spirits are not given to all saints, [1977] as the
   apostle declares; so it is not at all the tombs of the saints that it
   has pleased Him who divideth to each severally as He will, to cause
   such miracles to be wrought.

   4. Wherefore, although I had purposed not to let this most heavy burden
   on my heart come to your knowledge, lest I should disquiet you by a
   painful but useless vexation, it has pleased God to make it known to
   you, perhaps for this reason, that you may along with me devote
   yourselves to prayer, beseeching Him to condescend to reveal that which
   He knoweth, but which we cannot know in this matter. For I did not
   presume to suppress or erase from the roll of his colleagues the name
   of this presbyter, lest I should seem to insult the Divine Majesty,
   upon whose arbitration the case now depends, if I were to forestall His
   decision by any premature decision of mine: for even in secular
   affairs, when a perplexing case is referred to a higher authority, the
   inferior judges do not presume to make any change while the reference
   is pending. Moreover, it was decreed in a Council of bishops [1978]
   that no clergyman who has not yet been proved guilty be suspended from
   communion, unless he fail to present himself for the examination of the
   charges against him. Boniface, however, humbly agreed to forego his
   claim to a letter of commendation, by the use of which on his journey
   he might have secured the recognition of his rank, preferring that both
   should stand on a footing of equality in a place where both were alike
   unknown. And now if you prefer that his name should not be read that we
   "may cut off occasion," as the apostle says, from those that desire
   occasion [1979] to justify their unwillingness to come to the Church,
   this omission of his name shall be not our deed, but theirs on whose
   account it may be done. For what does it harm any man, that men through
   ignorance refuse to have his name read from that tablet, so long as a
   guilty conscience does not blot his name out of the Book of Life?

   5. Wherefore, my brethren who fear God, remember what the Apostle Peter
   says: Your adversary, the devil, as a roaring lion, walketh about,
   seeking whom he may devour." [1980] When he cannot devour a man through
   seducing him into iniquity, he attempts to injure his good name, that
   if it be possible, he may give way under the reproaches of men and the
   calumnies of slandering tongues, and may thus fall into his jaws. If,
   however, he be unable even to sully the good name of one who is
   innocent, he tries to persuade him to cherish unkindly suspicions of
   his brother, and judge him harshly, and so become entangled, and be an
   easy prey. And who is able to know or to tell all his snares and wiles?
   Nevertheless, in reference to those three, which belong more especially
   to the case before us; in the first place, lest you should be turned
   aside to wickedness through following bad examples, God gives you by
   the apostle these warnings: "Be ye not unequally yoked together with
   unbelievers; for what fellowship hath righteousness with
   unrighteousness, and what communion, hath light with darkness?" [1981]
   and in another place: "Be not deceived; evil communications corrupt
   good manners: awake to righteousness, [1982] and sin not." [1983]
   Secondly, that ye may not give way under the tongues of slanderers, He
   saith by the prophet, "Hearken unto Me, ye that know righteousness, the
   people in whose heart is My law: fear ye not the reproach of men,
   neither be ye afraid of their revilings. [1984] For the moth shall eat
   them up like a garment, and the worm shall eat them like wool; but My
   righteousness shall be for ever." [1985] And thirdly, lest you should
   be undone through groundless and malevolent suspicions concerning any
   servants of God, remember that word of the apostle, "Judge nothing
   before the time, until the Lord come, who both will bring to light the
   hidden things of darkness, and will make manifest the counsels of the
   hearts, and then shall every man have praise of God;" [1986] and this
   also, "The things which are revealed belong to you, but the secret
   things belong unto the Lord your God." [1987]

   6. It is indeed manifest that such things do not take place in the
   Church without great sorrow on the part of saints and believers; but
   let Him be our Comforter who hath foretold all these events, and has
   warned us not to become cold in love through abounding iniquity, to
   endure to the end that we may be saved. For, as far as I am concerned,
   if there be in me a spark of the love of Christ, who among you is weak,
   and I am not weak? who among you is offended, and I burn not? [1988] Do
   not therefore add to my distresses, by your yielding either by
   groundless suspicions or by occasion of other men's sins. Do not, I
   beseech you, lest I say of you, "They have added to the pain of my
   wounds." [1989] For it is much more easy to bear the reproach of those
   who take open pleasure in these our pains, of whom it was foretold in
   regard to Christ Himself, "They that sit in the gate speak against Me,
   and I was the song of the drunkards," [1990] for whom also we have been
   taught to pray, and to seek their welfare. For why do they sit at the
   gate, and what do they watch for, if it be not for this, that so soon
   as any bishop or clergyman or monk or nun has fallen, they may have
   ground for believing, and boasting, and maintaining that all are the
   same as the one that has fallen, but that all cannot be convicted and
   unmasked? Yet these very men do not straightway cast forth their wives,
   or bring accusation against their mothers, if some married woman has
   been discovered to be an adulteress. But the moment that any crime is
   either falsely alleged or actually proved against any one who makes a
   profession of piety, these men are incessant and unwearied in their
   efforts to make this charge be believed against all religious men.
   Those men, therefore, who eagerly find what is sweet to their malicious
   tongues in the things which grieve us, we may compare to those dogs
   (if, indeed, they are to be understood as increasing his misery) which
   licked the sores of the beggar who lay before the rich man's gate, and
   endured with patience every hardship and indignity until he should come
   to rest in Abraham's bosom. [1991]

   7. Do not add to my sorrows, O ye who have some hope toward God. Let
   not the wounds which these lick be multiplied by you, for whom we are
   in jeopardy every hour, having fightings without and fears within, and
   perils in the city, perils in the wilderness, perils by the heathen,
   and perils by false brethren. [1992] I know that you are grieved, but
   is your grief more poignant than mine? I know that you are disquieted,
   and I fear lest by the tongues of slanderers some weak one for whom
   Christ died should perish. Let not my grief be increased by you, for it
   is not through my fault that this grief was made yours. For I used the
   utmost precautions to secure, if it were possible, both that the steps
   necessary for the prevention of this evil should not be neglected, and
   that it should not be brought to your knowledge, since this could only
   cause unavailing vexation to the strong, and dangerous disquietude to
   the weak, among you. But may He who hath permitted you to be tempted by
   knowing this, give you strength to bear the trial, and "teach you out
   of His law, and give you rest from the days of adversity, until the pit
   be digged for the wicked." [1993]

   8. I hear that some of you are more cast down with sorrow by this
   event, than by the fall of the two deacons who had joined us from the
   Donatist party, as if they had brought reproach upon the discipline of
   Proculeianus; [1994] whereas this checks your boasting about me, that
   under my discipline no such inconsistency among the clergy had taken
   place. Let me frankly say to you, whoever you are that have done this,
   you have not done well. Behold, God hath taught you, "He that glorieth,
   let him glory in the Lord;" [1995] and ye ought to bring no reproach
   against heretics but this, that they are not Catholics. Be not like
   these heretics, who, because they have nothing to plead in defence of
   their schism, attempt nothing beyond heaping up charges against the men
   from whom they are separated, and most falsely boast that in these we
   have an unenviable pre-eminence, in order that since they can neither
   impugn nor darken the truth of the Divine Scripture, from which the
   Church of Christ spread abroad everywhere receives its testimony, they
   may bring into disfavour the men by whom it is preached, against whom
   they are capable of affirming anything--whatever comes into their mind.
   "But ye have not so learned Christ, if so be that ye have heard Him,
   and have been taught by Him." [1996] For He Himself has guarded His
   believing people from undue disquietude concerning wickedness, even in
   stewards of the divine mysteries, as doing evil which was their own,
   but speaking good which was His. "All therefore whatsoever they bid you
   observe, that observe and do; but do not ye after their works: for they
   say, and do not." [1997] Pray by all means for me, lest perchance "when
   I have preached to others, I myself should be a castaway;" [1998] but
   when you glory, glory not in me, but in the Lord. For however watchful
   the discipline of my house may be, I am but a man, and I live among
   men; and I do not presume to pretend that my house is better than the
   ark of Noah, in which among eight persons one was found a castaway;
   [1999] or better than the house of Abraham, regarding which it was
   said, "Cast out the bondwoman and her son;" [2000] or better than the
   house of Isaac, regarding whose twin sons it was said, "I loved Jacob,
   and I hated Esau;" [2001] or better than the house of Jacob himself, in
   which Reuben defiled his father's bed; [2002] or better than the house
   of David, in which one son wrought folly with his sister, [2003] and
   another rebelled against a father of such holy clemency; or better than
   the band of companions of Paul the apostle, who nevertheless would not
   have said, as above quoted, "Without are fightings, and within are
   fears," if he had dwelt with none but good men; nor would have said, in
   speaking of the holiness and fidelity of Timothy, "I have no man
   like-minded who will naturally care for your state; for all seek their
   own, not the things which are Jesus Christ's;" [2004] or better than
   the band of the disciples of the Lord Christ Himself, in which eleven
   good men bore with Judas, who was a thief and a traitor; or, finally,
   better than heaven itself, from which the angels fell.

   9. I frankly avow to your Charity, before the Lord our God, whom I have
   taken, since the time when I began to serve Him, as a witness upon my
   soul, that as I have hardly found any men better than those who have
   done well in monasteries, so I have not found any men worse than monks
   who have fallen; whence I suppose that to them applies the word written
   in the Apocalypse, "He that is righteous, let him be still more
   righteous; and he that is filthy, let him be still more filthy." [2005]
   Wherefore, if we be grieved by some foul blemishes, we are comforted by
   a much larger proportion of examples of an opposite kind. Let not,
   therefore, the dregs which offend your eyes cause you to hate the
   oil-presses whence the Lord's storehouses are supplied to their profit
   with a more brightly illuminating oil.

   May the mercy of our Lord keep you in His peace, safe from all the
   snares of the enemy, my dearly beloved brethren.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1972] Rom. xv. 4.

   [1973] Matt. xiii. 43.

   [1974] Matt. xviii. 7.

   [1975] Matt. xxiv. 12, 13.

   [1976] John iv. 24.

   [1977] 1 Cor. xii. 9, 10, 30.

   [1978] Third Council of Carthage, A.D. 397, Can. 7, 8.

   [1979] 2 Cor. xi. 12.

   [1980] 1 Pet. v. 8.

   [1981] 2 Cor. vi. 14.

   [1982] Aug. translates, "be sober and righteous."

   [1983] 1 Cor. xv. 33, 34.

   [1984] "Nor count it a great thing that they despise you."--Aug.

   [1985] Isa. li. 7, 8.

   [1986] 1 Cor. iv. 5.

   [1987] Deut. xxix. 29. This verse is the nearest I can find to the
   words here quoted by the apostle. The reference in the Bened. edition
   to 1 Cor. v. 12 must be a mistake.

   [1988] 2 Cor. xi. 29.

   [1989] Ps. lxix. 26, as translated by Aug.

   [1990] Ps. lxix. 12.

   [1991] Luke xvi. 21-23.

   [1992] 2 Cor. vii. 5 and xi. 26.

   [1993] Ps. xciv. 12, 13.

   [1994] Donatist bishop of Hippo.

   [1995] 1 Cor. i. 31.

   [1996] Eph. iv. 20, 21.

   [1997] Matt. xxiii. 3.

   [1998] 1 Cor. ix. 27.

   [1999] Gen. ix. 27.

   [2000] Gen. xxi. 10.

   [2001] Mal. i. 2.

   [2002] Gen. xlix. 4.

   [2003] 2 Sam. xiii. 14.

   [2004] Phil. ii. 20, 21.

   [2005] Rev. xxii. 11.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXIX.

   (a.d. 404.)

   A short and stern challenge to some Manichæan teacher who had succeeded
   Fortunatus (supposed to be Felix).

   Your attempts at evasion are to no purpose: your real character is
   patent even a long way off. My brethren have reported to me their
   conversation with you. You say that you do not fear death; it is well:
   but you ought to fear that death which you are bringing upon yourself
   by your blasphemous assertions concerning God. As to your understanding
   that the visible death which all men know is a separation between soul
   and body, this is a truth which demands no great grasp of intellect.
   But as to the statement which you annex to this, that death is a
   separation between good and evil, do you not see that, if the soul be
   good and the body be evil, he who joined them together, [2006] is not
   good? But you affirm that the good God has joined them together; from
   which it follows that He is either evil, or swayed by fear of one who
   is evil. Yet you boast of your having no fear of man, when at the same
   time you conceive God to be such that, through fear of Darkness, He
   would join together good and evil. Be not uplifted, as your writing
   shows you to be, by supposing that I magnify you, by my resolving to
   check the out-flowing of your poison, lest its insidious and
   pestilential power should do harm: for the apostle does not magnify
   those whom he calls "dogs," saying to the Philippians, "Beware of
   dogs;" [2007] nor does he magnify those of whom he says that their word
   doth eat as a canker. [2008] Therefore, in the name of Christ, I demand
   of you to answer, if you are able, the question which baffled your
   predecessor Fortunatus. [2009] For he went from the scene of our
   discussion declaring that he would not return, unless, after conferring
   with his party, he found something by which he could answer the
   arguments used by our brethren. And if you are not prepared to do this,
   begone from this place, and do not pervert the right ways of the Lord,
   ensnaring and infecting with your poison the minds of the weak, lest,
   by the Lord's right hand helping me, you be put to confusion in a way
   which you did not expect.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2006] Commiscuit.

   [2007] Phil. iii. 2.

   [2008] 2 Tim. ii. 17.

   [2009] In his Retractations i. 16, Augustin mentions his having
   defeated Fortunatus in discussion before he was made bishop of Hippo.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXX.

   (a.d. 404.)

   A letter to Paulinus, asking him to explain more fully how we may know
   what is the will of God and rule of our duty in the ordinary course of
   providence. This letter may be omitted as merely propounding a
   question, and containing nothing specially noticeable.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXI.

   (a.d. 405.)

   To Augustin, My Lord Truly Holy, and Most Blessed Father, Jerome Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   Having anxiously inquired of our holy brother Firmus regarding your
   state, I was glad to hear that you are well. I expected him to bring,
   or, I should rather say, I insisted upon his giving me, a letter from
   you; upon which he told me that he had set out from Africa without
   communicating to you his intention. I therefore send to you my
   respectful salutations through this brother, who clings to you with a
   singular warmth of affection; and at the same time, in regard to my
   last letter, I beg you to forgive the modesty which made it impossible
   for me to refuse you, when you had so long required me to write you in
   reply. That letter, moreover, was not an answer from me to you, but a
   confronting of my arguments with yours. And if it was a fault in me to
   send a reply (I beseech you hear me patiently), the fault of him who
   insisted upon it was still greater. But let us be done with such
   quarrelling; let there be sincere brotherliness between us; and
   henceforth let us exchange letters, not of controversy, but of mutual
   charity. The holy brethren who with me serve the Lord send you cordial
   salutations. Salute from us the holy brethren who with you bear
   Christ's easy yoke; especially I beseech you to convey my respectful
   salutation to the holy father Alypius, worthy of all esteem. May
   Christ, our almighty God, preserve you safe, and not unmindful of me,
   my lord truly holy, and most blessed father. If you have read my
   commentary on Jonah, I think you will not recur to the ridiculous
   gourd-debate. If, moreover, the friend who first assaulted me with his
   sword has been driven back by my pen, I rely upon your good feeling and
   equity to lay blame on the one who brought, and not on the one who
   repelled, the accusation. Let us, if you please, exercise ourselves
   [2010] in the field of Scripture without wounding each other.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2010] Ludamus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXII.

   (a.d. 405.)

   A Reply to Letters LXXII., LXXV., and LXXXI.

   To Jerome, My Lord Beloved and Honoured in the Bowels of Christ, My
   Holy Brother and Fellow-Presbyter, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Long ago I sent to your Charity a long letter in reply to the one
   which you remember sending to me by your holy son Asterius, who is now
   not only my brother, but also my colleague. Whether that reply reached
   you or not I do not know, unless I am to infer this from the words in
   your letter brought to me by our most sincere friend Firmus, that if
   the one who first assaulted you with his sword has been driven back by
   your pen, you rely upon my good feeling and equity to lay blame on the
   one who brought, not on the one who repelled, the accusation. From this
   one indication, though very slight, I infer that you have read my
   letter. In that letter I expressed indeed my sorrow that so great
   discord had arisen between you and Rufinus, over the strength of whose
   former friendship brotherly love was wont to rejoice in all parts to
   which the fame of it had come; but I did not in this intend to rebuke
   you, my brother, whom I dare not say that I have found blameable in
   that matter. I only lamented the sad lot of men in this world, in whose
   friendships, depending as they do on the continuance of mutual regard,
   there is no stability, however great that regard may sometimes be. I
   would rather, however, have been informed by your letter whether you
   have granted me the pardon which I begged, of which I now desire you to
   give me more explicit assurance; although the more genial and cheerful
   tone of your letter seems to signify that I have obtained what I asked
   in mine, if indeed it was despatched after mine had been read by you,
   which is, as I have said, not clearly indicated.

   2. You ask, or rather you give a command with the confiding boldness of
   charity, that we should amuse ourselves [2011] in the field of
   Scripture without wounding each other. For my part, I am by all means
   disposed to exercise myself in earnest much rather than in mere
   amusement on such themes. If, however, you have chosen this word
   because of its suggesting easy exercise, let me frankly say that I
   desire something more from one who has, as you have, great talents
   under the control of a benignant disposition, together with wisdom
   enlightened by erudition, and whose application to study, hindered by
   no other distractions, is year after year impelled by enthusiasm and
   guided by genius: the Holy Spirit not only giving you all these
   advantages, but expressly charging you to come with help to those who
   are engaged in great and difficult investigations; not as if, in
   studying Scripture, they were amusing themselves on a level plain, but
   as men punting and toiling up a steep ascent. If, however, perchance,
   you selected the expression "ludamus" [let us amuse ourselves] because
   of the genial kindliness which befits discussion between loving
   friends, whether the matter debated be obvious and easy, or intricate
   and difficult, I beseech you to teach me how I may succeed in securing
   this; so that when I am dissatisfied with anything which, not through
   want of careful attention, but perhaps through my slowness of
   apprehension, has not been demonstrated to me, if I should, in
   attempting to make good an opposite opinion, express myself with a
   measure of unguarded frankness, I may not fall under the suspicion of
   childish conceit and forwardness, as if I sought to bring my own name
   into renown by assailing illustrious men; [2012] and that if, when
   something harsh has been demanded by the exigencies of argument, I
   attempt to make it less hard to bear by stating it in mild and
   courteous phrases, I may not be pronounced guilty of wielding a
   "honeyed sword." The only way which I can see for avoiding both these
   faults, or the suspicion of either of them, is to consent that when I
   am thus arguing with a friend more learned than myself, I must approve
   of everything which he says, and may not, even for the sake of more
   accurate information, hesitate before accepting his decisions.

   3. On such terms we might amuse ourselves without fear of offending
   each other in the field of Scripture, but I might well wonder if the
   amusement was not at my expense. For I confess to your Charity that I
   have learned to yield this respect and honour only to the canonical
   books of Scripture: of these alone do I most firmly believe that the
   authors were completely free from error. And if in these writings I am
   perplexed by anything which appears to me opposed to truth, I do not
   hesitate to suppose that either the Ms. is faulty, or the translator
   has not caught the meaning of what was said, or I myself have failed to
   understand it. As to all other writings, in reading them, however great
   the superiority of the authors to myself in sanctity and learning, I do
   not accept their teaching as true on the mere ground of the opinion
   being held by them; but only because they have succeeded in convincing
   my judgment of its truth either by means of these canonical writings
   themselves, or by arguments addressed to my reason. I believe, my
   brother, that this is your own opinion as well as mine. I do not need
   to say that I do not suppose you to wish your books to be read like
   those of prophets or of apostles, concerning which it would be wrong to
   doubt that they are free from error. Far be such arrogance from that
   humble piety and just estimate of yourself which I know you to have,
   and without which assuredly you would not have said, "Would that I
   could receive your embrace, and that by converse we might aid each
   other in learning!" [2013]

   Chap. II.

   4. Now if, knowing as I do your life and conversation, I do not believe
   in regard to you that you have spoken anything with an intention of
   dissimulation and deceit, how much more reasonable is it for me to
   believe, in regard to the Apostle Paul, that he did not think one thing
   and affirm another when he wrote of Peter and Barnabas: "When I saw
   that they walked not uprightly, according to the truth of the gospel, I
   said unto Peter before them all, If thou, being a Jew, livest after the
   manner of the Gentiles, and not as to the Jews, why compellest thou the
   Gentiles to live as do the Jews?'" [2014] For whom can I confide in, as
   assuredly not deceiving me by spoken or written statements, if the
   apostle deceived his own "children," for whom he "travailed in birth
   again until Christ (who is the Truth) were formed in them"? [2015]
   After having previously said to them, "The things which I write unto
   you, behold, before God, I lie not," [2016] could he in writing to
   these same persons state what was not true, and deceive them by a fraud
   which was in some way sanctioned by expediency, when he said that he
   had seen Peter and Barnabas not walking uprightly, according to the
   truth of the gospel, and that he had withstood Peter to the face
   because of this, that he was compelling the Gentiles to live after the
   manner of the Jews?

   5. But you will say it is better to believe that the Apostle Paul wrote
   what was not true, than to believe that the Apostle Peter did what was
   not right. On this principle, we must say (which far be it from us to
   say), that it is better to believe that the gospel history is false,
   than to believe that Christ was denied by Peter; [2017] and better to
   charge the book of Kings [second book of Samuel] with false statements,
   than believe that so great a prophet, and one so signally chosen by the
   Lord God as David was, committed adultery in lusting after and taking
   away the wife of another, and committed such detestable homicide in
   procuring the death of her husband. [2018] Better far that I should
   read with certainty and persuasion of its truth the Holy Scripture,
   placed on the highest (even the heavenly) pinnacle of authority, and
   should, without questioning the trustworthiness of its statements,
   learn from it that men have been either commended, or corrected, or
   condemned, than that, through fear of believing that by men, who,
   though of most praiseworthy excellence, were no more than men, actions
   deserving rebuke might sometimes be done, I should admit suspicions
   affecting the trustworthiness of the whole "oracles of God."

   6. The Manichæans maintain that the greater part of the Divine
   Scripture, by which their wicked error is in the most explicit terms
   confuted, is not worthy of credit, because they cannot pervert its
   language so as to support their opinions; yet they lay the blame of the
   alleged mistake not upon the apostles who originally wrote the words,
   but upon some unknown corrupters of the manuscripts. Forasmuch,
   however, as they have never succeeded in proving this by more numerous
   and by earlier manuscripts, or by appealing to the original language
   from which the Latin translations have been drawn, they retire from the
   arena of debate, vanquished and confounded by truth which is well known
   to all. Does not your holy prudence discern how great scope is given to
   their malice against the truth, if we say not (as they do) that the
   apostolic writings have been tampered with by others, but that the
   apostles themselves wrote what they knew to be untrue?

   7. You say that it is incredible that Paul should have rebuked in Peter
   that which Paul himself had done. I am not at present inquiring about
   what Paul did, but about what he wrote. This is most pertinent to the
   matter which I have in hand,--namely, the confirmation of the universal
   and unquestionable truth of the Divine Scriptures, which have been
   delivered to us for our edification in the faith, not by unknown men,
   but by the apostles, and have on this account been received as the
   authoritative canonical standard. For if Peter did on that occasion
   what he ought to have done, Paul falsely affirmed that he saw him
   walking not uprightly, according to the truth of the gospel. For
   whoever does what he ought to do, walks uprightly. He therefore is
   guilty of falsehood who, knowing that another has done what he ought to
   have done, says that he has not done uprightly. If, then, Paul wrote
   what was true, it is true that Peter was not then walking uprightly,
   according to the truth of the gospel. He was therefore doing what he
   ought not to have done; and if Paul had himself already done something
   of the same kind, I would prefer to believe that, having been himself
   corrected, he could not omit the correction of his brother apostle,
   than to believe that he put down any false statement in his epistle;
   and if in any epistle of Paul this would be strange, how much more in
   the one in the preface of which he says, "The things which I write unto
   you, behold, before God, I lie not"!

   8. For my part, I believe that Peter so acted on this occasion as to
   compel the Gentiles to live as Jews: because I read that Paul wrote
   this, and I do not believe that he lied. And therefore Peter was not
   acting uprightly. For it was contrary to the truth of the gospel, that
   those who believed in Christ should think that without those ancient
   ceremonies they could not be saved. This was the position maintained at
   Antioch by those of the circumcision who had believed; against whom
   Paul protested constantly and vehemently. As to Paul's circumcising of
   Timothy, [2019] performing a vow at Cenchrea, [2020] and undertaking on
   the suggestion of James at Jerusalem to share the performance of the
   appointed rites with some who had made a vow, [2021] it is manifest
   that Paul's design in these things was not to give to others the
   impression that he thought that by these observances salvation is given
   under the Christian dispensation, but to prevent men from believing
   that he condemned as no better than heathen idolatrous worship, those
   rites which God had appointed in the former dispensation as suitable to
   it, and as shadows of things to come. For this is what James said to
   him, that the report had gone abroad concerning him that he taught men
   "to forsake Moses." [2022] This would be by all means wrong for those
   who believe in Christ, to forsake him who prophesied of Christ, as if
   they detested and condemned the teaching of him of whom Christ said,
   "Had ye believed Moses, ye would have believed Me; for he wrote of Me."

   9. For mark, I beseech you, the words of James: "Thou seest, brother,
   how many thousands of Jews there are which believe; and they are all
   zealous of the law: and they are informed of thee, that thou teachest
   all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, saying that
   they ought not to circumcise their children, neither to walk after the
   customs. What is it therefore? the multitude must needs come together:
   for they will hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to
   thee: We have four men which have a vow on them; them take, and purify
   thyself with them, and be at charges with them, that they may shave
   their heads: and all may know that those things, whereof they were
   informed concerning thee, are nothing; but that thou thyself also
   walkest orderly, and keepest the law. As touching the Gentiles which
   have believed, we have written and concluded that they observe no such
   thing, save only that they keep themselves from things offered to
   idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from
   fornication." [2023] It is, in my opinion, very clear that the reason
   why James gave this advice was, that the falsity of what they had heard
   concerning him might be known to those Jews, who, though they had
   believed in Christ, were jealous for the honour of the law, and would
   not have it thought that the institutions which had been given by Moses
   to their fathers were condemned by the doctrine of Christ as if they
   were profane, and had not been originally given by divine authority.
   For the men who had brought this reproach against Paul were not those
   who understood the right spirit in which observance of these ceremonies
   should be practised under the Christian dispensation by believing
   Jews,--namely, as a way of declaring the divine authority of these
   rites, and their holy use in the prophetic dispensation, and not as a
   means of obtaining salvation, which was to them already revealed in
   Christ and ministered by baptism. On the contrary, the men who had
   spread abroad this report against the apostle were those who would have
   these rites observed, as if without their observance there could be no
   salvation to those who believed the gospel. For these false teachers
   had found him to be a most zealous preacher of free grace, and a most
   decided opponent of their views, teaching as he did that men are not
   justified by these things, but by the grace of Jesus Christ, which
   these ceremonies of the law were appointed to foreshadow. This party,
   therefore, endeavouring to raise odium and persecution against him,
   charged him with being an enemy of the law and of the divine
   institutions; and there was no more fitting way in which he could turn
   aside the odium caused by this false accusation, than by himself
   celebrating those rites which he was supposed to condemn as profane,
   and thus showing that, on the one hand, the Jews were not to be
   debarred from them as if they were unlawful, and on the other hand,
   that the Gentiles were not to be compelled to observe them as if they
   were necessary.

   10. For if he did in truth condemn these things in the way in which he
   was reported to have done, and undertook to perform these rites in
   order that he might, by dissembling, disguise his real sentiments,
   James would not have said to him, "and all shall know," but, "all shall
   think that those things whereof they were informed concerning thee are
   nothing;" [2024] especially seeing that in Jerusalem itself the
   apostles had already decreed that no one should compel the Gentiles to
   adopt Jewish ceremonies, but had not decreed that no one should then
   prevent the Jews from living according to their customs, although upon
   them also Christian doctrine imposed no such obligation. Wherefore, if
   it was after the apostle's decree that Peter's dissimulation at Antioch
   took place, whereby he was compelling the Gentiles to live after the
   manner of the Jews, which he himself was not compelled to do, although
   he was not forbidden to use Jewish rites in order to declare the honour
   of the oracles of God which were committed to the Jews;--if this, I
   say, were the case, was it strange that Paul should exhort him to
   declare freely that decree which he remembered to have framed in
   conjunction with the other apostles at Jerusalem?

   11. If, however, as I am more inclined to think, Peter did this before
   the meeting of that council at Jerusalem, in that case also it is not
   strange that Paul wished him not to conceal timidly, but to declare
   boldly, a rule of practice in regard to which he already knew that they
   were both of the same mind; whether he was aware of this from having
   conferred with him as to the gospel which both preached, or from having
   heard that, at the calling of the centurion Cornelius, Peter had been
   divinely instructed in regard to this matter, or from having seen him
   eating with Gentile converts before those whom he feared to offend had
   come to Antioch. For we do not deny that Peter was already of the same
   opinion in regard to this question as Paul himself was. Paul,
   therefore, was not teaching Peter what was the truth concerning that
   matter, but was reproving his dissimulation as a thing by which the
   Gentiles were compelled to act as Jews did; for no other reason than
   this, that the tendency of all such dissembling was to convey or
   confirm the impression that they taught the truth who held that
   believers could not be saved without circumcision and other ceremonies,
   which were shadows of things to come.

   12. For this reason also he circumcised Timothy, lest to the Jews, and
   especially to his relations by the mother's side, it should seem that
   the Gentiles who had believed in Christ abhorred circumcision as they
   abhorred the worship of idols; whereas the former was appointed by God,
   and the latter invented by Satan. Again, he did not circumcise Titus,
   lest he should give occasion to those who said that believers could not
   be saved without circumcision, and who, in order to deceive the
   Gentiles, openly declared that this was the view held by Paul. This is
   plainly enough intimated by himself, when he says: "But neither Titus,
   who was with me, being a Greek, was compelled to be circumcised: and
   that because of false brethren unawares brought in, who came in privily
   to spy out our liberty which we have in Christ Jesus, that they might
   bring us into bondage: to whom we gave place by subjection, no, not for
   an hour, that the truth of the gospel might continue with you." [2025]
   Here we see plainly what he perceived them to be eagerly watching for,
   and why it was that he did not do in the case of Titus as he had done
   in the case of Timothy, and as he might otherwise have done in the
   exercise of that liberty, by which he had shown that these observances
   were neither to be demanded as necessary to salvation, nor denounced as
   unlawful.

   13. You say, however, that in this discussion we must beware of
   affirming, with the philosophers, that some of the actions of men lie
   in a region between right and wrong, and are to be reckoned,
   accordingly, neither among good actions nor among the opposite; [2026]
   and it is urged in your argument that the observance of legal
   ceremonies cannot be a thing indifferent, but either good or bad; so
   that if I affirm it to be good, I acknowledge that we also are bound to
   observe these ceremonies; but if I affirm it to be bad, I am bound to
   believe that the apostles observed them not sincerely, but in a way of
   dissimulation. I, for my part, would not be so much afraid of defending
   the apostles by the authority of philosophers, since these teach some
   measure of truth in their dissertations, as of pleading on their behalf
   the practice of advocates at the bar, in sometimes serving their
   clients' interests at the expense of truth. If, as is stated in your
   exposition of the Epistle to the Galatians, this practice of barristers
   may be in your opinion with propriety quoted as resembling and
   justifying dissimulation on the part of Peter and Paul, why should I
   fear to allege to you the authority of philosophers whose teaching we
   account worthless, not because everything which they say is false, but
   because they are in most things mistaken, and wherein they are found
   affirming truth, are notwithstanding strangers to the grace of Christ,
   who is the Truth?

   14. But why may I not say regarding these institutions of the old
   economy, that they are neither good nor bad: not good, since men are
   not by them justified, they having been only shadows predicting the
   grace by which we are justified; and not bad, since they were divinely
   appointed as suitable both to the time and to the people? Why may I not
   say this, when I am supported by that saying of the prophet, that God
   gave unto His people "statutes that were not good"? [2027] For we have
   in this perhaps the reason of his not calling them "bad," but calling
   them "not good," i.e. not such that either by them men could be made
   good, or that without them men could not possibly become good. I would
   esteem it a favour to be informed by your Sincerity, whether any saint,
   coming from the East to Rome, would be guilty of dissimulation if he
   fasted on the seventh day of each week, excepting the Saturday before
   Easter. For if we say that it is wrong to fast on the seventh day, we
   shall condemn not only the Church of Rome, but also many other
   churches, both neighbouring and more remote, in which the same custom
   continues to be observed. If, on the other hand, we pronounce it wrong
   not to fast on the seventh day, how great is our presumption in
   censuring so many churches in the East, and by far the greater part of
   the Christian world! Or do you prefer to say of this practice, that it
   is a thing indifferent in itself, but commendable in him who conforms
   with it, not as a dissembler, but from a seemly desire for the
   fellowship and deference for the feelings of others? No precept,
   however, concerning this practice is given to Christians in the
   canonical books. How much more, then, may I shrink from pronouncing
   that to be bad which I cannot deny to be of divine institution!--this
   fact being admitted by me in the exercise of the same faith by which I
   know that not through these observances, but by the grace of God
   through our Lord Jesus Christ, I am justified.

   15. I maintain, therefore, that circumcision, and other things of this
   kind, were, by means of what is called the Old Testament, given to the
   Jews with divine authority, as signs of future things which were to be
   fulfilled in Christ; and that now, when these things have been
   fulfilled, the laws concerning these rights remained only to be read by
   Christians in order to their understanding the prophecies which had
   been given before, but not to be of necessity practised by them, as if
   the coming of that revelation of faith which they prefigured was still
   future. Although, however, these rites were not to be imposed upon the
   Gentiles, the compliance with them, to which the Jews had been
   accustomed, was not to be prohibited in such a way as to give the
   impression that it was worthy of abhorrence and condemnation. Therefore
   slowly, and by degrees, all this observance of these types was to
   vanish away through the power of the sound preaching of the truth of
   the grace of Christ, to which alone believers would be taught to
   ascribe their justification and salvation, and not to those types and
   shadows of things which till then had been future, but which were now
   newly come and present, as at the time of the calling of those Jews
   whom the personal coming of our Lord and the apostolic times had found
   accustomed to the observance of these ceremonial institutions. The
   toleration, for the time, of their continuing to observe these was
   enough to declare their excellence as things which, though they were to
   be given up, were not, like the worship of idols, worthy of abhorrence;
   but they were not to be imposed upon others, lest they should be
   thought necessary, either as means or as conditions of salvation. This
   was the opinion of those heretics who, while anxious to be both Jews
   and Christians, could not be either the one or the other. Against this
   opinion you have most benevolently condescended to warn me, although I
   never entertained it. This also was the opinion with which, through
   fear, Peter fell into the fault of pretending to yield concurrence,
   though in reality he did not agree with it; for which reason Paul wrote
   most truly of him, that he saw him not walking uprightly, according to
   the truth of the gospel, and most truly said of him that he was
   compelling the Gentiles to live as did the Jews. Paul did not impose
   this burden on the Gentiles through his sincerely complying, when it
   was needful, with these ceremonies, with the design of proving that
   they were not to be utterly condemned (as idol-worship ought to be);
   for he nevertheless constantly preached that not by these things, but
   by the grace revealed to faith, believers obtain salvation, lest he
   should lead any one to take up these Jewish observances as necessary to
   salvation. Thus, therefore, I believe that the Apostle Paul did all
   these things honestly, and without dissimulation; and yet if any one
   now leave Judaism and become a Christian, I neither compel nor permit
   him to imitate Paul's example, and go on with the sincere observance of
   Jewish rites, any more than you, who think that Paul dissembled when he
   practised these rites, would compel or permit such an one to follow the
   apostle in that dissimulation.

   16. Shall I also sum up "the matter in debate, or rather your opinion
   concerning it" [2028] (to quote your own expression)? It seems to me to
   be this: that after the gospel of Christ has been published, the Jews
   who believe do rightly if they offer sacrifices as Paul did, if they
   circumcise their children as Paul circumcised Timothy, and if they
   observe the "seventh day of the week, as the Jews have always done,
   provided only that they do all this as dissemblers and deceivers." If
   this is your doctrine, we are now precipitated, not into the heresy of
   Ebion, or of those who are commonly called Nazarenes, or any other
   known heresy, but into some new error, which is all the more pernicious
   because it originates not in mistake, but in deliberate and designed
   endeavour to deceive. If, in order to clear yourself from the charge of
   entertaining such sentiments, you answer that the apostles were to be
   commended for dissimulation in these instances, their purpose being to
   avoid giving offence to the many weak Jewish believers who did not yet
   understand that these things were to be rejected, but that now, when
   the doctrine of Christ's grace has been firmly established throughout
   so many nations, and when, by the reading of the Law and the Prophets
   throughout all the churches of Christ, it is well known that these are
   not read for our observance, but for our instruction, any man who
   should propose to feign compliance with these rites would be regarded
   as a madman. What objection can there be to my affirming that the
   Apostle Paul, and other sound and faithful Christians, were bound
   sincerely to declare the worth of these old observances by occasionally
   honouring them, lest it should be thought that these institutions,
   originally full of prophetic significance, and cherished sacredly by
   their most pious forefathers, were to be abhorred by their posterity as
   profane inventions of the devil? For now, when the faith had come,
   which, previously foreshadowed by these ceremonies, was revealed after
   the death and resurrection of the Lord, they became, so far as their
   office was concerned, defunct. But just as it is seemly that the bodies
   of the deceased be carried honourably to the grave by their kindred, so
   was it fitting that these rites should be removed in a manner worthy of
   their origin and history, and this not with pretence of respect, but as
   a religious duty, instead of being forsaken at once, or cast forth to
   be torn in pieces by the reproaches of their enemies, as by the teeth
   of dogs. To carry the illustration further, if now any Christian
   (though he may have been converted from Judaism) were proposing to
   imitate the apostles in the observance of these ceremonies, like one
   who disturbs the ashes of those who rest, he would be not piously
   performing his part in the obsequies, but impiously violating the
   sepulchre.

   17. I acknowledge that in the statement contained in my letter, to the
   effect that the reason why Paul undertook (although he was an apostle
   of Christ) to perform certain rites, was that he might show that these
   ceremonies were not pernicious to those who desired to continue that
   which they had received by the Law from their fathers, I have not
   explicitly enough qualified the statement, by adding that this was the
   case only in that time in which the grace of faith was at first
   revealed; for at that time this was not pernicious. These observances
   were to be given up by all Christians step by step, as time advanced;
   not all at once, lest, if this were done, men should not perceive the
   difference between what God by Moses appointed to His ancient people,
   and the rites which the unclean spirit taught men to practise in the
   temples of heathen deities. I grant, therefore, that in this your
   censure is justifiable, and my omission deserved rebuke. Nevertheless,
   long before the time of my receiving your letter, when I wrote a
   treatise against Faustus the Manichæan, I did not omit to insert the
   qualifying clause which I have just stated, in a short exposition which
   I gave of the same passage, as you may see for yourself if you kindly
   condescend to read that treatise; or you may be satisfied in any other
   way that you please by the bearer of this letter, that I had long ago
   published this restriction of the general affirmation. And I now, as
   speaking in the sight of God, beseech you by the law of charity to
   believe me when I say with my whole heart, that it never was my opinion
   that in our time, Jews who become Christians were either required or at
   liberty to observe in any manner, or from any motive whatever, the
   ceremonies of the ancient dispensation; although I have always held, in
   regard to the Apostle Paul, the opinion which you call in question,
   from the time that I became acquainted with his writings. Nor can these
   two things appear incompatible to you; for you do not think it is the
   duty of any one in our day to feign compliance with these Jewish
   observances, although you believe that the apostles did this.

   18. Accordingly, as you in opposing me affirm, and, to quote your own
   words, "though the world were to protest against it, boldly declare
   that the Jewish ceremonies are to Christians both hurtful and fatal,
   and that whoever observes them, whether he was originally Jew or
   Gentile, is on his way to the pit of perdition," [2029] I entirely
   indorse that statement, and add to it, "Whoever observes these
   ceremonies, whether he was originally Jew or Gentile, is on his way to
   the pit of perdition, not only if he is sincerely observing them, but
   also if he is observing them with dissimulation." What more do you ask?
   But as you draw a distinction between the dissimulation which you hold
   to have been practised by the apostles, and the rule of conduct
   befitting the present time, I do the same between the course which
   Paul, as I think, sincerely followed in all these examples then, and
   the matter of observing in our day these Jewish ceremonies, although it
   were done, as by him, without any dissimulation, since it was then to
   be approved, but is now to be abhorred. Thus, although we read that
   "the law and the prophets were until John," [2030] and that "therefore
   the Jews sought the more to kill Him, because He not only had broken
   the Sabbath, but said also that God was His Father, making Himself
   equal with God," [2031] and that "we have received grace for grace for
   the law was given by Moses, but grace and truth came by Jesus Christ;"
   [2032] and although it was promised by Jeremiah that God would make a
   new covenant with the house of Judah, not according to the covenant
   which He made with their fathers; [2033] nevertheless I do not think
   that the Circumcision of our Lord by His parents was an act of
   dissimulation. If any one object that He did not forbid this because He
   was but an infant, I go on to say that I do not think that it was with
   intention to deceive that He said to the leper, "Offer for thy
   cleansing those things which Moses commanded for a testimony unto
   them," [2034] --thereby adding His own precept to the authority of the
   law of Moses regarding that ceremonial usage. Nor was there
   dissimulation in His going up to the feast, [2035] as there was also no
   desire to be seen of men; for He went up, not openly, but secretly.

   19. But the words of the apostle himself may be quoted against me:
   "Behold, I Paul say unto you, that if ye be circumcised, Christ shall
   profit you nothing." [2036] It follows from this that he deceived
   Timothy, and made Christ profit him nothing, for he circumcised
   Timothy. Do you answer that this circumcision did Timothy no harm,
   because it was done with an intention to deceive? I reply that the
   apostle has not made any such exception. He does not say, If ye be
   circumcised without dissimulation, any more than, If ye be circumcised
   with dissimulation. He says unreservedly, "If ye be circumcised, Christ
   shall profit you nothing." As, therefore, you insist upon finding room
   for your interpretation, by proposing to supply the words, "unless it
   be done as an act of dissimulation," I make no unreasonable demand in
   asking you to permit me to understand the words, "if ye be
   circumcised," to be in that passage addressed to those who demanded
   circumcision, for this reason, that they thought it impossible for them
   to be otherwise saved by Christ. Whoever was then circumcised because
   of such persuasion and desire, and with this design, Christ assuredly
   profited him nothing, as the apostle elsewhere expressly affirms, "If
   righteousness come by the law, Christ is dead in vain. [2037] The same
   is affirmed in words which you have quoted: "Christ is become of no
   effect to you, whosoever of you is justified by the law; ye are fallen
   from grace." [2038] His rebuke, therefore, was addressed to those who
   believed that they were to be justified by the law,--not to those who,
   knowing well the design with which the legal ceremonies were instituted
   as foreshadowing truth, and the time for which they were destined to be
   in force, observed them in order to honour Him who appointed them at
   first. Wherefore also he says elsewhere, "If ye be led of the Spirit,
   ye are not under the law," [2039] --a passage from which you infer,
   that evidently "he has not the Holy Spirit who submits to the Law, not,
   as our fathers affirmed the apostles to have done, feignedly under the
   promptings of a wise discretion, but"--as I suppose to have been the
   case--"sincerely." [2040]

   20. It seems to me important to ascertain precisely what is that
   submission to the law which the apostle here condemns; for I do not
   think that he speaks here of circumcision merely, or of the sacrifices
   then offered by our fathers, but now not offered by Christians, and
   other observances of the same nature. I rather hold that he includes
   also that precept of the law, "Thou shalt not covet," [2041] which we
   confess that Christians are unquestionably bound to obey, and which we
   find most fully proclaimed by the light which the Gospel has shed upon
   it. [2042] "The law," he says, "is holy, and the commandment holy, and
   just, and good;" and then adds, "Was, then, that which is good made
   death unto me? God forbid." "But sin, that it might appear sin, wrought
   death in me by that which is good; that sin, by the commandment, might
   become exceeding sinful." [2043] As he says here, "that sin by the
   commandment might become exceeding sinful," so elsewhere, "The law
   entered that the offence might abound; but where sin abounded, grace
   did much more abound." [2044] Again, in another place, after affirming,
   when speaking of the dispensation of grace, that grace alone justifies,
   he asks, "Wherefore then serveth the law?" and answers immediately, "It
   was added because of transgressions, until the Seed should come to whom
   the promises were made." [2045] The persons, therefore, whose
   submission to the law the apostle here pronounces to be the cause of
   their own condemnation, are those whom the law brings in guilty, as not
   fulfilling its requirements, and who, not understanding the efficacy of
   free grace, rely with self-satisfied presumption on their own strength
   to enable them to keep the law of God; for "love is the fulfilling of
   the law." [2046] Now "the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts,"
   not by our own power, but "by the Holy Ghost, which is given unto us."
   [2047] The satisfactory discussion of this, however, would require too
   long a digression, if not a separate volume. If, then, that precept of
   the law, "Thou shalt not covet," holds under it as guilty the man whose
   human weakness is not assisted by the grace of God, and instead of
   acquitting the sinner, condemns him as a transgressor, how much more
   was it impossible for those ordinances which were merely typical,
   circumcision and the rest, which were destined to be abolished when the
   revelation of grace became more widely known, to be the means of
   justifying any man! Nevertheless they were not on this ground to be
   immediately shunned with abhorrence, like the diabolical impieties of
   heathenism, from the first beginning of the revelation of the grace
   which had been by these shadows prefigured; but to be for a little
   while tolerated, especially among those who joined the Christian Church
   from that nation to whom these ordinances had been given. When,
   however, they had been, as it were, honourably buried, they were
   thenceforward to be finally abandoned by all Christians.

   21. Now, as to the words which you use, "non dispensative, ut nostri
   voluere majores," [2048] --"not in a way justifiable by expediency, the
   ground on which our fathers were disposed to explain the conduct of the
   apostles,"--pray what do these words mean? Surely nothing else than
   that which I call "officiosum mendacium," the liberty granted by
   expediency being equivalent to a call of duty to utter a falsehood with
   pious intention. I at least can see no other explanation, unless, of
   course, the mere addition of the words "permitted by expediency" be
   enough to make a lie cease to be a lie; and if this be absurd, why do
   you not openly say that a lie spoken in the way of duty [2049] is to be
   defended? Perhaps the name offends you, because the word "officium" is
   not common in ecclesiastical books; but this did not deter our Ambrose
   from its use, for he has chosen the title "De Officiis" for some of his
   books that are full of useful rules. Do you mean to say, that whoever
   utters a lie from a sense of duty is to be blamed, and whoever does the
   same on the ground of expediency is to be approved? I beseech you,
   consider that the man who thinks this may lie whenever he thinks fit,
   because this involves the whole important question whether to say what
   is false be at any time the duty of a good man, especially of a
   Christian man, to whom it has been said, "Let your yea be yea, and your
   nay, nay, lest ye fall into condemnation," [2050] and who believes the
   Psalmist's word, "Thou wilt destroy all them that speak lies." [2051]

   22. This, however, is, as I have said, another and a weighty question;
   I leave him who is of this opinion to judge for himself the
   circumstances in which he is at liberty to utter a lie: provided,
   however, that it be most assuredly believed and maintained that this
   way of lying is far removed from the authors who were employed to write
   holy writings, especially the canonical Scriptures; lest those who are
   the stewards of Christ, of whom it is said, "It is required in
   stewards, that a man be found faithful," [2052] should seem to have
   proved their fidelity by learning as an important lesson to speak what
   is false when this is expedient for the truth's sake, although the word
   fidelity itself, in the Latin tongue, is said to signify originally a
   real correspondence between what is said and what is done. [2053] Now,
   where that which is spoken is actually done, there is assuredly no room
   for falsehood. Paul therefore, as a "faithful steward" doubtless is to
   be regarded as approving his fidelity in his writings; for he was a
   steward of truth, not of falsehood. Therefore he wrote the truth when
   he wrote that he had seen Peter walking not uprightly, according to the
   truth of the gospel, and that he had withstood him to the face because
   he was compelling the Gentiles to live as the Jews did. And Peter
   himself received, with the holy and loving humility which became him,
   the rebuke which Paul, in the interests of truth, and with the boldness
   of love, administered. Therein Peter left to those that came after him
   an example, that, if at any time they deviated from the right path,
   they should not think it beneath them to accept correction from those
   who were their juniors,--an example more rare, and requiring greater
   piety, than that which Paul's conduct on the same occasion left us,
   that those who are younger should have courage even to withstand their
   seniors if the defence of evangelical truth required it, yet in such a
   way as to preserve unbroken brotherly love. For while it is better for
   one to succeed in perfectly keeping the right path, it is a thing much
   more worthy of admiration and praise to receive admonition meekly, than
   to admonish a transgressor boldly. On that occasion, therefore, Paul
   was to be praised for upright courage, Peter was to be praised for holy
   humility; and so far as my judgment enables me to form an opinion, this
   ought rather to have been asserted in answer to the calumnies of
   Porphyry, than further occasion given to him for finding fault, by
   putting it in his power to bring against Christians this much more
   damaging accusation, that either in writing their letters or in
   complying with the ordinances of God they practised deceit.

   Chap. III.

   23. You call upon me to bring forward the name of even one whose
   opinion I have followed in this matter, and at the same time you have
   quoted the names of many who have held before you the opinion which you
   defend. [2054] You also say that if I censure you for an error in this,
   you beg to be allowed to remain in error in company with such great
   men. I have not read their writings; but although they are only six or
   seven in all, you have yourself impugned the authority of four of them.
   For as to the Laodicean author, [2055] whose name you do not give, you
   say that he has lately forsaken the Church; Alexander you describe as a
   heretic of old standing; and as to Origen and Didymus, I read in some
   of your more recent works, censure passed on their opinions, and that
   in no measured terms, nor in regard to insignificant questions,
   although formerly you gave Origen marvellous praise. I suppose,
   therefore, that you would not even yourself be contented to be in error
   with these men; although the language which I refer to is equivalent to
   an assertion that in this matter they have not erred. For who is there
   that would consent to be knowingly mistaken, with whatever company he
   might share his errors? Three of the seven therefore alone remain,
   Eusebius of Emesa, Theodorus of Heraclea, and John, whom you afterwards
   mention, who formerly presided as pontiff over the Church of
   Constantinople.

   24. However, if you inquire or recall to memory the opinion of our
   Ambrose, [2056] and also of our Cyprian, [2057] on the point in
   question, you will perhaps find that I also have not been without some
   whose footsteps I follow in that which I have maintained. At the same
   time, as I have said already, it is to the canonical Scriptures alone
   that I am bound to yield such implicit subjection as to follow their
   teaching, without admitting the slightest suspicion that in them any
   mistake or any statement intended to mislead could find a place.
   Wherefore, when I look round for a third name that I may oppose three
   on my side to your three, I might indeed easily find one, I believe, if
   my reading had been extensive; but one occurs to me whose name is as
   good as all these others, nay, of greater authority--I mean the Apostle
   Paul himself. To him I betake myself; to himself I appeal from the
   verdict of all those commentators on his writings who advance an
   opinion different from mine. I interrogate him, and demand from himself
   to know whether he wrote what was true, or under some plea of
   expediency wrote what he knew to be false, when he wrote that he saw
   Peter not walking uprightly, according to the truth of the gospel, and
   withstood him to his face because by that dissimulation he was
   compelling the Gentiles to live after the manner of the Jews. And I
   hear him in reply proclaiming with a solemn oath in an earlier part of
   the epistle, where he began this narration, "The things that I write
   unto you, behold, before God, I lie not." [2058]

   25. Let those who think otherwise, however great their names, excuse my
   differing from them. The testimony of so great an apostle using, in his
   own writings, an oath as a confirmation of their truth, is of more
   weight with me than the opinion of any man, however learned, who is
   discussing the writings of another. Nor am I afraid lest men should say
   that, in vindicating Paul from the charge of pretending to conform to
   the errors of Jewish prejudice, I affirm him to have actually so
   conformed. For as, on the one hand, he was not guilty of pretending
   conformity to error when, with the liberty of an apostle, such as was
   suitable to that period of transition, he did, by practising those
   ancient holy ordinances, when it was necessary to declare their
   original excellence as appointed not by the wiles of Satan to deceive
   men, but by the wisdom of God for the purpose of typically foretelling
   things to come; so, on the other hand, he was not guilty of real
   conformity to the errors of Judaism, seeing that he not only knew, but
   also preached constantly and vehemently, that those were in error who
   thought that these ceremonies were to be imposed upon the Gentile
   converts, or were necessary to the justification of any who believed.

   26. Moreover, as to my saying that to the Jews he became as a Jew, and
   to the Gentiles as a Gentile, not with the subtlety of intentional
   deceit, but with the compassion of pitying love, [2059] it seems to me
   that you have not sufficiently considered my meaning in the words; or
   rather, perhaps, I have not succeeded in making it plain. For I did not
   mean by this that I supposed him to have practised in either case a
   feigned conformity; but I said it because his conformity was sincere,
   not less in the things in which he became to the Jews as a Jew, than in
   those in which he became to the Gentiles as a Gentile,--a parallel
   which you yourself suggested, and by which I thankfully acknowledge
   that you have materially assisted my argument. For when I had in my
   letter asked you to explain how it could be supposed that Paul's
   becoming to the Jews as a Jew involved the supposition that he must
   have acted deceitfully in conforming to the Jewish observances, seeing
   that no such deceptive conformity to heathen customs was involved in
   his becoming as a Gentile to the Gentiles; your answer was, that his
   becoming to the Gentiles as a Gentile meant no more than his receiving
   the uncircumcised, and permitting the free use of those meats which
   were pronounced unclean by Jewish law. If, then, when I ask whether in
   this also he practised dissimulation, such an idea is repudiated as
   palpably most absurd and false: it is an obvious inference, that in his
   performing those things in which he became as a Jew to the Jews, he was
   using a wise liberty, not yielding to a degrading compulsion, nor doing
   what would be still more unworthy of him, viz. stooping from integrity
   to fraud out of a regard to expediency.

   27. For to believers, and to those who know the truth, as the apostle
   testifies (unless here too, perhaps, he is deceiving his readers),
   "every creature of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if it be
   received with thanksgiving." [2060] Therefore to Paul himself, not only
   as a man, but as a steward eminently faithful, not only as knowing, but
   also as a teacher of the truth, every creature of God which is used for
   food was not feignedly but truly good. If, then, to the Gentiles he
   became as a Gentile, by holding and teaching the truth concerning meats
   and circumcision although he feigned no conformity to the rites and
   ceremonies of the Gentiles, why say that it was impossible for him to
   become as a Jew to the Jews, unless he practised dissimulation in
   performing the rites of their religion? Why did he maintain the true
   faithfulness of a steward towards the wild olive branch that was
   engrafted, and yet hold up a strange veil of dissimulation, on the plea
   of expediency, before those who were the natural and original branches
   of the olive tree? Why was it that, in becoming as a Gentile to the
   Gentiles, his teaching and his conduct [2061] are in harmony with his
   real sentiments; but that, in becoming as a Jew to the Jews, he shuts
   up one thing in his heart, and declares something wholly different in
   his words, deeds, and writings? But far be it from us to entertain such
   thoughts of him. To both Jews and Gentiles he owed "charity out of a
   pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned;" [2062]
   and therefore he became all things to all men, that he might gain all,
   [2063] not with the subtlety of a deceiver, but with the love of one
   filled with compassion; that is to say, not by pretending himself to do
   all the evil things which other men did, but by using the utmost pains
   to minister with all compassion the remedies required by the evils
   under which other men laboured, as if their case had been his own.

   28. When, therefore, he did not refuse to practise some of these Old
   Testament observances, he was not led by his compassion for Jews to
   feign this conformity, but unquestionably was acting sincerely; and by
   this course of action declaring his respect for those things which in
   the former dispensation had been for a time enjoined by God, he
   distinguished between them and the impious rites of heathenism. At that
   time, moreover, not with the subtlety of a deceiver, but with the love
   of one moved by compassion, he became to the Jews as a Jew, when,
   seeing them to be in error, which either made them unwilling to believe
   in Christ, or made them think that by these old sacrifices and
   ceremonial observances they could be cleansed from sin and made
   partakers of salvation, he desired so to deliver them from that error
   as if he saw not them, but himself, entangled in it; thus truly loving
   his neighbour as himself, and doing to others as he would have others
   do to him if he required their help,--a duty to the statement of which
   our Lord added these words, "This is the law and the prophets." [2064]

   29. This compassionate affection Paul recommends in the same Epistle to
   the Galatians, saying: "If a man be overtaken in a fault, ye which are
   spiritual restore such an one in the spirit of meekness; considering
   thyself, lest thou also be tempted." [2065] See whether he has not
   said, "Make thyself as he is, that thou mayest gain him." Not, indeed,
   that one should commit or pretend to have committed the same fault as
   the one who has been overtaken, but that in the fault of that other he
   should consider what might happen to himself, and so compassionately
   render assistance to that other, as he would wish that other to do to
   him if the case were his; that is, not with the subtlety of a deceiver,
   but with the love of one filled with compassion. Thus, whatever the
   error or fault in which Jew or Gentile or any man was found by Paul, to
   all men he became all things,--not by feigning what was not true, but
   by feeling, because the case might have been his own, the compassion of
   one who put himself in the other's place,--that he might gain all.

   Chap. IV.

   30. I beseech you to look, if you please, for a little into your own
   heart,--I mean, into your own heart as it stands affected towards
   myself,--and recall, or if you have it in writing beside you, read
   again, your own words in that letter (only too brief) which you sent to
   me by Cyprian our brother, now my colleague. Read with what sincere
   brotherly and loving earnestness you have added to a serious complaint
   of what I had done to you these words: "In this friendship is wounded,
   and the laws of brotherly union are set at nought. Let not the world
   see us quarrelling like children, and giving material for angry
   contention between those who may become our respective supporters or
   adversaries." [2066] These words I perceive to be spoken by you from
   the heart, and from a heart kindly seeking to give me good advice. Then
   you add, what would have been obvious to me even without your stating
   it: "I write what I have now written, because I desire to cherish
   towards you pure and Christian love, and not to hide in my heart
   anything which does not agree with the utterance of my lips." O pious
   man, beloved by me, as God who seeth my soul is witness, with a true
   heart I believe your statement; and just as I do not question the
   sincerity of the profession which you have thus made in a letter to me,
   so do I by all means believe the Apostle Paul when he makes the very
   same profession in his letter, addressed not to any one individual, but
   to Jews and Greeks, and all those Gentiles who were his children in the
   gospel, for whose spiritual birth he travailed, and after them to so
   many thousands of believers in Christ, for whose sake that letter has
   been preserved. I believe, I say, that he did not "hide in his heart
   anything which did not agree with the utterance of his lips."

   31. You have indeed yourself done towards me this very thing,--becoming
   to me as I am,--"not with the subtlety of deception, but with the love
   of compassion," when you thought that it behoved you to take as much
   pains to prevent me from being left in a mistake, in which you believed
   me to be, as you would have wished another to take for your deliverance
   if the case had been your own. Wherefore, gratefully acknowledging this
   evidence of your goodwill towards me, I also claim that you also be not
   displeased with me, if, when anything in your treatises disquieted me,
   I acquainted you with my distress, desiring the same course to be
   followed by all towards me as I have followed towards you, that
   whatever they think worthy of censure in my writings, they would
   neither flatter me with deceitful commendation nor blame me before
   others for that of which they are silent towards myself; thereby, as it
   seems to me, more seriously "wounding friendship and setting at nought
   the laws of brotherly union." For I would hesitate to give the name of
   Christian to those friendships in which the common proverb, "Flattery
   makes friends, and truth makes enemies," [2067] is of more authority
   than the scriptural proverb, "Faithful are the wounds of a friend, but
   the kisses of an enemy are deceitful." [2068]

   32. Wherefore let us rather do our utmost to set before our beloved
   friends, who most cordially wish us well in our labours, such an
   example that they may know that it is possible for the most intimate
   friends to differ so much in opinion, that the views of the one may be
   contradicted by the other without any diminution of their mutual
   affection, and without hatred being kindled by that truth which is due
   to genuine friendship, whether the contradiction be in itself in
   accordance with truth, or at least, whatever its intrinsic value is, be
   spoken from a sincere heart by one who is resolved not "to hide in his
   heart anything which does not agree with the utterance of his lips."
   Let therefore our brethren, your friends, of whom you bear testimony
   that they are vessels of Christ, believe me when I say that it was
   wholly against my will that my letter came into the hands of many
   others before it reached your own, and that my heart is filled with no
   small sorrow for this mistake. How it happened would take long to tell,
   and this is now, if I am not mistaken, unnecessary; since, if my word
   is to be taken at all in regard to this, it suffices for me to say that
   it was not done by me with the sinister intention which is supposed by
   some, and that it was not by my wish, or arrangement, or consent, or
   design that this has taken place. If they do not believe this, which I
   affirm in the sight of God, I can do no more to satisfy them. Far be
   it, however, from me to believe that they made this suggestion to your
   Holiness with the malicious desire to kindle enmity between you and me,
   from which may God in His mercy defend us! Doubtless, without any
   intention of doing me wrong, they readily suspected me, as a man, to be
   capable of failings common to human nature. For it is right for me to
   believe this concerning them, if they be vessels of Christ appointed
   not to dishonour, but to honour, and made meet by God for every good
   work in His great house. [2069] If, however, this my solemn
   protestation come to their knowledge, and they still persist in the
   same opinion of my conduct, you will yourself see that in this they
   will do wrong.

   33. As to my having written that I had never sent to Rome a book
   against you, I wrote this because, in the first place, I did not regard
   the name "book" as applicable to my letter, and therefore was under the
   impression that you had heard of something else entirely different from
   it; in the second place, I had not sent the letter in question to Rome,
   but to you; and in the third place, I did not consider it to be against
   you, because I knew that I had been prompted by the sincerity of
   friendship, which should give liberty for the exchange of suggestions
   and corrections between us. Leaving out of sight for a little while
   your friends of whom I have spoken, I implore yourself, by the grace
   whereby we have been redeemed, not to suppose that I have been guilty
   of artful flattery in anything which I have said in my letters
   concerning the good gifts which have been by the Lord's goodness
   bestowed on you. If, however, I have in anything wronged you, forgive
   me. As to that incident in the life of some forgotten bard, which, with
   perhaps more pedantry than good taste, I quoted from classic
   literature, I beg you not to carry the application of it to yourself
   further than my words warranted for I immediately added: "I do not say
   this in order that you may recover the faculty of spiritual sight--far
   be it from me to say that you have lost it!--but that, having eyes both
   clear and quick in discernment, you may turn them to this matter."
   [2070] I thought a reference to that incident suitable exclusively in
   connection with the palinodia, in which we ought all to imitate
   Stesichorus if we have written anything which it becomes our duty to
   correct in a writing of later date, and not at all in connection with
   the blindness of Stesichorus, which I neither ascribed to your mind,
   nor feared as likely to befall you. And again, I beseech you to correct
   boldly whatever you see needful to censure in my writings. For
   although, so far as the titles of honour which prevail in the Church
   are concerned, a bishop's rank is above that of a presbyter,
   nevertheless in many things Augustin is in inferior to Jerome; albeit
   correction is not to be refused nor despised, even when it comes from
   one who in all respects may be an inferior.

   Chap. V.

   34. As to your translation, you have now convinced me of the benefits
   to be secured by your proposal to translate the Scriptures from the
   original Hebrew, in order that you may bring to light those things
   which have been either omitted or perverted by the Jews. But I beg you
   to be so good as state by what Jews this has been done, whether by
   those who before the Lord's advent translated the Old Testament--and if
   so, by what one or more of them--or by the Jews of later times, who may
   be supposed to have mutilated or corrupted the Greek Mss., in order to
   prevent themselves from being unable to answer the evidence given by
   these concerning the Christian faith. I cannot find any reason which
   should have prompted the earlier Jewish translators to such
   unfaithfulness. I beg of you, moreover, to send us your translation of
   the Septuagint, which I did not know that you had published. I am also
   longing to read that book of yours which you named De optimo genere
   interpretandi, and to know from it how to adjust the balance between
   the product of the translator's acquaintance with the original
   language, and the conjectures of those who are able commentators on the
   Scripture, who, notwithstanding their common loyalty to the one true
   faith, must often bring forward various opinions on account of the
   obscurity of many passages; [2071] although this difference of
   interpretation by no means involves departure from the unity of the
   faith; just as one commentator may himself give, in harmony with the
   faith which he holds, two different interpretations of the same
   passage, because the obscurity of the passage makes both equally
   admissible.

   35. I desire, moreover, your translation of the Septuagint, in order
   that we may be delivered, so far as is possible, from the consequences
   of the notable incompetency of those who, whether qualified or not,
   have attempted a Latin translation; and in order that those who think
   that I look with jealousy on your useful labours, may at length, if it
   be possible, perceive that my only reason for objecting to the public
   reading of your translation from the Hebrew in our churches was, lest,
   bringing forward anything which was, as it were, new and opposed to the
   authority of the Septuagint version, we should trouble by serious cause
   of offence the flocks of Christ, whose ears and hearts have become
   accustomed to listen to that version to which the seal of approbation
   was given by the apostles themselves. Wherefore, as to that shrub in
   the book of Jonah, [2072] if in the Hebrew it is neither "gourd" nor
   "ivy," but something else which stands erect, supported by its own stem
   without other props, I would prefer to call it "gourd" in all our Latin
   versions; for I do not think that the Seventy would have rendered it
   thus at random, had they not known that the plant was something like a
   gourd.

   36. I think I have now given a sufficient answer (perhaps more than
   sufficient) to your three letters; of which I received two by Cyprian,
   and one by Firmus. In replying, send whatever you think likely to be of
   use in instructing me and others. And I shall take more care, as the
   Lord may help me, that any letter which I may write to you shall reach
   yourself before it falls into the hand of any other, by whom its
   contents may be published abroad; for I confess that I would not like
   any letter of yours to me to meet with the fate of which you justly
   complain as having befallen my letter to you. Let us, however, resolve
   to maintain between ourselves the liberty as well as the love of
   friends; so that in the letters which we exchange, neither of us shall
   be restrained from frankly stating to the other whatever seems to him
   open to correction, provided always that this be done in the spirit
   which does not, as inconsistent with brotherly love, displease God. If,
   however, you do not think that this can be done between us without
   endangering that brotherly love, let us not do it: for the love which I
   should like to see maintained between us is assuredly the greater love
   which would make this mutual freedom possible; but the smaller measure
   of it is better than none at all. [2073]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2011] Ludamus. Letter LXXXI. On this unfortunate word of Jerome's
   Augustin lingers with most provoking ingenuity.

   [2012] See Letter LXXII., sec. 2.

   [2013] Letter LXVIII. sec. 2.

   [2014] Gal. ii. 14.

   [2015] Gal. iv. 19.

   [2016] Gal. i. 20.

   [2017] Matt. xxvi. 75.

   [2018] 2 Sam. xi. 4, 17.

   [2019] Acts xvi. 3.

   [2020] Acts xviii. 18.

   [2021] Acts xxi. 26.

   [2022] Acts xxi. 21.

   [2023] Acts xxi. 20-25.

   [2024] Acts xxi. 24.

   [2025] Gal. ii. 3-5.

   [2026] See Jerome's Letter, LXXV. sec. 16, p. 340.

   [2027] Ezek. xx. 25.

   [2028] See Letter LXXV. sec. 13, p. 338.

   [2029] See Letter LXXV. sec. 14, pp. 338, 339.

   [2030] Luke xvi. 16.

   [2031] John v. 18.

   [2032] John i. 16, 17.

   [2033] Jer. xxxi. 31.

   [2034] Mark i. 44.

   [2035] John vii. 10.

   [2036] Gal. v. 2.

   [2037] Gal. ii. 21.

   [2038] Gal. v. 4.

   [2039] Gal. v. 18.

   [2040] Jerome, Letter LXXV. sec. 14, p. 339.

   [2041] Ex. xx. 17 and Deut. v. 21.

   [2042] Evangelica maxime illustratione prædicari.

   [2043] Rom. vii. 13.

   [2044] Rom. v. 20.

   [2045] Gal. iii. 19.

   [2046] Rom. xiii. 10.

   [2047] Rom. v. 5.

   [2048] Letter LXXV. sec. 14, p. 339.

   [2049] Mendacium offisiosum.

   [2050] Jas. v. 12; Matt. v. 37.

   [2051] Ps. v. 6.

   [2052] 1 Cor. iv. 2.

   [2053] Cum ipsa fides in latino sermone ab eo dicatur appellata quia
   fit quod dicitur.

   [2054] Jerome's Letter, LXXV. sec. 6, p.335.

   [2055] Ibid. sec. 4, p. 334.

   [2056] In his Commentary on Galations.

   [2057] In his letter, LXX., to Quintus; Ante-Nicene Fathers, Am. ed.
   vol. v. p. 377.

   [2058] Gal. i. 20.

   [2059] Letter XL. sec. 4, p. 273, quoted also by Jerome, LXXV. sec. 12,
   p. 338.

   [2060] 1 Tim. iv. 4.

   [2061] We follow here the reading of fourteen Mss., "agit" instead of
   "ait."

   [2062] 1 Tim. i. 5.

   [2063] 1 Cor. ix. 19-22.

   [2064] Matt. vii. 12.

   [2065] Gal. vii. 2.

   [2066] Letter LXXII. sec. 4.

   [2067] Terence, Andria, Act i. Sc. 1.

   [2068] Prov. xxvii. 6.

   [2069] 2 Tim. ii. 20, 21.

   [2070] Letter XL. sec 7, p. 274.

   [2071] An important sentence, as indicating the estimation in which
   Augustin held the "consensus patrum" as an authority in the
   interpretation of Scripture.

   [2072] Jon. iv. 6.

   [2073] It is interesting to know that Jerome afterwards admitted the
   soundness of the view so ably and reasonably defended by Augustin in
   this letter concerning the rebuke of Peter at Antioch. In Letter
   CLXXX., addressed to Oceanus, we have these words: "This question the
   venerable Father Jerome and I have discussed fully in letters which we
   exchanged; and in the last work which he has published against
   Pelagius, under the name of Critobulus, he has maintained the same
   opinion concerning that event, and the sayings of the apostles, as I
   myself had adopted, following the blessed Cyprian." See Jerome, book
   i., against the Pelagians, and Cyprian, Letter LXX., to Quintus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXIII.

   (a.d. 405.)

   To My Lord Alypius Most Blessed, My Brother and Colleague, Beloved and
   Longed for With Sincere Veneration, and to the Brethren that are with
   Him, Augustin and the Brethren with Him Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. The sorrow of the members of the Church at Thiave prevents my heart
   from having any rest until I hear that they have been brought again to
   be of the same mind towards you as they formerly were; which must be
   accomplished without delay. For if the apostle was concerned about one
   individual, "lest perhaps such an one should be swallowed up with
   overmuch sorrow," adding in the same context the words, "lest Satan
   should get an advantage of us, for we are not ignorant of his devices,"
   [2074] how much more does it become us to act with caution, lest we
   cause similar grief to a whole flock, and especially one composed of
   persons who have lately been reconciled to the Catholic Church, and
   whom I can upon no account forsake! As, however, the short time at our
   disposal did not permit us so to take counsel together as to arrive at
   a mature and satisfactory decision, may it please your Holiness to
   accept in this letter the finding which commended itself most to me
   when I had long reflected upon the matter since we parted; and if you
   approve of it, let the enclosed letter, [2075] which I have written to
   them in the name of both of us, be sent to them without delay.

   2. You proposed that they should have the one half [of the property
   left by Honoratus], and that the other half should be made up to them
   by me from such resources as might be at my disposal. I think, however,
   that if the whole property had been taken from them, men might
   reasonably have said that we had taken the great pains in this matter
   which we have done, for the sake of justice, not for pecuniary
   advantage. But when we concede to them one half, and in that way settle
   with them by a compromise, it will be manifest that our anxiety has
   been only about the money; and you see what harm must follow from this.
   For, on the one hand, we shall be regarded by them as having taken away
   one half of a property to which we had no claim; and, on the other
   hand, they will be regarded by us as dishonourably and unjustly
   consenting to accept aid from one half of a property of which the whole
   belonged to the poor. For your remark, "We must beware lest, in our
   efforts to obtain a right adjustment of a difficult question, we cause
   more serious wounds," applies with no less force if the half be
   conceded to them. For those whose turning from the world to monastic
   life we desire to secure, will, for the sake of this half of their
   private estates, be disposed to find some excuse for putting off the
   sale of these, in order that their case may be dealt with according to
   this precedent. Moreover, would it not be strange, if, in a question
   like this, where much may be said on both sides, a whole community
   should, through our not avoiding the appearance of evil, be offended by
   the impression that their bishops, whom they hold in high esteem, are
   smitten with sordid avarice?

   3. For when any one is turned to adopt the life of a monk, if he is
   adopting it with a true heart, he does not think of that which I have
   just mentioned, especially if he be admonished of the sinfulness of
   such conduct. But if he be a deceiver, and is seeking "his own things,
   not the things which are Jesus Christ's," [2076] he has not charity;
   and without this, what does it profit him, "though he bestow all his
   goods to feed the poor, and though he give his body to be burned"?
   [2077] Moreover, as we agreed when conversing together, this may be
   henceforth avoided, and an arrangement made with each individual who is
   disposed to enter a monastery, if he cannot be admitted to the society
   of the brethren before he has relieved himself of all these
   encumbrances, and comes as one at leisure from all business, because
   the property which belonged to him has ceased to be his. But there is
   no other way in which this spiritual death of weak brethren, and
   grievous obstacle to the salvation of those for whose reconciliation
   with the Catholic Church we so earnestly labour, can be avoided, than
   by our giving them most clearly to understand that we are by no means
   anxious about money in such cases as this. And this they cannot be made
   to understand, unless we leave to their use the estate which they
   always supposed to belong to their late presbyter; because, even if it
   was not his, they ought to have known this from the beginning.

   4. It seems to me, therefore, that in matters of this kind, the rule
   which ought to hold is, that whatever belonged, according to the
   ordinary civil laws regarding property, to him who is an ordained
   clergyman in any place, belongs after his death to the Church over
   which he was ordained. Now, by civil law, the property in question
   belonged to the presbyter Honoratus; so that not only on account of his
   being ordained elsewhere, but even had he remained in the monastery of
   Thagaste, if he had died without having either sold his estate or
   handed it over by express deed of gift to any one, the right of
   succession to it would belong only to his heirs: as brother Æmilianus
   inherited those thirty shillings [2078] left by the brother Privatus.
   This, therefore, behoved to be considered and provided for in time; but
   if no provision was made for it, we must, in the disposal of the
   estate, comply with the laws which have been appointed to regulate in
   civil society the holding or not holding of property; that we may, so
   far as is in our power, abstain not only from the reality, but also
   from all appearance of evil, and preserve that good name which is so
   necessary to our office as stewards. How truly this procedure has the
   appearance of evil, I beseech your wisdom to observe. For having heard
   of their sorrow, which we ourselves witnessed at Thiave, fearing lest,
   as frequently happens, I should myself be mistaken through partiality
   for my own opinion, I stated the facts of the case to our brother and
   colleague Samsucius, without telling him at the time my present view of
   the matter, but rather stating the view taken up by both of us when we
   were resisting their demands. He was exceedingly shocked, and wondered
   that we had entertained such a view; being moved by nothing else but
   the ugly appearance of the transaction, as one wholly unworthy not only
   of us, but of any man.

   5. Wherefore I implore you to subscribe and transmit without delay the
   letter which I have written to them in name of both of us. And even if,
   perchance, you discern the other course to be a just one in the matter,
   let not these brethren who are weak be compelled to learn now what I
   myself cannot understand; rather let this word of the Lord be
   remembered in dealing with them: "I have yet many things to say unto
   you, but ye cannot bear them now." [2079] For He Himself, out of
   condescension to such weakness, said on another occasion (it was in
   reference to the payment of tribute), "Then are the children free;
   notwithstanding lest we offend them," etc.; and sent Peter to pay the
   didrachmæ which were then exacted. [2080] For He knew another law
   according to which he was not bound to make any such payment; but He
   made the payment which was imposed upon Him by that law according to
   which, as I have said, succession to the estate of Honoratus behoved to
   be regulated, if he died before either giving away or selling his
   property. Nay, even in regard to the law of the Church, Paul showed
   forbearance towards the weak, and did not insist upon his receiving the
   money due to him, although fully persuaded in his conscience that he
   might with perfect justice insist upon it; waiving his claim, however,
   only because he thereby avoided a suspicion of his motives which would
   mar the sweet savour of Christ among them, and abstained from the
   appearance of evil in a region in which he knew that this was his duty,
   and probably even before he had known by experience the sorrow which it
   would occasion. Let us now, though we are somewhat behind-hand, and
   have been admonished by experience, correct that which we ought to have
   foreseen.

   6. I remember that you proposed when we parted that the brethren at
   Thagaste should hold me responsible to make up the half of the sum
   claimed; let me say in conclusion, that as I fear everything which may
   make my attempt unsuccessful, if you clearly perceive that proposal to
   be a just one, I do not refuse to comply with it on this condition,
   however, that I am to pay the amount only when I have it in my power,
   i.e. when something so considerable falls to our monastery at Hippo
   that this can be done without unduly straitening us,--the amount
   remaining after the subtraction of so large a sum being still such as
   to provide for our monastery here an equal share in proportion to the
   number of resident brethren.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2074] 2 Cor. ii. 7, 11.

   [2075] This letter has not been preserved.

   [2076] Phil. ii. 21.

   [2077] 1 Cor. xiii. 3.

   [2078] Solidi.

   [2079] John xvi. 12.

   [2080] Matt. xvii. 26, 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXIV.

   (a.d. 405.)

   To My Lord Novatus, Most Blessed, My Brother and Partner in the
   Priestly Office, Esteemed and Longed For, and to the Brethren Who are
   with Him, Augustin and the Brethren with Him Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I myself feel how hard-hearted I must appear to you, and I can
   scarcely excuse to myself my conduct in not consenting to send to your
   Holiness my son the deacon Lucillus, your own brother. But when your
   own time comes to surrender to the claims of Churches in remote places
   some of those whom you have educated, and who are most dear and sweet
   to you, then, and not till then, will you know the pangs of longing
   which pierce me through and through for some who, once united to me in
   the strongest and most pleasing intimacy, are no more beside me. Let me
   submit to your thoughts the case of one who is far away. However strong
   be the bond of kindred between brothers, it does not surpass the bond
   by which my brother Severus and I are united to each other, and yet you
   know how rarely I have the happiness of seeing him. And this has been
   caused neither by his wish nor by mine, but because of our giving to
   the claims of our mother the Church precedency above the claims of this
   present world, out of regard to that coming eternity in which we shall
   dwell together and part no more. How much more reasonable, therefore,
   is it for you to submit for the sake of the Church's welfare to the
   absence of that brother, with whom you have not shared the food which
   the Lord our Shepherd provides for nearly so long a period as I did
   with my most amiable fellow-townsman Severus, who now only with an
   effort and at long intervals converses with me by means of brief
   letters,--letters, moreover, which are for the most part burdened with
   the cares and affairs of other men, instead of bearing to me any
   reminiscence of those green pastures in which we were wont to lie down
   under Christ's loving care!

   5. You will perhaps reply, "What then? May not my brother be of service
   to the Church here also? Is it for any other end than usefulness to the
   Church that I desire to have him with me?" Truly, if his being beside
   you seemed to me to be as important for the gathering in or ruling of
   the Lord's flock as his presence here is for these ends, every one
   might justly blame me for being not merely hard-hearted, but unjust.
   But since he is conversant with the Punic [2081] language, through want
   of which the preaching of the gospel is greatly hindered in these
   parts, whereas the use of that language is general with you, do you
   think that we would be doing our duty in consulting for the welfare of
   the Lord's flocks, if we were to send this talent to a place where it
   is not specially needful, and remove it from this region, where we
   thirst for it with such parched spirits? Forgive me, therefore, when I
   do, not only against your will, but also against my own feeling, what
   the care of the burden imposed upon me compels me to do. The Lord, to
   whom you have given your heart, will grant you such aid in your labours
   that you shall be recompensed for this kindness; for we acknowledge
   that you have with a good grace rather than of necessity conceded the
   deacon Lucillus to the burning thirst of the regions in which our lot
   is cast. For you will do me no small favour if you do not burden me
   with any further request upon this subject, lest I should have occasion
   to appear anything more than somewhat hard-hearted to you, whom I
   revere for your holy benignity of disposition.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2081] The text here gives latinâ. All that we know of the languages
   then spoken in Hippo would lead us to suppose that punicâ must have
   been written here by Augustin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXV.

   (a.d. 405.)

   To My Lord Paulus, Most Beloved, My Brother and Colleague in the
   Priesthood, Whose Highest Welfare is Sought by All My Prayers, Augustin
   Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. You would not call me so inexorable if you did not think me also a
   dissembler. For what else do you believe concerning my spirit, if I am
   to judge by what you have written, than that I cherish towards you
   dislike and antipathy which merit blame and detestation; as if in a
   matter about which, there could be but one opinion I was not careful
   lest, while warning others, I myself should deserve reproof, [2082] or
   were wishing to cast the mote out of your eye while retaining and
   fostering the beam in my own? [2083] It is by no means as you suppose.
   Behold! I repeat this, and call God to witness, that if you were only
   to desire for yourself what I desire on your behalf, you would now be
   living in Christ free from all disquietude, and would make the whole
   Church rejoice in glory brought by you to His name. Observe, I pray
   you, that I have addressed you not only as my brother, but also as my
   colleague. For it cannot be that any bishop whatsoever of the Catholic
   Church should cease to be my colleague, so long as he has not been
   condemned by any ecclesiastical tribunal. As to my refusing to hold
   communion with you, the only reason for this is that I cannot flatter
   you. For inasmuch as I have begotten you in Christ, I am under very
   special obligation to render to you the salutary severity of love in
   faithful admonition and reproof. It is true that I rejoice in the
   numbers who have been, by God's blessing on your work, gathered into
   the Catholic Church; but this does not make me less bound to weep that
   a greater number are being by you scattered from the Church. For you
   have so wounded the Church of Hippo, [2084] that unless the Lord make
   you disengage yourself from all secular cares and burdens, and recall
   you to the manner of living and deportment which become the true
   bishop, the wound may soon be beyond remedy.

   2. Seeing, however, that you continue to involve yourself more and more
   deeply in these affairs, and have, notwithstanding your vow of
   renunciation, entangled yourself again with the things which you had
   solemnly laid aside,--a step which could not be justified even by the
   laws of ordinary human affairs; seeing also that you are reported to be
   living in a style of extravagance which cannot be maintained by the
   slender income of your church,--why do you insist upon communion with
   me, while you refuse to hear my rebuke of your faults? Is it that men
   whose complaints I cannot bear, may justly blame me for whatever you
   do? You are, moreover, mistaken in suspecting that those who find fault
   with you are persons who have always been against you even in your
   earlier life. It is not so: and you have no reason to be surprised that
   many things escape your observation. But even were this the case, it is
   your duty to secure that they find nothing in your conduct which they
   might reasonably blame, and for which they might bring reproach against
   the Church. Perhaps you think that my reason for saying these things
   is, that I have not accepted what you urged in your defence. Nay,
   rather my reason is, that if I were to say nothing regarding these
   things, I would be guilty of that for which I could urge nothing in my
   defence before God. I know your abilities; but even a man of dull mind
   is kept from disquietude if he sets his affections on heavenly things,
   whereas a man of acute mind has this gift in vain if he set his
   affections on earthly things. The office of a bishop is not designed to
   enable one to spend a life of vanity. The Lord God, who has closed
   against you all the ways by which you were disposed to make Him
   minister to your gain, in order that He may guide you, if you but
   understand Him, into that way, with a view to the pursuit of which that
   holy responsibility was laid upon you, will Himself teach you what I
   now say.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2082] 1 Cor. ix. 27.

   [2083] Matt. vii. 4.

   [2084] Cataqua (?).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXVI.

   (a.d. 405.)

   To My Noble Lord Cæcilianus, My Son Truly and Justly Honourable and
   Esteemed in the Love of Christ, Augustin, Bishop, Sends Greeting in the
   Lord.

   The renown of your administration and the fame of your virtues, as well
   as the praiseworthy zeal and faithful sincerity of your Christian
   piety,--gifts of God which make you rejoice in Him from whom they came,
   and from whom you hope to receive yet greater things,--have moved me to
   acquaint your Excellency by this letter with the cares which agitate my
   mind. As our joy is great that throughout the rest of Africa you have
   taken measures with remarkable success on behalf of Catholic unity, our
   sorrow is proportionately great because the district of Hippo [2085]
   and the neighbouring regions on the borders of Numidia have not enjoyed
   the benefit of the vigour with which as a magistrate you have enforced
   your proclamation, my noble lord, and my son truly and justly
   honourable and esteemed in the love of Christ. Lest this should be
   regarded rather as due to the neglect of duty by me who bear the burden
   of the episcopal office at Hippo, I have considered myself bound to
   mention it to your Excellency. If you condescend to acquaint yourself
   with the extremities to which the effrontery of the heretics has
   proceeded in the region of Hippo, as you may do by questioning my
   brethren and colleagues, who are able to furnish your Excellency with
   information, or the presbyter whom I have sent with this letter, I am
   sure you will so deal with this tumour of impious presumption, that it
   shall be healed by warning rather than painfully removed afterwards by
   punishment.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2085] Regionem Hipponensium Regiorum.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXVII.

   (a.d. 405.)

   To His Brother Emeritus, Beloved and Longed For, Augustin Sends
   Greeting.

   1. I know that it is not on the possession of good talents and a
   liberal education that the salvation of the soul depends; but when I
   hear of any one who is thus endowed holding a different view from that
   which truth imperatively insists upon on a point which admits of very
   easy examination, the more I wonder at such a man, the more I burn with
   desire to make his acquaintance, and to converse with him; or if that
   be impossible, I long to bring his mind and mine into contact by
   exchanging letters, which wing their flight even between places far
   apart. As I have heard that you are such a man as I have spoken of, I
   grieve that you should be severed and shut out from the Catholic
   Church, which is spread abroad throughout the whole world, as was
   foretold by the Holy Spirit. What your reason for this separation is I
   do not know. For it is not disputed that the party of Donatus is wholly
   unknown to a great part of the Roman world, not to speak of the
   barbarian nations (to whom also the apostle said that he was a debtor
   [2086] ) whose communion in the Christian faith is joined with ours,
   and that in fact they do not even know at all when or upon what account
   the dissension began. Now, unless you admit these Christians to be
   innocent of those crimes with which you charge the Christians of
   Africa, you must confess that all of you are defiled by participation
   in the wicked actions of all worthless characters, so long as they
   succeed (to put the matter mildly) in escaping detection among you. For
   you do occasionally expel a member from your communion, in which case
   his expulsion takes place only after he has committed the crime for
   which he merited expulsion. Is there not some intervening time during
   which he escapes detection before he is discovered, convicted, and
   condemned by you? I ask, therefore, whether he involved you in his
   defilement so long as he was not discovered by you? You answer, "By no
   means." If, then, he were not to be discovered at all, he would in that
   case never involve you in his defilement; for it sometimes happens that
   the crimes committed by men come to light only after their death, yet
   this does not bring guilt upon those Christians who communicated with
   them while they were alive. Why, then, have you severed yourselves by
   so rash and profane schism from the communion of innumerable Eastern
   Churches, in which all that you truly or falsely affirm to have been
   done in Africa has been and still is utterly unknown?

   2. For it is quite another question whether or not there be truth in
   the assertions made by you. These assertions we disprove by documents
   much more worthy of credit than those which you bring forward, and we
   further find in your own documents more abundant proof of those
   positions which you assail. But this is, as I have said, another
   question altogether, to be taken up and discussed when necessary.
   Meanwhile, let your mind give special attention to this: that no one
   can be involved in the guilt of unknown crimes committed by persons
   unknown to him. Whence it is manifest that you have been guilty of
   impious schism in separating yourselves from the communion of the whole
   world, to which the things charged, whether truly or falsely, by you
   against some men in Africa, have been and still are wholly unknown;
   although this also should not be forgotten, that even when known and
   discovered, bad men do not harm the good who are in a Church, if either
   the power of restraining them from communion be wanting, or the
   interests of the Church's peace forbid this to be done. For who were
   those who, according to the prophet Ezekiel, [2087] obtained the reward
   of being marked before the destruction of the wicked, and of escaping
   unhurt when they were destroyed, but those who sighed and cried for the
   sins and iniquities of the people of God which were done in the midst
   of them? Now who sighs and cries for that which is unknown to him? On
   the same principle, the Apostle Paul bears with false brethren. For it
   is not of persons unknown to him that he says, "All seek their own, not
   the things which are Jesus Christ's;" yet these persons he shows
   plainly to have been beside him. And to what class do the men belong
   who have chosen rather to burn incense to idols or surrender the divine
   books than to suffer death, if not to those who "seek their own, not
   the things of Jesus Christ"?

   3. I omit many proofs which I might give from Scripture, that I may not
   make this letter longer than is needful; and I leave many more things
   to be considered by yourself in the light of your own learning. But I
   beseech you mark this, which is quite enough to decide the whole
   question: If so many transgressors in the one nation, which was then
   the Church of God, did not make those who were associated with them to
   be guilty like themselves; if that multitude of false brethren did not
   make the Apostle Paul, who was a member of the same Church with them, a
   seeker not of the things of Jesus Christ, but of his own,--it is
   manifest that a man is not made wicked by the wickedness of any one
   with whom he goes to the altar of Christ, even though he be not unknown
   to him, provided only that he do not encourage him in his wickedness,
   but by a good conscience disallowing his conduct keep himself apart
   from him. It is therefore obvious that, to be art and part with a
   thief, one must either help him in the theft, or receive with
   approbation what he has stolen. This I say in order to remove out of
   the way endless and unnecessary questions concerning the conduct of
   men, which are wholly irrelevant when advanced against our position.

   4. If, however, you do not agree with what I have said, you involve the
   whole of your party in the reproach of being such men as Optatus was,
   while, notwithstanding your knowledge of his crimes, he was tolerated
   in communion with you; and far be it from me to say this of such a man
   as Emeritus, and of others of like integrity among you, who are, I am
   sure, wholly averse to such deeds as disgraced him. For we do not lay
   any charge against you but the one of schism, which by your obstinate
   persistence in it you have now made heresy. How great this crime is in
   the judgment of God Himself, you may see by reading what without doubt
   you have read ere now. You will find that Dathan and Abiram were
   swallowed up by an opening of the earth beneath them, [2088] and that
   all the others who had conspired with them were devoured by fire
   breaking forth in the midst of them. As a warning to men to shun this
   crime, the Lord God signalized its commission with this immediate
   punishment, that He might show what He reserves for the final
   recompense of persons guilty of a similar transgression, whom His great
   forbearance spares for a time. We do not, indeed, find fault with the
   reasons by which you excuse your tolerating Optatus among you. We do
   not blame you, because at the time when he was denounced for his
   furious conduct in the mad abuse of power, when he was impeached by the
   groans of all Africa,--groans in which you also shared, if you are what
   good report declares you to be,--a report which, God knows, I most
   willingly believe,--you forbore from excommunicating him, lest he
   should under such sentence draw away many with him, and rend your
   communion asunder with the frenzy of schism. But this is the thing
   which is itself an indictment against you at the bar of God, O brother
   Emeritus, that although you saw that the division of the party of
   Donators was so great an evil, that it was thought better that Optatus
   should be tolerated in your communion than that division should be
   introduced among you, you nevertheless perpetuate the evil which was
   wrought in the division of the Church of Christ by your forefathers.

   5. Here perhaps you will be disposed, under the exigencies of debate,
   to attempt to defend Optatus. Do not so, I beseech you; do not so, my
   brother: it would not become you; and if it would perchance be seemly
   for any one to do it (though, in fact, nothing is seemly which is
   wrong), it assuredly would be unseemly for Emeritus to defend Optatus.
   Perhaps you reply that it would as little become you to accuse him.
   Granted, by all means. Take, then, the course which lies between
   defending and accusing him. Say, "Every man shall bear his own burden;"
   [2089] "Who art thou that judgest another man's servant?" [2090] If,
   then, notwithstanding the testimony of all Africa,--nay more, of all
   regions to which the name of Gildo was carried, for Optatus was not
   less notorious than he,--you have not dared to pronounce judgment
   concerning Optatus, lest you should rashly decide in regard to one
   unknown to you, is it, I ask, either possible or right for us,
   proceeding solely on your testimony, to pronounce sentence rashly upon
   persons whom we do not know? Is it not enough that you should charge
   them with things of which you have no certain knowledge, without our
   pronouncing them guilty of things of which we know as little as
   yourselves? For even though Optatus were in peril through the falsehood
   of detractors, you defend not him, but yourself, when you say, "I do
   not know what his character was." How much more obvious, then, is it
   that the Eastern world knows nothing of the character of those Africans
   with whom, though much less known to you than Optatus, you find fault!
   Yet you are disjoined by scandalous schism from Churches in the East,
   the names of which you have and you read in the sacred books. If your
   most famous and most scandalously notorious Bishop of Thamugada [2091]
   was at that very time not known to his colleague, I shall not say in
   Cæsarea, but in Sitifa, so close at hand, how was it possible for the
   Churches of Corinth, Ephesus, Colosse, Philippi, Thessalonica, Antioch,
   Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, and others which were founded in Christ by
   the apostles, to know the case of these African traditors, whoever they
   were; or how was it consistent with justice that they should be
   condemned by you for not knowing it? Yet with these Churches you hold
   no communion. You say they are not Christian, and you labour to
   rebaptize their members. What need I say? What complaint, what protest
   is necessary here? If I am addressing a right-hearted man, I know that
   with you I share the keenness of the indignation which I feel. For you
   doubtless see at once what I might say if I would.

   6. Perhaps, however, your forefathers formed of themselves a council,
   and placed the whole Christian world except themselves under sentence
   of excommunication. Have you come so to judge of things, as to affirm
   that the council of the followers of Maximianus who were cut off from
   you, as you were cut off from the Church, was of no authority against
   you, because their number was small compared with yours; and yet claim
   for your council an authority against the nations, which are the
   inheritance of Christ, and the ends of the earth, which are His
   possession? [2092] I wonder if the man who does not blush at such
   pretensions has any blood in his body. Write me, I beseech you, in
   reply to this letter; for I have heard from some, on whom I could not
   but rely, that you would write me an answer if I were to address a
   letter to you. Some time ago, moreover, I sent you a letter; but I do
   not know whether you received it or answered it, and perhaps your reply
   did not reach me. Now, however, I beg you not to refuse to answer this
   letter, and state what you think. But do not occupy yourself with other
   questions than the one which I have stated, for this is the leading
   point of a well-ordered discussion of the origin of the schism.

   7. The civil powers defend their conduct in persecuting schismatics by
   the rule which the apostle laid down: "Whoso resisteth the power,
   resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to
   themselves judgment. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to
   the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is
   good, and thou shalt have praise of the same: for he is the minister of
   God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for
   he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a
   revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil." [2093] The whole
   question therefore is, whether schism be not an evil work, or whether
   you have not caused schism, so that your resistance of the powers that
   be is in a good cause and not in an evil work, whereby you would bring
   judgment on yourselves. Wherefore with infinite wisdom the Lord not
   merely said, "Blessed are they who are persecuted," but added, "for
   righteousness' sake." [2094] I desire therefore to know from you, in
   the light of what I have said above, whether it be a work of
   righteousness to originate and perpetuate your state of separation from
   the Church. I desire also to know whether it be not rather a work of
   unrighteousness to condemn unheard the whole Christian world, either
   because it has not heard what you have heard, or because no proof has
   been furnished to it of charges which were rashly believed, or without
   sufficient evidence advanced by you, and to propose on this ground to
   baptize a second time the members of so many churches founded by the
   preaching and labours either of the Lord Himself while He was on earth,
   or of His apostles; and all this on the assumption that it is excusable
   for you either not to know the wickedness of your African colleagues
   who are living beside you, and are using the same sacraments with you,
   or even to tolerate their misdeeds when known, lest the party of
   Donatus should be divided, but that it is inexcusable for them, though
   they reside in most remote regions, to be ignorant of what you either
   know, or believe, or have heard, or imagine, concerning men in Africa.
   How great is the perversity of those who cling to their own
   unrighteousness, and yet find fault with the severity of the civil
   powers!

   8. You answer, perhaps, that Christians ought not to persecute even the
   wicked. Be it so; let us admit that they ought not: but is it lawful to
   lay this objection in the way of the powers which are ordained for this
   very purpose? Shall we erase the apostle's words? Or do your Mss. not
   contain the words which I mentioned a little while ago? But you will
   say that we ought not to communicate with such persons. What then? Did
   you withdraw, some time ago, from communion with the deputy Flavianus,
   on the ground of his putting to death, in his administration of the
   laws, those whom he found guilty? Again, you will say that the Roman
   emperors are incited against you by us. Nay, rather blame yourselves
   for this, seeing that, as was long ago foretold in the promise
   concerning Christ, "Yea, all kings shall fall down before him," [2095]
   they are now members of the Church; and you have dared to wound the
   Church by schism, and still presume to insist upon rebaptizing her
   members. Our brethren indeed demand help from the powers which are
   ordained, not to persecute you, but to protect themselves against the
   lawless acts of violence perpetrated by individuals of your party,
   which you yourselves, who refrain from such things, bewail and deplore;
   just as, before the Roman Empire became Christian, the Apostle Paul
   took measures to secure that the protection of armed Roman soldiers
   should be granted him against the Jews who had conspired to kill him.
   But these emperors, whatever the occasion of their becoming acquainted
   with the crime of your schism might be, frame against you such decrees
   as their zeal and their office demand. For they bear not the sword in
   vain; they are the ministers of God to execute wrath upon those that do
   evil. Finally, if some of our party transgress the bounds of Christian
   moderation in this matter, it displeases us; nevertheless, we do not on
   their account forsake the Catholic Church because we are unable to
   separate the wheat from the chaff before the final winnowing,
   especially since you yourselves have not forsaken the Donatist party on
   account of Optatus, when you had not courage to excommunicate him for
   his crimes.

   9. You say, however, "Why seek to have us joined to you, if we be thus
   stained with guilt?" I reply: Because you still live, and may, if you
   are willing, be restored. For when you join yourselves to us, i.e. to
   the Church of God, the heritage of Christ, who has the ends of the
   earth as his possession, you are restored so that you live in vital
   union with the Root. For the apostle says of the branches which were
   broken off: "God is able to graft them in again." [2096] We exhort you
   to change, in so far as concerns your dissent from the Church;
   although, as to the sacraments which you had, we admit that they are
   holy, since they are the same in all. Wherefore we desire to see you
   changed from your obstinacy, that is, in order that you who have been
   cut off may be vitally united to the Root again. For the sacraments
   which you have not changed are approved by us as you have them; else,
   in our attempting to correct your sin, we should do impious wrong to
   those mysteries of Christ which have not been deprived of their worth
   by your unworthiness. For even Saul did not, with all his sins, destroy
   the efficacy of the anointing which he received; to which anointing
   David, that pious servant of God, showed so great respect. We therefore
   do not insist upon rebaptizing you, because we only wish to restore to
   you connection with the Root: the form of the branch which has been cut
   off we accept with approval, if it has not been changed; but the
   branch, however perfect in its form, cannot bear fruit, except it be
   united to the root. As to the persecution, so gentle and tempered with
   clemency, which you say you suffer at the hands of our party, while
   unquestionably your own party inflict greater harm in a lawless and
   irregular way upon us,--this is one question: the question concerning
   baptism is wholly distinct from it; in regard to it, we inquire not
   where it is, but where it profits. For wherever it is, it is the same;
   but it cannot be said of him who receives it, that wherever he is, he
   is the same. We therefore detest the impiety of which men as
   individuals are guilty in a state of schism; but we venerate everywhere
   the baptism of Christ. If deserters carry with them the imperial
   standards, these standards are welcomed back again as they were, if
   they have remained unharmed, when the deserters are either punished
   with a severe sentence, or, in the exercise of clemency, restored. If,
   in regard to this, any more particular inquiry is to be made, that is,
   as I have said another question; for in these things, the practice of
   the Church of God is the rule of our practice.

   10. The question between us, however, is, whether your Church or ours
   is the Church of God. To resolve this, we must begin with the original
   inquiry, why you became schismatics. If you do not write me an answer,
   I believe that before the bar of God I shall be easily vindicated as
   having done my duty in this matter; because I have sent a letter in the
   interests of peace to a man of whom I have heard that, excepting only
   his adherence to schismatics, he is a good and well-educated man. Be it
   yours to consider how you shall answer Him whose forbearance now
   demands your praise, and His judgment shall in the end demand your
   fears. If, however, you write a reply to me with as much care as you
   see me to have bestowed upon this, I believe that, by the mercy of God,
   the error which now keeps us apart shall perish before the love of
   peace and the logic of truth. Observe that I have said nothing about
   the followers of Rogatus, [2097] who call you Firmiani, as you call us
   Macariani. Nor have I spoken of your bishop of Rucata (or Rusicada),
   who is said to have made an agreement with Firmus, promising, on
   condition of the safety of all his adherents, that the gates should be
   opened to him, and the Catholics given up to slaughter and pillage.
   Many other such things I pass unnoticed. Do you therefore in like
   manner desist from the commonplaces of rhetorical exaggeration
   concerning actions of men which you have either heard of or known; for
   you see how I am silent concerning deeds of your party, in order to
   confine the debate to the question upon which the whole matter hinges,
   namely, the origin of the schism.

   My brother, beloved and longed for, may the Lord our God breathe into
   you thoughts tending towards reconciliation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2086] Rom. i. 14.

   [2087] Ezek. ix. 4-6

   [2088] Num. xvi. 31-35.

   [2089] Gal. vi. 5.

   [2090] Rom. xiv. 4.

   [2091] Optatus.

   [2092] Ps. ii. 8.

   [2093] Rom. xiii. 2-4.

   [2094] Matt. v. 10.

   [2095] Ps. lxxii. 11.

   [2096] Rom. xi. 23.

   [2097] Rogatus, bishop of Cartenna in Mauritania, who left the
   Donatists and suffered much persecution at the hands of Firmus, a
   brother of Gildo; hence the Donatists were named by the Rogatists
   Firmiani. See Augustin, Contra Literas Petiliani, book ii. ch. 83.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXVIII.

   (a.d. 406.)

   To Januarius, [2098] the Catholic Clergy of the District of Hippo
   [2099] Send the Following.

   1. Your clergy and your Circumcelliones are venting against us their
   rage in a persecution of a new kind, and of unparalleled atrocity. Were
   we to render evil for evil, we should be transgressing the law of
   Christ. But now, when all that has been done, both on your side and on
   ours, is impartially considered, it is found that we are suffering what
   is written, "They rewarded me evil for good;" [2100] and (in another
   Psalm), "My soul hath long dwelt with him that hateth peace. I am for
   peace: but when I speak, they are for war." [2101] For, seeing that you
   have arrived at so great age, we suppose you to know perfectly well
   that the party of Donatus, which at first was called at Carthage the
   party of Majorinus, did of their own accord accuse Cæcilianus, then
   bishop of Carthage, before the famous Emperor Constantine. Lest,
   however, you should have forgotten this, venerable sir, or should
   pretend not to know, or perhaps (which we scarcely think possible) may
   never have known it, we insert here a copy of the narrative of
   Anulinus, then proconsul, to whom the party of Majorinus appealed,
   requesting that by him as proconsul a statement of the charges which
   they brought against Cæcilianus should be sent to the Emperor
   aforesaid:--

   2. To Constantine Augustus, from Anulinus, a man of consular rank,
   proconsul of Africa, these: [2102]

   The welcome and adored celestial writing sent by your Majesty to
   Cæcilianus, and those over whom he presides, who are called clergy,
   have been, by the care of your Majesty's most humble servant, engrossed
   in his Records; and he has exhorted these parties that, heartily
   agreeing among themselves, since they are seen to be exempted from all
   other burdens by your Majesty's clemency, they should, preserving
   Catholic unity, devote themselves to their duties with the reverence
   due to the sanctity of law and to divine things. After a few days,
   however, there arose some persons to whom a crowd of people joined
   themselves, who thought that proceedings should be taken against
   Cæcilianus, and presented to me [2103] a sealed packet wrapped in
   leather, and a small document without seal, and earnestly besought me
   to transmit them to your Majesty's sacred and venerable court, which
   your Majesty's most humble servant [2104] has taken care to do,
   Cæcilianus continuing meanwhile as he was. The Acts pertaining to the
   case are subjoined, in order that your Majesty may be able to arrive at
   a decision concerning the whole matter. The documents sent are two: the
   one in a leathern envelope, with this title, "A document of the
   Catholic Church containing charges against Cæcilianus, and furnished by
   the party of Majorinus;" the other attached without a seal to the same
   leathern envelope.

   Given on the 17th day before the Calends of May, in the third
   consulship of our lord Constantine Augustus [i.e. April 15, a.d. 313].

   3. After this report had been sent to him, the Emperor summoned the
   parties before a tribunal of bishops to be constituted at Rome. The
   ecclesiastical records show how the case was there argued and decided,
   and Cæcilianus pronounced innocent. Surely now, after the peacemaking
   decision of the tribunal of bishops, all the pertinacity of strife and
   bitterness should have given way. Your forefathers, however, appealed
   again to the Emperor, and complained that the decision was not just,
   and that their case had not been fully heard. Accordingly, he appointed
   a second tribunal of bishops to meet in Aries, a town of Gaul, where,
   after sentence had been pronounced against your worthless and
   diabolical schism, many of your party returned to a good understanding
   with Cæcilianus; some, however, who were most obstinate and
   contentious, appealed to the Emperor again. Afterwards, when, yielding
   to their importunity, he personally interposed in this dispute, which
   belonged properly to the bishops to decide, having heard the case, he
   gave sentence against your party, and was the first to pass a law that
   the properties of your congregations should be confiscated; of all
   which things we could insert the documentary evidence here, if it were
   not for making the letter too long. We must, however, by no means omit
   the investigation and decision in open court of the case of Felix of
   Aptunga, whom, in the Council of Carthage, under Secundus of Tigisis,
   primate, your fathers affirmed to be the original cause of all these
   evils. For the Emperor aforesaid, in a letter of which we annex a copy,
   bears witness that in this trial your party were before him as accusers
   and most strenuous prosecutors:--

   4. The Emperors Flavius Constantinus, Maximus Cæsar, and Valerius
   Licinius Cæsar, to Probianus, proconsul of Africa:

   Your predecessor Ælianus, who acted as substitute for Verus, the
   superintendent of the prefects, when that most excellent magistrate was
   by severe illness laid aside in that part of Africa which is under our
   sway, considered it, and most justly, to be his duty, amongst other
   things, to bring again under his investigation and decision the matter
   of Cæcilianus, or rather the odium which seems to have been stirred up
   against that bishop of the Catholic Church. Wherefore, having ordered
   the compearance of Superius, centurion, Cæcilianus, magistrate of
   Aptunga, and Saturninus, the ex-president of police, and his successor
   in the office, Calibius the younger, and Solon, an official belonging
   to Aptunga, he heard the testimony of these witnesses; [2105] the
   result of which was, that whereas objection had been taken to
   Cæcilianus on the ground of his ordination to the office of bishop by
   Felix, against whom it seemed that the charge of surrendering and
   burning the sacred books had been made, the innocence of Felix in this
   matter was clearly established. Moreover, when Maximus affirmed that
   Ingentius, a decurion of the town of Ziqua, had forged a letter of the
   ex-magistrate Cæcilianus, we found, on examining the Acts which were
   before us, that this same Ingentius had been put on the rack [2106] for
   that offence, and that the infliction of torture on him was not, as
   alleged, on the ground of his affirming that he was a decurion of
   Ziqua. Wherefore we desire you to send under a suitable guard to the
   court of Augustus Constantine the said Ingentius, that in the presence
   and hearing of those who are now pleading in this case, and who day
   after day persist in their complaints, it may be made manifest and
   fully known that they labour in vain to excite odium against the bishop
   Cæcilianus, and to clamour violently against him. This, we hope, will
   bring the people to desist, as they should do, from such contentions,
   and to devote themselves with becoming reverence to their religious
   duties, undistracted by dissension among themselves.

   5. Since you see, therefore, that these things are so, why do you
   provoke odium against us on the ground of the imperial decrees which
   are in force against you, when you have yourselves done all this before
   we followed your example? If emperors ought not to use their authority
   in such cases, if care of these matters lies beyond the province of
   Christian emperors, who urged your forefathers to remit the case of
   Cæcilianus, by the proconsul, to the Emperor, and a second time to
   bring before the Emperor accusations against a bishop whom you had
   somehow condemned in absence, and on his acquittal to invent and bring
   before the same Emperor other calumnies against Felix, by whom the
   bishop aforesaid had been ordained? And now, what other law is in force
   against your party than that decision of the elder Constantine, to
   which your forefathers of their own choice appealed, which they
   extorted from him by their importunate complaints, and which they
   preferred to the decision of an episcopal tribunal? If you are
   dissatisfied with the decrees of emperors, who were the first to compel
   the emperors to set these in array against you? For you have no more
   reason for crying out against the Catholic Church because of the
   decrees of emperors against you, than those men would have had for
   crying out against Daniel, who, after his deliverance, were thrown in
   to be devoured by the same lions by which they first sought to have him
   destroyed; as it is written: "The king's wrath is as the roaring of a
   lion." [2107] These slanderous enemies insisted that Daniel should be
   thrown into the den of lions: his innocence prevailed over their
   malice; he was taken from the den unharmed and they, being cast into
   it, perished. In like manner, your forefathers cast Cæcilianus and his
   companions to be destroyed by the king's wrath; and when, by their
   innocence, they were delivered from this, you yourselves now suffer
   from these kings what your party wished them to suffer; as it is
   written: "Whoso diggeth a pit for his neighbour, shall himself fall
   therein." [2108]

   6. You have therefore no ground for complaint against us: nay more, the
   clemency of the Catholic Church would have led us to desist from even
   enforcing these decrees of the emperors, had not your clergy and
   Circumcelliones, disturbing our peace, and destroying us by their most
   monstrous crimes and furious deeds of violence, compelled us to have
   these decrees revived and put in force again. For before these more
   recent edicts of which you complain had come into Africa, these
   desperadoes laid ambush for our bishops on their journeys, abused our
   clergy with savage blows, and assaulted our laity in the same most
   cruel manner, and set fire to their habitations. A certain presbyter
   who had of his own free choice preferred the unity of our Church, was
   for so doing dragged out of his own house, cruelly beaten without form
   of law, rolled over and over in a miry pond, covered with a matting of
   rushes, and exhibited as an object of pity to some and of ridicule to
   others, while his persecutors gloried in their crime; after which they
   carried him away where they pleased, and reluctantly set him at liberty
   after twelve days. When Proculeianus [2109] was challenged by our
   bishop concerning this outrage, at a meeting of the municipal courts,
   he at first endeavoured to evade inquiry into the matter by pretending
   that he knew nothing of it; and when the demand was immediately
   repeated, he publicly declared that he would say nothing more on the
   subject. And the perpetrators of that outrage are at this day among
   your presbyters, continuing moreover to keep us in terror, and to
   persecute us to the utmost of their power.

   7. Our bishop, however, did not complain to the emperors of the wrongs
   and persecution which the Catholic Church in our district suffered in
   those days. But when a Council had been convened, [2110] it was agreed
   that you should be invited to meet our party peaceably, in order that,
   if it were possible, you [i.e. the bishops on both sides, for the
   letter is written by the clergy of Hippo] might have a conference, and
   the error being taken out of the way, brotherly love might rejoice in
   the bond of peace between us. You may learn from your own records the
   answer which Proculeianus made at first on that occasion, that you
   would call a Council together, and would there see what you ought to
   answer; and how afterwards, when he was again publicly reminded of his
   promise, he stated, as the Acts bear witness, that he refused to have
   any conference with a view to peace. After this, when the notorious
   atrocities of your clergy and Circumcelliones continued, a case was
   brought to trial; [2111] and Crispinus being condemned as a heretic,
   although he was through the forbearance of the Catholics exempted from
   the fine which the imperial edict imposed on heretics of ten pounds of
   gold, nevertheless thought himself warranted in appealing to the
   emperors. As to the answer which was made to that appeal, was it not
   extorted by the preceding wickedness of your party and by his own
   appeal? And yet, even after that answer was given, he was permitted to
   escape the infliction of that fine, through the intercession of our
   bishops with the Emperor on his behalf. From that Council, however, our
   bishops sent deputies to the court, who obtained a decree that not all
   your bishops and clergy should be held liable to this fine of ten
   pounds of gold, which the decree had imposed on all heretics, but only
   those in whose districts the Catholic Church suffered violence at the
   hands of your party. But by the time that the deputation came to Rome,
   the wounds of the Catholic bishop of Bagæ, who had just then been
   dreadfully injured, had moved the Emperor to send such edicts as were
   actually sent. When these edicts came to Africa, seeing especially that
   strong pressure had begun to be brought upon you, not to any evil
   thing, but for your good, what should you have done but invited our
   bishops to meet you, as they had invited yours to meet them, that by a
   conference the truth might be brought to light?

   8. Not only, however, have you failed to do this, but your party go on
   inflicting yet greater injuries upon us. Not contented with beating us
   with bludgeons and killing some with the sword, they even, with
   incredible ingenuity in crime, throw lime mixed with acid [? vitriol]
   into our people's eyes to blind them. For pillaging our houses,
   moreover, they have fashioned huge and formidable implements, armed
   with which they wander here and there, breathing out threats of
   slaughter, rapine, burning of houses and blinding of our eyes; by which
   things we have been constrained in the first instance to complain to
   you, venerable sir, begging you to consider how, under these so-called
   terrible laws of Catholic emperors, many, nay all of you, who say that
   you are the victims of persecution, are settled in peace in the
   possessions which were your own, or which you have taken from others,
   while we suffer such unheard-of wrongs at the hands of your party. You
   say that you are persecuted, while we are killed with clubs and swords
   by your armed men. You say that you are persecuted, while our houses
   are pillaged by your armed robbers. You say that you are persecuted,
   while many of us have our eyesight destroyed by the lime and acid with
   which your men are armed for the purpose. Moreover, if their course of
   crime brings some of them to death, they make out that these deaths are
   justly the occasion of odium against us, and of glory to them. They
   take no blame to themselves for the harm which they do to us, and they
   lay upon us the blame of the harm which they bring upon themselves.
   They live as robbers, they die as Circumcelliones, they are honoured as
   martyrs! Nay, I do injustice to robbers in this comparison; for we have
   never heard of robbers destroying the eyesight of those whom they have
   plundered: they indeed take away those whom they kill from the light,
   but they do not take away the light from those whom they leave in life.

   9. On the other hand, if at any time we get men of your party into our
   power, we keep them unharmed, showing great love towards them; and we
   tell them everything by which the error which has severed brother from
   brother is refuted. We do as the Lord Himself commanded us, in the
   words of the prophet Isaiah: "Hear the word of the Lord, ye that
   tremble at His word; say, Ye are our brethren, to those who hate you,
   and who cast you out, that the name of the Lord may be glorified, and
   that He may appear to them with joy; but let them be put to shame."
   [2112] And thus some of them we persuade, through their considering the
   evidences of the truth and the beauty of peace, not to be baptized anew
   for this sign of allegiance to our king they have already received
   (though they were as deserters), but to accept that faith, and love of
   the Holy Spirit, and union to the body of Christ, which formerly they
   had not. For it is written, "Purifying their hearts by faith;" [2113]
   and again, "Charity covereth a multitude of sins." [2114] If, however,
   either through too great obduracy, or through shame making them unable
   to bear the taunts of those with whom they were accustomed to join so
   frequently in falsely reproaching us and contriving evil against us, or
   perhaps more through fear lest they should come to share along with us
   such injuries as they were formerly wont to inflict on us,--if, I say,
   from any of these causes, they refuse to be reconciled to the unity of
   Christ, they are allowed to depart, as they were detained, without
   suffering any harm. We also exhort our laity as far as we can to detain
   them without doing them any harm, and bring them to us for admonition
   and instruction. Some of them obey us and do this, if it is in their
   power: others deal with them as they would with robbers, because they
   actually suffer from them such things as robbers are wont to do. Some
   of them strike their assailants in protecting their own bodies from
   their blows: while others apprehend them and bring them to the
   magistrates; and though we intercede on their behalf, they do not let
   them off, because they are very much afraid of their savage outrages.
   Yet all the while, these men, though persisting in the practices of
   robbers, claim to be honoured as martyrs when they receive the due
   reward of their deeds!

   10. Accordingly our desire, which we lay before you, venerable sir, by
   this letter and by the brethren whom we have sent, is as follows. In
   the first place, if it be possible, let a peaceable conference be held
   with our bishops, so that an end may be put to the error itself, not to
   the men who embrace it, and men corrected rather than punished; and as
   you formerly despised their proposals for agreement, let them now
   proceed from your side. How much better for you to have such a
   conference between your bishops and ours, the proceedings of which may
   be written down and sent with signature of the parties to the Emperor,
   than to confer with the civil magistrates, who cannot do otherwise than
   administer the laws which have been passed against you! For your
   colleagues who sailed from this country said that they had come to have
   their case heard by the prefects. They also named our holy father the
   Catholic bishop Valentinus, who was then at court, saying that they
   wished to be heard along with him. This the judge could not concede, as
   he was guided in his judicial functions by the laws which were passed
   against you: the bishop, moreover, had not come on this footing, or
   with any such instructions from his colleagues. How much better
   qualified therefore will the Emperor himself be to decide regarding
   your case, when the report of that conference has been read before him,
   seeing that he is not bound by these laws, and has power to enact other
   laws instead of them; although it may be said to be a case upon which
   final decision was pronounced long ago! Yet, in wishing this conference
   with you, we seek not to have a second final decision, but to have it
   made known as already settled to those who meanwhile are not aware that
   it is so. If your bishops be willing to do this, what do you thereby
   lose? Do you not rather gain, inasmuch as your willingness for such
   conference will become known, and the reproach, hitherto deserved, that
   you distrust your own cause will be taken away? Do you, perchance,
   suppose that such conference would be unlawful? Surely you are aware
   that Christ our Lord spoke even to the devil concerning the law, [2115]
   and that by the Apostle Paul debates were held not only with Jews, but
   even with heathen philosophers of the sect of the Stoics and of the
   Epicureans. [2116] Is it, perchance, that the laws of the Emperor do
   not permit you to meet our bishops? If so, assemble together in the
   meantime your bishops in the region of Hippo, in which we are suffering
   such wrongs from men of your party. For how much more legitimate and
   open is the way of access to us for the writings which you might send
   to us, than for the arms with which they assail us!

   11. Finally, we beg you to send back such writings by our brethren whom
   we have sent to you. If, however, you will not do this, at least hear
   us as well as those of your own party, at whose hands we suffer such
   wrongs. Show us the truth for which you allege that you suffer
   persecution, at the time when we are suffering so great cruelties from
   your side. For if you convict us of being in error, perhaps you will
   concede to us an exemption from being rebaptized by you, because we
   were baptized by persons whom you have not condemned; and you granted
   this exemption to those whom Felicianus of Musti, and Prætextatus of
   Assuri, had baptized during the long period in which you were
   attempting to cast them out of their churches by legal interdicts,
   because they were in communion with Maximianus, along with whom they
   were condemned explicitly and by name in the Council of Bagæ. All which
   things we can prove by the judicial and municipal transactions, in
   which you brought forward the decisions of this same Council of yours,
   when you wished to show the judges that the persons whom you were
   expelling from your ecclesiastical buildings were persons by schism
   separated from you. Nevertheless, you who have by schism severed
   yourselves from the seed of Abraham, in whom all the nations of the
   earth are blessed, [2117] refuse to be expelled from our ecclesiastical
   buildings, when the decree to this effect proceeds not from judges such
   as you employed in dealing with schismatics from your sect, but from
   the kings of the earth themselves, who worship Christ as the prophecy
   had foretold, and from whose bar you retired vanquished when you
   brought accusation against Cæcilianus.

   12. If, however, you will neither instruct us nor listen to us, come
   yourselves, or send into the district of Hippo some of your party, with
   some of us as their guides, that they may see your army equipped with
   their weapons; nay, more fully equipped than ever army was before, for
   no soldier when fighting against barbarians was ever known to add to
   his other weapons lime and acid to destroy the eyes of his enemies. If
   you refuse this also, we beg you at least to write to them to desist
   now from these things, and refrain from murdering, plundering, and
   blinding our people. We will not say, condemn them; for it is for
   yourselves to see how no contamination is brought to you by the
   toleration within your communion of those whom we prove to be robbers,
   while contamination is brought to us by our having members against whom
   you have never been able to prove that they were traditors. If,
   however, you treat all our remonstrances with contempt, we shall never
   regret that we desired to act in a peaceful and orderly way. The Lord
   will so plead for His Church, that you, on the other hand, shall regret
   that you despised our humble attempt at conciliation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2098] Bishop of Casæ Nigræ in Numidia, and at that time the Donatist
   primate, as the oldest of their bishops.

   [2099] Hipponensium Regiorum.

   [2100] Ps. xxxv. 12.

   [2101] Ps. cxx. 6, 7.

   [2102] The actual heading of the Report stands thus: "A. GGG. NNN.
   Anulinus VC. proconsul Africæ." For the interpretation we are indebted
   to the marginal note on the Codex Gervasianus.

   [2103] Dicationi meæ.

   [2104] Parvitas mea.

   [2105] The value of the evidence of these witnesses is apparent when we
   remember that they were all in a position to speak from personal
   knowledge of the persecution in A.D. 303 (under Diocletian and
   Maximian), and had in their public capacity some share in enforcing the
   demand made in that persecution for the surrender of the sacred books.
   These could tell whether Felix the Bishop of Aptunga was guilty or not
   of the unfaithfulness to his religion with which the faction of
   Majorinus reproached him.

   [2106] Suspensum.

   [2107] Prov. xix. 12.

   [2108] Ecclus. xxvii. 29, and Prov. xxvi. 27.

   [2109] Donatist bishop of Hippo. See Letter XXXIII. p. 260.

   [2110] At Carthage, A.D. 403.

   [2111] For a more detailed reference to this case, see Letter CV. sec.
   4. Crispinus was charged with an attempt to kill Possidius the bishop
   of Calama. See also Aug. Cont. Crescon. b. iii. c. 46, n. 50, and c.
   47, n. 51.

   [2112] Isa. lxvi. 5, as given by Augustin.

   [2113] Acts xv. 9.

   [2114] 1 Pet. iv. 8.

   [2115] Matt. iv. 4.

   [2116] Acts xvii. 18.

   [2117] Gen. xxii. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter LXXXIX.

   (a.d. 406.)

   To Festus, My Lord Well Beloved, My Son Honourable and Worthy of
   Esteem, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. If, on behalf of error and inexcusable dissension, and falsehoods
   which have been in every way possible disproved, men are so
   presumptuous as to persevere in boldly assailing and threatening the
   Catholic Church, which seeks their salvation, how much more is it
   reasonable and right for those who maintain the truth of Christian
   peace and unity,--truth which commends itself even to those who profess
   to deny it or attempt to resist it,--to labour constantly and with
   energy, not only in the defence of those who are already Catholics, but
   also for the correction of those who are not yet within the Church! For
   if obstinacy aims at the possession and exercise of indomitable
   strength, how great should be the strength of constancy which devotes
   persevering and unwearied labours to a cause which it knows to be both
   pleasing to God, and beyond all question necessarily approved by the
   judgment of wise men!

   2. Could there, moreover, be anything more lamentable as an instance of
   perversity, than for men not only to refuse to be humbled by the
   correction of their wickedness, but even to claim commendation for
   their conduct, as is done by the Donatists, when they boast that they
   are the victims of persecution; either through incredible blindness not
   knowing, or through inexcusable passion pretending not to know, that
   men are made martyrs not by the amount of their suffering, but by the
   cause in which they suffer? This I would say even were I opposing men
   who were only involved in the darkness of error, and suffering
   penalties on that account most truly merited, and who had not dared to
   assault any one with insane violence. But what shall I say against
   those whose fatal obstinacy is such that it is checked only by fear of
   losses, and is taught only by exile how universal (as had been
   foretold) is the diffusion of the Church, which they prefer to attack
   rather then to acknowledge? And if the things which they suffer under
   this most gentle discipline be compared with those things which they in
   reckless fury perpetrate, who does not see to which party the name of
   persecutors more truly belongs? Nay, even though wicked sons abstain
   from violence, they do, by their abandoned way of life, inflict upon
   their affectionate parents a much more serious wrong than their father
   and mother inflict upon them, when, with a sternness proportioned to
   the strength of their love, they endeavour without dissimulation to
   compel them to live uprightly.

   3. There exist the strongest evidences in public documents, which you
   can read if you please, or rather, which I beseech and exhort you to
   read, by which it is proved that their predecessors, who originally
   separated themselves from the peace of the Church, did of their own
   accord dare to bring accusation against Cæcilianus before the Emperor
   by means of Anulinus, who was proconsul at that time. Had they gained
   the day in that trial, what else would Cæcilianus have suffered at the
   hands of the Emperor than that which, when they were defeated, he
   awarded to them? But truly, if they having accused him had prevailed,
   and Cæcilianus and his colleagues had been expelled from their sees,
   or, through persisting in their conspiracy, had exposed themselves to
   severer punishments (for the imperial censure could not pass unpunished
   the resistance of persons who had been defeated in the civil courts),
   they would then have published as worthy of all praise the Emperor's
   wise measures and anxious care for the good of the Church. But now,
   because they have themselves lost their case, being wholly unable to
   prove the charges which they advanced, if they suffer anything for
   their iniquity, they call it persecution; and not only set no bounds to
   their wicked violence, but also claim to be honoured as martyrs: as if
   the Catholic Christian emperors were following in their measures
   against their most obstinate wickedness any other precedent than the
   decision of Constantine, to whom they of their own accord appealed as
   the accusers of Cæcilianus, and whose authority they so esteemed above
   that of all the bishops beyond the sea, that to him rather than to them
   they referred this ecclesiastical dispute. To him, again, they
   protested against the first judgment given against them by the bishops
   whom he had appointed to examine the case in Rome, and to him also they
   appealed against the second judgment given by the bishops at Arles: yet
   when at last they were defeated by his own decision, they remained
   unchanged in their perversity. I think that even the devil himself
   would not have had the assurance to persist in such a cause, if he had
   been so often overthrown by the authority of the judge to whom he had
   of his own will chosen to appeal.

   4. It may be said, however, that these are human tribunals, and that
   they might have been cajoled, misguided, or bribed. Why, then, is the
   Christian world libelled and branded with the crime laid to the charge
   of some who are said to have surrendered to persecutors the sacred
   books? For surely it was neither possible for the Christian world, nor
   incumbent upon it, to do otherwise than believe the judges whom the
   plaintiffs had chosen, rather than the plaintiffs against whom these
   judges pronounced judgments. These judges are responsible to God for
   their opinion, whether just or unjust; but what has the Church,
   diffused throughout the world, done that it should be deemed necessary
   for her to be rebaptized by the Donatists upon no other ground than
   because, in a case in which she was not able to decide as to the truth,
   she has thought herself called upon to believe those who were in a
   position to judge it rightly, rather than those who, though defeated in
   the civil courts, refused to yield? O weighty indictment against all
   the nations to which God promised that they should be blessed in the
   seed of Abraham, and has now made His promise good! When they with one
   voice demand, Why do you wish to rebaptize us? the answer given is,
   Because you do not know what men in Africa were guilty of surrendering
   the sacred books; and being thus ignorant, accepted the testimony of
   the judges who decided the case as more worthy of credit than that of
   those by whom the accusation was brought. No man deserves to be blamed
   for the crime of another; what, then, has the whole world to do with
   the sin which some one in Africa may have committed? No man deserves to
   be blamed for a crime about which he knows nothing; and how could the
   whole world possibly know the crime in this case, whether the judges or
   the party condemned were guilty? Ye who have understanding, judge what
   I say. Here is the justice of heretics: the party of Donatus condemns
   the whole world unheard, because the whole world does not condemn a
   crime unknown. But for the world, truly, it suffices to have the
   promises of God, and to see fulfilled in itself what prophets predicted
   so long ago, and to recognise the Church by means of the same
   Scriptures by which Christ her King is recognised. For as in them are
   foretold concerning Christ the things which we read in gospel history
   to have been fulfilled in Him, so also in them have been foretold
   concerning the Church the things which we now behold fulfilled in the
   world.

   5. Possibly some thinking people might be disturbed by what they are
   accustomed to say regarding baptism, viz. that it is the true baptism
   of Christ only when it is administered by a righteous man, were it not
   that on this subject the Christian world holds what is most manifestly
   evangelical truth as taught in the words of John: "He that sent me to
   baptize with water, the same said unto me, Upon whom thou shalt see the
   Spirit descending, and remaining on him, the same is he which baptizeth
   with the Holy Ghost." [2118] Wherefore the Church calmly declines to
   place her hope in man, lest she fall under the curse pronounced in
   Scripture, "Cursed be the man that trusteth in man," [2119] but places
   her hope in Christ, who so took upon Him the form of a servant as not
   to lose the form of God, of whom it is said, "The same is He which
   baptizeth." Therefore, whoever the man be, and whatever office he bear
   who administers the ordinance, it is not he who baptizes,--that is the
   work of Him upon whom the dove descended. So great is the absurdity in
   which the Donatists are involved in consequence of these foolish
   opinions, that they can find no escape from it. For when they admit the
   validity and reality of baptism when one of their sect baptizes who is
   a guilty man, but whose guilt is concealed, we ask them, Who baptizes
   in this case? and they can only answer, God; for they cannot affirm
   that a man guilty of sin (say of adultery) can sanctify any one. If,
   then, when baptism is administered by a man known to be righteous, he
   sanctifies the person baptized; but when it is administered by a wicked
   man, whose wickedness is hidden, it is not he, but God, who sanctifies.
   Those who are baptized ought to wish to be baptized rather by men who
   are secretly bad than by men manifestly good, for God sanctifies much
   more effectually than any righteous man can do. If it be palpably
   absurd that one about to be baptized ought to wish to be baptized by a
   hypocritical adulterer rather than by a man of known chastity, it
   follows plainly, that whoever be the minister that dispenses the rite,
   the baptism is valid, because He Himself baptizes upon whom the dove
   descended.

   6. Notwithstanding the impression which truth so obvious should produce
   on the ears and hearts of men, such is the whirlpool of evil custom by
   which some have been engulfed, that rather than yield, they will resist
   both authority and argument of every kind. Their resistance is of two
   kinds--either with active rage or with passive immobility. What
   remedies, then, must the Church apply when seeking with a mother's
   anxiety the salvation of them all, and distracted by the frenzy of some
   and the lethargy of others? Is it right, is it possible, for her to
   despise or give up any means which may promote their recovery? She must
   necessarily be esteemed burdensome by both, just because she is the
   enemy of neither. For men in frenzy do not like to be bound, and men in
   lethargy do not like to be stirred up; nevertheless the diligence of
   charity perseveres in restraining the one and stimulating the other,
   out of love to both. Both are provoked, but both are loved; both, while
   they continue under their infirmity, resent the treatment as vexatious;
   both express their thankfulness for it when they are cured.

   7. Moreover, whereas they think and boast that we receive them into the
   Church just as they were, it is not so. We receive them completely
   changed, because they do not begin to be Catholics until they have
   ceased to be heretics. For their sacraments, which we have in common
   with them, are not the objects of dislike to us, because they are not
   human, but Divine. That which must be taken from them is the error,
   which is their own, and which they have wickedly imbibed; not the
   sacraments, which they have received like ourselves, and which they
   bear and have,--to their own condemnation, indeed, because they use
   them so unworthily; nevertheless, they truly have them. Wherefore, when
   their error is forsaken, and the perversity of schism corrected in
   them, they pass over from heresy into the peace of the Church, which
   they formerly did not possess, and without which all that they did
   possess was only doing them harm. If, however, in thus passing over
   they are not sincere, this is a matter not for us, but for God, to
   judge. And yet, some who were suspected of insincerity because they had
   passed over to us through fear, have been found in some subsequent
   temptations so faithful as to surpass others who had been originally
   Catholics. Therefore let it not be said that nothing is accomplished
   when strong measures are employed. For when the entrenchments of
   stubborn custom are stormed by fear of human authority, this is not all
   that is done, because at the same time faith is strengthened, and the
   understanding convinced, by authority and arguments which are Divine.

   8. These things being so, be it known to your Grace that your men in
   the region of Hippo are still Donatists, and that your letter has had
   no influence upon them. The reason why it failed to move them I need
   not write; but send some one, either a servant or a friend of your own,
   whose fidelity you can entrust with the commission, and let him come
   not to them in the first place, but to us without their knowledge; and
   when he has carefully consulted with us as to what is best to be done,
   let him do it with the Lord's help. For in these measures we are acting
   not only for their welfare, but also on behalf of our own men who have
   become Catholics, to whom the vicinity of these Donatists is so
   dangerous, that it cannot be looked upon by us as a small matter.

   I could have written much more briefly; but I wished you to have a
   letter from me, by which you might not only be yourself informed of the
   reason of my solicitude, but also be provided with an answer to any one
   who might dissuade you from earnestly devoting your energies to the
   correction of the people who belong to you, and might speak against us
   for wishing you to do this. If in this I have done what was
   unnecessary, because you had yourself either learned or thought out
   these principles, or if I have been burdensome to you by inflicting so
   long a letter upon one so engrossed with public affairs, I beg you to
   forgive me. I only entreat you not to despise what I have brought
   before you and requested at your hands. May the mercy of God be your
   safeguard!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2118] John i. 33.

   [2119] Jer. xvii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XC.

   (a.d. 408.)

   To My Noble Lord and Brother, Worthy of All Esteem, Bishop Augustin,
   Nectarius Sends Greeting.

   I do not dwell upon the strength of the love men bear to their native
   land, for you know it. It is the only emotion which has a stronger
   claim than love of kindred. If there were any limit or time beyond
   which it would be lawful for right-hearted men to withdraw themselves
   from its control, I have by this time well earned exemption from the
   burdens which it imposes. But since love and gratitude towards our
   country gain strength every day, and the nearer one comes to the end of
   life, the more ardent is his desire to leave his country in a safe and
   prosperous condition, I rejoice, in beginning this letter, that I am
   addressing myself to a man who is versed in all kinds of learning, and
   therefore able to enter into my feelings.

   There are many things in the colony of Calama which justly bind my love
   to it. I was born here, and I have (in the opinion of others) rendered
   great services to this community. Now, my lord most excellent and
   worthy of all esteem, this town has fallen disastrously by a grievous
   misdemeanour on the part of her citizens, [2120] which must be punished
   with very great severity, if we are dealt with according to the rigour
   of the civil law. But a bishop is guided by another law. His duty is to
   promote the welfare of men, to interest himself in any case only with a
   view to the benefit of the parties, and to obtain for other men the
   pardon of their sins at the hand of the Almighty God. Wherefore I
   beseech you with all possible urgency to secure that, if the matter is
   to be made the subject of a prosecution, the guiltless be protected,
   and a distinction drawn between the innocent and those who did the
   wrong. This, which, as you see, is a demand in accordance with your own
   natural sentiments, I pray you to grant. An assessment to compensate
   for the losses caused by the tumult can be easily levied. We only
   deprecate the severity of revenge. May you live in the more full
   enjoyment of the Divine favour, my noble lord, and brother worthy of
   all esteem.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2120] He refers to a riot in which the Pagans, after celebrating a
   heathen festival, attacked the Christians on June 1, 408 A.D.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCI.

   (a.d. 408.)

   To My Noble Lord and Justly Honoured Brother Nectarius, Augustin Sends
   Greeting.

   1. I do not wonder that, though your limbs are chilled by age, your
   heart still glows with patriotic fire. I admire this, and, instead of
   grieving, I rejoice to learn that you not only remember, but by your
   life and practice illustrate, the maxim that there is no limit either
   in measure or in time to the claims which their country has upon the
   care and service of right-hearted men. Wherefore we long to have you
   enrolled in the service of a higher and nobler country, through holy
   love, to which (up to the measure of our capacity) we are sustained
   amid the perils and toils which we meet with among those whose welfare
   we seek in urging them to make that country their own. Oh that we had
   you such a citizen of that country, that you would think that there
   ought to be no limit either in measure or in time to your efforts for
   the good of that small portion of her citizens who are on this earth
   pilgrims! This would be a better loyalty, because you would be
   responding to the claims of a better country; and if you resolved that
   in your time on earth your labours for her welfare should have no end,
   you would in her eternal peace be recompensed with joy that shall have
   no end.

   2. But till this be done,--and it is not beyond hope that you should be
   able to gain, or should even now be most wisely considering that you
   ought to gain, that country to which your father has gone before
   you,--till this be done, I say, you must excuse us if, for the sake of
   that country which we desire never to leave, we cause some distress to
   that country which you desire to leave in the full bloom of honour and
   prosperity. As to the flowers which thus bloom in your country, if we
   were discussing this subject with one of your wisdom, we have no doubt
   that you would be easily convinced, or rather, would yourself readily
   perceive, in what way a commonwealth should flourish. The foremost of
   your poets has sung of certain flowers of Italy; but in your own
   country we have been taught by experience, not how it has blossomed
   with heroes, so much as how it has gleamed with weapons of war: nay, I
   ought to write how it has burned rather than how it has gleamed; and
   instead of the weapons of war, I should write the fires of
   incendiaries. If so great a crime were to remain unpunished, without
   any rebuke such as the miscreants have deserved, do you think that you
   would leave your country in the full bloom of honour and prosperity? O
   blooming flowers, yielding not fruit, but thorns! Consider now whether
   you would prefer to see your country flourish by the piety of its
   inhabitants, or by their escaping the punishment of their crimes; by
   the correction of their manners, or by outrages to which impunity
   emboldens them. Compare these things, I say, and judge whether or not
   you love your country more than we do; whether its prosperity and
   honour are more truly and earnestly sought by you or by us.

   3. Consider for a little those books, De Republica, from which you
   imbibed that sentiment of a most loyal citizen, that there is no limit
   either in measure or in time to the claims which their country has upon
   the care and service of right-hearted men. Consider them, I beseech
   you, and observe how great are the praises there bestowed upon
   frugality, self-control, conjugal fidelity, and those chaste,
   honourable, and upright manners, the prevalence of which in any city
   entitles it to be spoken of as flourishing. Now the Churches which are
   multiplying throughout the world are, as it were, sacred seminaries of
   public instruction, in which this sound morality is inculcated and
   learned, and in which, above all, men are taught the worship due to the
   true and faithful God, who not only commands men to attempt, but also
   gives grace to perform, all those things by which the soul of man is
   furnished and fitted for fellowship with God, and for dwelling in the
   eternal heavenly kingdom. For this reason He hath both foretold and
   commanded the casting down of the images of the many false gods which
   are in the world. For nothing so effectually renders men depraved in
   practice, and unfit to be good members of society, as the imitation of
   such deities as are described and extolled in pagan writings.

   4. In fact, those most learned men (whose beau ideal of a republic or
   commonwealth in this world was, by the way, rather investigated or
   described by them in private discussions, than established and realized
   by them in public measures) were accustomed to set forth as models for
   the education of youth the examples of men whom they esteemed eminent
   and praiseworthy, rather than the example given by their gods. And
   there is no question that the young man in Terence, [2121] who,
   beholding a picture upon the wall in which was portrayed the licentious
   conduct of the king of the gods, fanned the flame of the passion which
   mastered him, by the encouragement which such high authority gave to
   wickedness, would not have fallen into the desire, nor have plunged
   into the commission, of such a shameful deed if he had chosen to
   imitate Cato instead of Jupiter; but how could he make such a choice,
   when he was compelled in the temples to worship Jupiter rather than
   Cato? Perhaps it may be said that we should not bring forward from a
   comedy arguments to put to shame the wantonness and the impious
   superstition of profane men. But read or recall to mind how wisely it
   is argued in the books above referred to, that the style and the plots
   of comedies would never be approved by the public voice if they did not
   harmonize with the manners of those who approved them; wherefore, by
   the authority of men most illustrious and eminent in the commonwealth
   to which they belonged, and engaged in debating as to the conditions of
   a perfect commonwealth, our position is established, that the most
   degraded of men may be made yet worse if they imitate their
   gods,--gods, of course, which are not true, but false and invented.

   5. You will perhaps reply, that all those things which were written
   long ago concerning the life and manners of the gods are to be far
   otherwise than literally understood and interpreted by the wise. Nay,
   we have heard within the last few days that such wholesome
   interpretations are now read to the people when assembled in the
   temples. Tell me, is the human race so blind to truth as not to
   perceive things so plain and palpable as these? When, by the art of
   painters, founders, hammermen, sculptors, authors, players, singers,
   and dancers, Jupiter is in so many places exhibited in flagrant acts of
   lewdness, how important it was that in his own Capitol at least his
   worshippers might have read a decree from himself prohibiting such
   crimes! If, through the absence of such prohibition, these monsters, in
   which shame and profanity culminate, are regarded with enthusiasm by
   the people, worshipped in their temples, and laughed at in their
   theatres; if, in order to provide sacrifices for them, even the poor
   must be despoiled of their flocks; if, in order to provide actors who
   shall by gesture and dance represent their infamous achievements, the
   rich squander their estates, can it be said of the communities in which
   these things are done, that they flourish? The flowers with which they
   bloom owe their birth not to a fertile soil, nor to a wealthy and
   bounteous virtue; for them a worthy parent is found in that goddess
   Flora, [2122] whose dramatic games are celebrated with a profligacy so
   utterly dissolute and shameless, that any one may infer from them what
   kind of demon that must be which cannot be appeased unless--not birds,
   nor quadrupeds, nor even human life--but (oh, greater villany!) human
   modesty and virtue, perish as sacrifices on her altars.

   6. These things I have said, because of your having written that the
   nearer you come to the end of life, the greater is your desire to leave
   your country in a safe and flourishing condition. Away with all these
   vanities and follies, and let men be converted to the true worship of
   God, and to chaste and pious manners: then will you see your country
   flourishing, not in the vain opinion of fools, but in the sound
   judgment of the wise; when your fatherland here on earth shall have
   become a portion of that Fatherland into which we are born not by the
   flesh, but by faith, and in which all the holy and faithful servants of
   God shall bloom in the eternal summer, when their labours in the winter
   of time are done. We are therefore resolved, neither on the one hand to
   lay aside Christian gentleness, nor on the other to leave in your city
   that which would be a most pernicious example for all others to follow.
   For success in this dealing we trust to the help of God, if His
   indignation against the evil-doers be not so great as to make Him
   withhold His blessing. For certainly both the gentleness which we
   desire to maintain, and the discipline which we shall endeavour without
   passion to administer, may be hindered, if God in His hidden counsels
   order it otherwise, and either appoint that this so great wickedness be
   punished with a more severe chastisement, or in yet greater displeasure
   leave the sin without punishment in this world, its guilty authors
   being neither reproved nor reformed.

   7. You have, in the exercise of your judgment, laid down the principles
   by which a bishop should be influenced; and after saying that your town
   has fallen disastrously by a grievous misdemeanour on the part of your
   citizens, which must be punished with great severity if they are dealt
   with according to the rigour of the civil law, you add: "But a bishop
   is guided by another law; his duty is to promote the welfare of men, to
   interest himself in any case only with a view to the benefit of the
   parties, and to obtain for other men the pardon of their sins at the
   hand of the Almighty God." [2123] This we by all means labour to
   secure, that no one be visited with undue severity of punishment,
   either by us or by any other who is influenced by our interposition;
   and we seek to promote the true welfare of men, which consists in the
   blessedness of well-doing, not in the assurance of impunity in
   evil-doing. We do also seek earnestly, not for ourselves alone, but on
   behalf of others, the pardon of sin: but this we cannot obtain, except
   for those who have been turned by correction from the practice of sin.
   You add, moreover: "I beseech you with all possible urgency to secure
   that if the matter is to be made the subject of a prosecution, the
   guiltless be protected, and a distinction drawn between the innocent
   and those who did the wrong."

   8. Listen to a brief account of what was done, and let the distinction
   between innocent and guilty be drawn by yourself. In defiance of the
   most recent laws, [2124] certain impious rites were celebrated on the
   Pagan feast-day, the calends of June, no one interfering to forbid
   them, and with such unbounded effrontery that a most insolent multitude
   passed along the street in which the church is situated, and went on
   dancing in front of the building,--an outrage which was never committed
   even in the time of Julian. When the clergy endeavoured to stop this
   most illegal and insulting procedure, the church was assailed with
   stones. About eight days after that, when the bishop had called the
   attention of the authorities to the well-known laws on the subject, and
   they were preparing to carry out that which the law prescribed, the
   church was a second time assailed with stones. When, on the following
   day, our people wished to make such complaint as they deemed necessary
   in open court, in order to make these villains afraid, their rights as
   citizens were denied them. On the same day there was a storm of
   hailstones, that they might be made afraid, if not by men, at least by
   the divine power, thus requiting them for their showers of stones
   against the church; but as soon as this was over they renewed the
   attack for the third time with stones, and at last endeavoured to
   destroy both the buildings and the men in them by fire: one servant of
   God who lost his way and met them they killed on the spot, all the rest
   escaping or concealing themselves as they best could; while the bishop
   hid himself in some crevice into which he forced himself with
   difficulty, and in which he lay folded double while he heard the voices
   of the ruffians seeking him to kill him, and expressing their
   mortification that through his escaping them their principal design in
   this grievous outrage had been frustrated. These things went on from
   about the tenth hour until the night was far advanced. No attempt at
   resistance or rescue was made by those whose authority might have had
   influence on the mob. The only one who interfered was a stranger,
   through whose exertions a number of the servants of God were delivered
   from the hands of those who were trying to kill them, and a great deal
   of property was recovered from the plunderers by force: whereby it was
   shown how easily these riotous proceedings might have been either
   prevented wholly or arrested, if the citizens, and especially the
   leading men, had forbidden them, either from the first or after they
   had begun.

   9. Accordingly you cannot in that community draw a distinction between
   innocent and guilty persons, for all are guilty; but perhaps you may
   distinguish degrees of guilt. Those are in a comparatively small fault,
   who, being kept back by fear, especially by fear of offending those
   whom they knew to have leading influence in the community and to be
   hostile to the Church, did not dare to render assistance to the
   Christians; but all are guilty who consented to these outrages, though
   they neither perpetrated them nor instigated others to the crime: more
   guilty are those who perpetrated the wrong, and most guilty are those
   who instigated them to it. Let us, however, suppose that the
   instigation of others to these crimes is a matter of suspicion rather
   than of certain knowledge, and let us not investigate those things
   which can be found out in no other way than by subjecting witnesses to
   torture. Let us also forgive those who through fear thought it better
   for them to plead secretly with God for the bishop and His other
   servants, than openly to displease the powerful enemies of the Church.
   What reason can you give for holding that those who remain should be
   subjected to no correction and restraint? Do you really think that a
   case of such cruel rage should be held up to the world as passing
   unpunished? We do not desire to gratify our anger by vindictive
   retribution for the past, but we are concerned to make provision in a
   truly merciful spirit for the future. Now, wicked men have something in
   respect to which they may be punished, and that by Christians, in a
   merciful way, and so as to promote their own profit and well-being. For
   they have these three things: the life and health of the body, the
   means of supporting that life, and the means and opportunities of
   living a wicked life. Let the two former remain untouched in the
   possession of those who repent of their crime: this we desire, and this
   we spare no pains to secure. But as to the third, upon it God will, if
   it please Him, inflict punishment in His great compassion, dealing with
   it as a decaying or diseased part, which must be removed with the
   pruning-knife. If, however, He be pleased either to go beyond this, or
   not to permit the punishment to go so far, the reason for this higher
   and doubtless more righteous counsel remains with Him: our duty is to
   devote pains and use our influence according to the light which is
   granted to us, beseeching His approval of our endeavours to do that
   which shall be most for the good of all, and praying Him not to permit
   us to do anything which He who knoweth all things much better than we
   do sees to be inexpedient both for ourselves and for His Church.

   10. When I went recently to Calama, that under so grievous sorrow I
   might either comfort the downcast or soothe the indignant among our
   people, I used all my influence with the Christians to persuade them to
   do what I judged to be their duty at that time. I then at their own
   request admitted to an audience the Pagans also, the source and cause
   of all this mischief, in order that I might admonish them what they
   should do if they were wise, not only for the removal of present
   anxiety, but also for the obtaining of everlasting salvation. They
   listened to many things which I said, and they preferred many requests
   to me; but far be it from me to be such a servant as to find pleasure
   in being petitioned by those who do not humble themselves before my
   Lord to ask from Him. With your quick intelligence, you will readily
   perceive that our aim must be, while preserving Christian gentleness
   and moderation, to act so that we may either make others afraid of
   imitating their perversity, or have cause to desire others to imitate
   their profiling by correction. As for the loss sustained, this is
   either borne by the Christians or remedied by the help of their
   brethren. What concerns us is the gaining of souls, which even at the
   risk of life we are impatient to secure; and our desire is, that in
   your district we may have larger success, and that in other districts
   we may not be hindered by the influence of your example. May God in His
   mercy grant to us to rejoice in your salvation!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2121] Eunuchus, Act iii. Sc. 5.

   [2122] Here culminates in the original a play upon words, towards which
   Augustin has been working with the ingenuity of a rhetorician from the
   beginning of the second paragraph; but the zest of his wit is
   necessarily lost in translation, because in our language the words
   "flower" and "flourish" are not so immediately suggestive of each other
   as the corresponding noun and verb in Latin (flos and florere).

   [2123] Letter XC. p. 376.

   [2124] The law of Honorius, passed on Nov. 24, 407, forbidding the
   celebration of public heathen solemnities and festivals (quidquam,
   solemnitatis agitare).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCII.

   (a.d. 408.)

   To the Noble and Justly Distinguished Lady Italica, a Daughter Worthy
   of Honour in the Love of Christ, Bishop Augustin Sends Greeting in the
   Lord.

   1. I have learned, not only by your letter, but also by the statements
   of the person who brought it to me, that you earnestly solicit a letter
   from me, believing that you may derive from it very great consolation.
   What you may gain from my letter it is for yourself to judge; I at
   least felt that I should neither refuse nor delay compliance with your
   request. May your own faith and hope comfort you, and that love which
   is shed abroad in the hearts of the pious by the Holy Ghost, [2125]
   whereof we have now a portion as an earnest of the whole, in order that
   we may learn to desire its consummate fulness. For you ought not to
   consider yourself desolate while you have Christ dwelling in your heart
   by faith; nor ought you to sorrow as those heathens who have no hope,
   seeing that in regard to those friends, who are not lost, but only
   called earlier than ourselves to the country whither we shall follow
   them, we have hope, resting on a most sure promise, that from this life
   we shall pass into that other life, in which they shall be to us more
   beloved as they shall be better known, and in which our pleasure in
   loving them shall not be alloyed by any fear of separation.

   2. Your late husband, by whose decease you are now a widow, was truly
   well known to you, but better known to himself than to you. And how
   could this be, when you saw his face, which he himself did not see, if
   it were not that the inner knowledge which we have of ourselves is more
   certain, since no man "knoweth the things of a man, save the spirit of
   man which is in man"? [2126] but when the Lord cometh, "who both will
   bring to light the hidden things of darkness and will make manifest the
   counsels of the hearts," [2127] then shall nothing in any one be
   concealed from his neighbour; nor shall there be anything which any one
   might reveal to his friends, but keep hidden from strangers, for no
   stranger shall be there. What tongue can describe the nature and the
   greatness of that light by which all those things which are now in the
   hearts of men concealed shall be made manifest? who can with our weak
   faculties even approach it? Truly that Light is God Himself, for "God
   is Light, and in Him is no darkness at all;" [2128] but He is the Light
   of purified minds, not of these bodily eyes. And the mind shall then
   be, what meanwhile it is not, able to see that light.

   3. But this the bodily eye neither now is, nor shall then be, able to
   see. For everything which can be seen by the bodily eye must be in some
   place, nor can be everywhere in its totality, but with a smaller part
   of itself occupies a smaller space, and with a larger part a larger
   space. It is not so with God, who is invisible and incorruptible, "who
   only hath immortality, dwelling in the light which no man can approach
   unto; whom no man hath seen nor can see." [2129] For He cannot be seen
   by men through the bodily organ by which men see corporeal things. For
   if He were inaccessible to the minds also of the saints, it would not
   be said, "They looked unto Him, and were lightened" [translated by
   Aug., "Draw near unto Him, and be enlightened"]; [2130] and if He was
   invisible to the minds of the saints, it would not be said, "We shall
   see Him as He is:" for consider the whole context there in that Epistle
   of John: "Beloved," he says, "now are we the sons of God; and it doth
   not yet appear what we shall be: but we know that, when He shall
   appear, we shall be like Him; for we shall see Him as He is." [2131] We
   shall therefore see Him according to the measure in which we shall be
   like Him; because now the measure in which we do not see Him is
   according to the measure of our unlikeness to Him. We shall therefore
   see Him by means of that in which we shall be like Him. But who would
   be so infatuated as to assert that we either are or shall be in our
   bodies like unto God? The likeness spoken of is therefore in the inner
   man, "which is renewed in knowledge after the image of Him that created
   him." [2132] And we shall become the more like unto Him, the more we
   advance in knowledge of Him and in love; because "though our outward
   man perish, our inward man is renewed day by day," [2133] yet so as
   that, however far one may have become advanced in this life, he is far
   short of that perfection of likeness which is fitted for seeing God, as
   the apostle says, "face to face." [2134] If by these words we were to
   understand the bodily face, it would follow that God has a face such as
   ours, and that between our face and His there must be a space
   intervening when we shall see Him face to face. And if a space
   intervene, this presupposes a limitation and a definite conformation of
   members and other things, absurd to utter, and impious even to think
   of, by which most empty delusions the natural man, which "receiveth not
   the things of the Spirit of God," [2135] is deceived.

   4. For some of those who talk thus foolishly affirm, as I am informed,
   that we see God now by our minds, but shall then see Him by our bodies;
   yea, they even say that the wicked shall in the same manner see Him.
   Observe how far they have gone from bad to worse, when, unpunished for
   their foolish speaking, they talk at random, unrestrained by either
   fear or shame. They used to say at first, that Christ endowed only His
   own flesh with this faculty of seeing God with the bodily eye; then
   they added to this, that all the saints shall see God in the same way
   when they have received their bodies again in the resurrection; and now
   they have granted that the same thing is possible to the wicked also.
   Well, let them grant what gifts they please, and to whom they please:
   for who may say anything against men giving away that which is their
   own? for he that speaketh a lie, speaketh of his own. [2136] Be it
   yours, however, in common with all who hold sound doctrine, not to
   presume to take in this way from your own any of these errors; but when
   you read, "Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God,"
   [2137] learn from it that the impious shall not see Him: for the
   impious are neither blessed nor pure in heart. Moreover, when you read,
   "Now we see through a glass darkly, [2138] but then face to face,"
   [2139] learn from this that we shall then see Him face to face by the
   same means by which we now see Him through a glass darkly. In both
   cases alike, the vision of God belongs to the inner man, whether when
   we walk in this pilgrimage still by faith, in which it uses the glass
   and the ainigma, or when, in the country which is our home, we shall
   perceive by sight, which vision the words "face to face" denote.

   5. Let the flesh raving with carnal imaginations hear these words: "God
   is a Spirit, and they that worship Him must worship Him in spirit and
   in truth." [2140] If this be the manner of worshipping Him, how much
   more of seeing Him! For who durst affirm that the Divine essence is
   seen in a corporal manner, when He has not permitted it to be
   worshipped in a corporal manner? They think, however, that they are
   very acute in saying and in pressing as a question for us to answer:
   Was Christ able to endow His flesh so as that He could with His eyes
   see the Father, or was He not? If we reply that He was not, they
   publish abroad that we have denied the omnipotence of God; if, on the
   other hand, we grant that He was able, they affirm that their argument
   is established by our reply. How much more excusable is the folly of
   those who maintain that the flesh shall be changed into the Divine
   substance, and shall be what God Himself is, in order that thus they
   may endow with fitness for seeing God that which is meanwhile removed
   by so great diversity of nature from likeness to Him! Yet I believe
   they reject from their creed, perhaps also refuse to hear, this error.
   Nevertheless, if they were in like manner pressed with the question
   above quoted, as to whether God can or cannot do this [viz. change our
   flesh into the Divine substance], which alternative will they choose?
   Will they limit His power by answering that He cannot; or if they
   concede that He can, will they by this concession grant that it shall
   be done? Let them get out of the dilemma which they have proposed to
   others as above, in the same way by which they get out of this dilemma
   proposed to others by them. Moreover, why do they contend that this
   gift is to be attributed only to the eyes, and not to all the other
   senses of Christ? Shall God then be a sound, that He may be perceived
   by the ear? and an exhalation, that He may be discerned by the sense of
   smell? and a liquid of some kind, that He may be also imbibed? and a
   solid body, that He may be also touched? No, they say. What then? we
   reply; can God be this, or can He not? If they say He cannot, why do
   they derogate from the omnipotence of God? If they say He can, but is
   not willing, why do they show favour to the eyes alone, and grudge the
   same honour to the other senses of Christ? Do they carry their folly
   just as far as they please? How much better is our course, who do not
   prescribe limits to their folly, but would fain prevent them from
   entering into it at all!

   6. Many things may be brought forward for the confutation of that
   madness. Meanwhile, however, if at any time they assail your ears, read
   this letter to the supporters of such error, and do not count it too
   great a labour to write back to me as well as you can what they say in
   reply. Let me add that our hearts are purified by faith, because the
   vision of God is promised to us as the reward of faith. Now, if this
   vision of God were to be through the bodily eyes, in vain are the souls
   of saints exercised for receiving it; nay, rather, a soul which
   cherishes such sentiments is not exercised in itself, but is wholly in
   the flesh. For where will it dwell more resolutely and fixedly than in
   that by means of which it expects that it shall see God? How great an
   evil this would be I rather leave to your own intelligence to observe,
   than labour to prove by a long argument.

   May your heart dwell always under the Lord's keeping, noble and justly
   distinguished lady, and daughter worthy of honour in the love of
   Christ! Salute from me, with the respect due to your worth, your sons,
   who are along with yourself honourable, and to me dearly beloved in the
   Lord.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2125] Rom. v. 5.

   [2126] 1 Cor. ii. 11.

   [2127] 1 Cor. iv. 5.

   [2128] 1 John i. 5.

   [2129] 1 Tim. vi. 16.

   [2130] Ps. xxxiv. 5.

   [2131] 1 John iii. 2.

   [2132] Col. iii. 10.

   [2133] 2 Cor. iv. 6.

   [2134] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [2135] 1 Cor. ii. 14.

   [2136] John viii. 44.

   [2137] Matt. v. 8.

   [2138] en ainigmati.

   [2139] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [2140] John iv. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCIII.

   (a.d. 408.)

   To Vincentius, My Brother Dearly Beloved, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   Chap. I.

   1. I have received a letter which I believe to be from you to me: at
   least I have not thought this incredible, for the person who brought it
   is one whom I know to be a Catholic Christian, and who, I think, would
   not dare to impose upon me. But even though the letter may perchance
   not be from you, I have considered it necessary to write a reply to the
   author, whoever he may be. You know me now to be more desirous of rest,
   and earnest in seeking it, than when you knew me in my earlier years at
   Carthage, in the lifetime of your immediate predecessor Rogatus. But we
   are precluded from this rest by the Donatists, the repression and
   correction of whom, by the powers which are ordained of God, appears to
   me to be labour not in vain. For we already rejoice in the correction
   of many who hold and defend the Catholic unity with such sincerity, and
   are so glad to have been delivered from their former error, that we
   admire them with great thankfulness and pleasure. Yet these same
   persons, under some indescribable bondage of custom, would in no way
   have thought of being changed to a better condition, had they not,
   under the shock of this alarm, directed their minds earnestly to the
   study of the truth; fearing lest, if without profit, and in vain, they
   suffered hard things at the hands of men, for the sake not of
   righteousness, but of their own obstinacy and presumption, they should
   afterwards receive nothing else at the hand of God than the punishment
   due to wicked men who despised the admonition which He so gently gave
   and His paternal correction; and being by such reflection made
   teachable, they found not in mischievous or frivolous human fables, but
   in the promises of the divine books, that universal Church which they
   saw extending according to the promise throughout all nations: just as,
   on the testimony of prophecy in the same Scriptures, they believed
   without hesitation that Christ is exalted above the heavens, though He
   is not seen by them in His glory. Was it my duty to be displeased at
   the salvation of these men, and to call back my colleagues from a
   fatherly diligence of this kind, the result of which has been, that we
   see many blaming their former blindness? For they see that they were
   blind who believed Christ to have been exalted above the heavens
   although they saw Him not, and yet denied that His glory is spread over
   all the earth although they saw it; whereas the prophet has with so
   great plainness included both in one sentence, "Be Thou exalted, O God,
   above the heavens, and Thy glory above all the earth." [2141]

   2. Wherefore, if we were so to overlook and forbear with those cruel
   enemies who seriously disturb our peace and quietness by manifold and
   grievous forms of violence and treachery, as that nothing at all should
   be contrived and done by us with a view to alarm and correct them,
   truly we would be rendering evil for evil. For if any one saw his enemy
   running headlong to destroy himself when he had become delirious
   through a dangerous fever, would he not in that case be much more truly
   rendering evil for evil if he permitted him to run on thus, than if he
   took measures to have him seized and bound? And yet he would at that
   moment appear to the other to be most vexatious, and most like an
   enemy, when, in truth, he had proved himself most useful and most
   compassionate; although, doubtless, when health was recovered, would he
   express to him his gratitude with a warmth proportioned to the measure
   in which he had felt his refusal to indulge him in his time of phrenzy.
   Oh, if I could but show you how many we have even from the
   Circumcelliones, who are now approved Catholics, and condemn their
   former life, and the wretched delusion under which they believed that
   they were doing in behalf of the Church of God whatever they did under
   the promptings of a restless temerity, who nevertheless would not have
   been brought to this soundness of judgment had they not been, as
   persons beside themselves, bound with the cords of those laws which are
   distasteful to you! As to another form of most serious
   distemper,--that, namely, of those who had not, indeed, a boldness
   leading to acts of violence, but were pressed down by a kind of
   inveterate sluggishness of mind, and would say to us: "What you affirm
   is true, nothing can be said against it; but it is hard for us to leave
   off what we have received, by tradition from our fathers,"--why should
   not such persons be shaken up in a beneficial way by a law bringing
   upon them inconvenience in worldly things, in order that they might
   rise from their lethargic sleep, and awake to the salvation which is to
   be found in the unity of the Church? How many of them, now rejoicing
   with us, speak bitterly of the weight with which their ruinous course
   formerly oppressed them, and confess that it was our duty to inflict
   annoyance upon them, in order to prevent them from perishing under the
   disease of lethargic habit, as under a fatal sleep!

   3. You will say that to some these remedies are of no service. Is the
   art of healing, therefore, to be abandoned, because the malady of some
   is incurable? You look only to the case of those who are so obdurate
   that they refuse even such correction. Of such it is written, "In vain
   have I smitten your children: they received no correction:" [2142] and
   yet I suppose that those of whom the prophet speaks were smitten in
   love, not from hatred. But you ought to consider also the very large
   number over whose salvation we rejoice. For if they were only made
   afraid, and not instructed, this might appear to be a kind of
   inexcusable tyranny. Again, if they were instructed only, and not made
   afraid, they would be with more difficulty persuaded to embrace the way
   of salvation, having become hardened through the inveteracy of custom:
   whereas many whom we know well, when arguments had been brought before
   them, and the truth made apparent by testimonies from the word of God,
   answered us that they desired to pass into the communion of the
   Catholic Church, but were in fear of the violence of worthless men,
   whose enmity they would incur; which violence they ought indeed by all
   means to despise when it was to be borne for righteousness' sake, and
   for the sake of eternal life. Nevertheless the weakness of such men
   ought not to be regarded as hopeless, but to be supported until they
   gain more strength. Nor may we forget what the Lord Himself said to
   Peter when he was yet weak: "Thou canst not follow Me now, but thou
   shall follow Me afterwards." [2143] When, however, wholesome
   instruction is added to means of inspiring salutary fear, so that not
   only the light of truth may dispel the darkness of error, but the force
   of fear may at the same time break the bonds of evil custom, we are
   made glad, as I have said, by the salvation of many, who with us bless
   God, and render thanks to Him, because by the fulfilment of His
   covenant, in which He promised that the kings of the earth should serve
   Christ, He has thus cured the diseased and restored health to the weak.

   Chap. II.

   4. Not every one who is indulgent is a friend; nor is every one an
   enemy who smites. Better are the wounds of a friend than the proffered
   kisses of an enemy. [2144] It is better with severity to love, than
   with gentleness to deceive. More good is done by taking away food from
   one who is hungry, if, through freedom from care as to his food, he is
   forgetful of righteousness, than by providing bread for one who is
   hungry, in order that, being thereby bribed, he may consent to
   unrighteousness. He who binds the man who is in a phrenzy, and he who
   stirs up the man who is in a lethargy, are alike vexatious to both, and
   are in both cases alike prompted by love for the patient. Who can love
   us more than God does? And yet He not only give us sweet instruction,
   but also quickens us by salutary fear, and this unceasingly. Often
   adding to the soothing remedies by which He comforts men the sharp
   medicine of tribulation, He afflicts with famine even the pious and
   devout patriarchs, [2145] disquiets a rebellious people by more severe
   chastisements, and refuses, though thrice besought, to take away the
   thorn in the flesh of the apostle, that He may make His strength
   perfect in weakness. [2146] Let us by all means love even our enemies,
   for this is right, and God commands us so to do, in order that we may
   be the children of our Father who is in heaven, "who maketh His sun to
   rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on
   the unjust." [2147] But as we praise these His gifts, lets us in like
   manner ponder His correction of those whom He loves.

   5. You are of opinion that no one should be compelled to follow
   righteousness; and yet you read that the householder said to his
   servants, "Whomsoever ye shall find, compel them to come in." [2148]
   You also read how he who was at first Saul, and afterwards Paul, was
   compelled, by the great violence with which Christ coerced him, to know
   and to embrace the truth; for you cannot but think that the light which
   your eyes enjoy is more precious to men than money or any other
   possession. This light, lost suddenly by him when he was cast to the
   ground by the heavenly voice, he did not recover until he became a
   member of the Holy Church. You are also of opinion that no coercion is
   to be used with any man in order to his deliverance from the fatal
   consequences of error; and yet you see that, in examples which cannot
   be disputed, this is done by God, who loves us with more real regard
   for our profit than any other can; and you hear Christ saying, "No man
   can come to me except the Father draw him," [2149] which is done in the
   hearts of all those who, through fear of the wrath of God, betake
   themselves to Him. You know also that sometimes the thief scatters food
   before the flock that he may lead them astray, and sometimes the
   shepherd brings wandering sheep back to the flock with his rod.

   6. Did not Sarah, when she had the power, choose rather to afflict the
   insolent bondwoman? And truly she did not cruelly hate her whom she had
   formerly by an act of her own kindness made a mother; but she put a
   wholesome restraint upon her pride. [2150] Moreover, as you well know,
   these two women, Sarah and Hagar, and their two sons Isaac and Ishmael,
   are figures representing spiritual and carnal persons. And although we
   read that the bondwoman and her son suffered great hardships from
   Sarah, nevertheless the Apostle Paul says that Isaac suffered
   persecution from Ishmael: "But as then he that was born after the flesh
   persecuted him that was born after the Spirit, even so it is now;"
   [2151] whence those who have understanding may perceive that it is
   rather the Catholic Church which suffers persecution through the pride
   and impiety of those carnal men whom it endeavours to correct by
   afflictions and terrors of a temporal kind. Whatever therefore the true
   and rightful Mother does, even when something severe and bitter is felt
   by her children at her hands, she is not rendering evil for evil, but
   is applying the benefit of discipline to counteract the evil of sin,
   not with the hatred which seeks to harm, but with the love which seeks
   to heal. When good and bad do the same actions and suffer the same
   afflictions, they are to be distinguished not by what they do or
   suffer, but by the causes of each: e.g. Pharaoh oppressed the people of
   God by hard bondage; Moses afflicted the same people by severe
   correction when they were guilty of impiety: [2152] their actions were
   alike; but they were not alike in the motive of regard to the people's
   welfare,--the one being inflated by the lust of power, the other
   inflamed by love. Jezebel slew prophets, Elijah slew false prophets;
   [2153] I suppose that the desert of the actors and of the sufferers
   respectively in the two cases was wholly diverse.

   7. Look also to the New Testament times, in which the essential
   gentleness of love was to be not only kept in the heart, but also
   manifested openly: in these the sword of Peter is called back into its
   sheath by Christ, and we are taught that it ought not to be taken from
   its sheath even in Christ's defence. [2154] We read, however, not only
   that the Jews beat the Apostle Paul, but also that the Greeks beat
   Sosthenes, a Jew, on account of the Apostle Paul. [2155] Does not the
   similarity of the events apparently join both; and, at the same time,
   does not the dissimilarity of the causes make a real difference? Again,
   God spared not His own Son, but delivered Him up [2156] for us all.
   [2157] Of the Son also it is said, "who loved me, and gave Himself
   [2158] for me;" [2159] and it is also said of Judas that Satan entered
   into him that he might betray [2160] Christ. [2161] Seeing, therefore,
   that the Father delivered up His Son, and Christ delivered up His own
   body, and Judas delivered up his Master, wherefore is God holy and man
   guilty in this delivering up of Christ, unless that in the one action
   which both did, the reason for which they did it was not the same?
   Three crosses stood in one place: on one was the thief who was to be
   saved; on the second, the thief who was to be condemned; on the third,
   between them, was Christ, who was about to save the one thief and
   condemn the other. What could be more similar than these crosses? what
   more unlike than the persons who were suspended on them? Paul was given
   up to be imprisoned and bound, [2162] but Satan is unquestionably worse
   than any gaoler: yet to him Paul himself gave up one man for the
   destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved in the day of
   the Lord Jesus. [2163] And what say we to this? Behold, both deliver a
   man to bondage; but he that is cruel consigns his prisoner to one less
   severe, while he that is compassionate consigns his to one who is more
   cruel. Let us learn, my brother, in actions which are similar to
   distinguish the intentions of the agents; and let us not, shutting our
   eyes, deal in groundless reproaches, and accuse those who seek men's
   welfare as if they did them wrong. In like manner, when the same
   apostle says that he had delivered certain persons unto Satan, that
   they might learn not to blaspheme, [2164] did he render to these men
   evil for evil, or did he not rather esteem it a good work to correct
   evil men by means of the evil one?

   8. If to suffer persecution were in all cases a praiseworthy thing, it
   would have sufficed for the Lord to say, "Blessed are they which are
   persecuted," without adding "for righteousness' sake." [2165] Moreover,
   if to inflict persecution were in all cases blameworthy, it would not
   have been written in the sacred books, "Whoso privily slandereth his
   neighbour, him will I persecute [cut off, E.V.]." [2166] In some cases,
   therefore, both he that suffers persecution is in the wrong, and he
   that inflicts it is in the right. But the truth is, that always both
   the bad have persecuted the good, and the good have persecuted the bad:
   the former doing harm by their unrighteousness, the latter seeking to
   do good by the administration of discipline; the former with cruelty,
   the latter with moderation; the former impelled by lust, the latter
   under the constraint of love. For he whose aim is to kill is not
   careful how he wounds, but he whose aim is to cure is cautious with his
   lancet; for the one seeks to destroy what is sound, the other that
   which is decaying. The wicked put prophets to death; prophets also put
   the wicked to death. The Jews scourged Christ; Christ also scourged the
   Jews. The apostles were given up by men to the civil powers; the
   apostles themselves gave men up to the power of Satan. In all these
   cases, what is important to attend to but this: who were on the side of
   truth, and who on the side of iniquity; who acted from a desire to
   injure, and who from a desire to correct what was amiss?

   Chap. III.

   9. You say that no example is found in the writings of evangelists and
   apostles, of any petition presented on behalf of the Church to the
   kings of the earth against her enemies. Who denies this? None such is
   found. But at that time the prophecy, "Be wise now, therefore, O ye
   kings; be instructed, ye judges of the earth: serve the Lord with
   fear," was not yet fulfilled. Up to that time the words which we find
   at the beginning of the same Psalm were receiving their fulfilment,
   "Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing? The
   kings of the earth set themselves, and the rulers take counsel together
   against the Lord, and against His Anointed." [2167] Truly, if past
   events recorded in the prophetic books were figures of the future,
   there was given under King Nebuchadnezzar a figure both of the time
   which the Church had under the apostles, and of that which she has now.
   In the age of the apostles and martyrs, that was fulfilled which was
   prefigured when the aforesaid king compelled pious and just men to bow
   down to his image, and cast into the flames all who refused. Now,
   however, is fulfilled that which was prefigured soon after in the same
   king, when, being converted to the worship of the true God, he made a
   decree throughout his empire, that whosoever should speak against the
   God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, should suffer the penalty which
   their crime deserved. The earlier time of that king represented the
   former age of emperors who did not believe in Christ, at whose hands
   the Christians suffered because of the wicked; but the later time of
   that king represented the age of the successors to the imperial throne,
   now believing in Christ, at whose hands the wicked suffer because of
   the Christians.

   10. It is manifest, however, that moderate severity, or rather
   clemency, is carefully observed towards those who, under the Christian
   name, have been led astray by perverse men, in the measures used to
   prevent them who are Christ's sheep from wandering, and to bring them
   back to the flock, when by punishments, such as exile and fines, they
   are admonished to consider what they suffer, and wherefore, and are
   taught to prefer the Scriptures which they read to human legends and
   calumnies. For which of us, yea, which of you, does not speak well of
   the laws issued by the emperors against heathen sacrifices? In these,
   assuredly, a penalty much more severe has been appointed, for the
   punishment of that impiety is death. But in repressing and restraining
   you, the thing aimed at has been rather that you should be admonished
   to depart from evil, than that you should be punished for a crime. For
   perhaps what the apostle said of the Jews may be said of you: "bear
   them record that they have a zeal of God, but not according to
   knowledge: for, being ignorant of the righteousness of God, and going
   about to establish their own righteousness, they have not submitted
   themselves to the righteousness of God." [2168] For what else than your
   own righteousness are you desiring to establish, when you say that none
   are justified but those who may have had the opportunity of being
   baptized by you? In regard to this statement made by the apostle
   concerning the Jews, you differ from those to whom it originally
   applied in this, that you have the Christian sacraments, of which they
   are still destitute. But in regard to the words, "being ignorant of
   God's righteousness, and going about to establish their own
   righteousness," and "they have a zeal of God, but not according to
   knowledge," you are exactly like them, excepting only those among you
   who know what is the truth, and who in the wilfulness of their
   perversity continue to fight against truth which is perfectly well
   known to them. The impiety of these men is perhaps even a greater sin
   than idolatry. Since, however, they cannot be easily convicted of this
   (for it is a sin which lies concealed in the mind), you are all alike
   restrained with a comparatively gentle severity, as being not so far
   alienated from us. And this I may say, both concerning all heretics
   without distinction, who, while retaining the Christian sacraments, are
   dissenters from the truth and unity of Christ, and concerning all
   Donatists without exception.

   11. But as for you, who are not only, in common with these last, styled
   Donatists, from Donatus, but also specially named Rogatists, from
   Rogatus, you indeed seem to be more gentle in disposition, because you
   do not rage up and down with bands of these savage Circumcelliones: but
   no wild beast is said to be gentle if, because of its not having teeth
   and claws, it wounds no one. You say that you have no wish to be cruel:
   I think that power, not will is wanting to you. For you are in number
   so few, that even if you desire it, you dare not move against the
   multitudes which are opposed to you. Let us suppose, however, that you
   do not wish to do that which you have not strength to do; let us
   suppose that the gospel rule, "If any man will sue thee at the law and
   take away thy coat, let him have thy cloak also," [2169] is so
   understood and obeyed by you that resistance to those who persecute you
   is unlawful, whether they have right or wrong on their side. Rogatus,
   the founder of your sect, either did not hold this view, or was guilty
   of inconsistency; for he fought with the keenest determination in a
   lawsuit about certain things which, according to your statement,
   belonged to you. If to him it had been said, Which of the apostles ever
   defended his property in a matter concerning faith by appeal to the
   civil courts? as you have put the question in your letter, "Which of
   the apostles ever invaded the property of other men in a matter
   concerning faith?" he could not find any example of this in the Divine
   writings; but he might perhaps have found some true defence if he had
   not separated himself from the true Church, and then audaciously
   claimed to hold in the name of the true Church the disputed possession.

   Chap. IV.

   12. As to the obtaining or putting in force of edicts of the powers of
   this world against schismatics and heretics, those from whom you
   separated yourselves were very active in this matter, both against you,
   so far as we have heard, and against the followers of Maximianus, as we
   prove by the indisputable evidence of their own Records; but you had
   not yet separated yourselves from them at the time when in their
   petition they said to the Emperor Julian that "nothing but
   righteousness found a place with him,"--a man whom all the while they
   knew to be an apostate, and whom they saw to be so given over to
   idolatry, that they must either admit idolatry to be righteousness, or
   be unable to deny that they had wickedly lied when they said that
   nothing but righteousness had a place with him with whom they saw that
   idolatry had so large a place. Grant, however, that that was a mistake
   in the use of words, what say you as to the deed itself? If not even
   that which is just is to be sought by appeal to an emperor, why was
   that which was by you supposed to be just sought from Julian?

   13. Do you reply that it is lawful to petition the Emperor in order to
   recover what is one's own, but not lawful to accuse another in order
   that he may be coerced by the Emperor? I may remark, in passing, that
   in even petitioning for the recovery of what is one's own, the ground
   covered by apostolic example is abandoned, because no apostle is found
   to have ever done this. But apart from this, when your predecessors
   brought before the Emperor Constantine, by means of the proconsul
   Anulinus, their accusations against Cæcilianus, who was then bishop of
   Carthage, with whom as a guilty person they refused to have communion,
   they were not endeavouring to recover something of their own which they
   had lost, but were by calumnies assailing one who was, as we think, and
   as the issue of the judicial proceedings showed, an innocent man; and
   what more heinous crime could have been perpetrated by them than this?
   If, however, as you erroneously suppose, they did in his case deliver
   up to the judgment of the civil powers a man who was indeed guilty, why
   do you object to our doing that which your own party first presumed to
   do, and for doing which we would not find fault with them, if they had
   done it not with an envious desire to do harm, but with the intention
   of reproving and correcting what was wrong. But we have no hesitation
   in finding fault with you, who think that we are criminal in bringing
   any complaint before a Christian emperor against the enemies of our
   communion, seeing that a document given by your predecessors to
   Anulinus the proconsul, to be forwarded by him to the Emperor
   Constantine, bore this superscription: "Libellus Ecclesiæ Catholicæ,
   criminum Cæciliani, traditus a parte Majorini." [2170] We find fault,
   moreover, with them more particularly, because when they had of their
   own accord gone to the Emperor with accusations against Cæcilianus,
   which they ought by all means to have in the first place proved before
   those who were his colleagues beyond the sea, and when the Emperor,
   acting in a much more orderly way than they had done, referred to
   bishops the decision of this case pertaining to bishops which had been
   brought before him, they, even when defeated by a decision against
   them, would not come to peace with their brethren. Instead of this,
   they next accused at the bar of the temporal sovereign, not Cæcilianus
   only, but also the bishops who had been appointed judges; and finally,
   from a second episcopal tribunal they appealed to the Emperor again.
   Nor did they consider it their duty to yield either to truth or to
   peace when he himself inquired into the case and gave his decision.

   14. Now what else could Constantine have decreed against Cæcilianus and
   his friends, if they had been defeated when your predecessors accused
   them, than the things decreed against the very men who, having of their
   own accord brought the accusations, and having failed to prove what
   they alleged, refused even when defeated to acquiesce in the truth? The
   Emperor, as you know, in that case decreed for the first time that the
   property of those who were convicted of schism and obstinately resisted
   the unity of the Church should be confiscated. If, however, the issue
   had been that your predecessors who brought the accusations had gained
   their case, and the Emperor had made some such decree against the
   communion to which Cæcilianus belonged, you would have wished the
   emperors to be called the friends of the Church's interests, and the
   guardians of her peace and unity. But when such things are decreed by
   emperors against the parties who, having of their own accord brought
   forward accusations, were unable to substantiate them, and who, when a
   welcome back to the bosom of peace was offered to them on condition of
   their amendment, refused the terms, an outcry is raised that this is an
   unworthy wrong, and it is maintained that no one ought to be coerced to
   unity, and that evil should not be requited for evil to any one. What
   else is this than what one of yourselves wrote: "What we wish is holy"?
   [2171] And in view of these things, it was not a great or difficult
   thing for you to reflect and discover how the decree and sentence of
   Constantine, which was published against you on the occasion of your
   predecessors so frequently bringing before the Emperor charges which
   they could not make good, should be in force against you; and how all
   succeeding emperors, especially those who are Catholic Christians,
   necessarily act according to it as often as the exigencies of your
   obstinacy make it necessary for them to take any measures in regard to
   you.

   15. It was an easy thing for you to have reflected on these things, and
   perhaps some time to have said to yourselves: Seeing that Cæcilianus
   either was innocent, or at least could not be proved guilty, what sin
   has the Christian Church spread so far and wide through the world
   committed in this matter? On what ground could it be unlawful for the
   Christian world to remain ignorant of that which even those who made it
   matter of accusation against others could not prove? Why should those
   whom Christ has sown in His field, that is, in this world, and has
   commanded to grow alongside of the tares until the harvest, [2172]
   --those many thousands of believers in all nations, whose multitude the
   Lord compared to the stars of heaven and the sand of the sea, to whom
   He promised of old, and has now given, the blessing in the seed of
   Abraham,--why, I ask, should the name of Christians be denied to all
   these, because, forsooth, in regard to this case, in the discussion of
   which they took no part, they preferred to believe the judges, who
   under grave responsibility gave their decision, rather than the
   plaintiffs, against whom the decision was given? Surely no man's crime
   can stain with guilt another who does not know of its commission. How
   could the faithful, scattered throughout the world, be cognisant of the
   crime of surrendering the sacred books as committed by men, whose guilt
   their accusers, even if they knew it, were at least unable to prove?
   Unquestionably this one fact of ignorance on their part most easily
   demonstrates that they had no share in the guilt of this crime. Why
   then should the innocent be charged with crimes which they never
   committed, because of their being ignorant of crimes which, justly or
   unjustly, are laid to the charge of others? What room is left for
   innocence, if it is criminal for one to be ignorant of the crimes of
   others? Moreover, if the mere fact of their ignorance proves, as has
   been said, the innocence of the people in so many nations, how great is
   the crime of separation from the communion of these innocent people!
   For the deeds of guilty parties which either cannot be proved to those
   who are innocent, or cannot be believed by them, bring no stain upon
   any one, since, even when known, they are borne with in order to
   preserve fellowship with those who are innocent. For the good are not
   to be deserted for the sake of the wicked, but the wicked are to be
   borne with for the sake of the good; as the prophets bore with those
   against whom they delivered such testimonies, and did not cease to take
   part in the sacraments of the Jewish people; as also our Lord bore with
   guilty Judas, even until he met the end which he deserved, and
   permitted him to take part in the sacred supper along with the innocent
   disciples; as the apostles bore with those who preached Christ through
   envy,--a sin peculiarly satanic; [2173] as Cyprian bore with colleagues
   guilty of avarice, which, after the example of the apostle, [2174] he
   calls idolatry. In fine, whatever was done at that time among these
   bishops, although perhaps it was known by some of them, is, unless
   there be respect of persons in judgment, unknown to all: why, then, is
   not peace loved by all? These thoughts might easily occur to you;
   perhaps you already entertain them. But it would be better for you to
   be devoted to earthly possessions, through fear of losing which you
   might be proved to consent to known truth, than to be devoted to that
   worthless vainglory which you think you will by such consent forfeit in
   the estimation of men.

   Chap. V.

   16. You now see therefore, I suppose, that the thing to be considered
   when any one is coerced, is not the mere fact of the coercion, but the
   nature of that to which he is coerced, whether it be good or bad: not
   that any one can be good in spite of his own will, but that, through
   fear of suffering what he does not desire, he either renounces his
   hostile prejudices, or is compelled to examine truth of which he had
   been contentedly ignorant; and under the influence of this fear
   repudiates the error which he was wont to defend, or seeks the truth of
   which he formerly knew nothing, and now willingly holds what he
   formerly rejected. Perhaps it would be utterly useless to assert this
   in words, if it were not demonstrated by so many examples. We see not a
   few men here and there, but many cities, once Donatist, now Catholic,
   vehemently detesting the diabolical schism, and ardently loving the
   unity of the Church; and these became Catholic under the influence of
   that fear which is to you so offensive by the laws of emperors, from
   Constantine, before whom your party of their own accord impeached
   Cæcilianus, down to the emperors of our own time, who most justly
   decree that the decision of the judge whom your own party chose, and
   whom they preferred to a tribunal of bishops, should be maintained in
   force against you.

   17. I have therefore yielded to the evidence afforded by these
   instances which my colleagues have laid before me. For originally my
   opinion was, that no one should be coerced into the unity of Christ,
   that we must act only by words, fight only by arguments, and prevail by
   force of reason, lest we should have those whom we knew as avowed
   heretics feigning themselves to be Catholics. But this opinion of mine
   was overcome not by the words of those who controverted it, but by the
   conclusive instances to which they could point. For, in the first
   place, there was set over against my opinion my own town, which,
   although it was once wholly on the side of Donatus, was brought over to
   the Catholic unity by fear of the imperial edicts, but which we now see
   filled with such detestation of your ruinous perversity, that it would
   scarcely be believed that it had ever been involved in your error.
   There were so many others which were mentioned to me by name, that,
   from facts themselves, I was made to own that to this matter the word
   of Scripture might be understood as applying: "Give opportunity to a
   wise man, and he will be yet wiser." [2175] For how many were already,
   as we assuredly know, willing to be Catholics, being moved by the
   indisputable plainness of truth, but daily putting off their avowal of
   this through fear of offending their own party! How many were bound,
   not by truth--for you never pretended to that as yours--but by the
   heavy chains of inveterate custom, so that in them was fulfilled the
   divine saying: "A servant (who is hardened) will not be corrected by
   words; for though he understand, he will not answer"! [2176] How many
   supposed the sect of Donatus to be the true Church, merely because ease
   had made them too listless, or conceited, or sluggish, to take pains to
   examine Catholic truth! How many would have entered earlier had not the
   calumnies of slanderers, who declared that we offered something else
   than we do upon the altar of God, shut them out! How many, believing
   that it mattered not to which party a Christian might belong, remained
   in the schism of Donatus only because they had been born in it, and no
   one was compelling them to forsake it and pass over into the Catholic
   Church!

   18. To all these classes of persons the dread of those laws in the
   promulgation of which kings serve the Lord in fear has been so useful,
   that now some say we were willing for this some time ago; but thanks be
   to God, who has given us occasion for doing it at once, and has cut off
   the hesitancy of procrastination! Others say: We already knew this to
   be true, but we were held prisoners by the force of old custom: thanks
   be to the Lord, who has broken these bonds asunder, and has brought us
   into the bond of peace! Others say: We knew not that the truth was
   here, and we had no wish to learn it; but fear made us become earnest
   to examine it when we became alarmed, lest, without any gain in things
   eternal, we should be smitten with loss in temporal things: thanks be
   to the Lord, who has by the stimulus of fear startled us from our
   negligence, that now being disquieted we might inquire into those
   things which, when at ease, we did not care to know! Others say: We
   were prevented from entering the Church by false reports, which we
   could not know to be false unless we entered it; and we would not enter
   unless we were compelled: thanks be to the Lord, who by His scourge
   took away our timid hesitation, and taught us to find out for ourselves
   how vain and absurd were the lies which rumour had spread abroad
   against His Church: by this we are persuaded that there is no truth in
   the accusations made by the authors of this heresy, since the more
   serious charges which their followers have invented are without
   foundation. Others say: We thought, indeed, that it mattered not in
   what communion we held the faith of Christ; but thanks to the Lord, who
   has gathered us in from a state of schism, and has taught us that it is
   fitting that the one God be worshipped in unity.

   19. Could I therefore maintain opposition to my colleagues, and by
   resisting them stand in the way of such conquests of the Lord, and
   prevent the sheep of Christ which were wandering on your mountains and
   hills--that is, on the swellings of your pride--from being gathered
   into the fold of peace, in which there is one flock and one Shepherd?
   [2177] Was it my duty to obstruct these measures, in order, forsooth,
   that you might not lose what you call your own, and might without fear
   rob Christ of what is His: that you might frame your testaments
   according to Roman law, and might by calumnious accusations break the
   Testament made with the sanction of Divine law to the fathers, in which
   it was written, "In thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be
   blessed": [2178] that you might have freedom in your transactions in
   the way of buying and selling, and might be emboldened to divide and
   claim as your own that which Christ bought by giving Himself as its
   price: that any gift made over by one of you to another might remain
   unchallenged, and that the gift which the God of gods has bestowed upon
   His children, called from the rising of the sun to the going down
   thereof, [2179] might become invalid: that you might not be sent into
   exile from the land of your natural birth, and that you might labour to
   banish Christ from the kingdom bought with His blood, which extends
   from sea to sea, and from the river to the ends of the earth? [2180]
   Nay verily; let the kings of the earth serve Christ by making laws for
   Him and for His cause. Your predecessors exposed Cæcilianus and his
   companions to be punished by the kings of the earth for crimes with
   which they were falsely charged: let the lions now be turned to break
   in pieces the bones of the calumniators, and let no intercession for
   them be made by Daniel when he has been proved innocent, and set free
   from the den in which they meet their doom; [2181] for he that
   prepareth a pit for his neighbour shall himself most justly fall into
   it. [2182]

   Chap. VI.

   20. Save yourself therefore, my brother, while you have this present
   life, from the wrath which is to come on the obstinate and the proud.
   The formidable power of the authorities of this world, when it assails
   the truth, gives glorious opportunity of probation to the strong, but
   puts dangerous temptation before the weak who are righteous; but when
   it assists the proclamation of the truth, it is the means of profitable
   admonition to the wise, and of unprofitable vexation to the foolish
   among those who have gone astray. "For there is no power but of God:
   whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of
   God; for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt
   thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou
   shalt have praise of the same." [2183] For if the power be on the side
   of the truth, and correct any one who was in error, he that is put
   right by the correction has praise from the power. If, on the other
   hand, the power be unfriendly to the truth, and cruelly persecute any
   one, he who is crowned victor in this contest receives praise from the
   power which he resists. But you do not that which is good, so as to
   avoid being afraid of the power; unless perchance this is good, to sit
   and speak against not one brother, [2184] but against all your brethren
   that are found among all nations, to whom the prophets, and Christ, and
   the apostles bear witness in the words of Scripture, "In thy seed shall
   all the nations of the earth be blessed;" and again, "From the rising
   of the sun even unto the going down of the same, a pure offering shall
   be offered unto My name; for My name shall be great among the heathen,
   saith the Lord." [2185] Mark this: "saith the Lord;" not saith Donatus,
   or Rogatus, or Vincentius, or Ambrose, or Augustin, but "saith the
   Lord;" and again, "All tribes of the earth shall be blessed in Him, and
   all nations shall call Him blessed. Blessed be the Lord God, the God of
   Israel, who only doeth wondrous things; and blessed be His glorious
   name for ever, and the whole earth shall be filled with His glory: so
   let it be, so let it be." [2186] And you sit at Cartennæ, and with a
   remnant of half a score of Rogatists you say, "Let it not be! Let it
   not be!"

   21. You hear Christ speaking thus in the Gospel: "All things must be
   fulfilled which were written in the law of Moses, and in the Prophets,
   and in the Psalms, concerning Me. Then opened He their understanding,
   that they might understand the Scriptures, and said unto them, Thus it
   is written, and thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the
   dead the third day; and that repentance and remission of sins should be
   preached in His name among all nations, beginning at Jerusalem." [2187]
   You read also in the Acts of the Apostles how this gospel began at
   Jerusalem, where the Holy Spirit first filled those hundred and twenty
   persons, and went forth thence into Judæa and Samaria, and to all
   nations, as He had said unto them when He was about to ascend into
   heaven, "Ye shall be witnesses unto Me both in Jerusalem, and in all
   Judæa, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost parts of the earth;"
   [2188] for "their sound went into all the earth, and their words unto
   the ends of the world." [2189] And you contradict the Divine
   testimonies so firmly established and so clearly revealed, and attempt
   to bring about such an absolute confiscation of Christ's heritage, that
   although repentance is preached, as He said, in His name to all
   nations, whosoever may be in any part of the earth moved by that
   preaching, there is for him no possibility of remission of sins, unless
   he seek and discover Vincentius of Cartennæ, or some one of his nine or
   ten associates, in their obscurity in the imperial colony of
   Mauritania. What will the arrogance of insignificant mortals [2190] not
   dare to do? To what extremities will the presumption of flesh and blood
   not hurry men? Is this your well-doing, on account of which you are not
   afraid of the power? You place this grievous stumbling-block in the way
   of your own mother's son, [2191] for whom Christ died, [2192] and who
   is yet in feeble infancy, not ready to use strong meat, but requiring
   to be nursed on a mother's milk; [2193] and you quote against me the
   works of Hilary, in order that you may deny the fact of the Church's
   increase among all nations; even unto the end of the world, according
   to the promise which God, in order to subdue your unbelief, confirmed
   with an oath! And although you would by all means be most miserable if
   you stood against this when it was promised, you even now contradict it
   when the promise is fulfilled.

   Chap. VII.

   22. You, however, through your profound erudition, have discovered
   something which you think worthy to be alleged as a great objection
   against the Divine testimonies. For you say, "If we consider the parts
   comprehended in the whole world, it is a comparatively small portion in
   which the Christian faith is known:" either refusing to see, or
   pretending not to know, to how many barbarous nations the gospel has
   already penetrated, within a space of time so short, that not even
   Christ's enemies can doubt that in a little while that shall be
   accomplished which our Lord foretold, when, answering the question of
   His disciples concerning the end of the world, He said, "This gospel of
   the kingdom shall be preached in all the world for a witness unto all
   nations, and then shall the end come." [2194] Meanwhile do all you can
   to proclaim and to maintain, that even though the gospel be published
   in Persia and India, as indeed it has been for a long time, no one who
   hears it can be in any degree cleansed from his sins, unless he come to
   Cartennæ, or to the neighbourhood of Cartennæ! If you have not
   expressly said this, it is evidently through fear lest men should laugh
   at you; and yet when you do say this, do you refuse that men should
   weep for you?

   23. You think that you make a very acute remark when you affirm the
   name Catholic to mean universal, not in respect to the communion as
   embracing the whole world, but in respect to the observance of all
   Divine precepts and of all the sacraments, as if we (even accepting the
   position that the Church is called Catholic because it honestly holds
   the whole truth, of which fragments here and there are found in some
   heresies) rested upon the testimony of this word's signification, and
   not upon the promises of God, and so many indisputable testimonies of
   the truth itself, our demonstration of the existence of the Church of
   God in all nations. In fact, however, this is the whole which you
   attempt to make us believe, that the Rogatists alone remain worthy of
   the name Catholics, on the ground of their observing all the Divine
   precepts and all the sacraments; and that you are the only persons in
   whom the Son of man when He cometh shall find faith. [2195] You must
   excuse me for saying we do not believe a word of this. For although, in
   order to make it possible for that faith to be found in you which the
   Lord said that He would not find on the earth, you may perhaps presume
   even to say that you are to be regarded as in heaven, not on earth, we
   at least have profited by the apostle's warning, wherein he has taught
   us that even an angel from heaven must be regarded as accursed if he
   were to preach to us any other gospel than that which we have received.
   [2196] But how can we be sure that we have indisputable testimony to
   Christ in the Divine Word, if we do not accept as indisputable the
   testimony of the same Word to the Church? For as, however ingenious the
   complex subtleties which one may contrive against the simple truth, and
   however great the mist of artful fallacies with which he may obscure
   it, any one who shall proclaim that Christ has not suffered, and has
   not risen from the dead on the third day, must be accursed--because we
   have learned in the truth of the gospel, "that it behoved Christ to
   suffer, and to rise from the dead on the third day;" [2197] --on the
   very same grounds must that man be accursed who shall proclaim that the
   Church is outside of [2198] the communion which embraces all nations:
   for in the next words of the same passage we learn also that repentance
   and remission of sins should be preached in His name among all nations,
   beginning at Jerusalem; [2199] and we are bound to hold firmly this
   rule, "If any preach any other gospel unto you than that ye have
   received, let him be accursed." [2200]

   Chap. VIII.

   24. If, moreover, we do not listen to the claims of the entire sect of
   Donatists when they pretend to be the Church of Christ, seeing that
   they do not allege in proof of this anything from the Divine Books, how
   much less, I ask, are we called upon to listen to the Rogatists, who
   will not attempt to interpret; in the interest of their party the words
   of Scripture: "Where Thou feedest, where Thou dost rest in the south"!
   [2201] For if by this the southern part of Africa is to be
   understood,--the district, namely, which is occupied by Donatists,
   because it is under a more burning portion of the heavens,--the
   Maximianists must excel all the rest of your party, as the flame of
   their schism broke forth in Byzantium [2202] and in Tripoli. Let the
   Arzuges, if they please, dispute this point with them, and contest that
   to them more properly this text applies; but how shall the imperial
   province of Mauritania, lying rather to the west than to the south,
   since it refuses to be called Africa,--how shall it, I say, find in the
   word "the south" [2203] a ground for boasting, I do not say against the
   world, but against even that sect of Donatus from which the sect of
   Rogatus, a very small fragment of that other and larger fragment, has
   been broken off? For what else is it than superlative impudence for one
   to interpret in his own favour any allegorical statements, unless he
   has also plain testimonies, by the light of which the obscure meaning
   of the former may be made manifest.

   25. With how much greater force, moreover, may we say to you what we
   are accustomed to say to all the Donatists: If any can have good
   grounds (which indeed none can have) for separating themselves from the
   communion of the whole world, and calling their communion the Church of
   Christ, because of their having withdrawn warrantably from the
   communion of all nations,--how do you know that in the Christian
   society, which is spread so far and wide, there may not have been some
   in a very remote place, from which the fame of their righteousness
   could not reach you, who had already, before the date of your
   separation, separated themselves for some just cause from the communion
   of the whole world? How could the Church in that case be found in your
   sect, rather than in those who were separated before you? Thus it comes
   to pass, that so long as you are ignorant of this, you cannot make with
   certainty any claim: which is necessarily the portion of all who, in
   defending the cause of their party, appeal to their own testimony
   instead of the testimony of God. For you cannot say, If this had
   happened, it could not have escaped our knowledge; for, not going
   beyond Africa itself, you cannot tell, when the question is put to you,
   how many subdivisions of the party of Donatus have occurred: in
   connection with which we must especially bear in mind that in your view
   the smaller the number of those who separate themselves, the greater is
   the justice of their cause, and this paucity of numbers makes them
   undoubtedly more likely to remain unnoticed. Hence, also, you are by no
   means sure that there may not be some righteous persons, few in number,
   and therefore unknown, dwelling in some place far remote from the south
   of Africa, who, long before the party of Donatus had withdrawn their
   righteousness from fellowship with the unrighteousness of all other
   men, had, in their remote northern region, separated themselves in the
   same way for some most satisfactory reason, and now are, by a claim
   superior to yours, the Church of God, as the spiritual Zion which
   preceded all your sects in the matter of warrantable secession, and who
   interpret in their favour the words of the Psalm, "Mount Zion, on the
   sides of the north, the city of the Great King," [2204] with much more
   reason than the party of Donatus interpret in their favour the words,
   "Where Thou feedest, where Thou dost rest in the south." [2205]

   26. You profess, nevertheless, to be afraid lest, when you are
   compelled by imperial edicts to consent to unity, the name of God be
   for a longer time blasphemed by the Jews and the heathen: as if the
   Jews were not aware how their own nation Israel, in the beginning of
   its history, wished to exterminate by war the two tribes and a half
   which had received possessions beyond Jordan, when they thought that
   these had separated themselves from the unity of their nation. [2206]
   As to the Pagans, they may indeed with greater reason reproach us for
   the laws which Christian emperors have enacted against idolaters; and
   yet many of these have thereby been, and are now daily, turned from
   idols to the living and true God. In fact, however, both Jews and
   Pagans, if they thought the Christians to be as insignificant in number
   as you are,--who maintain, forsooth, that you alone are
   Christians,--would not condescend to say anything against us, but would
   never cease to treat us with ridicule and contempt. Are you not afraid
   lest the Jews should say to you, "If your handful of men be the Church
   of Christ, what becomes of the statement of your Apostle Paul, that
   your Church is described in the words, Rejoice, thou barren that
   bearest not; breakforth and cry, thou that travailest not: for the
   desolate hath many more children than she which hath an husband;'
   [2207] in which he plainly declares the multitude of Christians to
   surpass that of the Jewish Church?" Will you say to them, "We are the
   more righteous because our number is not large;" and do you expect them
   not to reply, "Whoever [2208] you claim to be, you are not those of
   whom it is said, She that was desolate hath many children,' if you are
   reduced to so small a number"?

   27. Perhaps you will quote against this the example of that righteous
   man, who along with his family was alone found worthy of deliverance
   when the flood came. Do you see then how far you still are from being
   righteous? Most assuredly we do not affirm you to be righteous on the
   ground of this instance until your associates be reduced to seven,
   yourself being the eighth person: provided always, however, that no
   other has, as I was saying, anticipated the party of Donatus in
   snatching up that righteousness, by having, in some far distant spot,
   withdrawn himself along with seven more, under pressure of some good
   reason, from communion with the whole world, and so saved himself from
   the flood by which it is overwhelmed. Seeing, therefore, that you do
   not know whether this may not have been done, and been as entirely
   unheard of by you as the name of Donatus is unheard of by many nations
   of Christians in remote countries, you are unable to say with certainty
   where the Church is to be found. For it must be in that place in which
   what you have now done may happen to have been at an earlier date done
   by others, if there could possibly be any just reason for your
   separating yourselves from the communion of the whole world.

   Chap. IX.

   28. We, however, are certain that no one could ever have been warranted
   in separating himself from the communion of all nations, because every
   one of us looks for the marks of the Church not in his own
   righteousness, but in the Divine Scriptures, and beholds it actually in
   existence, according to the promises. For it is of the Church that it
   is said,"As the lily among thorns, so is my love among the daughters;"
   [2209] which could be called on the one hand "thorns" only by reason of
   the wickedness of their manners, and on the other hand "daughters" by
   reason of their participation in the same sacraments. Again, it is the
   Church which saith, "From the end of the earth have I cried unto Thee
   when my heart was overwhelmed;" [2210] and in another Psalm, "Horror
   hath kept me back from [2211] the wicked that forsake Thy law;" and, "I
   beheld the transgressors, and was grieved." [2212] It is the same which
   says to her Spouse: "Tell me where Thou feedest, where Thou dost rest
   at noon: for why should I be as one veiled beside the flocks of Thy
   companions?" [2213] This is the same as is said in another place: "Make
   known to me Thy right hand, and those who are in heart taught in
   wisdom;" [2214] in whom, as they shine with light and glow with love,
   Thou dost rest as in noontide; lest perchance, like one veiled, that
   is, hidden and unknown, I should run, not to Thy flock, but to the
   flocks of Thy companions, i.e. of heretics, whom the bride here calls
   companions, just as He called the thorns [2215] "daughters," because of
   common participation in the sacraments: of which persons it is
   elsewhere said: "Thou wast a man, mine equal, my guide, my
   acquaintance, who didst take sweet food together with me; we walked
   unto the house of God in company. Let death seize upon them, and let
   them go down quick into hell," [2216] like Dathan and Abiram, the
   authors of an impious schism.

   29. It is to the Church also that the answer is given immediately after
   in the passage quoted above: "If thou know not thyself, [2217] O thou
   fairest among women, go thy way forth by the footsteps of the flocks,
   [2218] and feed thy kids beside the shepherds' tents." [2219] Oh,
   matchless sweetness of the Bridegroom, who thus replied to her
   question: "If thou knowest not thyself," He says; as if He said,
   "Surely the city which is set upon a mountain cannot be hid; [2220] and
   therefore, Thou art not as one veiled, that thou shouldst run to the
   flocks of my companions.' For I am the mountain established upon the
   top of the mountains, unto which all nations shall come. [2221] If thou
   knowest not thyself,' by the knowledge which thou mayest gain, not in
   the words of false witnesses, but in the testimonies of My book; if
   thou knowest not thyself,' from such testimony as this concerning thee:
   Lengthen thy cords, and strengthen thy stakes: for thou shalt break
   forth on the right hand and on the left; and thy seed shall inherit the
   Gentiles, and make the desolate cities to be inhabited. Fear not, for
   thou shall not be ashamed; neither be thou confounded, for thou shall
   not be put to shame: for thou shalt forget the shame of thy youth, and
   shall not remember the reproach of thy widowhood any more: for thy
   Maker is thine husband, the Lord of hosts is His name, and thy Redeemer
   the Holy One of Israel; the God of the whole earth shall He be called.'
   If thou knowest not thyself,' O thou fairest among women, from this
   which hath been said of thee, The King hath greatly desired thy
   beauty,' and instead of thy fathers shall be thy children, whom thou
   mayest make princes upon the earth:' [2222] if, therefore, thou know
   not thyself,' go thy way forth: I do not cast thee forth, but go thy
   way forth,' that of thee it may be said, They went out from us, but
   they were not of us.' [2223] Go thy way forth' by the footsteps of the
   flocks, not in My footsteps, but in the footsteps of the flocks; and
   not of the one flock, but of flocks divided and going astray. And feed
   thy kids,' not as Peter, to whom it is said, Feed My sheep;' [2224]
   but, Feed thy kids beside the shepherds' tents,' not beside the tent of
   the Shepherd, where there is one fold and one Shepherd.'" [2225] But
   the church knows herself, and thereby escapes from that lot which has
   befallen those who did not know themselves to be in her.

   30. The same [Church] is spoken of, when, in regard to the fewness of
   her numbers as compared with the multitude of the wicked, it is said:
   "Strait is the gate and narrow is the way which leadeth unto life, and
   few there be that find it." [2226] And again, it is of the same Church
   that it is said with respect to the multitude of her members: "I will
   multiply thy seed as the stars of heaven, and as the sand which is upon
   the sea-shore." [2227] For the same Church of holy and good believers
   is both small if compared with the number of the wicked, which is
   greater, and large if considered by itself; "for the desolate hath more
   sons than she which hath an husband," and "many shall come from the
   east and from the west, and shall sit down with Abraham, and Isaac, and
   Jacob, in the kingdom of God." [2228] God, moreover, presents unto
   Himself a "numerous people, zealous of good works." [2229] And in the
   Apocalypse, many thousands "which no man can number," from every tribe
   and tongue, are seen clothed in white robes, and with palms of victory.
   [2230] It is the same Church which is occasionally obscured, and, as it
   were, beclouded by the multitude of offences, when sinners bend the bow
   that they may shoot under the darkened moon [2231] at the upright in
   heart. [2232] But even at such a time the Church shines in those who
   are most firm in their attachment to her. And if, in the Divine promise
   above quoted, any distinct application of its two clauses should be
   made, it is perhaps not without reason that the seed of Abraham was
   compared both to the "stars of heaven," and to "the sand which is by
   the sea-shore:" that by "the stars" may be understood those who, in
   number fewer, are more fixed and more brilliant; and that by "the sand
   on the sea-shore" may be understood that great multitude of weak and
   carnal persons within the Church, who at one time are seen at rest and
   free while the weather is calm, but are at another time covered and
   troubled under the waves of tribulation and temptation.

   31. Now, such a troublous time was the time at which Hilary wrote in
   the passage which you have thought fit artfully to adduce against so
   many Divine testimonies, as if by it you could prove that the Church
   has perished from the earth. [2233] You may just as well say that the
   numerous churches of Galatia had no existence at the time when the
   apostle wrote to them: "O foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you,"
   that, "having begun in the Spirit, ye are now made perfect in the
   flesh?" [2234] For thus you would misrepresent that learned man, who
   (like the apostle) was sternly rebuking the slow of heart and the
   timid, for whom he was travailing in birth a second time, until Christ
   should be formed in them. [2235] For who does not know that many
   persons of weak judgment were at that time deluded by ambiguous
   phrases, so that they thought that the Arians believed the same
   doctrines as they themselves held; and that others, through fear, had
   yielded and feigned consent, not walking uprightly according to the
   truth of the gospel, to whom you would have denied that forgiveness
   which, when they had been turned from their error, was extended to
   them? But in refusing such pardon, you prove yourselves wholly ignorant
   of the word of God. For read what Paul has recorded concerning Peter,
   [2236] and what Cyprian has expressed as his view on the ground of that
   statement, and do not blame the compassion of the Church, which does
   not scatter the members of Christ when they are gathered together, but
   labours to gather His scattered members into one. It is true that those
   who then stood most resolute, and were able to understand the
   treacherous phrases used by the heretics, were few in number when
   compared with the rest; but some of them it is to be remembered were
   then bravely enduring sentence of banishment, and others were hiding
   themselves for safety in all parts of the world. And thus the Church,
   which is increasing throughout all nations, has been preserved as the
   Lord's wheat, and shall be preserved unto the end, yea, until all
   nations, even the barbarous tribes, are within its embrace. For it is
   the Church which the Son of man has sown as good seed, and of which He
   has foretold that it should grow among the tares until the harvest. For
   the field is the world, and the harvest is the end of time. [2237]

   32. Hilary, therefore, either was rebuking not the wheat, but the
   tares, in those ten provinces of Asia, or was addressing himself to the
   wheat, because it was endangered through some unfaithfulness, and spoke
   as one who thought that the rebuke would be useful in proportion to the
   vehemence with which it was given. For the canonical Scriptures contain
   examples of the same manner of rebuke in which what is intended for
   some is spoken as if it applied to all. Thus the apostle, when he says
   to the Corinthians, "How say some among you, that there is no
   resurrection of the dead?" [2238] proves clearly that all of them were
   not such; but he bears witness that those who were such were not
   outside of their communion, but among them. And shortly after, lest
   those who were of a different opinion should be led astray by them, he
   gave this warning: "Be not deceived: evil communications corrupt good
   manners. Awake to righteousness, and sin not; for some have not the
   knowledge of God: I speak this to your shame." [2239] But when he says,
   "Whereas there is among you envying, and strife, and divisions, are ye
   not carnal, and walk as men?" [2240] he speaks as if it applied to all,
   and you see how grave a charge he makes. Wherefore, if it were not that
   we read in the same epistle, "I thank my God always on your behalf, for
   the grace of God which is given you by Jesus Christ; that in everything
   ye are enriched by Him, in all utterance, and in all knowledge; even as
   the testimony of Christ was confirmed in you: so that ye come behind in
   no gift," [2241] we would think that all the Corinthians had been
   carnal and natural, not perceiving the things of the spirit of God,
   [2242] fond of strife, and full of envy, and "walking as men." In like
   manner it is said, on the one hand, "the whole world lieth in
   wickedness," [2243] because of the tares which are throughout the whole
   world; and, on the other hand, Christ "is the propitiation for our
   sins, and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole world,"
   [2244] because of the wheat which is throughout the whole world.

   33. The love of many, however, waxes cold because of offences, which
   abound increasingly the more that, within the communion of the
   sacraments of Christ, there are gathered to the glory of His name even
   those who are wicked, and who persist in the obstinacy of error; whose
   separation, however, as chaff from the wheat, is to be effected only in
   the final purging of the Lord's threshing-floor. [2245] These do not
   destroy those who are the Lord's wheat--few, indeed, when compared with
   the others, but in themselves a great multitude; they do not destroy
   the elect of God, who are to be gathered at the end of the world from
   the four winds, from the one end of heaven to the other. [2246] For it
   is from the elect that the cry comes, "Help, Lord! for the godly man
   ceaseth, for the faithful fail from among the children of men;" [2247]
   and it is of them that the Lord saith, "He that shall endure to the end
   (when iniquity shall abound), the same shall be saved." [2248]
   Moreover, that the psalm quoted is the language not of one man, but of
   many, is shown by the following context: "Thou shalt keep us, O Lord;
   Thou shalt preserve us from this generation for ever." [2249] On
   account of this abounding iniquity which the Lord foretold, it is said
   in another place: "When the Son of man cometh, shall He find faith on
   the earth?" This doubt expressed by Him who knoweth all things
   prefigured the doubts which in Him we entertain, when the Church, being
   often disappointed in many from whom much was expected, but who have
   proved very different from what they were supposed to be, is so alarmed
   in regard to her own members, that she is slow to believe good of any
   one. Nevertheless it would be wrong to cherish doubt that those whose
   faith He shall find on the earth are growing along with the tares
   throughout the whole field.

   34. Therefore it is the same Church also which within the Lord's net is
   swimming along with the bad fishes, but is in heart and in life
   separated from them, and departs from them, that she may be presented
   to her Lord a "glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle." [2250] But
   the actual visible separation she looks for only on the sea-shore, i.e.
   at the end of the world,--meanwhile correcting as many as she can, and
   bearing with those whom she cannot correct; but she does not abandon
   the unity of the good because of the wickedness of those whom she finds
   incorrigible.

   Chap. X.

   35. Wherefore, my brother, refrain from gathering together against
   divine testimonies so many, so perspicuous, and so unchallenged, the
   calumnies which may be found in the writings of bishops either of our
   communion, as Hilary, or of the undivided Church itself in the age
   preceding the schism of Donatus, as Cyprian or Agrippinus; [2251]
   because, in the first place, this class of writings must be, so far as
   authority is concerned, distinguished from the canon of Scripture. For
   they are not read by us as if a testimony brought forward from them was
   such that it would be unlawful to hold any different opinion, for it
   may be that the opinions which they held were different from those to
   which truth demands our assent. For we are amongst those who do not
   reject what has been taught us even by an apostle: "If in anything ye
   be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto you; nevertheless,
   whereto we have already attained, let us walk by the same rule," [2252]
   --in that way, namely, which Christ is; of which way the Psalmist thus
   speaks: "God be merciful unto us, and bless us, and cause His face to
   shine upon us: that Thy way may be known upon earth, Thy saving health
   among all nations." [2253]

   36. In the next place, if you are charmed by the authority of that
   bishop and illustrious martyr St. Cyprian, which we indeed regard, as I
   have said, as quite distinct from the authority of canonical Scripture,
   why are you not charmed by such things in him as these: that he
   maintained with loyalty, and defended in debate, the unity of the
   Church in the world and in all nations; that he censured, as full of
   self-sufficiency and pride, those who wished to separate themselves as
   righteous from the Church, holding them up to ridicule for assuming to
   themselves that which the Lord did not concede even to
   apostles,--namely, the gathering of the tares before the harvest,--and
   for attempting to separate the chaff from the wheat, as if to them had
   been assigned the charge of removing the chaff and cleansing the
   threshing-floor; that he proved that no man can be stained with guilt
   by the sins of others, thus sweeping away the only ground alleged by
   the authors of schism for their separation; that in the very matter in
   regard to which he was of a different opinion from his colleagues, he
   did not decree that those who thought otherwise than he did should be
   condemned or excommunicated; that even in his letter to Jubaianus
   [2254] (which was read for the first time in the Council, [2255] the
   authority of which you are wont to plead in defence of the practice of
   rebaptizing), although he admits that in time past persons who had been
   baptized in other communions had been received into the Church without
   being a second time baptized, on which ground they were regarded by him
   as having had no baptism, nevertheless he considers the use and benefit
   of peace within the Church to be so great, that for its sake he holds
   that these persons (though in his judgment unbaptized) should not be
   excluded from office in the Church?

   37. And by this you will very readily perceive (for I know the
   acuteness of your mind) that your cause is completely subverted and
   annihilated. For if, as you suppose, the Church which had been spread
   abroad throughout the world perished through her admitting sinners to
   partake in her sacraments (and this is the ground alleged for your
   separation), it had wholly perished long before,--at the time, namely,
   when, as Cyprian says, men were admitted into it without baptism,--and
   thus Cyprian himself had no Church within which to be born; and if so,
   how much more must this have been the case with one who, like Donatus,
   the author of your schism, and the father of your sect, belonged to a
   later age! But if at that time, although persons were being admitted
   into the Church without baptism, the Church nevertheless remained in
   being, so as to give birth to Cyprian and afterwards to Donatus, it is
   manifest that the righteous are not defiled by the sins of other men
   when they participate with them in the sacraments. And thus you have no
   excuse by which you can wash away the guilt of the schism whereby you
   have gone forth from the unity of the Church; and in you is fulfilled
   that saying of Holy Writ: "There is a generation that esteem themselves
   right, and have not cleansed themselves from the guilt of their going
   forth." [2256]

   38. The man who, out of regard to the sameness of the sacraments, does
   not presume to insist on the second administration of baptism even to
   heretics, is not, by thus avoiding Cyprian's error, placed on a level
   with Cyprian in merit, any more than the man who does not insist upon
   the Gentiles conforming to Jewish ceremonies is thereby placed on a
   level in merit with the Apostle Peter. In Peter's case, however, the
   record not only of his halting, but also of his correction, is
   contained in the canonical Scriptures; whereas the statement that
   Cyprian entertained opinions at variance with those approved by the
   constitution and practice of the Church is found, not in canonical
   Scripture, but in his own writings, and in those of a Council; and
   although it is not found in the same records that he corrected that
   opinion, it is nevertheless by no means an unreasonable supposition
   that he did correct it, and that this fact may perhaps have been
   suppressed by those who were too much pleased with the error into which
   he fell, and were unwilling to lose the patronage of so great a name.
   At the same time, there are not wanting some who maintain that Cyprian
   never held the view ascribed to him, but that this was an unwarrantable
   forgery passed off by liars under his name. For it was impossible for
   the integrity and authenticity of the writings of any one bishop,
   however illustrious, to be secured and preserved as the canonical
   Scriptures are through translation into so many languages, and through
   the regular and continuous manner in which the Church has used them in
   public worship. Even in the face of this, some have been found forging
   many things under the names of the apostles. It is true, indeed, that
   they made such attempts in vain, because the text of canonical
   Scripture was so well attested, and so generally used and known; but
   this effort of an unholy boldness, which has not forborne to assail
   writings which are defended by the strength of such notoriety, has
   proved what it is capable of essaying against writings which are not
   established upon canonical authority.

   39. We, however, do not deny that Cyprian held the views ascribed to
   him: first, because his style has a certain peculiarity of expression
   by which it may be recognised; and secondly, because in this case our
   cause rather than yours is proved victorious, and the pretext alleged
   for your schism--namely, that you might not be defiled by the sins of
   other men--is in the most simple manner exploded; since it is manifest
   from the letters of Cyprian that participation in the sacraments was
   allowed to sinful men, when those who, in your judgment (and as you
   will have it, in his judgment also), were unbaptized were as such
   admitted to the Church, and that nevertheless the Church did not
   perish, but remained in the dignity belonging to her nature as the
   Lord's wheat scattered throughout the world. And, therefore, if in your
   consternation you thus betake yourselves to Cyprian's authority as to a
   harbour of refuge, you see the rock against which your error dashes
   itself in this course; if, on the other hand, you do not venture to
   flee thither, you are wrecked without any struggle for escape.

   40. Moreover, Cyprian either did not hold at all the opinions which you
   ascribe to him, or did subsequently correct his mistake by the rule of
   truth, or covered this blemish, as we may call it, upon his otherwise
   spotless mind by the abundance of his love, in his most amply defending
   the unity of the Church growing throughout the whole world, and in his
   most stedfastly holding the bond of peace; for it is written, "Charity
   [love] covereth a multitude of sins." [2257] To this was also added,
   that in him, as a most fruitful branch, the Father removed by the
   pruning-knife of suffering whatever may have remained in him requiring
   correction: "For every branch in me," saith the Lord, "that beareth
   fruit He purgeth, that it may bring forth more fruit." [2258] And
   whence this care of him, if not because, continuing as a branch in the
   far-spreading vine, he did not forsake the root of unity? "For though
   he gave his body to be burned, if he had not charity, it would profit
   him nothing." [2259]

   41. Attend now a little while to the letters of Cyprian, that you may
   see how he proves the man to be inexcusable who desires ostensibly on
   the ground of his own righteousness to withdraw himself from the unity
   of the Church (which God promised and has fulfilled in all nations),
   and that you may more clearly apprehend the truth of the text quoted by
   me shortly before: "There is a generation that esteem themselves
   righteous, and have not cleansed themselves from the guilt of their
   going forth." In a letter which he wrote to Antonianus [2260] he
   discusses a matter very closely akin to that which we are now debating;
   but it is better for us to give his very words: "Some of our
   predecessors," he says, "in the episcopal office in this province were
   of opinion that the peace of the Church should not be given to
   fornicators, and finally closed the door of repentance against those
   who had been guilty of adultery. They did not, however, withdraw
   themselves from fellowship with their colleagues in the episcopate; nor
   did they rend asunder the unity of the Catholic Church, by such
   harshness and obstinate perseverance in their censure as to separate
   themselves from the Church because others granted while they themselves
   refused to adulterers the peace of the Church. The bond of concord
   remaining unbroken, and the sacrament of the Church continuing
   undivided, each bishop arranges and orders his own conduct as one who
   shall give account of his procedure to his Lord." What say you to that,
   brother Vincentius? Surely you must see that this great man, this
   peace-loving bishop and dauntless martyr, made nothing more earnestly
   his care than to prevent the sundering of the bond of unity. You see
   him travailing in birth for the souls of men, not only that they might,
   when conceived, be born in Christ, but also that, when born, they might
   not perish through their being shaken out of their mother's bosom.

   42. Now give attention, I pray you, further to this thing which he has
   mentioned in protesting against impious schismatics. If those who
   granted peace to adulterers, who repented of their sin, shared the
   guilt of adulterers, were those who did not so act defiled by
   fellowship with them as colleagues in office? If, again, it was a right
   thing, as truth asserts and the Church maintains, that peace should be
   given to adulterers who repented of their sin, those who utterly closed
   against adulterers the door of reconciliation through repentance were
   unquestionably guilty of impiety in refusing healing to the members of
   Christ, in taking away the keys of the Church from those who knocked
   for admission, and in opposing with heartless cruelty God's most
   compassionate forbearance, which permitted them to live in order that,
   repenting, they might be healed by the sacrifice of a contrite spirit
   and broken heart. Nevertheless this their heartless error and impiety
   did not defile the others, compassionate and peace-loving men, when
   these shared with them in the Christian sacraments, and tolerated them
   within the net of unity, until the time when, brought to the shore,
   they should be separated from each other; or if this error and impiety
   of others did defile them, then the Church was already at that time
   destroyed, and there was no Church to give Cyprian birth. But if, as is
   beyond question, the Church continued in existence, it is also beyond
   question that no man in the unity of Christ can be stained by the guilt
   of the sins of other men if he be not consenting to the deeds of the
   wicked, and thus defiled by actual participation in their crimes, but
   only, for the sake of the fellowship of the good, tolerating the
   wicked, as the chaff which lies until the final purging of the Lord's
   threshing-floor. These things being so, where is the pretext for your
   schism? Are ye not an "evil generation, esteeming yourselves righteous,
   yet not washed from the guilt of your going forth" [from the Church]?

   43. If, now, I were disposed to quote anything against you from the
   writings of Tychonius, a man of your communion, who has written rather
   in defence of the Church and against you than the reverse, in vain
   disowning the communion of African Christians as traditors (by which
   one thing Parmenianus silences him), what else can you say in reply
   than what Tychonius himself said of you as I have shortly before
   reminded you: "That which is according to our will is holy"? [2261] For
   this Tychonius--a man, as I have said, of your communion--writes that a
   Council was held at Carthage [2262] by two hundred and seventy of your
   bishops; in which Council, after seventy-five days of deliberation, all
   past decisions on the matter being set aside, a carefully revised
   resolution was published, to the effect that to those who were guilty
   of a heinous crime as traditors, the privilege of communion should be
   granted as to blameless persons, if they refused to be baptized. He
   says further, that Deuterius of Macriana, a bishop of your party, added
   to the Church a whole crowd of traditors, without making any
   distinction between them and others, making the unity of the Church
   open to these traditors, in accordance with the decree of the Council
   held by these two hundred and seventy of your bishops, and that after
   that transaction Donatus continued unbroken his communion with the said
   Deuterius, and not only with him, but also with all the Mauritanian
   bishops for forty years, who, according to the statement of Tychonius,
   admitted the traditors to communion without insisting on their being
   rebaptized, up to the time of the persecution made by Macarius.

   44. You will say, "What has that Tychonius to do with me?" It is true
   that Tychonius is the man whom Parmenianus checked by his reply, and
   effectually warned not to write such things; but he did not refute the
   statements themselves, but, as I have said above, silenced him by this
   one thing, that while saying such things concerning the Church which is
   diffused throughout the world, and while admitting that the faults of
   other men within its unity cannot defile one who is innocent, he
   nevertheless withdrew himself from the contagion of communion with
   African Christians because of their being traditors, and was an
   adherent of the party of Donatus. Parmenianus, indeed, might have said
   that Tychonius had in all these things spoken falsely; but, as
   Tychonius himself observes, many were still living at that time by whom
   these things might be proved to be most unquestionably true and
   generally known.

   45. Of these things, however, I say no more: maintain, if you choose,
   that Tychonius spoke falsely; I bring you back to Cyprian, the
   authority which you yourself have quoted. If, according to his
   writings, every one in the unity of the Church is defiled by the sins
   of other members, then the Church had utterly perished before Cyprian's
   time, and all possibility of Cyprian's own existence (as a member of
   the Church) is taken away. If, however, the very thought of this is
   impiety, and it be beyond question that the Church continued in being,
   it follows that no one is defiled by the guilt of the sins of other men
   within the Catholic unity; and in vain do you, "an evil generation,"
   maintain that you are righteous, when you are "not washed from the
   guilt of your going forth."

   Chap. XI.

   46. You will say, "Why then do you seek us? Why do you receive those
   whom you call heretics?" Mark how simple and short is my reply. We seek
   you because you are lost, that we may rejoice over you when found, as
   over you while lost we grieved. Again we call you heretics; but the
   name applies to you only up to the time of your being turned to the
   peace of the Catholic Church, and extricated from the errors by which
   you have been ensnared. For when you pass over to us, you entirely
   abandon the position you formerly occupied, so that, as heretics no
   longer, you pass over to us. You will say, "Then baptize me." I would,
   if you were not already baptized, or if you had received the baptism of
   Donatus, or of Rogatus only, and not of Christ. It is not the Christian
   sacraments, but the crime of schism, which makes you a heretic. The
   evil which has proceeded from yourself is not a reason for our denying
   the good that is permanent in you, but which you possess to your own
   harm if you have it not in that Church from which proceeds its power to
   do good. For from the Catholic Church are all the sacraments of the
   Lord, which you hold and administer in the same way as they were held
   and administered even before you went forth from her. The fact,
   however, that you are no longer in that Church from which proceeded the
   sacraments which you have, does not make it the less true that you
   still have them. We therefore do not change in you that wherein you are
   at one with ourselves, for in many things you are at one with us; and
   of such it is said, "For in many things they were with me:" [2263] but
   we correct those things in which you are not with us, and we wish you
   to receive those things which you have not where you now are. You are
   at one with us in baptism, in creed, and in the other sacraments of the
   Lord. But in the spirit of unity and bond of peace, in a word, in the
   Catholic Church itself, you are not with us. If you receive these
   things, the others which you already have will then not begin to be
   yours, but begin to be of use to you. We do not therefore, as you
   think, receive your men of your party as still belonging to you, but in
   the act of receiving them we incorporate with ourselves those who
   forsake you that they may be received by us; and in order that they may
   belong to us, their first step is to renounce their connection with
   you. Nor do we compel into union with us those who industriously serve
   an error which we abhor; but our reason for wishing those men to be
   united to us is, that they may no longer be worthy of our abhorrence.

   47. But you will say, "The Apostle Paul baptized after John." [2264]
   Did he then baptize after a heretic? If you do presume to call that
   friend of the Bridegroom a heretic, and to say that he was not in the
   unity of the Church, I beg that you will put this in writing. But if
   you believe that it would be the height of folly to think or to say so,
   it remains for your own wisdom to resolve the question why the Apostle
   Paul baptized after John. For if he baptized after one who was his
   equal, you ought all to baptize after one another. If after one who was
   greater than himself, you ought to baptize after Rogatus; if after one
   who was less than himself, Rogatus ought to have baptized after you
   those whom you, as a presbyter, had baptized. If, however, the baptism
   which is now administered is in all cases of equal value to those who
   receive it, however unequal in merit the persons may be by whom it is
   administered, because it is the baptism of Christ, not of those who
   administer the right, I think you must already perceive that Paul
   administered the baptism of Christ to certain persons because they had
   received the baptism of John only, and not of Christ; for it is
   expressly called the baptism of John, as the Divine Scripture bears
   witness in many passages, and as the Lord Himself calls it, saying:
   "The baptism of John, whence was it? from heaven, or of men?" [2265]
   But the baptism which Peter administered was the baptism, not of Peter,
   but of Christ; that which Paul administered was the baptism, not of
   Paul, but of Christ; that which was administered by those who, in the
   apostle's time, preached Christ not sincerely, but of contention,
   [2266] was not their own, but the baptism of Christ; and that which was
   administered by those who, in Cyprian's time, either by artful
   dishonesty obtained their possessions, or by usury, at exorbitant
   interest, increased them, was not their own baptism, but the baptism of
   Christ. And because it was of Christ, therefore, although there was
   very great disparity in the persons by whom it was administered, it was
   equally useful to those by whom it was received. For if the excellency
   of baptism in each case is according to the excellency of the person by
   whom one is baptized, it was wrong in the apostle to give thanks that
   he had baptized none of the Corinthians, but Crispus, and Gaius, and
   the house of Stephanas; [2267] for the baptism of the converts in
   Corinth, if administered by himself, would have been so much more
   excellent as Paul himself was more excellent than other men. Lastly,
   when he says, "I have planted, and Apollos watered," [2268] he seems to
   intimate that he had preached the gospel, and that Apollos had
   baptized. Is Apollos better than John? Why then did he, who baptized
   after John, not baptize after Apollos? Surely because, in the one case,
   the baptism, by whomsoever administered, was the baptism of Christ; and
   in the other case, by whomsoever administered, it was, although
   preparing the way for Christ, only the baptism of John.

   48. It seems to you an odious thing to say that baptism was given to
   some after John had baptized them, and yet that baptism is not to be
   given to men after heretics have baptized them; but it may be said with
   equal justice to be an odious thing that baptism was given to some
   after John had baptized them, and yet that baptism is not to be given
   to men after intemperate persons have baptized them. I name this sin of
   intemperance rather than others, because those in whom it reigns are
   not able to hide it: and yet what man, even though he be blind, does
   not know how many addicted to this vice are to be found everywhere? And
   yet among the works of the flesh, of which it is said that they who do
   them shall not inherit the kingdom of God, the apostle places this in
   an enumeration in which heresies also are specified: "Now the works of
   the flesh," he says, "are manifest, which are these: adultery,
   fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, idolatry, witchcraft, hatred,
   variance, emulations, wrath, strife, seditions, heresies, envyings,
   murders, drunkenness, revellings, and such like; of the which I tell
   you before, as I have also told you in time past, that they who do such
   things shall not inherit the kingdom of God." [2269] Baptism,
   therefore, although it was administered after John, is not administered
   after a heretic, on the very same principle according to which, though
   administered after John; it is not administered after an intemperate
   man: for both heresies and drunkenness are among the works which
   exclude those who do them from inheriting the kingdom of God. Does it
   not seem to you as if it were a thing intolerably unseemly, that
   although baptism was repeated after it had been administered by him
   who, not even moderately drinking wine, but wholly refraining from its
   use, prepared the way for the kingdom of God, and yet that it should
   not be repeated after being administered by an intemperate man, who
   shall not inherit the kingdom of God? What can be said in answer to
   this, but that the one was the baptism of John, after which the apostle
   administered the baptism of Christ; and that the other, administered by
   an intemperate man, was the baptism of Christ? Between John Baptist and
   an intemperate man there is a great difference, as of opposites;
   between the baptism of Christ and the baptism of John there is no
   contrariety, but a great difference. Between the apostle and an
   intemperate man there is a great difference; but there is none between
   the baptism of Christ administered by an apostle, and the baptism of
   Christ administered by an intemperate man. In like manner, between John
   and a heretic there is a great difference, as of opposites; and between
   the baptism of John and the baptism of Christ which a heretic
   administers there is no contrariety, but there is a great difference.
   But between the baptism of Christ which an apostle administers, and the
   baptism of Christ which a heretic administers, there is no difference.
   For the form of the sacrament is acknowledged to be the same even when
   there is a great difference in point of worth between the men by whom
   it is administered.

   49. But pardon me, for I have made a mistake in wishing to convince you
   by arguing from the case of an intemperate man administering baptism;
   for I had forgotten that I am dealing with a Rogatist, not with one
   bearing the wider name of Donatist. For among your colleagues who are
   so few, and in the whole number of your clergy, perhaps you cannot find
   one addicted to this vice. For you are persons who hold that the name
   Catholic is given to the faith not because communion of those who hold
   it embraces the whole world, but because they observe the whole of the
   Divine precepts and the whole of the sacraments; you are the persons in
   whom alone the Son of man when He cometh shall find faith, when on the
   earth He shall find no faith, forasmuch as you are not earth and on the
   earth, but heavenly and dwelling in heaven! Do you not fear, or do you
   not observe that "God resisteth the proud, but giveth grace to the
   humble"? [2270] Does not that very passage in the Gospel startle you,
   in which the Lord saith, "When the Son of man cometh, shall He find
   faith in the earth?" [2271] Immediately thereafter, as if foreseeing
   that some would proudly arrogate to themselves the possession of this
   faith, He spake to some who trusted in themselves that they were
   righteous, and despised others, the parable of the two men who went up
   to the temple to pray, the one a Pharisee, and the other a publican.
   The words which follow I leave for yourself to consider and to answer.
   Nevertheless examine more minutely your small sect, to see whether not
   so much as one who administers baptism is an intemperate man. For so
   widespread is the havoc wrought among souls by this plague, that I am
   greatly surprised if it has not reached even your infinitesimal flock,
   although it is your boast that already, before the coming of Christ,
   the one good Shepherd, you have separated between the sheep and the
   goats.

   Chap. XII.

   50. Listen to the testimony which through me is addressed to you by
   those who are the Lord's wheat, suffering meanwhile until the final
   winnowing, [2272] among the chaff in the Lord's threshing-floor, i.e.
   throughout the whole world, because "God hath called the earth from the
   rising of the sun unto the going down thereof," [2273] and throughout
   the same wide field the "children praise Him." [2274] We disapprove of
   every one who, taking advantage of this imperial edict, persecutes you,
   not with loving concern for your correction, but with the malice of an
   enemy. Moreover, although, since every earthly possession can be
   rightly retained only on the ground either of divine right, according
   to which all things belong to the righteous, or of human right, which
   is in the jurisdiction of the kings of the earth, you are mistaken in
   calling those things yours which you do not possess as righteous
   persons, and which you have forfeited by the laws of earthly
   sovereigns, and plead in vain, "We have laboured to gather them,"
   seeing that you may read what is written, "The wealth of the sinner is
   laid up for the just;" [2275] nevertheless we disapprove of any one
   who, availing himself of this law which the kings of the earth, doing
   homage to Christ, have published in order to correct your impiety,
   covetously seeks to possess himself of your property. Also we
   disapprove of any one who, on the ground not of justice, but of
   avarice, seizes and retains the provision pertaining to the poor, or
   the chapels [2276] in which you meet for worship, which you once
   occupied in the name of the Church, and which are by all means the
   rightful property only of that Church which is the true Church of
   Christ. We disapprove of any one who receives a person that has been
   expelled by you for some disgraceful action or crime, on the same terms
   on which those are received who have lived among you chargeable with no
   other crime beyond the error through which you are separated from us.
   But these are things which you cannot easily prove; and although you
   can prove them, we bear with some whom we are unable to correct or even
   to punish; and we do not quit the Lord's threshing-floor because of the
   chaff which is there, nor break the Lord's net because of bad fishes
   enclosed therein, nor desert the Lord's flock because of goats which
   are to be in the end separated from it, nor go forth from the Lord's
   house because in it there are vessels destined to dishonour.

   Chap. XIII.

   51. But, my brother, if you forbear seeking the empty honour which
   comes from men, and despise the reproach of fools, who will be ready to
   say, "Why do you now destroy what you once laboured to build up?" it
   seems to me to be beyond doubt that you will now pass over to the
   Church which I perceive that you acknowledge to be the true Church: the
   proofs of which sentiment on your part I find at hand. For in the
   beginning of your letter which I am now answering you have these words:
   "I knew you, my excellent friend, as a man devoted to peace and
   uprightness, when you were still far removed from the Christian faith,
   and were in these earlier days occupied with literary pursuits; but
   since your conversion at a more recent time to the Christian faith, you
   give your time and labour, as I am informed by the statements of many
   persons, to theological controversies." [2277] These words are
   undoubtedly your own, if you were the person who sent me that letter.
   Seeing, therefore, that you confess that I have been converted to the
   Christian faith, although I have not been converted to the sect of the
   Donatists or of the Rogatists, you unquestionably uphold the truth that
   beyond the pale of Rogatists and Donatists the Christian faith exists.
   This faith therefore is, as we say, spread abroad throughout all
   nations, which are according to God's testimony blessed in the seed of
   Abraham. [2278] Why therefore do you still hesitate to adopt what you
   perceive to be true, unless it be that you are humbled because at some
   former time you did not perceive what you now see, or maintained some
   different view, and so, while ashamed to correct an error, are not
   ashamed (where shame would be much more reasonable) of remaining
   wilfully in error?

   52. Such conduct the Scripture has not passed over in silence; for we
   read, "There is a shame which bringeth sin, and there is a shame which
   is graceful and glorious." [2279] Shame brings sin, when through its
   influence any one forbears from changing a wicked opinion, lest he be
   supposed to be fickle, or be held as by his own judgment convicted of
   having been long in error: such persons descend into the pit alive,
   that is, conscious of their perdition; whose future doom the death of
   Dathan and Abiram and Korah, swallowed up by the opening earth, long
   ago prefigured. [2280] But shame is graceful and glorious when one
   blushes for his own sin, and by repentance is changed to something
   better, which you are reluctant to do because overpowered by that false
   and fatal shame, fearing lest by men who know not whereof they affirm,
   that sentence of the apostle may be quoted against you: "If I build
   again the things which I destroyed, I make myself a transgressor."
   [2281] If, however, this sentence admitted of application to those who,
   after being corrected, preach the truth which in their perversity they
   opposed, it might have been said at first against Paul himself, in
   regard to whom the churches of Christ glorified God when they heard
   that he now "preached the faith which once he destroyed." [2282]

   53. Do not, however, imagine that one can pass from error to truth, or
   from any sin, be it great or small, to the correction of his sin,
   without giving some proof of his repentance. It is, however, an error
   of intolerable impertinence for men to blame the Church, which is
   proved by so many Divine testimonies to be the Church of Christ, for
   dealing in one way with those who forsake her, receiving them back on
   condition of correcting this fault by some acknowledgment of their
   repentance, and in another way with those who never were within her
   pale, and are receiving welcome to her peace for the first time; her
   method being to humble the former more fully, and to receive the latter
   upon easier terms, cherishing affection for both, and ministering with
   a mother's love to the health of both.

   You have here perhaps a longer letter than you desired. It would have
   been much shorter if in my reply I had been thinking of you alone; but
   as it is, even though it should be of no use to yourself, I do not
   think that it can fail to be of use to those who shall take pains to
   read it in the fear of God, and without respect of persons. Amen.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2141] Ps. cviii. 5.

   [2142] Jer. ii. 30.

   [2143] John xiii. 36.

   [2144] Prov. xxvii. 6.

   [2145] Gen. xii., xxvi., xlii., and xliii.

   [2146] 2 Cor. xii. 7-9.

   [2147] Matt. v. 45.

   [2148] Luke xiv. 23.

   [2149] John vi. 44.

   [2150] Gen. xvi. 5.

   [2151] Gal. iv. 29.

   [2152] Ex. v. 9 and xxxii. 27.

   [2153] 1 Kings xviii. 4, 40.

   [2154] Matt. xxvi. 52.

   [2155] Acts xvi. 22, 23, and xviii. 17.

   [2156] paredoken.

   [2157] Rom. viii. 32.

   [2158] paradontos.

   [2159] Gal. ii. 20.

   [2160] parado.

   [2161] John xiii. 2.

   [2162] Acts xxi. 23, 24.

   [2163] 1 Cor. v. 5.

   [2164] 1 Tim. i. 20.

   [2165] Matt. v. 10.

   [2166] Ps. ci. 5.

   [2167] Ps. ii. 10, 11, 1, 2.

   [2168] Rom. x. 2, 3.

   [2169] Matt. v. 40.

   [2170] See Letter LXXXVIII. § 2.

   [2171] "Quod volumus sanctum est."--Tychonius.

   [2172] Matt. xiii. 24-30.

   [2173] Phil. i. 15, 18.

   [2174] Col. iii. 5.

   [2175] Prov. ix. 9.

   [2176] Prov. xxix. 19.

   [2177] John x. 16.

   [2178] Gen. xxvi. 4.

   [2179] Ps. l. 1.

   [2180] Ps. lxxii. 8.

   [2181] Dan. vi. 23, 24.

   [2182] Prov. xxvi. 27.

   [2183] Rom. xiii. 1-3.

   [2184] Ps. l. 20.

   [2185] Mal. i. 11.

   [2186] Ps. lxxii. 17-19.

   [2187] Luke xxiv. 44-47.

   [2188] Acts i. 15, 8, and ii.

   [2189] Ps. xix. 4; Rom. x. 18.

   [2190] Typhus morticinæ pelliculæ.

   [2191] Ps. l. 20.

   [2192] 1 Cor. viii. 11.

   [2193] 1 Cor. iii. 2.

   [2194] Matt. xxiv. 14.

   [2195] Luke xvii. 8.

   [2196] Gal. i. 8.

   [2197] Luke xxiv. 46.

   [2198] Præter.

   [2199] Luke xxiv. 47.

   [2200] Gal. i. 9.

   [2201] Meridie; at noon, E. V. Cant. i. 7.

   [2202] Now Tunis.

   [2203] Meridie.

   [2204] Ps. xlviii. 2.

   [2205] Cant. i. 7.

   [2206] Josh. xxii. 9-12.

   [2207] Gal. iv. 27.

   [2208] Quoslibet is obviously the true reading.

   [2209] Cant. ii. 2.

   [2210] Ps. lxi. 2.

   [2211] In this and the other passages quoted, Augustin translates from
   the LXX.

   [2212] Ps. cxix. 53 and 158.

   [2213] Cant. i. 7.

   [2214] Ps. xc. 12.

   [2215] Cant. ii. 2.

   [2216] Ps. lv. 14, 15.

   [2217] Nisi cognoveris temetipsam.

   [2218] Gregum.

   [2219] Cant. i. 8.

   [2220] Matt. v. 14.

   [2221] Isa. ii. 2.

   [2222] Ps. xlv. 11-16.

   [2223] 1 John ii. 19.

   [2224] John xxi. 17.

   [2225] John x. 16.

   [2226] Matt. vii. 14.

   [2227] Gen. xxii. 14.

   [2228] Matt. viii. 11.

   [2229] Tit. ii. 14; periousios being translated by Augustin "abundans,"
   where our version has "peculiar."

   [2230] Rev. vii. 9.

   [2231] en skotomene, LXX.

   [2232] Ps. xi. 2.

   [2233] Vincentius had quoted from Hilary's work, De Synodis adversum
   Arianos, a sentence to the effect that, with the exception of a very
   small remnant, the ten provinces of Asia in which he was settled were
   truly ignorant of God.

   [2234] Gal. iii. 1, 3.

   [2235] Gal. iv. 19.

   [2236] Gal. ii. 11-21.

   [2237] Matt. xiii. 24-39.

   [2238] 1 Cor. xv. 12.

   [2239] 1 Cor. xv. 33, 34.

   [2240] 1 Cor. iii. 3.

   [2241] 1 Cor. i. 4-7.

   [2242] 1 Cor. ii. 14.

   [2243] 1 John v. 19.

   [2244] 1 John ii. 2.

   [2245] Matt. iii. 12.

   [2246] Matt. xxiv. 31.

   [2247] Ps. xii. 1.

   [2248] Matt. xxiv. 12, 13.

   [2249] Ps. xii. 7.

   [2250] Eph. v. 27.

   [2251] Agrippinus, successor of Cyprian in the see of Carthage.

   [2252] Phil. iii. 15, 16.

   [2253] Ps. lxvii. 1, 2.

   [2254] See Ante-Nicene Fathers, Am. ed. vol. v. p. 379.

   [2255] Held at Carthage, A.D. 256.

   [2256] Prov. xxx. 12, ekgonon kakon dikaion eauton krinei, ten d'
   exodon autou ouk apenipsen.

   [2257] 1 Pet. iv. 8.

   [2258] John xv. 2.

   [2259] 1 Cor. xiii. 3.

   [2260] Letter LI. 21. Ante-Nicene Fathers, Am. ed. vol. v. p. 332.

   [2261] P. 387.

   [2262] This Council at Carthage is not elsewhere mentioned.

   [2263] Ps. lv. 18, Septuagint.

   [2264] Acts xix. 5.

   [2265] Matt. xxi. 25.

   [2266] Phil. i. 15, 17.

   [2267] 1 Cor. i. 14.

   [2268] 1 Cor. iii. 6.

   [2269] Gal. v. 19-21.

   [2270] Jas. iv. 6.

   [2271] Luke xviii. 8.

   [2272] Matt. iii. 12.

   [2273] Ps. l. 1.

   [2274] Ps. cxiii. 1-3.

   [2275] Prov. xiii. 22.

   [2276] Basilicæ.

   [2277] Disputationibus legalibus.

   [2278] Gen. xxii. 18.

   [2279] Ecclus. iv. 21.

   [2280] Num. xvi. 31-33.

   [2281] Gal. ii. 18.

   [2282] Gal. i. 23, 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCIV.

   (a.d. 408.)

   A letter to Augustin from Paulinus and Therasia, the substance of which
   is sufficiently stated in the next letter, which contains the reply of
   Augustin to his friend's questions concerning the present life, the
   nature of the bodies of the blessed in the life to come, and the
   functions of the members of the body after the resurrection.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCV.

   (a.d. 408.)

   To Brother Paulinus and Sister Therasia, Most Beloved and Sincere
   Saints Worthy of Affection and Veneration, Fellow-Disciples with
   Himself Under the Lord Jesus as Master, Augustin Sends Greeting in the
   Lord.

   1. When brethren most closely united to us, towards whom along with us
   you are accustomed both to cherish and to express sentiments of regard
   which we all cordially reciprocate, have frequent occasions of visiting
   you, this benefit is one by which we are comforted under evil rather
   than made to rejoice in increase of good. For we strive to the utmost
   of our power to avoid the causes and emergencies which necessitate
   their journeys, and yet,--I know not how, unless it be as just
   retribution,--they cannot be dispensed with: but when they return to us
   and see us, that word of Scripture is fulfilled in our experience: "In
   the multitude of my thoughts within me, Thy comforts delight my soul."
   [2283] Accordingly, when you learn from our brother Possidius himself
   how sad is the occasion which has compelled him to go to Italy, [2284]
   you will know how true the remarks I have made are in regard to the joy
   which he has in meeting you; and yet, if any of us should cross the sea
   for the one purpose of enjoying a meeting with you, what more cogent or
   worthy reason could be found? This, however, would not be compatible
   with those obligations by which we are bound to minister to those who
   are languid through infirmity, and not to withdraw our bodily presence
   from them, unless their malady, assuming dangerous form, makes such
   departure imperative. Whether in these things we are receiving
   chastening or judgment I know not; but this I know, that He is not
   dealing with us according to our sins, nor requiting us according to
   our iniquities, [2285] who mingles so great comfort with our
   tribulation, and who, by remedies which fill us with wonder, secures
   that we shall not love the world, and shall not by it be made to fall
   away.

   2. I asked in a former letter your opinion as to the nature of the
   future life of the saints; but you have said in your reply that we have
   still much to study concerning our condition in this present life, and
   you do well, except in this, that you have expressed your desire to
   learn from me that of which you are either equally ignorant or equally
   well-informed with myself, or rather, of which you know much more
   perhaps than I do; for you have said with perfect truth, that before we
   meet the dissolution of this mortal body, we must die, in a gospel
   sense, by a voluntary departure, withdrawing ourselves, not by death,
   but by deliberate resolution, from the life of this world. This course
   is a simple one, and is beset with no waves of uncertainty; because we
   are of opinion that we ought so to live in this mortal life that we may
   be in some measure fitted for immortality. The whole question, however,
   which, when discussed and investigated, perplexes men like myself, is
   this--how we ought to live among or for the welfare of those who have
   not yet learned to live by dying, not in the dissolution of the body,
   but by turning themselves with a certain mental resolution away from
   the attractions of mere natural things. For in most cases, it seems to
   us that unless we in some small degree conform to them in regard to
   those very things from which we desire to see them delivered, we shall
   not succeed in doing them any good. And when we do thus conform, a
   pleasure in such things steals upon ourselves, so that often we are
   pleased to speak and to listen to frivolous things, and not only to
   smile at them, but even to be completely overcome with laughter: thus
   burdening our souls with feelings which cleave to the dust, or even to
   the mire of this world, we experience greater difficulty and reluctance
   in raising ourselves to God that by dying a gospel-death we may live a
   gospel-life. And whensoever this state of mind is reached, immediately
   thereupon will follow the commendation, "Well done! well done!" not
   from men, for no man perceives in another the mental act by which
   divine things are apprehended, but in a certain inward silence there
   sounds I know not whence, "Well done! well done!" Because of this kind
   of temptation, the great apostle confesses that he was buffeted by the
   angel. [2286] Behold whence it comes that our whole life on earth is a
   temptation; for man is tempted even in that thing in which he is being
   conformed so far as he can be to the likeness of the heavenly life.

   3. What shall I say as to the infliction or remission of punishment, in
   cases in which we have no other desire than to forward the spiritual
   welfare of those in regard to whom we judge that they ought or ought
   not to be punished? Also, if we consider not only the nature and
   magnitude of faults, but also what each may be able or unable to bear
   according to his strength of mind, how deep and dark a question it is
   to adjust the amount of punishment so as to prevent the person who
   receives it not only from getting no good, but also from suffering loss
   thereby! Besides, I know not whether a greater number have been
   improved or made worse when alarmed under threats of such punishment at
   the hands of men as is an object of fear. What, then, is the path of
   duty, seeing that it often happens that if you inflict punishment on
   one he goes to destruction; whereas, if you leave him unpunished,
   another is destroyed? I confess that I make mistakes daily in regard to
   this, and that I know not when and how to observe the rule of
   Scripture: "Them that sin rebuke before all, that others may fear;"
   [2287] and that other rule, "Tell him his fault between thee and him
   alone;" [2288] and the rule, "Judge nothing before the time;" [2289]
   "Judge not, that ye be not judged" [2290] (in which command the Lord
   has not added the words, "before the time"); and this saying of
   Scripture, "Who art thou that judgest another man's servant? to his own
   master he standeth or falleth: yea, he shall be holden up, for God is
   able to make him stand;" [2291] by which words he makes it plain that
   he is speaking of those who are within the Church; yet, on the other
   hand, he commands them to be judged when he says, "What have I to do to
   judge them also that are without? do not ye judge them that are within?
   therefore put away from among yourselves that wicked person." [2292]
   But when this is necessary, how much care and fear is occasioned by the
   question to what extent it should be done, lest that happen which, in
   his second epistle to them, the apostle is found admonishing these
   persons to beware of in that very example, saying, "lest, perhaps, such
   an one should be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow;" adding, in order
   to prevent men from thinking this a thing not calling for anxious care,
   "lest Satan should get an advantage of us; for we are not ignorant of
   his devices." [2293] What trembling we feel in all these things, my
   brother Paulinus, O holy man of God! what trembling, what darkness! May
   we not think that with reference to these things it was said,
   "Fearfulness and trembling are come upon me, and horror hath
   overwhelmed me. And I said, Oh that I had wings like a dove! for then
   would I fly away, and be at rest. Lo, then would I wander far off, and
   remain in the wilderness." And yet even in the wilderness perchance he
   still experienced it; for he adds, "I waited for Him who should deliver
   me from weakness and from tempest." [2294] Truly, therefore, is the
   life of man upon the earth a life of temptation. [2295]

   4. Moreover, as to the oracles of God, is it not true that they are
   lightly touched rather than grasped and handled by us, seeing that in
   by far the greater part of them we do not already possess opinions
   definite and ascertained, but are rather inquiring what our opinion
   ought to be? And this caution, though attended with abundant
   disquietude, is much better than the rashness of dogmatic assertion.
   Also, if a man is not carnally minded (which the apostle says is
   death), will he not be a great cause of offence to those who are still
   carnally minded, in many parts of Scripture in the exposition of which
   to say what you believe is most perilous, and to refrain from saying it
   is most grievous, and to say something else than what you believe is
   most pernicious? Nay more, when in the discourses or writings of those
   who are within the Church we find some things censurable, and do not
   conceal our disapprobation (supposing such correction to be according
   to the freedom of brotherly love), how great a sin is committed against
   us when we are suspected of being actuated in this by envy and not by
   goodwill! and how much do we sin against others, when we in like manner
   impute to those who find fault with our opinions a desire rather to
   wound than to correct us! Verily, there arise usually from this cause
   bitter enmities even between persons bound to each other by the
   greatest affection and intimacy, when, "thinking of men above that
   which is written, any one is puffed up for one against another;" [2296]
   and while they bite and devour one another, "there is reason to fear
   lest they be consumed one of another." [2297] Therefore, "Oh that I had
   wings like a dove! for then would I fly away, and be at rest." [2298]
   For whether it be that the dangers by which one is beset seem to him
   greater than those of which he has no experience, or that my
   impressions are correct, I cannot help thinking that any amount of
   weakness and of tempest in the wilderness would be more easily borne
   than the things which we feel or fear in the busy world.

   5. I therefore greatly approve of your saying that we should make the
   state in which men stand, or rather the course which they run, in this
   present life, the theme of our discussion. I add as another reason for
   our giving this subject the preference, that the finding and following
   of the course itself must come before our finding and possessing that
   towards which it leads. When, therefore, I asked your views on this, I
   acted as if, through holding and observing carefully the right rule of
   this life, we were already free from disquietude concerning its course,
   although I feel in so many things, and especially in those which I have
   mentioned, that I toil in the midst of very great dangers.
   Nevertheless, forasmuch as the cause of all this ignorance and
   embarrassment appears to me to be that, in the midst of a great variety
   of manners and of minds having inclinations and infirmities hidden
   altogether from our sight, we seek the interest of those who are
   citizens and subjects, not of Rome which is on earth, but of Jerusalem
   which is in heaven, it seemed to me more agreeable to converse with you
   about what we shall be, than about what we now are. For although we do
   not know the blessings which are to be enjoyed yonder, of one thing at
   least we are assured, and it is not a small thing, that yonder the
   evils which we experience here shall have no place.

   6. Wherefore, as to the ordering of this present life in the way which
   we must follow in order to the attainment of eternal life, I know that
   our carnal appetites must be held in check, only so much concession
   being made to the gratification of the bodily senses as suffices for
   the support of this life and the active discharge of its duties, and
   that all the vexations of this life which come upon us in connection
   with the truth of God, and the eternal welfare of ourselves or of our
   neighbours, must be borne with patience and fortitude. I know also that
   with all the zeal of love we should seek the good of our neighbour,
   that he may rightly spend the present life so as to obtain life
   eternal. I know also that we ought to prefer spiritual to carnal,
   immutable to mutable things, and that all this a man is so much more or
   less enabled to do, according as he is more or less helped by the grace
   of God through Jesus Christ our Lord. But I do not know the reason why
   one or another is more or less helped or not helped by that grace; this
   only I know, that God does this with perfect justice, and for reasons
   which to Himself are known as sufficient. In regard, however, to the
   things which I have mentioned above, as to the way in which we ought to
   live amongst men, if anything has become known to you through
   experience or meditation, I beseech you to give me instruction. And if
   these things perplex you not less than myself, make them the subject of
   conference with some judicious spiritual physician, whom you may find
   either where you reside, or in Rome, when you make your annual visit to
   the city, and thereafter write to me whatever the Lord may reveal to
   you through his instructions, or to you and him together when engaged
   in conversation on the subject.

   7. As to the resurrection of the body, and the future offices of its
   members in the incorruptible and immortal state, since you have, in
   return for the questions which I put to you, inquired my views on these
   matters, listen to a brief statement which, if it be not sufficient,
   may afterwards, with the Lord's help, be amplified by fuller
   discussion. It is to be held most firmly, as a doctrine in regard to
   which the testimony of Holy Scripture is true and unmistakable, that
   these visible and earthly bodies which are now called natural [2299]
   shall, in the resurrection of the faithful and just, be spiritual
   bodies. At the same time, I do not know how the quality of a spiritual
   body can be comprehended or stated by us, seeing that it lies beyond
   the range of our experience. There shall be, assuredly, in such bodies
   no corruption, and therefore they shall not require the perishable
   nourishment which is now necessary; yet though unnecessary, it will not
   be impossible for them at their pleasure to take and actually consume
   food; otherwise it would not have been taken after His resurrection by
   the Lord, who has given us such an example of the resurrection of the
   body, that the apostle argues from it: "If the dead rise not, then is
   not Christ raised." [2300] But He, when He appeared to His disciples,
   having all His members, and using them according to their functions,
   also pointed out to them the places where His wounds had been,
   regarding which I have always supposed that they were the scars, not
   the wounds themselves, and that they were there, not of necessity, but
   according to His free exercise of power. He gave at that time the
   clearest evidence of the ease with which He exercised this power, both
   by showing Himself in another form to the two disciples, and by His
   appearing, not as a spirit, but in His true body, to the disciples in
   the upper chamber, although the doors were shut. [2301]

   8. From this arises the question as to angels, whether they have bodies
   adapted to their duties and their swift motions from place to place, or
   are only spirits? For if we say that they have bodies, we are met by
   the passage: "He maketh His angels spirits;" [2302] and if we say that
   they have not bodies, a still greater difficulty meets us in explaining
   how, if they are without bodily form, it is written that they appeared
   to the bodily senses of men, accepted offers of hospitality, permitted
   their feet to be washed, and used the meat and drink which was provided
   for them. [2303] For it seems to involve us in less difficulty, if we
   suppose that the angels are there called spirits in the same manner as
   men are called souls, e.g. in the statement that so many souls (not
   signifying that they had not bodies also) went down with Jacob into
   Egypt, [2304] than if we suppose that, without bodily form, all these
   things were done by angels. Again, a certain definite height is named
   in the Apocalypse as the stature of an angel, in dimensions which could
   apply only to bodies, proving that that which appeared to the eyes of
   men is to be explained, not as an illusion, but as resulting from the
   power which we have spoken of as easily put forth by spiritual bodies.
   But whether angels have bodies or not, and whether or not any one be
   able to show how without bodies they could do all these things, it is
   nevertheless certain, that in that city of the holy in which those of
   our race who have been redeemed by Christ shall be united for ever to
   thousands of angels, voices proceeding from organs of speech shall
   furnish expression to the thoughts of minds in which nothing is hidden;
   for in that divine fellowship it will not be possible for any thought
   in one to remain concealed from another, but there shall be complete
   harmony and oneness of heart in the praise of God, and this shall find
   utterance not only from the spirit, but through the spiritual body as
   its instrument; this, at least, is what I believe.

   9. Meanwhile, if you have already found or can learn from other
   teachers anything more fully agreeing with the truth than this, I am
   most eagerly longing to be instructed therein by you. Study carefully,
   if you please, my letter, in regard to which, as you pled in excuse for
   your very hurried reply the haste of the deacon who brought it to me, I
   do not make any complaint, but rather remind you of it, in order that
   what was then omitted in your answer may now be supplied. Look over it
   again, and observe what I wished to learn from you, both regarding your
   opinion concerning Christian retirement as a means to the acquisition
   and discussion of the truths of Christian wisdom, and regarding that
   retirement in which I supposed that you had found leisure, but in which
   it is reported to me that you are engrossed with occupation to an
   incredible extent.

   May you, in whom the holy God has given us great joy and consolation,
   live mindful of us, and in true felicity. (This sentence is added by
   another hand.)
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2283] Ps. xciv. 19.

   [2284] Possidus, bishop of Calama, was going to Rome to complain of the
   outrage of the Pagans of Calama, described in Letter XCI. sec. 8, p.
   378.

   [2285] Ps. ciii. 10.

   [2286] 2 Cor. xii. 7.

   [2287] 1 Tim. v. 20.

   [2288] Matt. xviii. 15.

   [2289] 1 Cor. iv. 5.

   [2290] Matt. vii. 1.

   [2291] Rom. xiv. 4.

   [2292] 1 Cor. v. 12, 13.

   [2293] 2 Cor. ii. 7, 11.

   [2294] Ps. lv. 5-8, as given in the LXX.

   [2295] Job vii. 1.

   [2296] 1 Cor. iv. 6.

   [2297] Gal. v. 15.

   [2298] Ps. lv. 6.

   [2299] Animalia, 1 Cor. xv. 34.

   [2300] 1 Cor. xv. 16.

   [2301] Luke xxiv. 15-43; John xx. 14-29; Mark xvi. 12, 14.

   [2302] Ps. civ. 4 and Heb. i. 7.

   [2303] Gen. xviii. 2-9 and Gen. xix. 1-3.

   [2304] Gen. xlvi. 27.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCVI.

   (a.d. 408.)

   To Olympius, My Lord Greatly Beloved, and My Son Worthy of Honour and
   Regard As a Member of Christ, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. Whatever your rank may be in connection with the course of this
   world, I have the greatest confidence in addressing you as my
   much-loved, true-hearted Christian fellow-servant Olympius. For I know
   that this name, in your esteem, excels all other glorious and lofty
   titles. Reports have indeed reached me that you have obtained some
   promotion in worldly honour, but no information confirming the truth of
   the rumour had come to me up to the time when this opportunity of
   writing to you occurred. Since, however, I know that you have learned
   from the Lord not to mind high things, but to condescend to those who
   are lightly esteemed by men, whatever the pinnacle to which you may
   have been raised, we take for granted, my lord greatly beloved, and son
   worthy of honour and regard as a member of Christ, that you will still
   make a letter from me welcome, just as you were wont to do. And as to
   your worldly prosperity, I do not doubt that you will wisely use it for
   your eternal gain; so that the greater the influence which you acquire
   in the commonwealth on this earth, the more will you devote yourself to
   the interests of the heavenly city to which you owe your birth in
   Christ, forasmuch as this shall be more abundantly repaid to you in the
   land of the living, and in the true peace which yields sure and endless
   joys. [2305]

   2. I again commend to your kind consideration the petition of my
   brother and colleague Boniface, in the hope that what could not be done
   before may be in your power now. He might perhaps, indeed, legally
   retain, without any further difficulty, that which his predecessor had
   acquired, though under another name than his own, and which he had
   begun to possess in name of the church; but we do not wish, since his
   predecessor was in debt to the public exchequer, to have this burden
   upon our conscience. For that act of fraud was none the less truly
   fraud because perpetrated at the expense of the public revenue. The
   same Paul (the predecessor of Boniface), when he was made bishop, being
   about to surrender all his effects because of the accumulated burden of
   arrears due to the public exchequer, having secured payment of a bond
   by which a certain sum of money was due to him, bought with it, as if
   for the church, in the name of a family then very powerful, these few
   fields by the produce of which he might support himself, in order that,
   in respect to these also, after his old practice, he might escape
   annoyance at the hands of the collectors of the revenue, although he
   was paying no tax. Boniface, however, when ordained over the same
   church, on his death, hesitated to take the fields which he had thus
   held; and although he might have contented himself with asking from the
   emperor no more than a remission of the fiscal arrears which his
   predecessor had incurred on this small property, he preferred to
   confess without reserve that Paul had bought the property at an auction
   with money of his own, at a time when he was bankrupt as a debtor to
   the public revenue, so that now the Church may, if possible, obtain
   possession of this, not through the secret fraud of her bishop, but by
   an open act of the Christian emperor's liberality. And if this be
   impossible, the servants of God prefer to bear the hardship of want,
   rather than obtain the supply of that which they require under
   reproaches of conscience for dishonourable dealing.

   3. I beg you to condescend to give your support to this petition,
   because he has resolved not to bring forward the decision in his favour
   which was formerly obtained, lest it should preclude him from the
   liberty of making a second application; for the answer then given fell
   short of what he desired. And now, since you are of the same kindly
   disposition that you formerly were, but possessed of greater influence,
   I do not despair of this being easily granted by the Lord's help, in
   consideration of your claims on the emperor; and if even you were to
   ask the gift of the property in your own name, and present it to the
   church of which I have spoken, who would find fault with your request;
   nay, rather, who would not commend it, as dictated not by personal
   covetousness, but by Christian piety? May the mercy of the Lord our God
   shield you, and make you more and more happy in Christ, my lord and
   son.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2305] This Olympius was appointed in 408 (A.D.) to the office of
   highest authority in the court of Honorius (magister officiorum), in
   room of Stilicho, who was put to death at Ravenna on account of
   suspected complicity with the authors of the sedition which threatened
   the life of the emperor at Pavia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCVII.

   (a.d. 408.)

   To Olympius, My Excellent and Justly Distinguished Lord, and My Son
   Worthy of Much Honour in Christ, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Although, when we heard recently of your having obtained merited
   promotion to the highest rank, we felt persuaded, however uncertain we
   still were in some degree as to the truth of the report, that towards
   the Church of which we rejoice to know that you are truly a son, there
   was no other feeling in your mind than that which you have now made
   patent to us in your letter, nevertheless, having now read that letter
   in which you have been pleased of your own accord to send to us, when
   we were full of backwardness and diffidence, a most gracious
   exhortation to use our humble efforts in pointing out to you how the
   Lord, by whose gift you are thus powerful, may from time to time, by
   means of your pious obedience, bring assistance to His Church, we write
   to you with the more abundant confidence, my excellent and justly
   distinguished lord, and my son worthy of much honour in Christ.

   2. Many brethren, indeed, holy men who are my colleagues, have, by
   reason of the troubles of the church here, gone--I might almost say as
   fugitives--to the emperor's most illustrious court; and these brethren
   you may have already seen, or may have received from Rome their
   letters, in connection with their respective occasions of appeal. I
   have not had it in my power to consult them before writing;
   nevertheless, I was unwilling to miss the opportunity of sending a
   letter by the bearer, my brother and fellow-presbyter, who has been
   compelled, though in mid-winter, to make the best of his way into those
   parts, under pressing necessity, in order to save the life of a
   fellow-citizen. I write, therefore, to salute you, and to charge you by
   the love which you have in Christ Jesus our Lord, to see that your good
   work be hastened on with the utmost diligence, in order that the
   enemies of the Church may know that those laws concerning the
   demolition of idols and the correction of heretics which were sent into
   Africa while Stilicho yet lived, were framed by the desire of our most
   pious and faithful emperor; for they either cunningly boast, or
   unwillingly imagine that this was done without his knowledge, or
   against his will, and thus they render the minds of the ignorant full
   of seditious violence, and excite them to dangerous and vehement enmity
   against us.

   3. I do not doubt that, in submitting this in the way of petition or
   respectful suggestion to the consideration of your Excellency, I act
   agreeably to the wishes of all my colleagues throughout Africa; and I
   think that it is your duty to take measures, as could be easily done,
   on whatever opportunity may first arise, to make it understood by these
   vain men (whose salvation we seek, although they resist us), that it
   was to the care, not of Stilicho, but of the son of Theodosius, that
   those laws which have been sent into Africa for the defence of the
   Church of Christ owed their promulgation. On account of these things,
   then, the presbyter whom I have mentioned already, the bearer of this
   letter, who is from the district of Milevi, was ordered by his bishop,
   the venerable Severus, who joins me in cordial salutations to you,
   whose love we esteem most genuine, to pass through Hippo-regius, where
   I am; because, when we happened to meet together in time of serious
   tribulation and distress to the Church, we sought an opportunity of
   writing to your Highness, but found none. I had indeed already sent one
   letter in regard to the business of our holy brother and colleague
   Boniface, bishop of Cataqua; but the heavier calamities destined to
   cause us greater agitation had not then befallen us, regarding which,
   and the means whereby something may be done with the best counsel for
   their prevention or punishment, according to the method of Christ, the
   bishops who have sailed hence on that errand will be able more
   conveniently to confer with you, in whose cordial goodwill towards us
   we rejoice, inasmuch as they are able to report to you something which
   has been, so far as limited time permitted, the result of careful and
   united consultation. But as to this other matter, namely, that the
   province be made to know how the mind of our most gracious and
   religious emperor stands towards the Church, I recommend, nay, I beg,
   beseech, and implore you, to take care that no time be lost, but that
   its accomplishment be hastened, even before you see the bishops who
   have gone from us, so soon as shall be possible for you, in the
   exercise of your most eminent vigilance on behalf of the members of
   Christ who are now in circumstances of the utmost danger; for the Lord
   has provided no small consolation for us under these trials, seeing
   that it has pleased Him to put much more now than formerly in your
   power, although we were already filled with joy by the number and the
   magnitude of your good offices.

   4. We rejoice much in the firm and stedfast faith of some, and these
   not few in number, who by means of these laws have been converted to
   the Christian religion, or from schism to Catholic peace, for whose
   eternal welfare we are glad to run the risk of forfeiting temporal
   welfare. For on this account especially we now have to endure at the
   hands of men, exceedingly and obdurately perverse, more grievous
   assaults of enmity, which some of them, along with us, bear most
   patiently; but we are in very great fear because of their weakness,
   until they learn, and are enabled by the help of the Lord's most
   compassionate grace, to despise with more abundant strength of spirit
   the present world and man's short day. May it please your Highness to
   deliver the letter of instructions which I have sent to my brethren the
   bishops when they come, if, as I suppose, they have not yet reached
   you. For we have such confidence in the unfeigned devotion of your
   heart, that with the Lord's help we desire to have you not only giving
   us your assistance, but also participating in our consultations.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCVIII.

   (a.d. 408.)

   To Boniface, His Colleague in the Episcopal Office, Augustin Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. You ask me to state "whether parents do harm to their baptized
   infant children, when they attempt to heal them in time of sickness by
   sacrifices to the false gods of the heathen." Also, "if they do thereby
   no harm to their children, how can any advantage come to these children
   at their baptism, through the faith of parents whose departure from the
   faith does them no harm?" To which I reply, that in the holy union of
   the parts of the body of Christ, so great is the virtue of that
   sacrament, namely, of baptism, which brings salvation, that so soon as
   he who owed his first birth to others, acting under the impulse of
   natural instincts, has been made partaker of the second birth by
   others, acting under the impulse of spiritual desires, he cannot be
   thenceforward held under the bond of that sin in another to which he
   does not with his own will consent. "Both the soul of the father is
   mine," saith the Lord, "and the soul of the son is mine: the soul that
   sinneth, it shall die;" [2306] but he does not sin on whose behalf his
   parents or any other one resort, without his knowledge, to the impiety
   of worshipping heathen deities. That bond of guilt which was to be
   cancelled by the grace of this sacrament he derived from Adam, for this
   reason, that at the time of Adam's sin he was not yet a soul having a
   separate life, i.e. another soul regarding which it could be said,
   "both the soul of the father is mine, and the soul of the son is mine."
   Therefore now, when the man has a personal, separate existence, being
   thereby made distinct from his parents, he is not held responsible for
   that sin in another which is performed without his consent. In the
   former case, he derived guilt from another, because, at the time when
   the guilt which he has derived was incurred, he was one with the person
   from whom he derived it, and was in him. But one man does not derive
   guilt from another, when, through the fact that each has a separate
   life belonging to himself, the word may apply equally to both--"The
   soul that sinneth, it shall die."

   2. But the possibility of regeneration through the office rendered by
   the will of another, when the child is presented to receive the sacred
   rite, is the work exclusively of the Spirit by whom the child thus
   presented is regenerated. For it is not written, "Except a man be born
   again by the will of his parents, or by the faith of those presenting
   the child, or of those administering the ordinance," but, "Except a man
   be born again of water and of the Spirit." [2307] By the water,
   therefore, which holds forth the sacrament of grace in its outward
   form, and by the Spirit who bestows the benefit of grace in its inward
   power, cancelling the bond of guilt, and restoring natural goodness
   [reconcilians bonum naturæ], the man deriving his first birth
   originally from Adam alone, is regenerated in Christ alone. Now the
   regenerating Spirit is possessed in common both by the parents who
   present the child, and by the infant that is presented and is born
   again; wherefore, in virtue of this participation in the same Spirit,
   the will of those who present the infant is useful to the child. But
   when the parents sin against the child by presenting him to the false
   gods of the heathen, and attempting to bring him under impious bonds
   unto these false gods, there is not such community of souls subsisting
   between the parents and the child, that the guilt of one party can be
   common to both alike. For we are not made partakers of guilt along with
   others through their will, in the same way as we are made partakers of
   grace along with others through the unity of the Holy Spirit; because
   the one Holy Spirit can be in two different persons without their
   knowing in respect to each other that by Him grace is the common
   possession of both, but the human spirit cannot so belong to two
   individuals as to make the blame common to both in a case in which one
   of the two sins, and the other does not sin. Therefore a child, having
   once received natural birth through his parents, can be made partaker
   of the second (or spiritual) birth by the Spirit of God, so that the
   bond of guilt which he inherited from his parents is cancelled; but he
   that has once received this second birth by the Spirit of God cannot be
   made again partaker of natural birth through his parents, so that the
   bond once cancelled should again bind him. And thus, when the grace of
   Christ has been once received, the child does not lose it otherwise
   than by his own impiety, if, when he becomes older, he turn out so ill.
   For by that time he will begin to have sins of his own, which cannot be
   removed by regeneration, but must be healed by other remedial measures.

   3. Nevertheless, persons of more advanced fears, whether they be
   parents bringing their children, or others bringing any little ones,
   who attempt to place those who have been baptized under obligation to
   profane worship of heathen gods, are guilty of spiritual homicide.
   True, they do not actually kill the children's souls, but they go as
   far towards killing them as is in their power. The warning, "Do not
   kill your little ones," may be with all propriety addressed to them;
   for the apostle says, "Quench not the Spirit;" [2308] not that He can
   be quenched, but that those who so act as if they wished to have Him
   quenched are deservedly spoken of as quenchers of the Spirit. In this
   sense also may be rightly understood the words which most blessed
   Cyprian wrote in his letter concerning the lapsed, when, rebuking those
   who in the time of persecution had sacrificed to idols, he says, "And
   that nothing might be wanting to fill up the measure of their crime,
   their infant children, carried in arms, or led thither by the hands of
   their parents, lost, while yet in their infancy, that which they had
   received as soon as life began." [2309] They lost it, he meant, so far
   at least as pertained to the guilt of the crime of those by whom they
   were compelled to incur the loss: they lost it, that is to say, in the
   purpose and wish of those who perpetrated on them such a wrong. For had
   they actually in their own persons lost it, they must have remained
   under the divine sentence of condemnation without any plea; but if holy
   Cyprian had been of this opinion, he would not have added in the
   immediate context a plea in their defence, saying, "Shall not these
   say, when the judgment-day has come: We have done nothing; we have not
   of our own accord hastened to participate in profane rites, forsaking
   the bread and the cup of the Lord; the apostasy of others caused our
   destruction; we found our parents murderers, for they deprived us of
   our Mother the Church and of our Father the Lord, so that, through the
   wrong done by others, we were ensnared, because, while yet young and
   unable to think for ourselves, we were by the deed of others, and while
   wholly ignorant of such a crime, made partners in their sin'?" This
   plea in their defence he would not have subjoined had he not believed
   it to be perfectly just, and one which would be of service to these
   infants at the bar of divine judgment. For if it is said by them with
   truth, "We have done nothing," then "the soul that sinneth, it shall
   die;" and in the just dispensation of judgment by God, those shall not
   be doomed to perish whose souls their parents did, so far at least as
   concerns their own guilt in the transaction, bring to ruin.

   4. As to the incident mentioned in the same letter, that a girl who was
   left as an infant in charge of her nurse, when her parents had escaped
   by sudden flight, and was made by that nurse to take part in the
   profane rites of idolatrous worship, had afterwards in the Church
   expelled from her mouth, by wonderful motions, the Eucharist when it
   was given to her, this seems to me to have been caused by divine
   interposition, in order that persons of riper years might not imagine
   that in this sin they do no wrong to the children, but rather might
   understand, by means of a bodily action of obvious significance on the
   part of those who were unable to speak, that a miraculous warning was
   given to themselves as to the course which would have been becoming in
   persons who, after so great a crime, rushed heedlessly to those
   sacraments from which they ought by all means, in proof of penitence,
   to have abstained. When Divine Providence does anything of this kind by
   means of infant children, we must not believe that they are acting
   under the guidance of knowledge and reason; just as we are not called
   upon to admire the wisdom of asses, because once God was pleased to
   rebuke the madness of a prophet by the voice of an ass. [2310] If,
   therefore, a sound exactly like the human voice was uttered by an
   irrational animal, and this was to be ascribed to a divine miracle, not
   to faculties belonging to the ass, the Almighty could, in like manner,
   through the spirit of an infant (in which reason was not absent, but
   only slumbering undeveloped), make manifest by a motion of its body
   something to which those who had sinned against both their own souls
   and their children behoved to give heed. But since a child cannot
   return to become again a part of the author of his natural life, so as
   to be one with him and in him, but is a wholly distinct individual,
   having a body and a soul of his own, "the soul that sinneth, it shall
   die."

   5. Some, indeed, bring their little ones for baptism, not in the
   believing expectation that they shall be regenerated unto life eternal
   by spiritual grace, but because they think that by this as a remedy the
   children may recover or retain bodily health; but let not this disquiet
   your mind, because their regeneration is not prevented by the fact that
   this blessing has no place in the intention of those by whom they are
   presented for baptism. For by these persons the ministerial actions
   which are necessary are performed, and the sacramental words are
   pronounced, without which the infant cannot be consecrated to God. But
   the Holy Spirit who dwells in the saints, in those, namely, whom the
   glowing flame of love has fused together into the one Dove whose wings
   are covered with silver, [2311] accomplishes His work even by the
   ministry of bond-servants, of persons who are sometimes not only
   ignorant through simplicity, but even culpably unworthy to be employed
   by Him. The presentation of the little ones to receive the spiritual
   grace is the act not so much of those by whose hands they are borne up
   (although it is theirs also in part, if they themselves are good
   believers) as of the whole society of saints and believers. For it is
   proper to regard the infants as presented by all who take pleasure in
   their baptism, and through whose holy and perfectly-united love they
   are assisted in receiving the communion of the Holy Spirit. Therefore
   this is done by the whole mother Church, which is in the saints,
   because the whole Church is the parent of all the saints, and the whole
   Church is the parent of each one of them. For if the sacrament of
   Christian baptism, being always one and the same, is of value even when
   administered by heretics, and though not in that case sufficing to
   secure to the baptized person participation in eternal life, does
   suffice to seal his consecration to God; and if this consecration makes
   him who, having the mark of the Lord, remains outside of the Lord's
   flock, guilty as a heretic, but reminds us at the same time that he is
   to be corrected by sound doctrine, but not to be a second time
   consecrated by repetition of the ordinance;--if this be the case even
   in the baptism of heretics, how much more credible is it that within
   the Catholic Church that which is only straw should be of service in
   bearing the grain to the floor in which it is to be winnowed, and by
   means of which it is to be prepared for being added to the heap of good
   grain!

   6. I would, moreover, wish you not to remain under the mistake of
   supposing that the bond of guilt which is inherited from Adam cannot be
   cancelled in any other way than by the parents themselves presenting
   their little ones to receive the grace of Christ; for you write: "As
   the parents have been the authors of the life which makes them liable
   to condemnation, the children should receive justification through the
   same channel, through the faith of the same parents;" whereas you see
   that many are not presented by parents, but also by any strangers
   whatever, as sometimes the infant children of slaves are presented by
   their masters. Sometimes also, when their parents are deceased, little
   orphans are baptized, being presented by those who had it in their
   power to manifest their compassion in this way. Again, sometimes
   foundlings which heartless parents have exposed in order to their being
   cared for by any passer-by, are picked up by holy virgins, and are
   presented for baptism by these persons, who neither have nor desire to
   have children of their own: and in this you behold precisely what was
   done in the case mentioned in the Gospel of the man wounded by thieves,
   and left half dead on the way, regarding whom the Lord asked who was
   neighbour to him, and received for answer: "He that showed mercy on
   him." [2312]

   7. That which you have placed at the end of your series of questions
   you have judged to be the most difficult, because of the jealous care
   with which you are wont to avoid whatever is false. You state it thus:
   "If I place before you an infant, and ask, Will this child when he
   grows up be chaste?' or Will he not be a thief?' you will reply, I know
   not.' If I ask, Is he in his present infantile condition thinking what
   is good or thinking what is evil?' you will reply, I know not.' If,
   therefore, you do not venture to take the responsibility of making any
   positive statement concerning either his conduct in after life or his
   thoughts at the time, what is that which parents do, when, in
   presenting their children for baptism, they as sureties (or sponsors)
   answer for the children, and say that they do that which at that age
   they are incapable even of understanding, or, at least, in regard to
   which their thoughts (if they can think) are hidden from us? For we ask
   those by whom the child is presented, Does he believe in God?' and
   though at that age the child does not so much as know that there is a
   God, the sponsors reply, He believes;' and in like manner answer is
   returned by them to each of the other questions. Now I am surprised
   that parents can in these things answer so confidently on the child's
   behalf as to say, at the time when they are answering the questions of
   the persons administering baptism, that the infant is doing what is so
   remarkable and so excellent; and yet if at the same hour I were to add
   such questions as, Will the child who is now being baptized be chaste
   when he grows up? Will he not be a thief?' probably no one would
   presume to answer, He will' or He will not,' although there is no
   hesitation in giving the answer that the child believes in God, and
   turns himself to God." Thereafter you add this sentence in conclusion:
   "To these questions I pray you to condescend to give me a short reply,
   not silencing me by the traditional authority of custom, but satisfying
   me by arguments addressed to my reason."

   8. While reading this letter of yours over and over again, and
   pondering its contents so far as my limited time permitted, memory
   recalled to me my friend Nebridius, who, while he was a most diligent
   and eager student of difficult problems, especially in the department
   of Christian doctrine, had an extreme aversion to the giving of a short
   answer to a great question. If any one insisted upon this, he was
   exceedingly displeased; and if he was not prevented by respect for the
   age or rank of the person, he indignantly rebuked such a questioner by
   stern looks and words; for he considered him unworthy to be
   investigating matters such as these, who did not know how much both
   might be said and behoved to be said on a subject of great importance.
   But I do not lose patience with you, as he was wont to do when one
   asked a brief reply; for you are, as I am, a bishop engrossed with many
   cares, and therefore have not leisure for reading any more than I have
   leisure for writing any prolix communication. He was then a young man,
   who was not satisfied with short statements on subjects of this kind,
   and being then himself at leisure, addressed his questions concerning
   the many topics discussed in our conversations to one who was also at
   leisure; whereas you, having regard to the circumstances both of
   yourself the questioner, and of me from whom you demand the reply,
   insist upon my giving you a short answer to the weighty question which
   you propound. Well, I shall do my best to satisfy you; the Lord help me
   to accomplish what you require.

   9. You know that in ordinary parlance we often say, when Easter is
   approaching, "Tomorrow or the day after is the Lord's Passion,"
   although He suffered so many years ago, and His passion was endured
   once for all time. In like manner, on Easter Sunday, we say, "This day
   the Lord rose from the dead," although so many years have passed since
   His resurrection. But no one is so foolish as to accuse us of falsehood
   when we use these phrases, for this reason, that we give such names to
   these days on the ground of a likeness between them and the days on
   which the events referred to actually transpired, the day being called
   the day of that event, although it is not the very day on which the
   event took place, but one corresponding to it by the revolution of the
   same time of the year, and the event itself being said to take place on
   that day, because, although it really took place long before, it is on
   that day sacramentally celebrated. Was not Christ once for all offered
   up in His own person as a sacrifice? and yet, is He not likewise
   offered up in the sacrament as a sacrifice, not only in the special
   solemnities of Easter, but also daily among our congregations; so that
   the man who, being questioned, answers that He is offered as a
   sacrifice in that ordinance, declares what is strictly true? For if
   sacraments had not some points of real resemblance to the things of
   which they are the sacraments, they would not be sacraments at all. In
   most cases, moreover, they do in virtue of this likeness bear the names
   of the realities which they resemble. As, therefore, in a certain
   manner the sacrament of Christ's body is Christ's body, and the
   sacrament of Christ's blood is Christ's blood, [2313] in the same
   manner the sacrament of faith is faith. Now believing is nothing else
   than having faith; and accordingly, when, on behalf of an infant as yet
   incapable of exercising faith, the answer is given that he believes,
   this answer means that he has faith because of the sacrament of faith,
   and in like manner the answer is made that he turns himself to God
   because of the sacrament of conversion, since the answer itself belongs
   to the celebration of the sacrament. Thus the apostle says, in regard
   to this sacrament of Baptism: "We are buried with Christ by baptism
   into death." [2314] He does not say, "We have signified our being
   buried with Him," but "We have been buried with Him." He has therefore
   given to the sacrament pertaining to so great a transaction no other
   name than the word describing the transaction itself.

   10. Therefore an infant, although he is not yet a believer in the sense
   of having that faith which includes the consenting will of those who
   exercise it, nevertheless becomes a believer through the sacrament of
   that faith. For as it is answered that he believes, so also he is
   called a believer, not because he assents to the truth by an act of his
   own judgment, but because he receives the sacrament of that truth.
   When, however, he begins to have the discretion of manhood, he will not
   repeat the sacrament, but understand its meaning, and become conformed
   to the truth which it contains, with his will also consenting. During
   the time in which he is by reason of youth unable to do this, the
   sacrament will avail for his protection against adverse powers, and
   will avail so much on his behalf, that if before he arrives at the use
   of reason he depart from this life, he is delivered by Christian help,
   namely, by the love of the Church commending him through this sacrament
   unto God, from that condemnation which by one man entered into the
   world. [2315] He who does not believe this, and thinks that it is
   impossible, is assuredly an unbeliever, although he may have received
   the sacrament of faith; and far before him in merit is the infant
   which, though not yet possessing a faith helped by the understanding,
   is not obstructing faith by any antagonism of the understanding, and
   therefore receives with profit the sacrament of faith.

   I have answered your questions, as it seems to me, in a manner which,
   if I were dealing with persons of weaker capacity and disposed to
   gainsaying, would be inadequate, but which is perhaps more than
   sufficient to satisfy peaceable and sensible persons. Moreover, I have
   not urged in my defence the mere fact that the custom is thoroughly
   established, but have to the best of my ability advanced reasons in
   support of it as fraught with very abundant blessing.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2306] Ezek. xviii. 4.

   [2307] John iii. 5.

   [2308] 1 Thess. v. 19.

   [2309] Cyprian, de Lapsis. See Ante-Nicene Fathers, Am. ed. vol. v. p.
   439.

   [2310] Num. xxii. 28.

   [2311] Ps. lxviii. 13.

   [2312] Luke x. 37.

   [2313] As this is an importance, we give the original words: Sicut ergo
   secundum quemdam modum sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est,
   sacramentum sanguinis Christi sangis Christi est, ita sacramentum fidei
   fides est.

   [2314] Rom. vi. 4.

   [2315] Rom. v. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter XCIX.

   (a.d. 408 or Beginning of 409.)

   To the Very Devout Italica, an Handmaid of God, Praised Justly and
   Piously by the Members of Christ, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Up to the time of my writing this reply, I had received three
   letters from your Grace, of which the first asked urgently a letter
   from me, the second intimated that what I wrote in answer had reached
   you, and the third, which conveyed the assurance of your most
   benevolent solicitude for our interest in the matter of the house
   belonging to that most illustrious and distinguished young man Julian,
   which is in immediate contact with the walls of our Church. To this
   last letter, just now received, I lose no time in promptly replying,
   because your Excellency's agent has written to me that he can send my
   letter without delay to Rome. By his letter we have been greatly
   distressed, because he has taken pains to acquaint us [2316] with the
   things which are taking place in the city (Rome) or around its walls,
   so as to give us reliable information concerning that which we were
   reluctant to believe on the authority of vague rumours. In the letters
   which were sent to us previously by our brethren, tidings were given to
   us of events, vexatious and grievous, it is true, but much less
   calamitous than those of which we now hear. I am surprised beyond
   expression that my brethren the holy bishops did not write to me when
   so favourable an opportunity of sending a letter by your messengers
   occurred, and that your own letter conveyed to us no information
   concerning such painful tribulation as has befallen you,--tribulation
   which, by reason of the tender sympathies of Christian charity, is ours
   as well as yours. I suppose, however, that you deemed it better not to
   mention these sorrows, because you considered that this could do no
   good, or because you did not wish to make us sad by your letter. But in
   my opinion, it does some good to acquaint us even with such events as
   these: in the first place, because it is not right to be ready to
   "rejoice with them that rejoice," but refuse to "weep with them that
   weep;" and in the second place, because "tribulation worketh patience,
   and patience experience, and experience hope; and hope maketh not
   ashamed, because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the
   Holy Ghost which is given unto us." [2317]

   2. Far be it, therefore, from us to refuse to hear even of the bitter
   and sorrowful things which befall those who are very dear to us! For in
   some way which I cannot explain, the pain suffered by one member is
   mitigated when all the other members suffer with it. [2318] And this
   mitigation is effected not by actual participation in the calamity, but
   by the solacing power of love; for although only some suffer the actual
   burden of the affliction, and the others share their suffering through
   knowing what these have to bear, nevertheless the tribulation is borne
   in common by them all, seeing that they have in common the same
   experience, hope, and love, and the same Divine Spirit. Moreover, the
   Lord provides consolation for us all, inasmuch as He hath both
   forewarned us of these temporal afflictions, and promised to us after
   them eternal blessings; and the soldier who desires to receive a crown
   when the conflict is over, ought not to lose courage while the conflict
   lasts, since He who is preparing rewards ineffable for those who
   overcome, does Himself minister strength to them while they are on the
   field to battle.

   3. Let not what I have now written take away your confidence in writing
   to me, especially since the reason which may be pled for your
   endeavouring to lessen our fears is one which cannot be condemned. We
   salute in return your little children, and we desire that they may be
   spared to you, and may grow up in Christ, since they discern even in
   their present tender age how dangerous and baneful is the love of this
   world. God grant that the plants which are small and still flexible may
   be bent in the right direction in a time in which the great and hardy
   are being shaken. As to the house of which you speak, what can I say
   beyond expressing my gratitude for your very kind solicitude? For the
   house which we can give they do not wish; and the house which they wish
   we cannot give, for it was not left to the church by my predecessor, as
   they have been falsely informed, but is one of the ancient properties
   of the church, and it is attached to the one ancient church in the same
   way as the house about which this question has been raised is attached
   to the other. [2319]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2316] Tillemont (vol. xiii. note 44) conjectures that the word "non"
   before "nobis insinuare curavit" should not be in the text,--a
   conjecture which commends itself to our judgment, though it is
   unsupported by Mss.

   [2317] Rom. xii. 15 and v. 3-5.

   [2318] 1 Cor. xii. 26.

   [2319] We have no further information regarding this affair. The
   prospect of an amicable settlement seems remote.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter C.

   (a.d. 409.)

   To Donatus His Noble and Deservedly Honourable Lord, and Eminently
   Praiseworthy Son, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I would indeed that the African Church were not placed in such
   trying circumstances as to need the aid of any earthly power. But
   since, as the apostle says, "there is no power but of God," [2320] it
   is unquestionable that, when by you the sincere sons of your Catholic
   Mother help is given to her, our help is in the name of the Lord, "who
   made heaven and earth." [2321] For oh, noble and deservedly honourable
   lord, and eminently praiseworthy son, who does not perceive that in the
   midst of so great calamities no small consolation has been bestowed
   upon us by God, in that you, such a man, and so devoted to the name of
   Christ, have been raised to the dignity of proconsul, so that power
   allied with your goodwill may restrain the enemies of the Church from
   their wicked and sacrilegious attempts? In fact, there is only one
   thing of which we are much afraid in your administration of justice,
   viz., lest perchance, seeing that every injury done by impious and
   ungrateful men against the Christian society is a more serious and
   heinous crime than if it had been done against others, you should on
   this ground consider that it ought to be punished with a severity
   corresponding to the enormity of the crime, and not with the moderation
   which is suitable to Christian forbearance. We beseech you, in the name
   of Jesus Christ, not to act in this manner. For we do not seek to
   revenge ourselves in this world; nor ought the things which we suffer
   to reduce us to such distress of mind as to leave no room in our memory
   for the precepts in regard to this which we have received from Him for
   whose truth and in whose name we suffer; we "love our enemies," and we
   "pray for them." [2322] It is not their death, but their deliverance
   from error, that we seek to accomplish by the help of the terror of
   judges and of laws, whereby they may be preserved from falling under
   the penalty of eternal judgment; we do not wish either to see the
   exercise of discipline towards them neglected, or, on the other hand,
   to see them subjected to the severer punishments which they deserve. Do
   you, therefore, check their sins in such a way, that the sinners may be
   spared to repent of their sins.

   2. We beg you, therefore, when you are pronouncing judgment in cases
   affecting the Church, how wicked soever the injuries may be which you
   shall ascertain to have been attempted or inflicted on the Church, to
   forget that you have the power of capital punishment, and not to forget
   our request. Nor let it appear to you an unimportant matter and beneath
   your notice, my most beloved and honoured son, that we ask you to spare
   the lives of the men on whose behalf we ask God to grant them
   repentance. For even granting that we ought never to deviate from a
   fixed purpose of overcoming evil with good, let your own wisdom take
   this also into consideration, that no person beyond those who belong to
   the Church is at pains to bring before you cases pertaining to her
   interests. If, therefore, your opinion be, that death must be the
   punishment of men convicted of these crimes, you will deter us from
   endeavouring to bring anything of this kind before your tribunal; and
   this being discovered, they will proceed with more unrestrained
   boldness to accomplish speedily our destruction, when upon us is
   imposed and enjoined the necessity of choosing rather to suffer death
   at their hands, than to bring them to death by accusing them at your
   bar. Disdain not, I beseech you, to accept this suggestion, petition,
   and entreaty from me. For I do not think that you are unmindful that I
   might have great boldness in addressing you, even were I not a bishop,
   and even though your rank were much above what you now hold. Meanwhile,
   let the Donatist heretics learn at once through the edict of your
   Excellency that the laws passed against their error, which they suppose
   and boastfully declare to be repealed, are still in force, although
   even when they know this they may not be able to refrain in the least
   degree from injuring us. You will, however, most effectively help us to
   secure the fruit of our labours and dangers, if you take care that the
   imperial laws for the restraining of their sect, which is full of
   conceit and of impious pride, be so used that they may not appear
   either to themselves or to others to be suffering hardship in any form
   for the sake of truth and righteousness; but suffer them, when this is
   requested at your hands, to be convinced and instructed by
   incontrovertible proofs of things which are most certain, in public
   proceedings in the presence of your Excellency or of inferior judges,
   in order that those who are arrested by your command may themselves
   incline their stubborn will to the better part, and may read these
   things profitably to others of their party. For the pains bestowed are
   burdensome rather than really useful, when men are only compelled, not
   persuaded by instruction, to forsake a great evil and lay hold upon a
   great benefit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2320] Rom. xiii. 1.

   [2321] Ps. cxxiv. 8.

   [2322] Matt. v. 44.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CI.

   (a.d. 409.)

   To Memor, [2323] My Lord Most Blessed, and with All Veneration Most
   Beloved, My Brother and Colleague Sincerely Longed For, Augustin Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I ought not to write any letter to your holy Charity, without
   sending at the same time those books which by the irresistible plea of
   holy love you have demanded from me, that at least by this act of
   obedience I might reply to those letters by which you have put on me a
   high honour indeed, but also a heavy load. Albeit, while I bend because
   of the load, I am raised up because of your love. For it is not by an
   ordinary man that I am loved and raised up and made to stand erect, but
   by a man who is a priest of the Lord, and whom I know to be so accepted
   before Him, that when you raise to the Lord your good heart, having me
   in your heart, you raise me with yourself to Him. I ought, therefore,
   to have sent at this time those books which I had promised to revise.
   The reason why I have not sent them is that I have not revised them,
   and this not because I was unwilling, but because I was unable, having
   been occupied with many very urgent cares. But it would have shown
   inexcusable ingratitude and hardness of heart to have permitted the
   bearer, my holy colleague and brother Possidius, in whom you will find
   one who is very much the same as myself, either to miss becoming
   acquainted with you, who love me so much, or to come to know you
   without any letter from me. For he is one who has been by my labours
   nourished, not in those studies which men who are the slaves of every
   kind of passion call liberal, but with the Lord's bread, in so far as
   this could be supplied to him from my scanty store.

   2. For to men who, though they are unjust and impious, imagine that
   they are well educated in the liberal arts, what else ought we to say
   than what we read in those writings which truly merit the name of
   liberal,--"if the Son shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed."
   [2324] For it is through Him that men come to know, even in those
   studies which are termed liberal by those who have not been called to
   this true liberty, anything in them which deserves the name. For they
   have nothing which is consonant with liberty, except that which in them
   is consonant with truth; for which reason the Son Himself hath said:
   "The truth shall make you free." [2325] The freedom which is our
   privilege has therefore nothing in common with the innumerable and
   impious fables with which the verses of silly poets are full, nor with
   the fulsome and highly-polished falsehoods of their orators, nor, in
   fine, with the rambling subtleties of philosophers themselves, who
   either did not know anything of God, or when they knew God, did not
   glorify Him as God, neither were thankful, but became vain in their
   imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened; so that, professing
   themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the
   incorruptible God into an image made like to corruptible man, and to
   birds and four-footed beasts, and to creeping things, or who, though
   not wholly or at all devoted to the worship of images, nevertheless
   worshipped and served the creature more than the Creator. [2326] Far be
   it, therefore, from us to admit that the epithet liberal is justly
   bestowed on the lying vanities and hallucinations, or empty trifles and
   conceited errors of those men--unhappy men, who knew not the grace of
   God in Christ Jesus our Lord, by which alone we are "delivered from the
   body of this death," [2327] and who did not even perceive the measure
   of truth which was in the things which they knew. Their historical
   works, the writers of which profess to be chiefly concerned to be
   accurate in narrating events, may perhaps, I grant, contain some things
   worthy of being known by "free" men, since the narration is true,
   whether the subject described in it be the good or the evil in human
   experience. At the same time, I can by no means see how men who were
   not aided in their knowledge by the Holy Spirit, and who were obliged
   to gather floating rumours under the limitations of human infirmity,
   could avoid being misled in regard to very many things; nevertheless,
   if they have no intention of deceiving, and do not mislead other men
   otherwise than so far as they have themselves, through human infirmity,
   fallen into a mistake, there is in such writings an approach to
   liberty.

   3. Forasmuch, however, as the powers belonging to numbers [2328] in all
   kinds of movements are most easily studied as they are presented in
   sounds, and this study furnishes a way of rising to the higher secrets
   of truth, by paths gradually ascending, so to speak, in which Wisdom
   pleasantly reveals herself, and in every step of providence meets those
   who love her, [2329] desired, when I began to have leisure for study,
   and my mind was not engaged by greater and more important cares, to
   exercise myself by writing those books which you have requested me to
   send. I then wrote six books on rhythm alone, and proposed, I may add,
   to write other six on music, [2330] as I at that time expected to have
   leisure. But from the time that the burden of ecclesiastical cares was
   laid upon me, all these recreations have passed from my hand so
   completely, that now, when I cannot but respect your wish and
   command,--for it is more than a request,--I have difficulty in even
   finding what I had written. If, however, I had it in my power to send
   you that treatise, it would occasion regret, not to me that I had
   obeyed your command, but to you that you had so urgently insisted upon
   its being sent. For five books of it are all but unintelligible, unless
   one be at hand who can in reading not only distinguish the part
   belonging to each of those between whom the discussion is maintained,
   but also mark by enunciation the time which the syllables should
   occupy, so that their distinctive measures may be expressed and strike
   the ear, especially because in some places there occur pauses of
   measured length, which of course must escape notice, unless the reader
   inform the hearer of them by intervals of silence where they occur.

   The sixth book, however, which I have found already revised, and in
   which the product of the other five is contained, I have not delayed to
   send to your Charity; it may, perhaps, be not wholly unsuited to one of
   your venerable age. [2331] As to the other five books, they seem to me
   scarcely worthy of being known and read by Julian, [2332] our son, and
   now our colleague, for, as a deacon, he is engaged in the same warfare
   with ourselves. Of him I dare not say, for it would not be true, that I
   love him more than I love you; yet this I may say, that I long for him
   more than for you. It may seem strange, that when I love both equally,
   I long more ardently for the one than the other; but the cause of the
   difference is, that I have greater hope of seeing him; for I think that
   if ordered or sent by you he come to us, he will both be doing what is
   suitable to one of his years, especially as he is not yet hindered by
   weightier responsibilities, and he will more speedily bring yourself to
   me.

   I have not stated in this treatise the kinds of metre in which the
   lines of David's Psalms are composed, because I do not know them. For
   it was not possible for any one, in translating these from the Hebrew
   (of which language I know nothing), to preserve the metre at the same
   time, lest by the exigencies of the measure he should be compelled to
   depart from accurate translation further than was consistent with the
   meaning of the sentences. Nevertheless, I believe, on the testimony of
   those who are acquainted with that language, that they are composed in
   certain varieties of metre; for that holy man loved sacred music, and
   has more than any other kindled in me a passion for its study.

   May the shadow of the wings of the Most High be for ever the
   dwelling-place [2333] of you all, who with oneness of heart occupy one
   home, [2334] father and mother, bound in the same brotherhood with your
   sons, being all the children of the one Father. Remember us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2323] We regard Memori, not Memorio, as the true reading.

   [2324] John viii. 36.

   [2325] John viii. 38.

   [2326] Rom. i. 21-25.

   [2327] Rom. vii. 24, 25.

   [2328] Quid numeri valeant.

   [2329] Wisd. vi. 17.

   [2330] De melo.

   [2331] Gravitatem tuam.

   [2332] Julian, son of Memor, afterwards a leading supporter of the
   Pelagian heresy.

   [2333] Ps. xci. 1.

   [2334] Ps. lxviii. 6, Septuagint.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CII.

   (a.d. 409.)

   To Deogratias, My Brother in All Sincerity, and My Fellow-Presbyter,
   Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. In choosing to refer to me questions which were submitted to
   yourself for solution, you have not done so, I suppose, from indolence,
   but because, loving me more than I deserve, you prefer to hear through
   me even those things which you already know quite well. I would rather,
   however, that the answers were given by yourself, because the friend
   who proposed the questions seems to be shy of following advice from me,
   if I may judge from the fact that he has written no reply to a letter
   of mine, for what reason he knows best. I suspect this, however, and
   there is neither ill-will nor absurdity in the suspicion; for you also
   know very well how much I love him, and how great is my grief that he
   is not yet a Christian; and it is not unreasonable to think that one
   whom I see unwilling to answer my letters is not willing to have
   anything written by me to him. I therefore implore you to comply with a
   request of mine, seeing that I have been obedient to you, and,
   notwithstanding most engrossing duties, have feared to disappoint the
   wish of one so dear to me by declining to comply with your request.
   What I ask is this, that you do not refuse yourself to give an answer
   to all his questions, seeing that, as you have told me, he begged this
   from you; and it is a task to which, even before receiving this letter,
   you were competent; for when you have read this letter, you will see
   that scarcely anything has been said by me which you did not already
   know, or which you could not have come to know though I had been
   silent. This work of mine, therefore, I beg you to keep for the use of
   yourself and of all other persons whose desire for instruction you deem
   it suited to satisfy. But as for the treatise of your own composition
   which I demand from you, give it to him to whom this treatise is most
   specially adapted, and not to him only, but also all others who find
   exceedingly acceptable such statements concerning these things as you
   are able to make, among whom I number myself. May you live always in
   Christ, and remember me.

   2. Question I. Concerning the resurrection. This question perplexes
   some, and they ask, Which of two kinds of resurrection corresponds to
   that which is promised to us? is it that of Christ, or that of Lazarus?
   They say, "If the former, how can this correspond with the resurrection
   of those who have been born by ordinary generations, seeing that He was
   not thus born? [2335] If, on the other hand, the resurrection of
   Lazarus is said to correspond to ours, here also there seems to be a
   discrepancy, since the resurrection of Lazarus was accomplished in the
   case of a body not yet dissolved, but the same body in which he was
   known by the name of Lazarus; whereas ours is to be rescued after many
   centuries from the mass in which it has ceased to be distinguishable
   from other things. Again, if our state after the resurrection is one of
   blessedness, in which the body shall be exempt from every kind of
   wound, and from the pain of hunger, what is meant by the statement that
   Christ took food, and showed his wounds after His resurrection? For if
   He did it to convince the doubting, when the wounds were not real, He
   practised on them a deception; whereas, if He showed them what was
   real, it follows that wounds received by the body shall remain in the
   state which is to ensue after resurrection."

   3. To this I answer, that the resurrection of Christ and not of Lazarus
   corresponds to that which is promised, because Lazarus was so raised
   that he died a second time, whereas of Christ it is written: "Christ,
   being raised from the dead, dieth no more; death hath no more dominion
   over Him." [2336] The same is promised to those who shall rise at the
   end of the world, and shall reign for ever with Christ. As to the
   difference in the manner of Christ's generation and that of other men,
   this has no bearing upon the nature of His resurrection, just as it had
   none upon the nature of His death, so as to make it different from
   ours. His death was not the less real because of His not having been
   begotten by an earthly father; just as the difference between the mode
   of the origination of the body of the first man, who was formed
   immediately from the dust of the earth, and of our bodies, which we
   derive from our parents, made no such difference as that his death
   should be of another kind than ours. As, therefore, difference in the
   mode of birth does not make any difference in the nature of death,
   neither does it make any difference in the nature of resurrection.

   4. But lest the men who doubt this should, with similar scepticism,
   refuse to accept as true what is written concerning the first man's
   creation, let them inquire or observe, if they can at least believe
   this, how numerous are the species of animals which are born from the
   earth without deriving their life from parents, but which by ordinary
   procreation reproduce offspring like themselves, and in which,
   notwithstanding the different mode of origination, the nature of the
   parents born from the earth and of the offspring born from them is the
   same; for they live alike and they die alike, although born in
   different ways. There is therefore no absurdity in the statement that
   bodies dissimilar in their origination are alike in their resurrection.
   But men of this kind, not being competent to discern in what respect
   any diversity between things affects or does not affect them, so soon
   as they discover any unlikeness between things in their original
   formation, contend that in all that follows the same unlikeness must
   still exist. Such men may as reasonably suppose that oil made from fat
   should not float on the surface in water as olive oil does, because the
   origin of the two oils is so different, the one being from the fruit of
   a tree, the other from the flesh of an animal.

   5. Again, as to the alleged difference in regard to the resurrection of
   Christ's body and of ours, that His was raised on the third day not
   dissolved by decay and corruption, whereas ours shall be fashioned
   again after a long time, and out of the mass into which undistinguished
   they shall have been resolved,--both of these things are impossible for
   man to do, but to divine power both are most easy. For as the glance of
   the eye does not come more quickly to objects which are at hand, and
   more slowly to objects more remote, but darts to either distance with
   equal swiftness, so, when the resurrection of the dead is accomplished
   "in the twinkling of an eye," [2337] it is as easy for the omnipotence
   of God and for the ineffable expression of His will [2338] to raise
   again bodies which have by long lapse of time been dissolved, as to
   raise those which have recently fallen under the stroke of death. These
   things are to some men incredible because they transcend their
   experience, although all nature is full of wonders so numerous, that
   they do not seem to us to be wonderful, and are therefore accounted
   unworthy of attentive study or investigation, not because our faculties
   can easily comprehend them, but because we are so accustomed to see
   them. For myself, and for all who along with me labour to understand
   the invisible things of God by means of the things which are made,
   [2339] I may say that we are filled not less, perhaps even more, with
   wonder by the fact, that in one grain of seed, so insignificant, there
   lies bound up as it were all that we praise in the stately tree, than
   by the fact that the bosom of this earth, so vast, shall restore entire
   and perfect to the future resurrection all those elements of human
   bodies which it is now receiving when they are dissolved.

   6. Again, what contradiction is there between the fact that Christ
   partook of food after His resurrection, and the doctrine that in the
   promised resurrection-state there shall be no need of food, when we
   read that angels also have partaken of food of the same kind and in the
   same way, not in empty and illusive simulation, but in unquestionable
   reality; not, however, under the pressure of necessity, but in the free
   exercise of their power? For water is absorbed in one way by the
   thirsting earth, in another way by the glowing sunbeams; in the former
   we see the effect of poverty, in the latter of power. Now the body of
   that future resurrection-state shall be imperfect in its felicity if it
   be incapable of taking food; imperfect, also, if, on the other hand, it
   be dependent on food. I might here enter on a fuller discussion
   concerning the changes possible in the qualities of bodies, and the
   dominion which belongs to higher bodies over those which are of
   inferior nature; but I have resolved to make my reply short, and I
   write this for mind so endowed that the simple suggestion of the truth
   is enough for them.

   7. Let him who proposed these questions know by all means that Christ
   did, after His resurrection, show the scars of His wounds, not the
   wounds themselves, to disciples who doubted; for whose sake, also, it
   pleased Him to take food and drink more than once, lest they should
   suppose that His body was not real, but that He was a spirit, appearing
   to them as a phantom, and not a substantial form. These scars would
   indeed have been mere illusive appearances if no wounds had gone
   before; yet even the scars would not have remained if He had willed it
   otherwise. But it pleased Him to retain them with a definite purpose,
   namely, that to those whom He was building up in faith unfeigned He
   might show that one body had not been substituted for another, but that
   the body which they had seen nailed to the cross had risen again. What
   reason is there, then, for saying, "If He did this to convince the
   doubting, He practised a deception"? Suppose that a brave man, who had
   received many wounds in confronting the enemy when fighting for his
   country, were to say to a physician of extraordinary skill, who was
   able so to heal these wounds as to leave not a scar visible, that he
   would prefer to be healed in such a way that the traces of the wounds
   should remain on his body as tokens of the honours he had won, would
   you, in such a case, say that the physician practised deception,
   because, though he might by his art make the scars wholly disappear, he
   did by the same art, for a definite reason, rather cause them to
   continue as they were? The only ground upon which the scars could be
   proved to be a deception would be, as I have already said, if no wounds
   had been healed in the places where they were seen.

   8. Question II. Concerning the epoch of the Christian religion, they
   have advanced, moreover, some other things, which they might call a
   selection of the more weighty arguments of Porphyry against the
   Christians: "If Christ," they say, "declares Himself to be the Way of
   salvation, the Grace and the Truth, and affirms that in Him alone, and
   only to souls believing in Him, is the way of return to God, [2340]
   what has become of men who lived in the many centuries before Christ
   came? To pass over the time," he adds, "which preceded the founding of
   the kingdom of Latium, let us take the beginning of that power as if it
   were the beginning of the human race. In Latium itself gods were
   worshipped before Alba was built; in Alba, also, religious rites and
   forms of worship in the temples were maintained. Rome itself was for a
   period of not less duration, even for a long succession of centuries,
   unacquainted with Christian doctrine. What, then, has become of such an
   innumerable multitude of souls, who were in no wise blameworthy, seeing
   that He in whom alone saving faith can be exercised had not yet
   favoured men with His advent? The whole world, moreover, was not less
   zealous than Rome itself in the worship practised in the temples of the
   gods. Why, then," he asks, "did He who is called the Saviour withhold
   Himself for so many centuries of the world? And let it not be said," he
   adds, "that provision had been made for the human race by the old
   Jewish law. It was only after a long time that the Jewish law appeared
   and flourished within the narrow limits of Syria, and after that, it
   gradually crept onwards to the coasts of Italy; but this was not
   earlier than the end of the reign of Caius, or, at the earliest, while
   he was on the throne. What, then, became of the souls of men in Rome
   and Latium who lived before the time of the Cæsars, and were destitute
   of the grace of Christ, because He had not then come?"

   9. To these statements we answer by requiring those who make them to
   tell us, in the first place, whether the sacred rites, which we know to
   have been introduced into the worship of their gods at times which can
   be ascertained, were or were not profitable to men. If they say that
   these were of no service for the salvation of men, they unite with us
   in putting them down, and confess that they were useless. We indeed
   prove that they were baneful; but it is an important concession that by
   them it is at least admitted that they were useless. If, on the other
   hand, they defend these rites, and maintain that they were wise and
   profitable institutions, what, I ask, has become of those who died
   before these were instituted? for they were defrauded of the saving and
   profitable efficacy which these possessed. If, however, it be said that
   they could be cleansed from guilt equally well in another way, why did
   not the same way continue in force for their posterity? What use was
   there for instituting novelties in worship.

   10. If, in answer to this, they say that the gods themselves have
   indeed always existed, and were in all places alike powerful to give
   liberty to their worshippers, but were pleased to regulate the
   circumstances of time, place, and manner in which they were to be
   served, according to the variety found among things temporal and
   terrestrial, in such a way as they knew to be most suitable to certain
   ages and countries, why do they urge against the Christian religion
   this question, which, if it be asked in regard to their own gods, they
   either cannot themselves answer, or, if they can, must do so in such a
   way as to answer for our religion not less than their own? For what
   could they say but that the difference between sacraments which are
   adapted to different times and places is of no importance, if only that
   which is worshipped in them all be holy, just as the difference between
   sounds of words belonging to different languages and adapted to
   different hearers is of no importance, if only that which is spoken be
   true; although in this respect there is a difference, that men can, by
   agreement among themselves, arrange as to the sounds of language by
   which they may communicate their thoughts to one another, but that
   those who have discerned what is right have been guided only by the
   will of God in regard to the sacred rites which were agreeable to the
   Divine Being. This divine will has never been wanting to the justice
   and piety of mortals for their salvation; and whatever varieties of
   worship there may have been in different nations bound together by one
   and the same religion, the most important thing to observe was this how
   far, on the one hand, human infirmity was thereby encouraged to effort,
   or borne with while, on the other hand, the divine authority was not
   assailed.

   11. Wherefore, since we affirm that Christ is the Word of God, by whom
   all things were made and is the Son, because He is the Word, not a word
   uttered and belonging to the past but abides unchangeably with the
   unchangeable Father, Himself unchangeable, under whose rule the whole
   universe, spiritual and material, is ordered in the way best adapted to
   different times and places, and that He has perfect wisdom and
   knowledge as to what should be done, and when and where everything
   should be done in the controlling and ordering of the universe,--most
   certainly, both before He gave being to the Hebrew nation, by which He
   was pleased, through sacraments suited to the time, to prefigure the
   manifestation of Himself in His advent, and during the time of the
   Jewish commonwealth, and, after that, when He manifested Himself in the
   likeness of mortals to mortal men in the body which He received from
   the Virgin, and thenceforward even to our day, in which He is
   fulfilling all which He predicted of old by the prophets, and from this
   present time on to the end of the world, when He shall separate the
   holy from the wicked, and give to every man his due recompense,--in all
   these successive ages He is the same Son of God, co-eternal with the
   Father, and the unchangeable Wisdom by whom universal nature was called
   into existence, and by participation in whom every rational soul is
   made blessed.

   12. Therefore, from the beginning of the human race, whosoever believed
   in Him, and in any way knew Him, and lived in a pious and just manner
   according to His precepts, was undoubtedly saved by Him, in whatever
   time and place he may have lived. For as we believe in Him both as
   dwelling with the Father and as having come in the flesh, so the men of
   the former ages believed in Him both as dwelling with the Father and as
   destined to come in the flesh. And the nature of faith is not changed,
   nor is the salvation made different, in our age, by the fact that, in
   consequence of the difference between the two epochs, that which was
   then foretold as future is now proclaimed as past. Moreover, we are not
   under necessity to suppose different things and different kinds of
   salvation to be signified, when the self-same thing is by different
   sacred words and rites of worship announced in the one case as
   fulfilled, in the other as future. As to the manner and time, however,
   in which anything that pertains to the one salvation common to all
   believers and pious persons is brought to pass, let us ascribe wisdom
   to God, and for our part exercise submission to His will. Wherefore the
   true religion, although formerly set forth and practised under other
   names and with other symbolical rites than it now has, and formerly
   more obscurely revealed and known to fewer persons than now in the time
   of clearer light and wider diffusion, is one and the same in both
   periods.

   13. Moreover, we do not raise any objection to their religion on the
   ground of the difference between the institutions appointed by Numa
   Pompilius for the worship of the gods by the Romans, and those which
   were up till that time practised in Rome or in other parts of Italy;
   nor on the fact that in the age of Pythagoras that system of philosophy
   became generally adopted which up to that time had no existence, or lay
   concealed, perhaps, among a very small number whose views were the
   same, but whose religious practice and worship was different: the
   question upon which we join issue with them is, whether these gods were
   true gods, or worthy of worship, and whether that philosophy was fitted
   to promote the salvation of the souls of men. This is what we insist
   upon discussing; and in discussing it we pluck up their sophistries by
   the root. Let them, therefore, desist from bringing against us
   objections which are of equal force against every sect, and against
   religion of every name. For since, as they admit, the ages of the world
   do not roll on under the dominion of chance, but are controlled by
   divine Providence, what may be fitting and expedient in each successive
   age transcends the range of human understanding, and is determined by
   the same wisdom by which Providence cares for the universe.

   14. For if they assert that the reason why the doctrine of Pythagoras
   has not prevailed always and universally is, that Pythagoras was but a
   man, and had not power to secure this, can they also affirm that in the
   age and in the countries in which his philosophy flourished, all who
   had the opportunity of hearing him were found willing to believe and
   follow him? And therefore it is the more certain that, if Pythagoras
   had possessed the power of publishing his doctrines where he pleased
   and when he pleased, and if he had also possessed along with that power
   a perfect foreknowledge of events, he would have presented himself only
   at those places and times in which he foreknew that men would believe
   his teaching. Wherefore, since they do not object to Christ on the
   ground of His doctrine not being universally embraced,--for they feel
   that this would be a futile objection if alleged either against the
   teaching of philosophers or against the majesty of their own
   gods,--what answer, I ask, could they make, if, leaving out of view
   that depth of the wisdom and knowledge of God within which it may be
   that some other divine purpose lies much more deeply hidden, and
   without prejudging the other reasons possibly existing, which are fit
   subjects for patient study by the wise, we confine ourselves, for the
   sake of brevity in this discussion, to the statement of this one
   position, that it pleased Christ to appoint the time in which He would
   appear and the persons among whom His doctrine was to be proclaimed,
   according to His knowledge of the times and places in which men would
   believe on Him? [2341] For He foreknew, regarding those ages and places
   in which His gospel has not been preached, that in them the gospel, if
   preached, would meet with such treatment from all, without exception,
   as it met with, not indeed from all, but from many, at the time of His
   personal presence on earth, who would not believe in Him, even though
   men were raised from the dead by Him; and such as we see it meet with
   in our day from many who, although the predictions of the prophets
   concerning Him are so manifestly fulfilled, still refuse to believe,
   and, misguided by the perverse subtlety of the human heart, rather
   resist than yield to divine authority, even when this is so clear and
   manifest, so glorious and so gloriously published abroad. So long as
   the mind of man is limited in capacity and in strength, it is his duty
   to yield to divine truth. Why, then, should we wonder if Christ knew
   that the world was so full of unbelievers in the former ages, that He
   righteously refused to manifest Himself or to be preached to those of
   whom He foreknew that they would not believe either His words or His
   miracles? For it is not incredible that all may have been then such as,
   to our amazement, so many have been from the time of His advent to the
   present time, and even now are.

   15. And yet, from the beginning of the human race, He never ceased to
   speak by His prophets, at one time more obscurely, at another time more
   plainly, as seemed to divine wisdom best adapted to the time; nor were
   there ever wanting men who believed in Him, from Adam to Moses, and
   among the people of Israel itself, which was by a special mysterious
   appointment a prophetic nation, and among other nations before He came
   in the flesh. For seeing that in the sacred Hebrew books some are
   mentioned, even from Abraham's time, not belonging to his natural
   posterity nor to the people of Israel, and not proselytes added to that
   people, who were nevertheless partakers of this holy mystery, [2342]
   why may we not believe that in other nations also, here and there, some
   more were found, although we do not read their names in these
   authoritative records? Thus the salvation provided by this religion, by
   which alone, as alone true, true salvation is truly promised, was never
   wanting to any one who was worthy of it, and he to whom it was wanting
   was not worthy of it. [2343] And from the beginning of the human
   family, even to the end of time, it is preached, to some for their
   advantage, to some for their condemnation. Accordingly, those to whom
   it has not been preached at all are those who were foreknown as persons
   who would not believe; those to whom, notwithstanding the certainty
   that they would not believe, the salvation has been proclaimed are set
   forth as an example of the class of unbelievers; and those to whom, as
   persons who would believe, the truth is proclaimed are being prepared
   for the kingdom of heaven and for the society of the holy angels.

   16. Question III. Let us now look to the question which comes next in
   order. "They find fault," he says, "with the sacred ceremonies, the
   sacrificial victims, the burning of incense, and all the other parts of
   worship in our temples; and yet the same kind of worship had its origin
   in antiquity with themselves, or from the God whom they worship, for He
   is represented by them as having been in need of the first-fruits."

   17. This question is obviously founded upon the passage in our
   Scriptures in which it is written that Cain brought to God a gift from
   the fruits of the earth, but Abel brought a gift from the firstlings of
   the flock. [2344] Our reply, therefore, is, that from this passage the
   more suitable inference to be drawn is, how ancient is the ordinance of
   sacrifice which the infallible and sacred writings declare to be due to
   no other than to the one true God; not because God needs our offerings,
   seeing that, in the same Scriptures, it is most clearly written, "I
   said unto the Lord, Thou art my Lord, for Thou hast no need of my
   good," [2345] but because, even in the acceptance or rejection or
   appropriation of these offerings, He considers the advantage of men,
   and of them alone. For in worshipping God we do good to ourselves, not
   to Him. When, therefore, He gives an inspired revelation, and teaches
   how He is to be worshipped, He does this not only from no sense of need
   on His part, but from a regard to our highest advantage. For all such
   sacrifices are significant, being symbols of certain things by which we
   ought to be roused to search or know or recollect the things which they
   symbolize. To discuss this subject satisfactorily would demand of us
   something more than the short discourse in which we have resolved to
   give our reply at this time, more particularly because in other
   treatises we have spoken of it fully. [2346] Those also who have before
   us expounded the divine oracles, have spoken largely of the symbols of
   the sacrifices of the Old Testament as shadows and figures of things
   then future.

   18. With all our desire, however, to be brief, this one thing we must
   by no means omit to remark, that the false gods, that is to say, the
   demons, which are lying angels, would never have required a temple,
   priesthood, sacrifice, and the other things connected with these from
   their worshippers, whom they deceive, had they not known that these
   things were due to the one true God. When, therefore, these things are
   presented to God according to His inspiration and teaching, it is true
   religion; but when they are given to demons in compliance with their
   impious pride, it is baneful superstition. Accordingly, those who know
   the Christian Scriptures of both the Old and the New Testaments do not
   blame the profane rites of Pagans on the mere ground of their building
   temples, appointing priests, and offering sacrifices, but on the ground
   of their doing all this for idols and demons. As to idols, indeed, who
   entertains a doubt as to their being wholly devoid of perception? And
   yet, when they are placed in these temples and set on high upon thrones
   of honour, that they may be waited upon by suppliants and worshippers
   praying and offering sacrifices, even these idols, though devoid both
   of feeling and of life, do, by the mere image of the members and senses
   of beings endowed with life, so affect weak minds, that they appear to
   live and breathe, especially under the added influence of the profound
   veneration with which the multitude freely renders such costly service.

   19. To these morbid and pernicious affections of the mind divine
   Scripture applies a remedy, by repeating, with the impressiveness of
   wholesome admonition, a familiar fact, in the words, "Eyes have they,
   but they see not; they have ears, but they hear not," [2347] etc. For
   these words, by reason of their being so plain, and commending
   themselves to all people as true, are the more effective in striking
   salutary shame into those who, when they present divine worship before
   such images with religious fear, and look upon their likeness to living
   beings while they are venerating and worshipping them, and utter
   petitions, offer sacrifices, and perform vows before them as if
   present, are so completely overcome, that they do not presume to think
   of them as devoid of perception. Lest, moreover, these worshippers
   should think that our Scriptures intend only to declare that such
   affections of the human heart spring naturally from the worship of
   idols, it is written in the plainest terms, "All the gods of the
   nations are devils." [2348] And therefore, also, the teaching of the
   apostles not only declares, as we read in John, "Little children, keep
   yourselves from idols," [2349] but also, in the words of Paul, "What
   say I then? that the idol is anything, or that which is offered in
   sacrifice to idols is anything? But I say, that the things which the
   Gentiles sacrifice they sacrifice to devils, and not to God; and I
   would not that ye should have fellowship with devils." [2350] From
   which it may be clearly understood, that what is condemned in heathen
   superstitions by the true religion is not the mere offering of
   sacrifices (for the ancient saints offered these to the true God), but
   the offering of sacrifices to false gods and to impious demons. For as
   the truth counsels men to seek the fellowship of the holy angels, in
   like manner impiety turns men aside to the fellowship of the wicked
   angels, for whose associates everlasting fire is prepared, as the
   eternal kingdom is prepared for the associates of the holy angels.

   20. The heathen find a plea for their profane rites and their idols in
   the fact that they interpret with ingenuity what is signified by each
   of them, but the plea is of no avail. For all this interpretation
   relates to the creature, not to the Creator, to whom alone is due that
   religious service which is in the Greek language distinguished by the
   word latreia. Neither do we say that the earth, the seas, the heaven,
   the sun, the moon, the stars, and any other celestial influences which
   may be beyond our ken are demons; but since all created things are
   divided into material and immaterial, the latter of which we also call
   spiritual, it is manifest that what is done by us under the power of
   piety and religion proceeds from the faculty of our souls known as the
   will, which belongs to the spiritual creation, and is therefore to be
   preferred to all that is material. Whence it is inferred that sacrifice
   must not be offered to anything material. There remains, therefore, the
   spiritual part of creation, which is either pious or impious,--the
   pious consisting of men and angels who are righteous, and who duly
   serve God; the impious consisting of wicked men and angels, whom we
   also call devils. Now, that sacrifice must not be offered to a
   spiritual creature, though righteous, is obvious from this
   consideration, that the more pious and submissive to God any creature
   is, the less does he presume to aspire to that honour which he knows to
   be due to God alone. How much worse, therefore, is it to sacrifice to
   devils, that is, to a wicked spiritual creature, which, dwelling in
   this comparatively dark heaven nearest to earth, as in the prison
   assigned to him in the air, is doomed to eternal punishment. Wherefore,
   even when men say that they are offering sacrifices to the higher
   celestial powers, which are not devils, and imagine that the only
   difference between us and them is in a name, because they call them
   gods and we call them angels, the only beings which really present
   themselves to these men, who are given over to be the sport of manifold
   deceptions, are the devils who find delight and, in a sense,
   nourishment in the errors of mankind. For the holy angels do not
   approve of any sacrifice except what is offered, agreeably to the
   teaching of true wisdom and true religion, unto the one true God, whom
   in holy fellowship they serve. Therefore, as impious presumption,
   whether in men or in angels, commands or covets the rendering to itself
   of those honours which belong to God, so, on the other hand, pious
   humility, whether in men or in holy angels, declines these honours when
   offered, and declares to whom alone they are due, of which most notable
   examples are conspicuously set forth in our sacred books.

   21. In the sacrifices appointed by the divine oracles there has been a
   diversity of institution corresponding to the age in which they were
   observed. Some sacrifices were offered before the actual manifestation
   of that new covenant, the benefits of which are provided by the one
   true offering of the one Priest, namely, by the shed blood of Christ;
   and another sacrifice, adapted to this manifestation, and offered in
   the present age by us who are called Christians after the name of Him
   who has been revealed, is set before us not only in the gospels, but
   also in the prophetic books. For a change, not of the God, who is
   worshipped, nor of the religion itself, but of sacrifices and of
   sacraments, would seem to be proclaimed without warrant now, if it had
   not been foretold in the earlier dispensation. For just as when the
   same man brings to God in the morning one kind of offering, and in the
   evening another, according to the time of day, he does not thereby
   change either his God or his religion, any more than he changes the
   nature of a salutation who uses one form of salutation in the morning
   and another in the evening: so, in the complete cycle of the ages, when
   one kind of offering is known to have been made by the ancient saints,
   and another is presented by the saints in our time, this only shows
   that these sacred mysteries are celebrated not according to human
   presumption, but by divine authority, in the manner best adapted to the
   times. There is here no change either in the Deity or in the religion.

   22. Question IV. Let us, in the next place, consider what he has laid
   down concerning the proportion between sin and punishment when,
   misrepresenting the gospel, he says: "Christ threatens eternal
   punishment to those who do not believe in Him;" [2351] and yet He says
   in another place, "With what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to
   you again." [2352] "Here," he remarks, "is something sufficiently
   absurd and contradictory; for if He is to award punishment according to
   measure, and all measure is limited by the end of time, what mean these
   threats of eternal punishment?"

   23. It is difficult to believe that this question has been put in the
   form of objection by one claiming to be in any sense a philosopher; for
   he says, "All measure is limited by time," as if men were accustomed to
   no other measures than measures of time, such as hours and days and
   years, or such as are referred to when we say that the time of a short
   syllable is one-half of that of a long syllable. [2353] For I suppose
   that bushels and firkins, urns and amphoræ, are not measures of time.
   How, then, is all measure limited by time? Do not the heathen
   themselves affirm that the sun is eternal? And yet they presume to
   calculate and pronounce on the basis of geometrical measurements what
   is the proportion between it and the earth. Whether this calculation be
   within or beyond their power, it is certain, notwithstanding, that it
   has a disc of definite dimensions. For if they do ascertain how large
   it is, they know its dimensions, and if they do not succeed in their
   investigation, they do not know these; but the fact that men cannot
   discover them is no proof that they do not exist. It is possible,
   therefore, for something to be eternal, and nevertheless to have a
   definite measure of its proportions. In this I have been speaking upon
   the assumption of their own view as to the eternal duration of the sun,
   in order that they may be convinced by one of their own tenets, and
   obliged to admit that something may be eternal and at the same time
   measurable. And therefore let them not think that the threatening of
   Christ concerning eternal punishment is not to be believed because of
   His also saying, "In what measure ye mete, it shall be measured unto
   you."

   24. For if He had said, "That which you have measured shall be measured
   unto you," even in that case it would not have been necessary to take
   the clauses as referring to something which was in all respects the
   same. For we may correctly say, That which you have planted you shall
   reap, although men plant not fruit but trees, and reap not trees but
   fruit. We say it, however, with reference to the kind of tree; for a
   man does not plant a fig-tree, and expect to gather nuts from it. In
   like manner it might be said, What you have done you shall suffer; not
   meaning that if one has committed adultery, for example, he shall
   suffer the same, but that what he has in that crime done to the law,
   the law shall do unto him, i.e. forasmuch as he has removed from his
   life the law which prohibits such things, the law shall requite him by
   removing him from that human life over which it presides. Again, if He
   had said, "As much as ye shall have measured, so much shall be measured
   unto you," even from this statement it would not necessarily follow
   that we must understand punishments to be in every particular equal to
   the sins punished. Barley and wheat, for example, are not equal in
   quality, and yet it might be said, "As much as ye shall have measured,
   so much shall be measured unto you," meaning for so much wheat so much
   barley. Or if the matter in question were pain, it might be said, "As
   great pain shall be inflicted on you as you have inflicted on others;"
   this might mean that the pain should be in severity equal, but in time
   more protracted, and therefore by its continuance greater. For suppose
   I were to say of two lamps, "The flame of this one was as hot as the
   flame of the other," this would not be false, although, perchance, one
   of them was earlier extinguished than the other. Wherefore, if things
   be equally great in one respect, but not in another, the fact that they
   are not alike in all respects does not invalidate the statement that in
   one respect, as admitted, they are equally great.

   25. Seeing, however, that the words of Christ were these, "In what
   measure ye mete, it shall be measured unto you," and that beyond all
   question the measure in which anything is measured is one thing, and
   that which is measured in it is another, it is obviously possible that
   with the same measure with which men have measured, say, a bushel of
   wheat, there may be measured to them thousands of bushels, so that with
   no difference in the measure there may be all that difference in the
   quantity, not to speak of the difference of quality which might be in
   the things measured; for it is not only possible that with the same
   measure with which one has measured barley to others, wheat may be
   measured to him, but, moreover, with the same measure with which he has
   measured grain, gold may be measured to him, and of the grain there may
   have been one bushel, while there may be very many of the gold. Thus,
   although there is a difference both in kind and quantity, it may be
   nevertheless truly said in reference to things which are thus unlike:
   "In the measure in which he measured to others it is measured unto
   him."

   The reason, moreover, why Christ uttered this saying is sufficiently
   plain from the immediately preceding context. "Judge not," He said,
   "that ye be not judged; for in the judgment in which ye judge ye shall
   be judged." Does this mean that if they have judged any one with
   injustice they shall themselves be unjustly judged? Of course not; for
   there is no unrighteousness with God. But it is thus expressed, "In the
   judgment in which ye judge ye shall be judged," as if it were said, In
   the will in which ye have dealt kindly with others ye shall be set at
   liberty, or in the will in which ye have done evil to others ye shall
   be punished. As if any one, for example, using his eyes for the
   gratification of base desires, were ordered to be made blind, this
   would be a just sentence for him to hear, "In those eyes by which thou
   hast sinned, in them hast thou deserved to be punished." For every one
   uses the judgment of his own mind, according as it is good or evil, for
   doing good or for doing evil. Wherefore it is not unjust that he be
   judged in that in which he judges, that is to say, that he suffer the
   penalty in the mind's faculty of judgment when he is made to endure
   those evils which are the consequences of the sinful judgment of his
   mind.

   26. For while other torments which are prepared to be hereafter
   inflicted are visible, torments occasioned by the same central cause,
   namely, a depraved will,--it is also the fact that within the mind
   itself, in which the appetite of the will is the measure of all human
   actions, sin is followed immediately by punishment, which is for the
   most part increased in proportion to the greater blindness of one by
   whom it is not felt. Therefore when He had said, "With [or rather, as
   Augustin renders it, In] what judgment ye judge, ye shall be judged,"
   He went on to add, "And in what measure ye mete, it shall be measured
   unto you." A good man, that is to say, will measure out good actions in
   his own will, and in the same shall blessedness be measured unto him;
   and in like manner, a bad man will measure out bad actions in his own
   will, and in the same shall misery be meted out to him; for in
   whatsoever any one is good when his will aims at what is good, in the
   same he is evil when his will aims at what is evil. And therefore it is
   also in this that he is made to experience bliss or misery, viz. in the
   feeling experienced by his own will, which is the measure both of all
   actions and of the recompenses of actions. For we measure actions,
   whether good or bad, by the quality of the volitions which produce
   them, not by the length of time which they occupy. Were it otherwise,
   it would be regarded a greater crime to fell a tree than to kill a man.
   For the former takes a long time and many strokes, the latter may be
   done with one blow in a moment of time; and yet, if a man were punished
   with no more than transportation for life for this great crime
   committed in a moment, it would be said that he had been treated with
   more clemency than he deserved, although, in regard to the duration of
   time, the protracted punishment is not in any way to be compared with
   the sudden act of murder. Where, then, is anything contradictory in the
   sentence objected to, if the punishments shall be equally protracted or
   even alike eternal, but differing in comparative gentleness and
   severity? The duration is the same; the pain inflicted is different in
   degree, because that which constitutes the measure of the sins
   themselves is found not in the length of time which they occupy, but in
   the will of those who commit them.

   27. Certainly the will itself endures the punishment, whether pain be
   inflicted on the mind or on the body; so that the same thing which is
   gratified by the sin is smitten by the penalty, and so that he who
   judgeth without mercy is judged without mercy; for in this sentence
   also the standard of measure is the same only in this point, that what
   he did not give to others is denied to him, and therefore the judgment
   passed on him shall be eternal, although the judgment pronounced by him
   cannot be eternal. It is therefore in the sinner's own measure that
   punishments which are eternal are measured out to him, though the sins
   thus punished were not eternal; for as his wish was to have an eternal
   enjoyment of sin, so the award which he finds is an eternal endurance
   of suffering.

   The brevity which I study in this reply precludes me from collecting
   all, or at least as many as I could of the statements contained in our
   sacred books as to sin and the punishment of sin, and deducing from
   these one indisputable proposition on the subject; and perhaps, even if
   I obtained the necessary leisure, I might not possess abilities
   competent to the task. Nevertheless, I think that in the meantime I
   have proved that there is no contradiction between the eternity of
   punishment and the principle that sins shall be recompensed in the same
   measure in which men have committed them.

   28. Question V. The objector who has brought forward these questions
   from Porphyry has added this one in the next place: Will you have the
   goodness to instruct me as to whether Solomon said truly or not that
   God has no Son?

   29. The answer is brief: Solomon not only did not say this, but, on the
   contrary, expressly said that God hath a Son. For in one of his
   writings Wisdom saith: "Before the mountains were settled, before the
   hills was I brought forth." [2354] And what is Christ but the Wisdom of
   God? Again, in another place in the book of Proverbs, he says: "God
   hath taught me wisdom, and I have learned the knowledge of the holy.
   [2355] Who hath ascended up into heaven and descended? who hath
   gathered the winds in His fists? who hath bound the waters in a
   garment? who hath established all the ends of the earth? What is His
   name, and what is His Son's name?" [2356] Of the two questions
   concluding this quotation, the one referred to the Father, namely,
   "What is His name?"--with allusion to the foregoing words, "God hath
   taught me wisdom,"--the other evidently to the Son, since he says, "or
   what is His Son's name?"--with allusion to the other statements, which
   are more properly understood as pertaining to the Son, viz. "Who hath
   ascended up into heaven and descended?"--a question brought to
   remembrance by the words of Paul: "He that descended is the same also
   that ascended up far above all heavens;" [2357] --"Who hath gathered
   the winds in His fists?" i.e. the souls of believers in a hidden and
   secret place, to whom, accordingly, it is said, "Ye are dead, and your
   life is hid with Christ in God;" [2358] --"Who hath bound the waters in
   a garment?" [2359] whence it could be said, "As many of you as have
   been baptized into Christ have put on Christ;" [2360] --"Who hath
   established all the ends of the earth?" the same who said to His
   disciples, "Ye shall be witnesses unto Me, both in Jerusalem, and in
   all Judea, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth."
   [2361]

   30. Question VI. The last question proposed is concerning Jonah, and it
   is put as if it were not from Porphyry, but as being a standing subject
   of ridicule among the Pagans; for his words are: "In the next place,
   what are we to believe concerning Jonah, who is said to have been three
   days in a whale's belly? The thing is utterly improbable and
   incredible, that a man swallowed with his clothes on should have
   existed in the inside of a fish. If, however, the story is figurative,
   be pleased to explain it. Again, what is meant by the story that a
   gourd sprang up above the head of Jonah after he was vomited by the
   fish? What was the cause of this gourd's growth?" Questions such as
   these I have seen discussed by Pagans amidst loud laughter, and with
   great scorn.

   31. To this I reply, that either all the miracles wrought by divine
   power may be treated as incredible, or there is no reason why the story
   of this miracle should not be believed. The resurrection of Christ
   Himself upon the third day would not be believed by us, if the
   Christian faith was afraid to encounter Pagan ridicule. Since, however,
   our friend did not on this ground ask whether it is to be believed that
   Lazarus was raised on the fourth day, or that Christ rose on the third
   day, I am much surprised that he reckoned what was done with Jonah to
   be incredible; unless, perchance, he thinks it easier for a dead man to
   be raised in life from his sepulchre, than for a living man to be kept
   in life in the spacious belly of a sea monster. For without mentioning
   the great size of sea monsters which is reported to us by those who
   have knowledge of them, let me ask how many men could be contained in
   the belly which was fenced round with those huge ribs which are fixed
   in a public place in Carthage, and are well known to all men there? Who
   can be at a loss to conjecture how wide an entrance must have been
   given by the opening of the mouth which was the gateway of that vast
   cavern? unless, perchance, as our friend stated it, the clothing of
   Jonah stood in the way of his being swallowed without injury, as if he
   had required to squeeze himself through a narrow passage, instead of
   being, as was the case, thrown headlong through the air, and so caught
   by the sea monster as to be received into its belly before he was
   wounded by its teeth. At the same time, the Scripture does not say
   whether he had his clothes on or not when he was cast down into that
   cavern, so that it may without contradiction be understood that he made
   that swift descent unclothed, if perchance it was necessary that his
   garment should be taken from him, as the shell is taken from an egg, to
   make him more easily swallowed. For men are as much concerned about the
   raiment of this prophet as would be reasonable if it were stated that
   he had crept through a very small window, or had been going into a
   bath; and yet, even though it were necessary in such circumstances to
   enter without parting with one's clothes, this would be only
   inconvenient, not miraculous.

   32. But perhaps our objectors find it impossible to believe in regard
   to this divine miracle that the heated moist air of the belly, whereby
   food is dissolved, could be so moderated in temperature as to preserve
   the life of a man. If so, with how much greater force might they
   pronounce it incredible that the three young men cast into the furnace
   by the impious king walked unharmed in the midst of the flames! If,
   therefore, these objectors refuse to believe any narrative of a divine
   miracle, they must be refuted by another line of argument. For it is
   incumbent on them in that case not to single out some one to be
   objected to, and called in question as incredible, but to denounce as
   incredible all narratives in which miracles of the same kind or more
   remarkable are recorded. And yet, if this which is written concerning
   Jonah were said to have been done by Apuleius of Madaura or Apollonius
   of Tyana, by whom they boast, though unsupported by reliable testimony,
   that many wonders were performed (albeit even the devils do some works
   like those done by the holy angels, not in truth, but in appearance,
   not by wisdom, but manifestly by subtlety),--if, I say, any such event
   were narrated in connection with these men to whom they give the
   flattering name of magicians or philosophers, we should hear from their
   mouths sounds not of derision, but of triumph. Be it so, then; let them
   laugh at our Scriptures; let them laugh as much as they can, when they
   see themselves daily becoming fewer in number, while some are removed
   by death, and others by their embracing the Christian faith, and when
   all those things are being fulfilled which were predicted by the
   prophets who long ago laughed at them, and said that they would fight
   and bark against the truth in vain, and would gradually come over to
   our side; and who not only transmitted these statements to us, their
   descendants, for our learning, but promised that they should be
   fulfilled in our experience.

   33. It is neither unreasonable nor unprofitable to inquire what these
   miracles signify, so that, after their significance has been explained,
   men may believe not only that they really occurred, but also that they
   have been recorded, because of their possessing symbolical meaning. Let
   him, therefore, who proposes to inquire why the prophet Jonah was three
   days in the capacious belly of a sea monster, begin by dismissing
   doubts as to the fact itself; for this did actually occur, and did not
   occur in vain. For if figures which are expressed in words only, and
   not in actions, aid our faith, how much more should our faith be helped
   by figures expressed not only in words, but also in actions! Now men
   are wont to speak by words; but divine power speaks by actions as well
   as by words. And as words which are new or somewhat unfamiliar lend
   brilliancy to a human discourse when they are scattered through it in a
   moderate and judicious manner, so the eloquence of divine revelation
   receives, so to speak, additional lustre from actions which are at once
   marvellous in themselves and skilfully designed to impart spiritual
   instruction.

   34. As to the question, What was prefigured by the sea monster
   restoring alive on the third day the prophet whom it swallowed? why is
   this asked of us, when Christ Himself has given the answer, saying, "An
   evil and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign, and there shall no
   sign be given it but the sign of the prophet Jonas: for as Jonas was
   three days and three nights in the whale's belly, so must the Son of
   man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth" [2362] ?
   In regard to the three days in which the Lord Christ was under the
   power of death, it would take long to explain how they are reckoned to
   be three whole days, that is, days along with their nights, because of
   the whole of the first day and of the third day being understood as
   represented on the part of each; moreover, this has been already stated
   very often in other discourses. As, therefore, Jonah passed from the
   ship to the belly of the whale, so Christ passed from the cross to the
   sepulchre, or into the abyss of death. And as Jonah suffered this for
   the sake of those who were endangered by the storm, so Christ suffered
   for the sake of those who are tossed on the waves of this world. And as
   the command was given at first that the word of God should be preached
   to the Ninevites by Jonah, but the preaching of Jonah did not come to
   them until after the whale had vomited him forth, so prophetic teaching
   was addressed early to the Gentiles, but did not actually come to the
   Gentiles until after the resurrection of Christ from the grave.

   35. In the next place, as to Jonah's building for himself a booth, and
   sitting down over against Nineveh, waiting to see what would befall the
   city, the prophet was here in his own person the symbol of another
   fact. He prefigured the carnal people of Israel. For he also was
   grieved at the salvation of the Ninevites, that is, at the redemption
   and deliverance of the Gentiles, from among whom Christ came to call,
   not righteous men, but sinners to repentance. [2363] Wherefore the
   shadow of that gourd over his head prefigured the promises of the Old
   Testament, or rather the privileges already enjoyed in it, in which
   there was, as the apostle says, "a shadow of things to come," [2364]
   furnishing, as it were, a refuge from the heat of temporal calamities
   in the land of promise. Moreover, in that morning-worm, [2365] which by
   its gnawing tooth made the gourd wither away, Christ Himself is again
   prefigured, forasmuch as, by the publication of the gospel from His
   mouth, all those things which flourished among the Israelites for a
   time, or with a shadowy symbolical meaning in that earlier
   dispensation, are now deprived of their significance, and have withered
   away. And now that nation, having lost the kingdom, the priesthood, and
   the sacrifices formerly established in Jerusalem, all which privileges
   were a shadow of things to come, is burned with grievous heat of
   tribulation in its condition of dispersion and captivity, as Jonah was,
   according to the history, scorched with the heat of the sun, and is
   overwhelmed with sorrow; and notwithstanding, the salvation of the
   Gentiles and of the penitent is of more importance in the sight of God
   than this sorrow of Israel and the "shadow" of which the Jewish nation
   was so glad.

   36. Again, let the Pagans laugh, and let them treat with proud and
   senseless ridicule Christ the Worm and this interpretation of the
   prophetic symbol, provided that He gradually and surely, nevertheless,
   consume them. For concerning all such Isaiah prophesies, when by him
   God says to us, "Hearken unto me, ye that know righteousness, the
   people in whose heart is my law; fear ye not the reproach of men,
   neither be ye afraid of their revilings: for the moth shall eat them up
   as a garment, and the worm shall eat them like wool; but my
   righteousness shall be for ever." [2366] Let us therefore acknowledge
   Christ to be the morning-worm, because, moreover, in that psalm which
   bears the title, "Upon the hind of the morning," [2367] He has been
   pleased to call Himself by this very name: "I am," He says, "a worm,
   and no man, a reproach of men, and despised of the people." This
   reproach is one of those reproaches which we are commanded not to fear
   in the words of Isaiah, "Fear ye not the reproach of men." By that
   Worm, as by a moth, they are being consumed who under the tooth of His
   gospel are made to wonder daily at the diminution of their numbers,
   which is caused by desertion from their party. Let us therefore
   acknowledge this symbol of Christ; and because of the salvation of God,
   let us bear patiently the reproaches of men. He is a Worm because of
   the lowliness of the flesh which He assumed--perhaps, also, because of
   His being born of a virgin; for the worm is generally not begotten, but
   spontaneously originated in flesh or any vegetable product [sine
   concubitu nascitur]. He is the morning-worm, because He rose from the
   grave before the dawn of day. That gourd might, of course, have
   withered without any worm at its root; and finally, if God regarded the
   worm as necessary for this work, what need was there to add the epithet
   morning-worm, if not to secure that He should be recognised as the Worm
   who in the psalm, "pro susceptione matutina," sings, "I am a worm, and
   no man"?

   37. What, then, could be more palpable than the fulfilment of this
   prophecy in the accomplishment of the things foretold? That Worm was
   indeed despised when He hung upon the cross, as is written in the same
   psalm: "They shoot out the lip, they shake the head, saying, He trusted
   in the Lord that he would deliver him; let him deliver him, seeing he
   delighted in him;" [2368] and again, when this was fulfilled which the
   psalm foretold, "They pierced my hands and my feet. They have told all
   my bones: they look and stare upon me. They part my garments among
   them, and cast lots upon my vesture," [2369] --circumstances which are
   in that ancient book described when future by the prophet with as great
   plainness as they are now recorded in the gospel history after their
   occurrence. But if in His humiliation that Worm was despised, is He to
   be still despised when we behold the accomplishment of those things
   which are predicted in the latter part of the same psalm: "All the ends
   of the world shall remember, and turn unto the Lord; and all the
   kindreds of the nations shall worship in His presence. For the kingdom
   is the Lord's; and He shall govern among the nations"? [2370] Thus the
   Ninevites "remembered, and turned unto the Lord." The salvation granted
   to the Gentiles on their repentance, which was thus so long before
   prefigured, Israel then, as represented by Jonah, regarded with grief,
   as now their nation grieves, bereft of their shadow, and vexed with the
   heat of their tribulations. Any one is at liberty to open up with a
   different interpretation, if only it be in harmony with the rule of
   faith, all the other particulars which are hidden in the symbolical
   history of the prophet Jonah; but it is obvious that it is not lawful
   to interpret the three days which he passed in the belly of the whale
   otherwise than as it has been revealed by the heavenly Master Himself
   in the gospel, as quoted above.

   38. I have answered to the best of my power the questions proposed; but
   let him who proposed them become now a Christian at once, lest, if he
   delay until he has finished the discussion of all difficulties
   connected with the sacred books, he come to the end of this life before
   he pass from death to life. For it is reasonable that he inquire as to
   the resurrection of the dead before he is admitted to the Christian
   sacraments. Perhaps he ought also to be allowed to insist on
   preliminary discussion of the question proposed concerning Christ--why
   He came so late in the world's history, and of a few great questions
   besides, to which all others are subordinate. But to think of finishing
   all such questions as those concerning the words, "In what measure ye
   mete, it shall be measured unto you," and concerning Jonah, before he
   becomes a Christian, is to betray great unmindfulness of man's limited
   capacities, and of the shortness of the life which remains to him. For
   there are innumerable questions the solution of which is not to be
   demanded before we believe, lest life be finished by us in unbelief.
   When, however, the Christian faith has been thoroughly received, these
   questions behove to be studied with the utmost diligence for the pious
   satisfaction of the minds of believers. Whatever is discovered by such
   study ought to be imparted to others without vain self-complacency; if
   anything still remain hidden, we must bear with patience an
   imperfection of knowledge which is not prejudicial to salvation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2335] Qui nullâ seminis conditione natus est.

   [2336] Rom. vi. 9.

   [2337] 1 Cor. xv. 52.

   [2338] Ineffabili nutui.

   [2339] Rom. i. 20.

   [2340] John xiv. 6.

   [2341] Augustin, having been informed by Hilary (Ep. 219) that this
   passage was quoted by Semipelagians in defence of their error, made the
   following remark on it in his work De Prædestinatione Sanctorum, c.
   ix.: "Do you not observe that my design in this sentence was, without
   excluding the secret counsel of God and any other causes, to say, in
   reference to Christ's foreknowledge, what seemed sufficient to reduce
   to silence the unbelief of the Pagans by whom the objection had been
   raised? For what is more certain than this, that Christ foreknew who
   would believe in Him, and in what time and place they would live? But I
   did not deem it necessary, in that connection, to investigate and
   discuss the question as to this faith in Christ preached to them,
   whether they would have it of themselves or would receive it from
   God--in other words, whether God merely foreknew, or also predestinated
   them. The sentence, therefore, that it pleased Christ to appoint the
   time in which He would appear, and the persons among whom His doctrine
   was to be proclaimed, according to His knowledge of the times and
   places in which men would believe in Him,' might have been put thus:
   that it pleased Christ to appoint the time in which He would appear,
   and the persons among whom His doctrine was to be proclaimed, according
   to His knowledge of the times and places in which those would be found
   who had been chosen in Him before the foundation of the world."

   [2342] Sacramenti.

   [2343] On these words Augustin remarks in his Retractations, Book II.
   ch. xxxi.: "This I said, not meaning that any one could be worthy
   through his own merit, but in the same sense as the apostle said, Not
   of works, but of Him that calleth; it was said unto her, "The elder
   shall serve the younger"' (Rom. ix. 11, 12),--a calling which he
   affirms to pertain to the purpose of God. For which reason he says, Not
   according to our works, but according to His own purpose and grace' (2
   Tim. i. 9); and again, We know that all things work together for good
   to them that love God, to them that are called according to His
   purpose' (Rom. viii. 28). Of which calling he says, That our God would
   count you worthy of this calling' (2 Thess. i. 11)."

   [2344] Gen. iv. 3, 4.

   [2345] Ps. xvi. 2: hoti ton agathon mou ou chreian echeis, LXX.

   [2346] E.g., in the reply to Faustus, Book xxii.

   [2347] Ps. cxv. 5, 6.

   [2348] Ps. xcvi. 5: daimonia, LXX.

   [2349] 1 John v. 21.

   [2350] 1 Cor. x. 19, 20.

   [2351] John iii. 18.

   [2352] Matt. vii. 2.

   [2353] "Longam syllabam esse duorum temporum brevem unius etiam pueri
   sciunt."--Quintil. ix. 4, 47.

   [2354] Prov. viii. 25: pro de panton bounon genna me, LXX.

   [2355] According to LXX.

   [2356] Prov. xxx. 3, 4.

   [2357] Eph. iv. 10.

   [2358] Col. iii. 3.

   [2359] Augustin's words are: quis convertit aquam in vestimento? from
   the LXX.: tis sunestrepsen hudor en imatio.

   [2360] Gal. iii. 27.

   [2361] Acts i. 8.

   [2362] Matt. xii. 39, 40.

   [2363] Luke v. 32.

   [2364] Col. ii. 17.

   [2365] Vermis matutinus.

   [2366] Isa. li. 7, 8.

   [2367] Ps. xxii. The title in the LXX. is, "huper tes antilepseos tes
   heothines," which Augustin translates, "pro susceptione matutina."

   [2368] Ps. xxii. 7, 8.

   [2369] Ps. xxii. 16-18.

   [2370] Ps. xxii. 27, 28.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CIII.

   (a.d. 409.)

   To My Lord and Brother, Augustin, Rightly and Justly Worthy of Esteem
   and of All Possible Honour, Nectarius Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. In reading the letter of your Excellency, in which you have
   overthrown the worship of idols and the ritual of their temples, [2371]
   I seemed to myself to hear the voice of a philosopher, not of such a
   philosopher as the academician of whom they say, that having neither
   new doctrine to propound nor earlier statements of his own to defend,
   he was wont to sit in gloomy corners on the ground absorbed in some
   deep reverie, with his knees drawn back to his forehead, and his head
   buried between them, contriving how he might as a detractor assail the
   discoveries or cavil at the statements by which others had earned
   renown; nay, the form which rose under the spell of your eloquence and
   stood before my eyes was rather that of the great statesman Cicero,
   who, having been crowned with laurels for saving the lives of many of
   his countrymen, carried the trophies won in his forensic victories into
   the wondering schools of Greek philosophy, when, as one pausing for
   breath, he laid down the trumpet of sonorous voice and language which
   he had blown with blast of just indignation against those who had
   broken the laws and conspired against the life of the republic, and,
   adopting the fashion of the Grecian mantle, unfastened and threw back
   over his shoulders the toga's ample folds.

   2. I therefore listened with pleasure when you urged us to the worship
   and religion of the only supreme God; and when you counselled us to
   look to our heavenly fatherland, I received the exhortation with joy.
   For you were obviously speaking to me not of any city confined by
   encircling ramparts, nor of that commonwealth on this earth which the
   writings of philosophers have mentioned and declared to have all
   mankind as its citizens, but of that City which is inhabited and
   possessed by the great God, and by the spirits which have earned this
   recompense from Him, to which, by diverse roads and pathways, all
   religions aspire,--the City which we are not able in language to
   describe, but which perhaps we might by thinking apprehend. But while
   this City ought therefore to be, above all others, desired and loved, I
   am nevertheless of opinion that we are bound not to prove unfaithful to
   our own native land,--the land which first imparted to us the enjoyment
   of the light of day, in which we were nursed and educated, and (to pass
   to what is specially relevant in this case) the land by rendering
   services to which men obtain a home prepared for them in heaven after
   the death of the body; for, in the opinion of the most learned,
   promotion to that celestial City is granted to those men who have
   deserved well of the cities which gave them birth, and a higher
   experience of fellowship with God is the portion of those who are
   proved to have contributed by their counsels or by their labours to the
   welfare of their native land.

   As to the remark which you were pleased wittily to make regarding our
   town, that it has been made conspicuous not so much by the achievements
   of warriors as by the conflagrations of incendiaries, and that it has
   produced thorns rather than flowers, this is not the severest reproof
   that might have been given, for we know that flowers are for the most
   part borne on thorny bushes. For who does not know that even roses grow
   on briars, and that in the bearded heads of grain the ears are guarded
   by spikes, and that, in general, pleasant and painful things are found
   blended together?

   3. The last statement in your Excellency's letter was, that neither
   capital punishment nor bloodshed is demanded in order to compensate for
   the wrong done to the Church, but that the offenders must be deprived
   of the possessions which they most fear to lose. But in my deliberate
   judgment, though, of course, I may be mistaken, it is a more grievous
   thing to be deprived of one's property than to be deprived of life.
   For, as you know, it is an observation frequently recurring in the
   whole range of literature, that death terminates the experience of all
   evils, but that a life of indigence only confers upon us an eternity of
   wretchedness; for it is worse to live miserably than to put an end to
   our miseries by death. This fact, also, is declared by the whole nature
   and method of your work, in which you support the poor, minister
   healing to the diseased, and apply remedies to the bodies of those who
   are in pain, and, in short, make it your business to prevent the
   afflicted from feeling the protracted continuance of their sufferings.

   Again, as to the degree of demerit in the faults of some as compared
   with others, it is of no importance what the quality of the fault may
   seem to be in a case in which forgiveness is craved. For, in the first
   place, if penitence procures forgiveness and expiates the crime--and
   surely he is penitent who begs pardon and humbly embraces the feet of
   the party whom he has offended--and if, moreover, as is the opinion of
   some philosophers, all faults are alike, pardon ought to be bestowed
   upon all without distinction. One of our citizens may have spoken
   somewhat rudely: this was a fault; another may have perpetrated an
   insult or an injury: this was equally a fault; another may have
   violently taken what was not his own: this is reckoned a crime; another
   may have attacked buildings devoted to secular or to sacred purposes:
   he ought not to be for this crime placed beyond the reach of pardon.
   Finally, there would be no occasion for pardon if there were no
   foregoing faults.

   4. Having now replied to your letter, not as the letter deserved, but
   to the best of my ability, such as it is, I beg and implore you (oh
   that I were in your presence, that you might also see my tears!) to
   consider again and again who you are, what is your professed character,
   and what is the business to which your life is devoted. Reflect upon
   the appearance presented by a town from which men doomed to torture are
   dragged forth; think of the lamentations of mothers and wives, of sons
   and of fathers; think of the shame felt by those who may return, set at
   liberty indeed, but having undergone the torture; think what sorrow and
   groaning the sight of their wounds and scars must renew. And when you
   have pondered all these things, first think of God, and think of your
   good name among men; or rather think of what friendly charity and the
   bonds of common humanity require at your hands, and seek to be praised
   not by punishing but by pardoning the offenders. And such things may
   indeed be said regarding your treatment of those whom actual guilt
   condemns on their own confession: to these persons you have, out of
   regard to your religion, granted pardon; and for this I shall always
   praise you. But now it is scarcely possible to express the greatness of
   that cruelty which pursues the innocent, and summons those to stand
   trial on a capital charge of whom it is certain that they had no share
   in the crimes alleged. If it so happen that they are acquitted,
   consider, I beseech you, with what ill-will their acquittal must be
   regarded by their accusers who of their own accord dismissed the guilty
   from the bar, but let the innocent go only when they were defeated in
   their attempts against them.

   May the supreme God be your keeper, and preserve you as a bulwark of
   His religion and an ornament to our country.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2371] Letter XCI. p. 376.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CIV.

   (a.d. 409.)

   To Nectarius, My Noble Lord and Brother, Justly Worthy of All Honour
   and Esteem, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. I have read the letter which you kindly sent in answer to mine. Your
   reply comes at a very long interval after the time when I despatched my
   letter to you. For I had written an answer to you [2372] when my holy
   brother and colleague Possidius was still with us, before he had
   entered on his voyage; but the letter which you have been pleased to
   entrust to him for me I received on March 27th, about eight months
   after I had written to you. The reason why my communication was so late
   in reaching you, or yours so late in being sent to me, I do not know.
   Perhaps your prudence has only now dictated the reply which your pride
   formerly disdained. If this be the explanation, I wonder what has
   occasioned the change. Have you perchance heard some report, which is
   as yet unknown to us, that my brother Possidius had obtained authority
   for proceedings of greater severity against your citizens, whom--you
   must excuse me for saying this--he loves in a way more likely to
   promote their welfare than you do yourself? For your letter shows that
   you apprehended something of this kind when you charge me to set before
   my eyes "the appearance presented by a town from which men doomed to
   torture are dragged forth," and to "think of the lamentations of
   mothers and wives, of sons and of fathers; of the shame felt by those
   who may return, set at liberty indeed, but having undergone the
   torture; and of the sorrow and groaning which the sight of their wounds
   and scars must renew." [2373] Far be it from us to demand the
   infliction, either by ourselves or by any one, of such hardships upon
   any of our enemies! But, as I have said, if report has brought any such
   measures of severity to your ears, give us a more clear and particular
   account of the things reported, that we may know either what to do in
   order to prevent these things from being done, or what answer we must
   make in order to disabuse the minds of those who believe the rumour.

   2. Examine more carefully my letter, to which you have so reluctantly
   sent a reply, for I have in it made my views sufficiently plain; but
   through not remembering, as I suppose, what I had written, you have in
   your reply made reference to sentiments widely differing from mine, and
   wholly unlike them. For, as if quoting from memory what I had written,
   you have inserted in your letter what I never said at all in mine. You
   say that the concluding sentence of my letter was, "that neither
   capital punishment nor bloodshed is demanded in order to compensate for
   the wrong done to the Church, but that the offenders must be deprived
   of that which they most fear to lose;" and then, in showing how great a
   calamity this imports, you add and connect with my words that you
   "deliberately judge--though you may perhaps be mistaken--that it is a
   more grievous thing to be deprived of one's possessions than to be
   deprived of life." And in order to expound more clearly the kind of
   possessions to which you refer, you go on to say that. it must be known
   to me, "as an observation frequently recurring in the whole range of
   literature, that death terminates the experience of all evils, but that
   a life of indigence only confers upon us an eternity of wretchedness."
   From which you have drawn the conclusion that it is "worse to live
   miserably than to put an end to our miseries by death."

   3. Now I for my part do not recollect reading anywhere--either in our
   [Christian] literature, to which I confess that I was later of applying
   my mind than I could now wish that I had been, or in your [Pagan]
   literature, which I studied from my childhood--that "a life of
   indigence only confers upon us an eternity of wretchedness." For the
   poverty of the industrious is never in itself a crime; nay, it is to
   some extent a means of withdrawing and restraining men from sin. And
   therefore the circumstance that a man has lived in poverty here is no
   ground for apprehending that this shall procure for him after this
   brief life "an eternity of wretchedness;" and in this life which we
   spend on earth it is utterly impossible for any misery to be eternal,
   seeing that this life cannot be eternal, nay, is not of long duration
   even in those who attain to the most advanced old age. In the writings
   referred to, I for my part have read, not that in this life--as you
   think, and as you allege that these writings frequently affirm--there
   can be an eternity of wretchedness, but rather that this life itself
   which we here enjoy is short. Some, indeed but not all, of your authors
   have said that death is the end of all evils: that is indeed the
   opinion of the Epicureans, and of such others as believe the soul to be
   mortal. But those philosophers whom Cicero designates "consulates" in a
   certain sense, because he attaches great weight to their authority, are
   of opinion that when our last hour on earth comes the soul is not
   annihilated, but removes from its tenement, and continues in existence
   for a state of blessedness or of misery, according to that which a
   man's actions, whether good or bad, claim as their due recompense. This
   agrees with the teaching of our sacred writings, with which I wish that
   I were more fully conversant. Death is therefore the end of all
   evils--but only in the case of those whose life is, pure, religious,
   upright, and blameless; not in the case of those who, inflamed with
   passionate desire for the trifles and vanities of time, are proved to
   be miserable by the utter perversion of their desires, though meanwhile
   they esteem themselves happy, and are after death compelled not only to
   accept as their lot, but to realize in their experience far greater
   miseries.

   4. These sentiments, therefore, being frequently expressed both in some
   of your own authors, whom you deem worthy of greater esteem, and in all
   our Scriptures, be it yours, O worthy lover of the country which is on
   earth your fatherland, to dread on behalf of your countrymen a life of
   luxurious indulgence rather than a life of indigence; or if you fear a
   life of indigence, warn them that the poverty which is to be more
   studiously shunned is that of the man who, though surrounded with
   abundance of worldly possessions, is, through the insatiable eagerness
   wherewith he covets these, kept always in a state of want, which, to
   use the words of your own authors, neither plenty nor scarcity can
   relieve. In the letter, however, to which you reply, I did not say that
   those of your citizens who are enemies to the Church were to be
   corrected by being reduced to that extremity of indigence in which the
   necessaries of life are wanting, and to which succour is brought by
   that compassion of which you have thought it incumbent on you to point
   out to me that it is professed by us in the whole plan of those labours
   wherein we "support the poor, minister healing to the diseased, and
   apply remedies to the bodies of those who are in pain;" albeit, even
   such extremity of want as this would be more profitable than abundance
   of all things, if abused to the gratification of evil passions. But far
   be it from me to think that those about whom we are treating should be
   reduced to such destitution by the measures of coercion proposed.

   Chap. II.

   5. Though you did not consider it worth while to read my letter over
   when it was to be answered, perhaps you have at least so far esteemed
   it as to preserve it, in order to its being brought to you when you at
   any time might desire it and call for it; if this be the case, look
   over it again, and mark carefully my words: you will assuredly find in
   it one thing to which, in my opinion, you must admit that you have made
   no reply. For in that letter occur the words which I now quote: "We do
   not desire to gratify our anger by vindictive retribution for the past,
   but we are concerned to make provision in a truly merciful spirit for
   the future. Now wicked men have something in respect to which they may
   be punished, and that by Christians, in a merciful way, and so as to
   promote their own profit and well-being. For they have these three
   things--life and health of the body, the means of supporting that life,
   and the means and opportunities of living a wicked life. Let the two
   former remain untouched in the possession of those who repent of their
   crime; this we desire, and this we spare no pains to secure. But as to
   the third, if it please God to deal with it as a decaying or diseased
   part, which must be removed with the pruning-knife, He will in such
   punishment prove the greatness of his compassion." [2374] If you had
   read over these words of mine again, when you were pleased to write
   your reply, you would have looked upon it rather as an unkind
   insinuation than as a necessary duty to address to me a petition not
   only for deliverance from death, but also for exemption from torture,
   on behalf of those regarding whom I said that we wished to leave
   unimpaired their possession of bodily life and health. Neither was
   there any ground for your apprehending our inflicting a life of
   indigence and of dependence upon others for daily bread on those
   regarding whom I had said that we desired to secure to them the second
   of the possessions named above, viz. the means of supporting life. But
   as to their third possession, viz. the means and opportunities of
   living wickedly, that is to say--passing over other things--their
   silver with which they constructed those images of their false gods, in
   whose protection or adoration or unhallowed worship an attempt was made
   even to destroy the church of God by fire, and the provision made for
   relieving the poverty of very pious persons was given up to become the
   spoil of a wretched mob, and blood was freely shed--why, I ask, does
   your patriotic heart dread the stroke which shall cut this away, in
   order to prevent a fatal boldness from being in everything fostered and
   confirmed by impunity? This I beg you to discuss fully, and to show me
   in well-considered arguments what wrong there is in this; mark
   carefully what I say, lest under the form of a petition in regard to
   what I am saying you appear to bring against us an indirect accusation.

   6. Let your countrymen be well reported of for their virtuous manners,
   not for their superfluous wealth; we do not wish them to be reduced
   through coercive measures on our account to the plough of Quintius
   [Cincinnatus], or to the hearth of Fabricius. Yet by such extreme
   poverty these statesmen of the Roman republic not only did not incur
   the contempt of their fellow-citizens, but were on that very account
   peculiarly dear to them, and esteemed the more qualified to administer
   the resources of their country. We neither desire nor endeavour to
   reduce the estates of your rich men, so that in their possession should
   remain no more than ten pounds of silver, as was the case with
   Ruffinus, who twice held the consulship, which amount the stern
   censorship of that time laudably required to be still further reduced
   as culpably large. So much are we influenced by the prevailing
   sentiments of a degenerate age in dealing more tenderly with minds that
   are very feeble, that to Christian clemency the measure which seemed
   just to the censors of that time appears unduly severe; yet you see how
   great is the difference between the two cases, the question being in
   the one, whether the mere fact of possessing ten pounds of silver
   should be dealt with as a punishable crime, and in the other, whether
   any one, after committing other very great crimes, should be permitted
   to retain the sum aforesaid in his possession; we only ask that what in
   those days was itself a crime be in our days made the punishment of
   crime. There is, however, one thing which can be done, and ought to be
   done, in order that, on the one hand, severity may not be pushed even
   so far as I have mentioned, and that, on the other, men may not,
   presuming on impunity, run into excess of exultation and rioting, and
   thus furnish to other unhappy men an example by following which they
   would become liable to the severest and most unheard of punishments.
   Let this at least be granted by you, that those who attempt with fire
   and sword to destroy what are necessaries to us be made afraid of
   losing those luxuries of which they have a pernicious abundance. Permit
   us also to confer upon our enemies this benefit, that we prevent them,
   by their fears about that which it would do them no harm to forfeit,
   from attempting to that which would bring harm to themselves. For this
   is to be termed prudent prevention, not punishment of crime; this is
   not to impose penalties, but to protect men from becoming liable to
   penalties.

   7. When any one uses measures involving the infliction of some pain, in
   order to prevent an inconsiderate person from incurring the most
   dreadful punishments by becoming accustomed to crimes which yield him
   no advantage, he is like one who pulls a boy's hair in order to prevent
   him from provoking serpents by clapping his hands at them; in both
   cases, while the acting of love is vexatious to its object, no member
   of the body is injured, whereas safety and life are endangered by that
   from which the person is deterred. We confer a benefit upon others, not
   in every case in which we do what is requested, but when we do that
   which is not hurtful to our petitioners. For in most cases we serve
   others best by not giving, and would injure them by giving, what they
   desire. Hence the proverb, "Do not put a sword in a child's hand."
   "Nay," says Cicero, "refuse it even to your only son. For the more we
   love any one, the more are we bound to avoid entrusting to him things
   which are the occasion of very dangerous faults." He was referring to
   riches, if I am not mistaken, when he made these observations.
   Wherefore it is for the most part an advantage to themselves when
   certain things are removed from persons in whose keeping it is
   hazardous to leave them, lest they abuse them. When surgeons see that a
   gangrene must be cut away or cauterized, they often, out of compassion,
   turn a deaf ear to many cries. If we had been indulgently forgiven by
   our parents and teachers in our tender years on every occasion on
   which, being found in a fault, we begged to be let off, which of us
   would not have grown up intolerable? which of us would have learned any
   useful thing? Such punishments are administered by wise care, not by
   wanton cruelty. Do not, I beseech you, in this matter think only how to
   accomplish that which you are requested by your countrymen to do, but
   carefully consider the matter in all its bearings. If you overlook the
   past, which cannot now be undone, consider the future; wisely give
   heed, not to the desire, but to the real interests of the petitioners
   who have applied to you. We are convicted of unfaithfulness towards
   those whom we profess to love, if our only care is lest, by refusing to
   do what they ask of us, their love towards us be diminished. And what
   becomes of that virtue which even your own literature commends, in the
   ruler of his country who studies not so much the wishes as the welfare
   of his people?

   Chap. III.

   8. You say "it is of no importance what the quality of the fault may be
   in any case in which forgiveness is craved." In this you would state
   the truth if the matter in question were the punishment and not the
   correction of men. Far be it from a Christian heart to be carried away
   by the lust of revenge to inflict punishment on any one. Far be it from
   a Christian, when forgiving any one his fault, to do otherwise than
   either anticipate or at least promptly answer the petition of him who
   asks forgiveness; but let his purpose in doing this be, that he may
   overcome the temptation to hate the man who has offended him, and to
   render evil for evil, and to be inflamed with rage prompting him, if
   not to do an injury, at least to desire to see the infliction of the
   penalties appointed by law; let it not be that he may relieve himself
   from considering the offender's interest, exercising foresight on his
   behalf, and restraining him from evil actions. For it is possible, on
   the one hand, that, moved by more vehement hostility, one may neglect
   the correction of a man whom he hates bitterly, and, on the other hand,
   that by correction involving the infliction of some pain one may secure
   the improvement of another whom he dearly loves.

   9. I grant that, as you write, "penitence procures forgiveness, and
   blots out the offence," but it is that penitence which is practised
   under the influence of the true religion, and which has regard to the
   future judgment of God; not that penitence which is for the time
   professed or pretended before men, not to secure the cleansing of the
   soul for ever from the fault, but only to deliver from present
   apprehension of pain the life which is so soon to perish. This is the
   reason why in the case of some Christians who confessed their fault,
   and asked forgiveness for having been involved in the guilt of that
   crime,--either by their not protecting the church when in danger of
   being burned, or by their appropriating a portion of the property which
   the miscreants carried off,--we believed that the pain of repentance
   had borne fruit, and considered it sufficient for their correction,
   because in their hearts is found that faith by which they could realize
   what they ought to fear from the judgment of God for their sin. But how
   can there be any healing virtue in the repentance of those who not only
   fail to acknowledge, but even persist in mocking and blaspheming Him
   who is the fountain of forgiveness? At the same time, towards these men
   we do not cherish any feeling of enmity in our hearts, which are naked
   and opened unto the eyes of Him whose judgment both in this life and in
   the life to come we dread, and in whose help we place our hope. But we
   think that we are even taking measures for the benefit of these men,
   if, seeing that they do not fear God, we inspire fear in them by doing
   something whereby their folly is chastened, while their real interests
   suffer no wrong. We thus prevent that God whom they despise from being
   more grievously provoked by their greater crimes, to which they would
   be emboldened by a disastrous assurance of impunity, and we prevent
   their assurance of impunity from being set forth with even more
   mischievous effect as an encouragement to others to imitate their
   example. In fine, on behalf of those for whom you make intercession to
   us, we intercede before God, beseeching Him to turn them to Himself,
   and to teach them the exercise of genuine and salutary repentance,
   purifying their hearts by faith.

   10. Behold, then, how we love those men against whom you suppose us to
   be full of anger,--loving them, you must permit me to say, with a love
   more prudent and profitable than you yourself cherish towards them; for
   we plead on their behalf that they may escape much greater afflictions,
   and obtain much greater blessings. If you also loved these men, not in
   the mere earthly affections of men, but with that love which is the
   heavenly gift of God, and if you were sincere in writing to me that you
   gave ear with pleasure to me when I was recommending to you the worship
   and religion of the Supreme God, you would not only wish for your
   countrymen the blessings which we seek on their behalf, but you would
   yourself by your example lead them to their possession. Thus would the
   whole business of your interceding with us be concluded with abundant
   and most reasonable joy. Thus would your title to that heavenly
   fatherland, in regard to which you say that you welcomed my counsel
   that you should fix your eye upon it, be earned by a true and pious
   exercise of your love for the country which gave you birth, when
   seeking to make sure to your fellow-citizens, not the vain dream of
   temporal happiness, nor a most perilous exemption from the due
   punishment of their faults, but the gracious gift of eternal
   blessedness.

   11. You have here a frank avowal of the thoughts and desires of my
   heart in this matter. As to what lies concealed in the counsels of God,
   I confess it is unknown to me; I am but a man; but whatever it be, His
   counsel stands most sure, and incomparably excels in equity and in
   wisdom all that can be conceived by the minds of men. With truth is it
   said in our books, "There are many devices in a man's heart; but the
   counsel of the Lord, that shall stand." [2375] Wherefore, as to what
   time may bring forth, as to what may arise to simplify or complicate
   our procedure, in short, as to what desire may suddenly be awakened by
   the fear of losing or the hope of retaining present possessions;
   whether God shall show Himself so displeased by what they have done
   that they shall be punished with the more weighty and severe sentence
   of a disastrous impunity, or shall appoint that they shall be
   compassionately corrected in the manner which we propose, or shall
   avert whatever terrible doom was being prepared for them, and convert
   it into joy by some more stern but more salutary correction, leading to
   their turning unfeignedly to seek mercy not from men but from
   Himself,--all this He knoweth; we know not. Why, then, should your
   Excellency and I be spending toil in vain over this matter before the
   time? Let us for a little while lay aside a care the hour of which has
   not yet come, and, if you please, let us occupy ourselves with that
   which is always pressing. For there is no time at which it is not both
   suitable and necessary for us to consider in what way we can please
   God; because for a man to attain completely in this life to such
   perfection that no sin whatever shall remain in him is either
   impossible or (if perchance any attain to it) extremely difficult:
   wherefore without delay we ought to flee at once to the grace of Him to
   whom we may address with perfect truth the words which were addressed
   to some illustrious man by a poet, who declared that he had borrowed
   the lines from a Cumæan oracle, or ode of prophetic inspiration: "With
   thee as our leader, the obliteration of all remaining traces of our sin
   shall deliver the earth from perpetual alarm." [2376] For with Him as
   our leader, all sins are blotted out and forgiven; and by His way we
   are brought to that heavenly fatherland, the thought of which as a
   dwelling-place pleased you greatly when I was to the utmost of my power
   commending it to your affection and desire.

   Chap. IV.

   12. But since you said that all religions by diverse roads and pathways
   aspire to that one dwelling-place, I fear lest, perchance, while
   supposing that the way in which you are now found tends thither, you
   should be somewhat reluctant to embrace the way which alone leads men
   to heaven. Observing, however, more carefully the word which you used,
   I think that it is not presumptuous for me to expound its meaning
   somewhat differently; for you did not say that all religions by diverse
   roads and pathways reach heaven, or reveal, or find, or enter, or
   secure that blessed land, but by saying in a phrase deliberately
   weighed and chosen that all religions aspire to it, you have indicated,
   not the fruition, but the desire of heaven as common to all religions.
   You have in these words neither shut out the one religion which is
   true, nor admitted other religions which are false; for certainly the
   way which brings us to the goal aspires thitherward, but not every way
   which aspires thitherward brings us to the place wherein all who are
   brought thither are unquestionably blest. Now we all wish, that is, we
   aspire, to be blest; but we cannot all achieve what we wish, that is,
   we do not all obtain what we aspire to. That man, therefore, obtains
   heaven who walks in the way which not only aspires thitherward, but
   actually brings him thither, separating himself from others who keep to
   the ways which aspire heavenward without finally reaching heaven. For
   there would be no wandering if men were content to aspire to nothing,
   or if the truth which men aspire to were obtained. If, however, in
   using the expression "diverse ways," you meant me not to understand
   contrary ways, but different ways, in the sense in which we speak of
   diverse precepts, which all tend to build up a holy life,--one
   enjoining chastity, another patience or faith or mercy, and the
   like,--in roads and pathways which are only in this sense diverse, that
   country is not only aspired unto but actually found. For in Holy
   Scripture we read both of ways and of a way,--of ways, e.g. in the
   words, "I will teach transgressors Thy ways, and sinners shall be
   converted unto Thee;" [2377] of a way, e.g. in the prayer, "Teach me
   Thy way, O Lord; I will walk in Thy truth." [2378] Those ways and this
   way are not different; but in one way are comprehended all those of
   which in another place the Holy Scripture saith, "All the ways of the
   Lord are mercy and truth." [2379] The careful study of these ways
   furnishes theme for a long discourse, and for most delightful
   meditation; but this I shall defer to another time if it be required.

   13. In the meantime, however,--and this, I think, may suffice in the
   present reply to your Excellency,--seeing that Christ has said, "I am
   the way," [2380] it is in Him that mercy and truth are to be sought: if
   we seek these in any other way, we must go astray, following a path
   which aspires to the true goal, but does not lead men thither. For
   example, if we resolved to follow the way indicated in the maxim which
   you mentioned, "All sins are alike," [2381] would it not lead us into
   hopeless exile from that fatherland of truth and blessedness? For could
   anything more absurd and senseless be said, than that the man who has
   laughed too rudely, and the man who has furiously set his city on fire,
   should be judged as having committed equal crimes? This opinion, which
   is not one of many diverse ways leading to the heavenly dwelling-place,
   but a perverse way leading inevitably to most fatal error, you have
   judged it necessary to quote from certain philosophers, not because you
   concurred in the sentiment, but because it might help your plea for
   your fellow-citizens--that we might forgive those whose rage set our
   church in flames on the same terms as we would forgive those who may
   have assailed us with some insolent reproach.

   14. But reconsider with me the reasoning by which you supported your
   position. You say, "If, as is the opinion of some philosophers, all
   faults are alike, pardon ought to be bestowed upon all without
   distinction." Thereafter, labouring apparently to prove that all faults
   are alike, you go on to say, "One of our citizens may have spoken
   somewhat rudely: this was a fault; another may have perpetrated an
   insult or an injury: this was equally a fault." This is not teaching
   truth, but advancing, without any evidence in its support, a perversion
   of truth. For to your statement, "this was equally a fault," we at once
   give direct contradiction. You demand, perhaps, proof; but I reply,
   What proof have you given of your statement? Are we to hear as evidence
   your next sentence, "Another may have violently taken away what was not
   his own: this is reckoned a misdemeanour"? Here you own yourself to be
   ashamed of the maxim which you quoted; you had not the assurance to say
   that this was equally a fault, but you say "it is reckoned a
   misdemeanour." But the question here is not whether this also is
   reckoned a misdemeanour, but whether this offence and the others which
   you mentioned are faults equal in demerit, unless, of course, they are
   to be pronounced equal because they are both offences; in which case
   the mouse and the elephant must be pronounced equal because they are
   both animals, and the fly and the eagle because they both have wings.

   15. You go still further, and make this proposition: "Another may have
   attacked buildings devoted to secular or to sacred purposes: he ought
   not for this crime to be placed beyond the reach of pardon." In this
   sentence you have indeed come to the most flagrant crime of your
   fellow-citizens, in speaking of injury done to sacred buildings; but
   even you have not affirmed that this is a crime equal only to the
   utterance of an insolent word. You have contented yourself with asking,
   on behalf of those who were guilty of this, that forgiveness which is
   rightly asked from Christians on the ground of their overflowing
   compassion, not on the ground of an alleged equality of all offences. I
   have already quoted a sentence of Scripture, "All the ways of the Lord
   are mercy and truth." They shall therefore find mercy if they do not
   hate truth. This mercy is granted, not as if it were due on the ground
   of the faults of all being only equal to the fault of those who have
   uttered rude words, but because the law of Christ claims pardon for
   those who are penitent, however inhuman and impious their crime may
   have been. I beg you, esteemed sir, not to propound these paradoxes of
   the Stoics as rules of conduct for your son Paradoxus, whom we wish to
   see grow up in piety and in prosperity, to your satisfaction. For what
   could be worse for himself, yea, what more dangerous for yourself, than
   that your ingenuous boy should imbibe an error which would make the
   guilt, I shall not say of parricide, but of insolence to his father,
   equal only to that of some rude word inconsiderately spoken to a
   stranger?

   16. You are wise, therefore, to insist, when pleading with us for your
   countrymen on the compassion of Christians, not on the stern doctrines
   of the Stoical philosophy, which in no wise help, but much rather
   hinder, the cause which you have undertaken to support. For a merciful
   disposition, which we must have if it be possible for us to be moved
   either by your intercession or by their entreaties, is pronounced by
   the Stoics to be an unworthy weakness, and they expel it utterly from
   the mind of the wise man, whose perfection, in their opinion, is to be
   as impassive and inflexible as iron. With more reason, therefore, might
   it have occurred to you to quote from your own Cicero that sentence in
   which, praising Cæsar, he says, "Of all your virtues, none is more
   worthy of admiration, none more graceful, than your clemency." [2382]
   How much more ought this merciful disposition to prevail in the
   churches which follow Him who said, "I am the way," and which learn
   from His word, "All the ways of the Lord are mercy and truth"! Fear
   not, then, that we will try to bring innocent persons to death, when in
   truth we do not even wish the guilty to experience the punishment which
   they deserve, being moved by that mercy which, joined with truth, we
   love in Christ. But the man who, from fear of painfully crossing the
   will of the guilty, spares and indulges vices which must thereby gather
   more strength, is less merciful than the man who, lest he should hear
   his little boy crying, will not take from him a dangerous knife, and is
   unmoved by fear of the wounds or death which he may have to bewail as
   the consequence of his weakness. Reserve, therefore, until the proper
   time the work of interceding with us for those men, in loving whom
   (excuse my saying so) you not only do not go beyond us, but are even
   hitherto refusing to follow our steps; and write rather in your reply
   what influences you to shun the way which we follow, and in which we
   beseech you to go along with us towards that fatherland above, in which
   we rejoice to know that you take great delight.

   17. As to those who are by birth your fellow-citizens, you have said
   indeed that some of them, though not all, were innocent; but, as you
   must see if you read over again my other letter, you have not made out
   a defence for them. When, in answer to your remark that you wished to
   leave your country flourishing, I said that we had felt thorns rather
   than found flowers in your countrymen, you thought that I wrote in
   jest. As if, forsooth, in the midst of evils of such magnitude we were
   in a mood for mirth. Certainly not. While the smoke was ascending from
   the ruins of our church consumed by fire, were we likely to joke on the
   subject? Although, indeed, none in your city appeared in my opinion
   innocent, but those who were absent, or were sufferers, or were
   destitute both of strength and of authority to prevent the tumult, I
   nevertheless distinguished in my reply those whose guilt was greater
   from those who were less to blame, and stated that there was a
   difference between the cases of those who were moved by fear of
   offending powerful enemies of the Church, and of those who desired
   these outrages to be committed; also between those who committed them
   and those who instigated others to their commission; resolving,
   however, not to institute inquiry in regard to the instigators, because
   these, perhaps, could not be ascertained without recourse to the use of
   tortures, from which we shrink with abhorrence, as utterly inconsistent
   with our aims. Your friends the Stoics, who hold that all faults are
   alike, must, however, if they were the judges, pronounce them all
   equally guilty; and if to this opinion they join that inflexible
   sternness wherewith they disparage clemency as a vice, their sentence
   would necessarily be, not that all should be pardoned alike, but that
   all should be punished alike. Dismiss, therefore, these philosophers
   altogether from the position of advocates in this case, and rather
   desire that we may act as Christians, so that, as we desire, we may
   gain in Christ those whom we forgive, and may not spare them by such
   indulgence as would be ruinous to themselves. May God, whose ways are
   mercy and truth, be pleased to enrich you with true felicity!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2372] Letter XCI. p. 376.

   [2373] Letter CIII. p. 426.

   [2374] Letter CXI. 9. p. 379.

   [2375] Prov. xix. 21.

   [2376] Virgil. Ecl. iv. 5.

   [2377] Ps. li. 13.

   [2378] Ps. lxxxvi. 11.

   [2379] Ps. xxv. 10.

   [2380] John xiv. 6.

   [2381] Letter CIII. § 3. p. 426.

   [2382] Oratio pro Q. Ligario.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXI.

   (November, a.d. 409.)

   To Victorianus, His Beloved Lord and Most Longed-for Brother and
   Fellow-Presbyter, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. My heart has been filled with great sorrow by your letter. You asked
   me to discuss certain things at great length in my reply; but such
   calamities as you narrate claim rather many groans and tears than
   prolix treatises. The whole world, indeed, is afflicted with such
   portentous misfortunes, that there is scarcely any place where such
   things as you describe are not being committed and complained of. A
   short time ago some brethren were massacred by the barbarians even in
   those deserts of Egypt in which, in order to perfect security, they had
   chosen places remote from all disturbance as the sites of their
   monasteries. I suppose, moreover, that the outrages which they have
   perpetrated in the regions of Italy and Gaul are known to you also; and
   now similar events begin to be announced to us from many provinces of
   Spain, which for long seemed exempt from these evils. But why go to a
   distance for examples? Behold! in our own county of Hippo, which the
   barbarians have not yet touched, the ravages of the Donatist clergy and
   Circumcelliones make such havoc in our churches, that perhaps the
   cruelties of barbarians would be light in comparison. For what
   barbarian could ever have devised what these have done, viz. casting
   lime and vinegar into the eyes of our clergymen, besides atrociously
   beating and wounding every part of their bodies? They also sometimes
   plunder and burn houses, rob granaries, and pour out oil and wine; and
   by threatening to do this to all others in the district, they compel
   many even to be re-baptized. Only yesterday, tidings came to me of
   forty-eight souls in one place having submitted, under fear of such
   things, to be rebaptized.

   2. These things should make us weep, but not wonder; and we ought to
   cry unto God that not for our merit, but according to His mercy, He may
   deliver us from so great evils. For what else was to be expected by the
   human race, seeing that these things were so long ago foretold both by
   the prophets and in the Gospels? We ought not, therefore, to be so
   inconsistent as to believe these Scriptures when they are read by us,
   and to complain when they are fulfilled; rather, surely, ought even
   those who had refused to believe when they read or heard these things
   in Scripture to become believers now when they behold the word
   fulfilled; so that under this great pressure, as it were, in the
   olive-press of the Lord our God, although there be the dregs of
   unbelieving murmurs and blasphemies, there is also a steady out flowing
   of pure oil in the confessions and prayers of believers. For unto those
   men who incessantly reproach the Christian faith, impiously saying that
   the human race did not suffer such grievous calamities before the
   Christian doctrine was promulgated throughout the world, it is easy to
   find a reply in the Lord's own words in the gospel, "That servant which
   knew not his lord's will, and did commit things worthy of stripes,
   shall be beaten with few stripes; but the servant which knew his lord's
   will, and prepared not himself, neither did according to his will,
   shall be beaten with many stripes." [2383] What is there to excite
   surprise, if, in the Christian dispensation, the world, like that
   servant, knowing the will of the Lord, and refusing to do it, is beaten
   with many stripes? These men remark the rapidity with which the gospel
   is proclaimed: they do not remark the perversity with which by many it
   is despised. But the meek and pious servants of God, who have to bear a
   double portion of temporal calamities, since they suffer both at the
   hands of wicked men and along with them, have also consolations
   peculiarly their own, and the hope of the world to come; for which
   reason the apostle says, "The sufferings of this present time are not
   worthy to be compared with the glory which shall hereafter be revealed
   in us." [2384]

   3. Wherefore, my beloved, even when you meet those whose words you say
   you cannot bear, because they say, "If we have deserved these things
   for our sins, how comes it that the servants of God are cut off not
   less than ourselves by the sword of the barbarians, and the handmaids
   of God are led away into captivity?"--answer them humbly, truly, and
   piously in such words as these: However carefully we keep the way of
   righteousness, and yield obedience to our Lord, can we be better than
   those three men who were cast into the fiery furnace for keeping the
   law of God? And yet, read what Azarias, one of those three, said,
   opening his lips in the midst of the fire: "Blessed art Thou, O Lord
   God of our fathers: Thy name is worthy to be praised and glorified for
   evermore; for Thou art righteous in all the things that Thou hast done
   to us; yea, true are all Thy works: Thy ways are right, and all Thy
   judgments truth. In all the things which Thou hast brought upon us, and
   upon the holy city of our fathers, even Jerusalem, Thou hast executed
   true judgment; for according to truth and judgment didst Thou bring all
   these things upon us because of our sins. For we have sinned and
   committed iniquity, departing from Thee. In all things have we
   trespassed, and not obeyed Thy commandments, nor kept them, neither
   done as Thou hast commanded us, that it might go well with us.
   Wherefore all that Thou hast brought upon us, and everything that Thou
   hast done to us, Thou hast done in true judgment. And Thou didst
   deliver us into the hands of lawless enemies, most hateful forsakers of
   God, and to an unjust king, and the most wicked in all the world. And
   now we cannot open our mouths: we are become a shame and reproach to
   Thy servants, and to them that worship Thee. Yet deliver us not up
   wholly, for Thy name's sake, neither disannul Thou Thy covenant; and
   cause not Thy mercy to depart from us, for Thy beloved Abraham's sake,
   for Thy servant Isaac's sake, and for Thy holy Israel's sake, to whom
   Thou hast spoken, and promised that Thou wouldst multiply their seed as
   the stars of heaven, and as the sand that lieth upon the sea-shore. For
   we, O Lord, are become less than any nation, and be kept under this day
   in all the world because of our sins." [2385] Here, my brother, thou
   mayest surely see how men such as they, men of holiness, men of courage
   in the midst of tribulation,--from which, however, they were delivered,
   the flame itself fearing to consume them, were not silent about their
   sins, but confessed them, knowing that because of these sins they were
   deservedly and justly brought low.

   4. Nay, can we be better men than Daniel himself, concerning whom God,
   speaking to the prince of Tyre, says by the prophet Ezekiel, "Art thou
   wiser than Daniel?" [2386] who also is placed among the three righteous
   men to whom alone God saith that He would grant deliverance,--pointing,
   doubtless, in them to three representative righteous men,--declaring
   that he would deliver only Noah, Daniel, and Job, and that they should
   save along with themselves neither son nor daughter, but only their own
   souls? [2387] Nevertheless, read also the prayer of Daniel, and see
   how, when in captivity, he confesses not only the sins of his people,
   but his own also, and acknowledges that because of these the justice of
   God has visited them with the punishment of captivity and with
   reproach. For it is thus written: "And I set my face unto the Lord God,
   to seek by prayer and supplications, with fasting, and sackcloth, and
   ashes: and I prayed unto the Lord my God, and made my confession, and
   said: O Lord, the great and dreadful God, keeping the covenant and
   mercy to them that love Him, and to them that keep His commandments; we
   have sinned, and have committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, and
   have rebelled, even by departing from Thy precepts and from Thy
   judgments: neither have we hearkened unto Thy servants the prophets,
   which spake in Thy name to our kings, our princes, and our fathers, and
   to all the people of the land. O Lord, righteousness belongeth unto
   Thee, but unto us confusion of faces, as at this day; to the men of
   Judah, and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and unto all Israel, that
   are near, and that are far off, through all the countries whither Thou
   hast driven them, because of their trespass that they have trespassed
   against Thee. O Lord, to us belongeth confusion of face, to our kings,
   to our princes, and to our fathers, because we have sinned against
   Thee. To the Lord our God belong mercies and forgivenesses, though we
   have rebelled against Him; neither have we obeyed the voice of the
   Lord, to walk in His laws which He set before us by His servants the
   prophets. Yea, all Israel have transgressed Thy law, even by departing,
   that they might not obey Thy voice; therefore the curse is poured upon
   us, and the oath that is written in the law of Moses the servant of
   God, because we have sinned against them. And He hath confirmed His
   words which He spake against us, and against our judges that judged us,
   by bringing upon us a great evil; for under the whole heaven hath not
   been done as hath been done upon Jerusalem. As it is written in the law
   of Moses, all this evil is come upon us: yet made we not our prayer
   before the Lord our God, that we might turn from our iniquities and
   understand Thy truth. Therefore hath the Lord watched upon the evil,
   and brought it upon us; for the Lord our God is righteous in all His
   works which He doeth; for we obeyed not His voice. And now, O Lord our
   God, that hast brought Thy people forth out of the land of Egypt with a
   mighty hand, and hast gotten Thee renown as at this day; we have
   sinned, we have done wickedly. O Lord, according to all Thy
   righteousness, I beseech Thee, let Thine anger and Thy fury be turned
   away from Thy city Jerusalem, Thy holy mountain, because, for our sins,
   and for the iniquities of our fathers, Jerusalem and Thy people are
   become a reproach to all that are about us. Now, therefore, O our God,
   hear the prayer of Thy servant, and His supplications, and cause Thy
   face to shine upon Thy sanctuary which is desolate, for the Lord's
   sake. O my God, incline Thine ear, and hear; open Thine eyes, and
   behold our desolations, and the city which is called by Thy name; for
   we do not present our supplications before Thee for our
   righteousnesses, but for Thy great mercies. O Lord, hear; O Lord,
   forgive; O Lord, hearken and do: defer not, for Thine own sake, O my
   God; for Thy city and Thy people are called by Thy name. And while I
   was speaking, and praying, and confessing my sin, and the sin of my
   people..." [2388] Observe how he spoke first of his own sins, and then
   of the sins of his people. And he extols the righteousness of God, and
   gives praise to God for this, that He visits even His saints with the
   rod, not unjustly, but because of their sins. If, therefore, this be
   the language of men who by reason of their eminent sanctity found even
   encompassing flames and lions harmless, what language would befit men
   standing on a level so low as we occupy, seeing that, whatever
   righteousness we may seem to practise, we are very far from being
   worthy of comparison with them?

   5. Lest, however, any one should think that those servants of God,
   whose death at the hand of barbarians you relate, ought to have been
   delivered from them in the same manner as the three young men were
   delivered from the fire, and Daniel from the lions, let such an one
   know that these miracles were performed in order that the kings by whom
   they were delivered to these punishments might believe that they
   worshipped the true God. For in His hidden counsel and mercy God was in
   this manner making provision for the salvation of these kings. It
   pleased Him, however, to make no such provision in the case of
   Antiochus the king, who cruelly put the Maccabees to death; but He
   punished the heart of the obdurate king with sharper severity through
   their most glorious sufferings. Yet read what was said by even one of
   them--the sixth who suffered: "After him they brought also the sixth,
   who, being ready to die, said, Be not deceived without cause; for we
   suffer these things for ourselves, having sinned against God: therefore
   marvellous things are done unto us; but think not thou that takest in
   hand to strive against God and His law that thou shalt escape
   unpunished.'" [2389] You see how these also are wise in the exercise of
   humility and sincerity, confessing that they are chastened because of
   their sins by the Lord, of whom it is written: "Whom the Lord loveth He
   correcteth," [2390] and "He scourgeth every son whom He receiveth;"
   [2391] wherefore the Apostle says also, "If we would judge ourselves,
   we should not be judged; but when we are judged, we are chastened of
   the Lord, that we should not be condemned with the world." [2392]

   6. These things read faithfully, and proclaim faithfully; and to the
   utmost of your power beware, and teach others that they must beware, of
   murmuring against God in these trials and tribulations. You tell me
   that good, faithful, and holy servants of God have been cut off by the
   sword of the barbarians. But what matters it whether it is by sickness
   or by sword that they have been set free from the body? The Lord is
   careful as to the character with which His servants go from this
   world--not as to the mere circumstances of their departure, excepting
   this, that lingering weakness involves more suffering than a sudden
   death; and yet we read of this same protracted and dreadful weakness as
   the lot of that Job to whose righteousness God Himself, who cannot be
   deceived, bears such testimony.

   7. Most calamitous, and much to be bewailed, is the captivity of chaste
   and holy women; but their God is not in the power of their captors, nor
   does He forsake those captives whom He knows indeed to be His own. For
   those holy men, the record of whose sufferings and confessions I have
   quoted from the Holy Scriptures, being held in captivity by enemies who
   had carried them away, uttered those words, which, preserved in
   writing, we can read for ourselves, in order to make us understand that
   servants of God, even when they are in captivity, are not forsaken by
   their Lord. Nay, more, do we know what wonders of power and grace the
   almighty and merciful God may please to accomplish by means of these
   captive women even in the land of the barbarians? Be that as it may,
   cease not to intercede with groanings on their behalf before God, and
   to seek, so far as your power and His providence permits you, to do for
   them whetever can be done, and to give them whatever consolation can be
   given, as time and opportunity may be granted. A few years ago, a nun,
   a grand-daughter of Bishop Severus, was carried off by barbarians from
   the neighbourhood of Sitifa, and was by the marvellous mercy of God
   restored with great honour to her parents. For at the very time when
   the maiden entered the house of her barbarian captors, it became the
   scene of much distress through the sudden illness of its owners, all
   the barbarians--three brothers, if I mistake not, or more--being
   attacked with most dangerous disease. Their mother observed that the
   maiden was dedicated to God, and believed that by her prayers her sons
   might be delivered from the danger of death, which was imminent. She
   begged her to intercede for them, promising that if they were healed
   she should be restored to her parents. She fasted and prayed, and
   straightway was heard; for, as the result showed, the event had been
   appointed that this might take place. They therefore, having recovered
   health by this unexpected favour from God, regarded her with admiration
   and respect, and fulfilled the promise which their mother had made.

   8. Pray, therefore, to God for them, and beseech Him to enable them to
   say such things as the holy Azariah, whom we have mentioned, poured
   forth along with other expressions in his prayer and confession before
   God. For in the land of their captivity these women are in
   circumstances similar to those of the three Hebrew youths in that land
   in which they could not sacrifice to the Lord their God in the manner
   prescribed: they cannot either bring an oblation to the altar of God,
   or find a priest by whom their oblation may be presented to God. May
   God therefore grant them grace to say to Him what Azariah said in the
   following sentences of his prayer: "Neither is there at this time
   prince, or prophet, or leader, or burnt-offering, or sacrifice, or
   oblation, or incense, or place to sacrifice before Thee, and to find
   mercy: nevertheless, in a contrite heart and humble spirit let us be
   accepted. Like as in the burnt-offerings of rams and bullocks, and like
   as in ten thousands of fat lambs, so let our sacrifice be in Thy sight
   this day. And grant that we may wholly go after Thee; for they shall
   not be confounded that put their trust in Thee. And now we follow Thee
   with all our heart: we fear Thee and seek Thy face. Put us not to
   shame, but deal with us after Thy loving-kindness, and according to the
   multitude of Thy mercies. Deliver us also according to Thy marvellous
   works, and give glory to Thy name, O Lord; and let all them that do Thy
   servants hurt be ashamed: and let them be confounded in all their power
   and might, and let their strength be broken: and let them know that
   Thou art Lord, the only God, and glorious over the whole world." [2393]

   9. When His servants use these words, and pray fervently to God, He
   will stand by them, as He has been wont ever to stand by His own, and
   will either not permit their chaste bodies to suffer any wrong from the
   lust of their enemies, or if He permit this, He will not lay sin to
   their charge in the matter. For when the soul is not defiled by any
   impurity of consent to such wrong, the body also is thereby protected
   from all participation in the guilt; and in so far as nothing was
   committed or permitted by lust on the part of her who suffers, the
   whole blame lies with him who did the wrong, and all the violence done
   to the sufferer will be regarded not as implying the baseness of wanton
   compliance, but as a wound blamelessly endured. For such is the worth
   of unblemished purity in the soul, that while it remains intact, the
   body also retains its purity unsullied, even although by violence its
   members may be overpowered.

   I beg your Charity to be satisfied with this letter, which is very long
   considering my other work (although too short to meet your wishes), and
   is somewhat hurriedly written, because the bearer is in haste to be
   gone. The Lord will furnish you with much more abundant consolation if
   you read attentively His holy word.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2383] Luke xii. 47, 48.

   [2384] Rom. viii. 18.

   [2385] Song of the Three Holy Children, vers. 3-14.

   [2386] Ezek. xxviii. 3.

   [2387] Ezek. xiv. 14, 18, 20.

   [2388] Dan. ix. 3-20.

   [2389] 2 Macc. vii. 18, 19.

   [2390] Prov. iii. 12.

   [2391] Heb. xii. 6.

   [2392] 1 Cor. xi. 31, 32.

   [2393] Song of the Three Children, vers. 15-22.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXV.

   (a.d. 410.)

   To Fortunatus, My Colleague in the Priesthood, My Lord Most Blessed,
   and My Brother Beloved with Profound Esteem, and to the Brethren Who
   are with Thee, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Your Holiness is well acquainted with Faventius, a tenant on the estate
   of the Paratian forest. He, apprehending some injury or other at the
   hands of the owner of that estate, took refuge in the church at Hippo,
   and was there, as fugitives are wont to do, waiting till he could get
   the matter settled through my mediation. Becoming every day, as often
   happens, less and less alarmed, and in fact completely off his guard,
   as if his adversary had desisted from his enmity, he was, when leaving
   the house of a friend after supper, suddenly carried off by one
   Florentinus, an officer of the Count, who used in this act of violence
   a band of armed men sufficient for the purpose. When this was made
   known to me, and as yet it was unknown by whose orders or by whose
   hands he had been carried off, though suspicion naturally fell on the
   man from whose apprehended injury he had claimed the protection of the
   Church, I at once communicated with the tribune who is in command of
   the coast-guard. He sent out soldiers, but no one could be found. But
   in the morning we learned in what house he had passed the night, and
   also that he had left it after cock-crowing, with the man who had him
   in custody. I sent also to the place to which it was reported that he
   had been removed: there the officer above-named was found, but refused
   to allow the presbyter whom I had sent to have even a sight of his
   prisoner. On the following day I sent a letter requesting that he
   should be allowed the privilege which the Emperor appointed in cases
   such as his, namely, that persons summoned to appear to be tried should
   in the municipal court be interrogated whether they desired to spend
   thirty days under adequate surveillance in the town, in order to
   arrange their affairs, or find funds for the expense of their trial, my
   expectation being that within that period of time we might perhaps
   bring his matters to some amicable settlement. Already, however, he had
   gone farther under charge of the officer Florentinus; but my fear is,
   lest perchance, if he be brought before the tribunal of the magistrate,
   [2394] he suffer some injustice. For although the integrity of that
   judge is widely famed as incorruptible, Faventius has for his adversary
   a man of very great wealth. To secure that money may not prevail in
   that court, I beg your Holiness, my beloved lord and venerable brother,
   to have the kindness to give the accompanying letter to the honourable
   magistrate, a man very much beloved by us, and to read this letter also
   to him; for I have not thought it necessary to write twice the same
   statement of the case. I trust that he will delay the hearing of the
   case, because I do not know whether the man is innocent or guilty. I
   trust also that he will not overlook the fact that the laws have been
   violated in his having been suddenly carried off, without being
   brought, as was enacted by the Emperor, before the municipal court, in
   order to his being asked whether he wished to accept the benefit of the
   delay of thirty days, so that in this way we may get the affair settled
   between him and his adversary.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2394] Consularis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXVI.

   (Enclosed in the Foregoing Letter.)

   To Generosus, My Noble and Justly Distinguished Lord, My Honoured and
   Much-Loved Son, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Although the praises and favourable report of your administration and
   your own illustrious good name always give me the greatest pleasure
   because of the love which we feel due to your merit and to your
   benevolence, on no occasion have I hitherto been burdensome to your
   Excellency as an intercessor requesting any favour from you, my
   much-loved lord and justly-honoured son. When, however, your Excellency
   has learned from the letters which I have sent to my venerable brother
   and colleague, Fortunatus, what has occurred in the town in which I
   serve the Church of God, your kind heart will at once perceive the
   necessity under which I have been constrained to trespass by this
   petition on your time, already fully occupied. I am perfectly assured
   that, cherishing towards us the feeling which, in the name of Christ,
   we are fully warranted to expect, you will act in this matter as
   becomes not only an upright, but also a Christian magistrate.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXVII.

   (a.d. 410.)

   From Dioscorus to Augustin.

   To you, who esteem the substance, not the style of expression, as
   important, any formal preamble to this letter would be not only
   unnecessary, but irksome. Therefore, without further preface, I beg
   your attention. The aged Alypius had often promised, in answer to my
   request, that he would, with your help, furnish a reply to a very few
   brief questions of mine in regard to the Dialogues of Cicero; and as he
   is said to be at present in Mauritania, I ask and earnestly entreat you
   to condescend to give, without his assistance, those answers which,
   even had your brother been present, it would doubtless have fallen to
   you to furnish. What I require is not money, it is not gold; though, if
   you possessed these, you would, I am sure, be willing to give them to
   me for any fit object. This request of mine you can grant without
   effort, by merely speaking. I might importune you at a greater length,
   and through many of your dear friends; but I know your disposition,
   that you do not desire to be solicited, but show kindness readily to
   all, if only there be nothing improper in the thing requested: and
   there is absolutely nothing improper in what I ask. Be this, however,
   as it may, I beg you to do me this kindness, for I am on the point of
   embarking on a voyage. You know how very painful it is to me to be
   burdensome to any one, and much more to one of your frank disposition;
   but God alone knows how irresistible is the pressure of the necessity
   under which I have made this application. For, taking leave of you, and
   committing myself to divine protection, I am about to undertake a
   voyage; and you know the ways of men, how prone they are to censure,
   and you see how any one will be regarded as illiterate and stupid who,
   when questions are addressed to him, can return no answer. Therefore, I
   implore you, answer all my queries without delay. Send me not away
   downcast. I ask this that so I may see my parents; for on this one
   errand I have sent Cerdo to you, and I now delay only till he return.
   My brother Zenobius has been appointed imperial remembrancer, [2395]
   and has sent me a free pass for my journey, with provisions. If I am
   not worthy of your reply, let at least the fear of my forfeiting these
   provisions by delay move you to give answers to my little questions.
   [2396] May the most high God spare you long to us in health! Papas
   salutes your excellency most cordially.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2395] This officer, "magister memoriæ," was a private secretary of the
   emperor, and had, among other privileges of his office, the right of
   granting liberty to private individuals to travel by the imperial
   conveyances along the great highways connecting Rome with the remotest
   boundaries of the provinces. See Suetonitis, Vita Augusti, chap. xlix.,
   and Pliny, Letters, Books x.-xiv., and Codex Justiniani, Book xii.
   Title 51.

   [2396] We conjecture from the context that this expresses the force of
   the obscure words, "saltem timeantur annonæ."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXVIII.

   (a.d. 410.)

   Augustin to Dioscorus.

   Chap. I.

   1. You have sent suddenly upon me a countless multitude of questions,
   by which you must have purposed to blockade me on every side, or rather
   bury me completely, even if you were under the impression that I was
   otherwise unoccupied and at leisure; for how could I, even though
   wholly at leisure, furnish the solution of so many questions to one in
   such haste as you are, and, in fact, as you write, on the eve of a
   journey? I would, indeed, be prevented by the mere number of the
   questions to be resolved, even if their solution were easy. But they
   are so perplexingly intricate, and so hard, that even if they were few
   in number, and engaging me when otherwise wholly at leisure, they
   would, by the mere time required, exhaust my powers of application, and
   wear out my strength. I would, however, fain snatch you forcibly away
   from the midst of those inquiries in which you so much delight, and fix
   you down among the cares which engage my attention, in order that you
   may either learn not to be unprofitably curious, or desist from
   presuming to impose the task of feeding and fostering your curiosity
   upon men among whose cares one of the greatest is to repress and curb
   those who are too inquisitive. For if time and pains are devoted to
   writing anything to you, how much better and more profitably are these
   employed in endeavours to cut off those vain and treacherous passions
   (which are to be guarded against with a caution proportioned to the
   ease with which they impose upon us, by their being disguised and
   cloaked under the semblance of virtue and the name of liberal studies),
   rather than in causing them to be, by our service, or rather
   obsequiousness, so to speak, roused to a more vehement assertion of the
   despotism under which they so oppress your excellent spirit.

   2. For tell me what good purpose is served by the many Dialogues which
   you have read, if they have in no way helped you towards the discovery
   and attainment of the end of all your actions? For by your letter you
   indicate plainly enough what you have proposed to yourself as the end
   to be attained by all this most ardent study of yours, which is at once
   useless to yourself and troublesome to me. For when you were in your
   letter using every means to persuade me to answer the questions which
   you sent, you wrote these words: "I might importune you at greater
   length, and through many of your dear friends; but I know your
   disposition, that you do not desire to be solicited, but show kindness
   readily to all, if only there be nothing improper in the thing
   requested: and there is absolutely nothing improper in what I ask. Be
   this, however, as it may, I beg you to do me this kindness, for I am on
   the point of embarking on a voyage." In these words of your letter you
   are indeed right in your opinion as to myself, that I am desirous of
   showing kindness to all, if only there be nothing improper in the
   request made; but it is not my opinion that there is nothing improper
   in what you ask. For when I consider how a bishop is distracted and
   overwrought by the cares of his office clamouring on every side, it
   does not seem to me proper for him suddenly, as if deaf, to withdraw
   himself from all these, and devote himself to the work of expounding to
   a single student some unimportant questions in the Dialogues of Cicero.
   The impropriety of this you yourself apprehend, although, carried away
   with zeal in the pursuit of your studies, you will by no means give
   heed to it. For what other construction can I put on the fact that,
   after saying that in this matter there is absolutely nothing improper,
   you have immediately subjoined: "Be this, however, as it may, I beg you
   to do me this kindness, for I am on the point of embarking on a
   voyage"? For this intimates that in your view, at least, there is no
   impropriety in your request, but that whatever impropriety may be in
   it, you nevertheless ask me to do what you ask, because you are about
   to go on a voyage. Now what is the force of this supplementary plea--"I
   am on the point of embarking on a voyage"? Do you mean that, unless you
   were in these circumstances, I ought not to do you service in which
   anything improper may be involved? You think, forsooth, that the
   impropriety can be washed away by salt water. But even were it so, my
   share at least of the fault would remain unexpiated, because I do not
   propose undertaking a voyage.

   3. You write, further, that I know how very painful it is to you to be
   burdensome to any one, and you solemnly protest that God alone knows
   how irresistible is the necessity under which you make the application.
   When I came to this statement in your letter, I turned my attention
   eagerly to learn the nature of the necessity; and, behold, you bring it
   before me in these words: "You know the ways of men, how prone they are
   to censure, and how any one will be regarded as illiterate and stupid
   who, when questions are addressed to him, can return no answer." On
   reading this sentence, I felt a burning desire to reply to your letter;
   for, by the morbid weakness of mind which this indicated, you pierced
   my inmost heart, and forced your way into the midst of my cares, so
   that I could not refuse to minister to your relief, so far as God might
   enable me--not by devising a solution of your difficulties, but by
   breaking the connection between your happiness and the wretched support
   on which it now insecurely hangs, viz. the opinions of men, and
   fastening it to a hold which is firm and immovable. Do you not, O
   Dioscorus, remember an ingenious line of your favourite Persius, in
   which he not only rebukes your folly, but administers to your boyish
   head, if you have only sense to feel it, a deserved correction,
   restraining your vanity with the words, "To know is nothing in your
   eyes unless another knows that you know"? [2397] You have, as I said
   before, read so many Dialogues, and devoted your attention to so many
   discussions of philosophers--tell me which of them has placed the chief
   end of his actions in the applause of the vulgar, or in the opinion
   even of good and wise men? But you,--and what should make you the more
   ashamed,--you, when on the eve of sailing away from Africa, give
   evidence of your having made signal progress, forsooth, in your studies
   here, when you affirm that the only reason why you impose the task of
   expounding Cicero to you upon bishops, who are already oppressed with
   work and engrossed with matters of a very different nature, is, that
   you fear that if, when questioned by men prone to censure, you cannot
   answer, you will be regarded by them as illiterate and stupid. O cause
   well worthy to occupy the hours which bishops devote to study while
   other men sleep!

   4. You seem to me to be prompted to mental effort night and day by no
   other motive than ambition to be praised by men for your industry and
   acquisitions in learning. Although I have ever regarded this as fraught
   with danger to persons who are striving after the true and the right, I
   am now, by your case, more convinced of the danger than before. For it
   is due to no other cause than this same pernicious habit that you have
   failed to see by what motive we might be induced to grant to you what
   you asked; for as by a perverted judgment you yourself are urged on to
   acquire a knowledge of the things about which you put questions, from
   no other motive than that you may receive praise or escape censure from
   men, you imagine that we, by a like perversity of judgment, are to be
   influenced by the considerations alleged in your request. Would that,
   when we declare to you that by your writing such things concerning
   yourself we are moved, not to grant your request, but to reprove and
   correct you, we might be able to effect for you also complete
   emancipation from the influence of a boon so worthless and deceitful as
   the applause of men! "It is the manner of men," you say, "to be prone
   to censure." What then? "Any one who can make no reply when questions
   are addressed to him," you say, "will be regarded as illiterate and
   stupid." Behold, then, I ask you a question not concerning something in
   the books of Cicero, whose meaning, perchance, his readers may not be
   able to find, but concerning your own letter and the meaning of your
   own words. My question is: Why did you not say, "Any one who can make
   no reply will be proved to be illiterate and stupid," but prefer to
   say, "He will be regarded as illiterate and stupid "? Why, if not for
   this reason, that you yourself already understand well enough that the
   person who fails to answer such questions is not in reality, but only
   in the opinion of some, illiterate and stupid? But I warn you that he
   who fears to be subjected to the edge of the pruning-hook by the
   tongues of such men is a sapless log, and is therefore not only
   regarded as illiterate and stupid, but is actually such, and proved to
   be so.

   5. Perhaps you will say, "But seeing that I am not stupid, and that I
   am specially earnest in striving not to be stupid, I am reluctant even
   to be regarded as stupid." And rightly so; but I ask, What is your
   motive in this reluctance? For in stating why you did not hesitate to
   burden us with those questions which you wish to have solved and
   explained, you said that this was the reason, and that this was the
   end, and an end so necessary in your estimation that you said it was of
   overwhelming urgency,--lest, forsooth, if you were posed with these
   questions and gave no answer, you should be regarded as illiterate and
   stupid by men prone to censure. Now, I ask, is this [jealousy as to
   your own reputation] the whole reason why you beg this from us, or is
   it because of some ulterior object that you are unwilling to be thought
   illiterate and stupid? If this be the whole reason, you see, as I
   think, that this one thing [the praise of men] is the end pursued by
   that vehement zeal of yours, by which, as you admit, a burden is
   imposed on us. But, from Dioscorus, what can be to us a burden, except
   that burden which Dioscorus himself unconsciously bears,--a burden
   which he will begin to feel only when he attempts to rise,--a burden of
   which I would fain believe that it is not so bound to him as to defy
   his efforts to shake his shoulders free? And this I say not because
   these questions engage your studies, but because they are studied by
   you for such an end. For surely you by this time feel that this end is
   trivial, unsubstantial, and light as air. It is also apt to produce in
   the soul what may be likened to a dangerous swelling, beneath which
   lurk the germs of decay, and by it the eye of the mind becomes
   suffused, so that it cannot discern the riches of truth. Believe this,
   my Dioscorus, it is true: so shall I enjoy thee in unfeigned longing
   for truth, and in that essential dignity of truth by the shadow of
   which you are turned aside. If I have failed to convince you of this by
   the method which I have now used, I know no other that I can use. For
   you do not see it; nor can you possibly see it so long as you build
   your joys on the crumbling foundation of human applause.

   6. If, however, this be not the end aimed at in these actions and by
   this zeal of yours, but there is some other ulterior reason for your
   unwillingness to be regarded as illiterate and stupid, I ask what that
   reason is. If it be to remove impediments to the acquisition of
   temporal riches, or the obtaining of a wife, or the grasping of
   honours, and other things of that kind which are flowing past with a
   headlong current, and dragging to the bottom those who fall into them,
   it is assuredly not our duty to help you towards that end, nay, rather
   we ought to turn you away from it. For we do not so forbid your fixing
   the aim of your studies in the precarious possession of renown as to
   make you leave, as it were, the waters of the Mincius and enter the
   Eridanus, into which, perchance, the Mincius would carry you even
   without yourself making the change. For when the vanity of human
   applause has failed to satisfy the soul, because it furnishes for its
   nourishment nothing real and substantial, this same eager desire
   compels the mind to go on to something else as more rich and
   productive; and if, nevertheless, this also belong to the things which
   pass away with time, it is as when one river leads us into another, so
   that there can be no rest from our miseries so long as the end aimed at
   in our discharge of duty is placed in that which is unstable. We
   desire, therefore, that in some firm and immutable good you should fix
   the home of your most stedfast efforts, and the perfectly secure
   resting-place of all your good and honourable activity. Is it,
   perchance, your intention, if you succeed by the breath of propitious
   fame, or even by spreading your sails for its fitful gusts, in reaching
   that earthly happiness of which I have spoken, to make it subservient
   to the acquisition of the other--the sure and true and satisfying good?
   But to me it does not seem probable--and truth itself forbids the
   supposition--that it should be reached either by such a circuitous way
   when it is at hand, or at such cost when it is freely given.

   7. Perhaps you think that we ought to turn the praise of men itself to
   good account as an instrument for making others accessible to counsels
   regarding that which is good and useful; and perhaps you are anxious
   lest, if men regard you as illiterate and stupid, they think you
   unworthy to receive their earnest or patient attention, if you were
   either exhorting any one to do well, or reproving the malice and
   wickedness of an evil-doer. If, in proposing these questions, you
   contemplated this righteous and beneficent end, we have certainly been
   wronged by your not giving the preference to this in your letter as the
   consideration by which we might be moved either to grant willingly what
   you asked, or, if declining your request, to do so on the ground of
   some other cause which might perchance prevent us, but not on the
   ground of our being ashamed to accept the position of serving or even
   not resisting the aspirations of your vanity. For, I pray you, consider
   how much better and more profitable it is for you to receive from us
   with far more certainty and with less loss of time those principles of
   truth by which you can for yourself refute all that is false, and by so
   doing be prevented from cherishing an opinion so false and contemptible
   as this--that you are learned and intelligent if you have studied with
   a zeal in which there is more pride than prudence the worn-out errors
   of many writers of a bygone age. But this opinion I do not suppose you
   now to hold, for surely I have not in vain spoken so long to Dioscorus
   things so manifestly true; and from this, as understood, I proceed with
   my letter.

   Chap. II.

   8. Wherefore, seeing that you do not consider a man illiterate and
   stupid merely on the ground of ignorance of these things, but only if
   he be ignorant of the truth itself, and that, consequently, the
   opinions of any one who has written or may have written on these
   subjects are either true, and therefore are already held by you, or
   false, and therefore you may be content not to know them, and need not
   be consumed with vain solicitude about knowing the variety of the
   opinions of other men under the fear of otherwise remaining illiterate
   and stupid,--seeing, I say, that this is the case, let us now, if you
   please, consider whether, in the event of other men, who are, as you
   say, prone to censure, finding you ignorant of these things, and
   therefore regarding you, though falsely, as an illiterate and stupid
   person, this mistake of theirs ought to have so much weight with you as
   to make it not unseemly for you to apply to bishops for instruction in
   these things. I propose this on the assumption that we now believe you
   to be seeking this instruction in order that by it you may be helped in
   recommending the truth to men, and in reclaiming men who, if they
   supposed you to be illiterate and stupid in regard to those books of
   Cicero, would regard you as a person from whom they considered it
   unworthy of them to receive any useful or profitable instruction.
   Believe me, you are under a mistake.

   9. For, in the first place, I do not at all see that, in the countries
   in which you are so afraid of being esteemed deficient in education and
   acuteness, there are any persons who will ask you a single question
   about these matters. Both in this country, to which you came to learn
   these things, and at Rome, you know by experience how little they are
   esteemed, and that, in consequence, they are neither taught nor
   learned; and throughout all Africa, so far are you from being troubled
   by any such questioner, that you cannot find any one who will be
   troubled with your questions, and are compelled by the dearth of such
   persons to send your questions to bishops to be solved by them: as if,
   indeed, these bishops, although in their youth, under the influence of
   the same ardour--let me rather say error--which carries you away, they
   were at pains to learn these things as matters of great moment,
   permitted them still to remain in memory now that their heads are white
   with age and they are burdened with the responsibilities of episcopal
   office; or as if, supposing them to desire to retain these things in
   memory, greater and graver cares would not in spite of their desire
   banish them from their hearts; or as if, in the event of some of these
   things lingering in recollection by the force of long habit, they would
   not wish rather to bury in utter oblivion what was thus remembered,
   than to answer senseless questions at a time when, even amidst the
   comparative leisure enjoyed in the schools and in the lecture-rooms of
   rhetoricians, they seem to have so lost both voice and vigour that, in
   order to have instruction imparted concerning them, it is deemed
   necessary to send from Carthage to Hippo,--a place in which all such
   things are so unwonted and so wholly foreign, that if, in taking the
   trouble of writing an answer to your question, I wished to look at any
   passage to discover the order of thought in the context preceding or
   following the words requiring exposition, I would be utterly unable to
   find a manuscript of the works of Cicero. However, these teachers of
   rhetoric in Carthage who have failed to satisfy you in this matter are
   not only not blamed, but, on the contrary, commended by me, if, as I
   suppose, they have not forgotten that the scene of these contests was
   wont to be, not the Roman forum, but the Greek gymnasia. But when you
   have applied your mind to these gymnasia, and have found even them to
   be in such things bare and cold, the church of the Christians of Hippo
   occurred to you as a place where you might lay down your cares, because
   the bishop now occupying that see at one time took fees for instructing
   boys in these things. But, on the one hand, I do not wish you to be
   still a boy, and, on the other hand, it is not becoming for me, either
   for a fee or as a favour, to be dealing now in childish things. This,
   therefore, being the case--seeing, that is to say, that these two great
   cities, Rome and Carthage, the living centres of Latin literature,
   neither try your patience by asking you such questions as you speak of,
   nor care patiently to listen to you when you propound them, I am amazed
   in a degree beyond all expression that a young man of your good sense
   should be afraid lest you should be afflicted with any questioner on
   these subjects in the cities of Greece and of the East. You are much
   more likely to hear jackdaws [2398] in Africa than this manner of
   conversation in those lands.

   10. Suppose, however, in the next place, that I am wrong, and that
   perchance some one should arise putting questions like these,--a
   phenomenon the more unwelcome because in those parts peculiarly
   absurd,--are you not much more afraid lest far more readily men arise
   who, being Greeks, and finding you settled in Greece, and acquainted
   with the Greek language as your mother tongue, may ask you some things
   in the original works of their philosophers which Cicero may not have
   put into his treatises? If this happen, what reply will you make? Will
   you say that you preferred to learn these things from the books of
   Latin rather than of Greek authors? By such an answer you will, in the
   first place, put an affront upon Greece; and you know how men of that
   nation resent this. And in the next place, they being now wounded and
   angry, how readily will you find what you are too anxious to avoid,
   that they will count you on the one hand stupid, because you preferred
   to learn the opinions of the Greek philosophers, or, more properly
   speaking, some isolated and scattered tenets of their philosophy, in
   Latin dialogues, rather than to study the complete and connected system
   of their opinions in the Greek originals, and, on the other hand,
   illiterate, because, although ignorant of so many things written in
   your language, you have unsuccessfully laboured to gather some of them
   together from writings in a foreign tongue. Or will you perhaps reply
   that you did not despise the Greek writings on these subjects, but that
   you devoted your attention first to the study of Latin works, and now,
   proficient in these, are beginning to inquire after Greek learning? If
   this does not make you blush, to confess that you, being a Greek, have
   in your boyhood learned Latin, and are now, like a man of some foreign
   nation, [2399] desirous of studying Greek literature, surely you will
   not blush to own that in the department of Latin literature you are
   ignorant of some things, of which you may perceive how many versed in
   Latin learning are equally ignorant, if you will only consider that,
   although living in the midst of so many learned men in Carthage, you
   assure me that it is under the pressure of necessity that you impose
   this burden on me.

   11. Finally, suppose that you, being asked all those questions which
   you have submitted to me, have been able to answer them all. Behold!
   you are now spoken of as most learned and most acute; behold! now this
   insignificant breath of Greek laudation raises you to heaven. Be it
   yours now to remember your responsibilities and the end for which you
   coveted these praises, namely, that to men who have been easily won to
   admire you by these trifles, and who are now hanging most
   affectionately and eagerly on your lips, you may impart some truly
   important and wholesome instruction; and I should like to know whether
   you possess, and can rightly impart to others, that which is truly most
   important and wholesome. For it is absurd if, after learning many
   unnecessary things with a view to preparing the ears of men to receive
   what is necessary, you be found not to possess those necessary things
   for the reception of which you have by these unnecessary things
   prepared the way; it is absurd if, while busying yourself with learning
   things by which you may win men's attention, you refuse to learn that
   which may be poured into their minds when their attention is secured.
   But if you reply that you have already learned this, and say that the
   truth supremely necessary is Christian doctrine, which I know that you
   esteem above all other things, placing in it alone your hope of
   everlasting salvation, then surely this does not demand a knowledge of
   the Dialogues of Cicero, and a collection of the beggarly and divided
   opinions of other men, in order to your persuading men to give it a
   hearing. Let your character and manner of life command the attention of
   those who are to receive any such teaching from you. I would not have
   you open the way for teaching truth by first teaching what must be
   afterwards unlearned.

   12. For if the knowledge of the discordant and mutually contradictory
   opinions of others is of any service to him who would obtain an
   entrance for Christian truth in overthrowing the opposition of error,
   it is useful only in the way of preventing the assailant of the truth
   from being at liberty to fix his eye solely on the work of
   controverting your tenets, while carefully hiding his own from view.
   For the knowledge of the truth is of itself sufficient both to detect
   and to subvert all errors, even those which may not have been heard
   before, if only they are brought forward. If, however, in order to
   secure not only the demolition of open errors, but also the rooting out
   of those which lurk in darkness, it is necessary for you to be
   acquainted with the erroneous opinions which others have advanced, let
   both eye and ear be wakeful, I beseech you,--look well and listen well
   whether any of our assailants bring forward a single argument from
   Anaximenes and from Anaxagoras, when, though the Stoic and Epicurean
   philosophies were more recent and taught largely, even their ashes are
   not so warm as that a single spark can be struck out from them against
   the Christian faith. The din which resounds in the battle-field of
   controversy now comes from innumerable small companies and cliques of
   sectaries, some of them easily discomfited, others presuming to make
   bold resistance,--such as the partisans of Donatus, Maximian, and
   Manichæus here, or the unruly herds of Arians, Eunomians, Macedonians,
   and Cataphrygians and other pests which abound in the countries to
   which you are on your way. If you shrink from the task of acquainting
   yourself with the errors of all these sects, what occasion have we in
   defending the Christian religion to inquire after the tenets of
   Anaximenes, and with idle curiosity to awaken anew controversies which
   have slept for ages, when already the cavillings and arguments even of
   some of the heretics who claimed the glory of the Christian name, such
   as the Marcionites and the Sabellians, and many more, have been put to
   silence? Nevertheless, if it be necessary, as I have said, to know
   beforehand some of the opinions which war against the truth, and become
   thoroughly conversant with these, it is our duty to give a place in
   such study to the heretics who call themselves Christians, much rather
   than to Anaxagoras and Democritus.

   Chap. III.

   13. Again, whoever may put to you the questions which you have
   propounded to us, let him understand that, under the guidance of deeper
   erudition and greater wisdom, you are ignorant of things like these.
   For if Themistocles regarded it as a small matter that he was looked
   upon as imperfectly educated when he had declined to play on the lyre
   at a banquet, and at the same time, when, after he had confessed
   ignorance of this accomplishment, one said, "What, then, do you know?"
   gave as his reply, "The art of making a small republic great"--are you
   to hesitate about admitting ignorance in trifles like these, when it is
   in your power to answer any one who may ask, "What, then, do you
   know?"--"The secret by which without such knowledge a man may be
   blessed"? And if you do not yet possess this secret, you act in
   searching into those other matters with as blind perversity as if, when
   labouring under some dangerous disease of the body, you eagerly sought
   after dainties in food and finery in dress, instead of physic and
   physicians. For this attainment ought not to be put off upon any
   pretext whatever, and no other knowledge ought, especially in our age,
   to receive a prior place in your studies. And now see how easily you
   may have this knowledge if you desire it. He who inquires how he may
   attain a blessed life is assuredly inquiring after nothing else than
   this: where is the highest good? in other words, wherein resides man's
   supreme good, not according to the perverted and hasty opinions of men,
   but according to the sure and immovable truth? Now its residence is not
   found by any one except in the body, or in the mind, or in God, or in
   two of these, or in the three combined. If, then, you have learned that
   neither the supreme good nor any part whatever of the supreme good is
   in the body, the remaining alternatives are, that it is in the mind, or
   in God, or in both combined. And if now you have also learned that what
   is true of the body in this respect is equally true of the mind, what
   now remains but God Himself as the One in whom resides man's supreme
   good?--not that there are no other goods, but that good is called the
   supreme good to which all others are related. For every one is blessed
   when he enjoys that for the sake of which he desires to have all other
   things, seeing that it is loved for its own sake, and not on account of
   something else. And the supreme good is said to be there because at
   this point nothing is found towards which the supreme good can go
   forth, or to which it is related. In it is the resting-place of desire;
   in it is assured fruition; in it the most tranquil satisfaction of a
   will morally perfect.

   14. Give me a man who sees at once that the body is not the good of the
   mind, but that the mind is rather the good of the body: with such a man
   we would, of course, forbear from inquiring whether the highest good of
   which we speak, or any part of it, is in the body. For that the mind is
   better than the body is a truth which it would be utter folly to deny.
   Equally absurd would it be to deny that that which gives a happy life,
   or any part of a happy life, is better than that which receives the
   boon. The mind, therefore, does not receive from the body either the
   supreme good or any part of the supreme good. Men who do not see this
   have been blinded by that sweetness of carnal pleasures which they do
   not discern to be a consequence of imperfect health. Now, perfect
   health of body shall be the consummation of the immortality of the
   whole man. For God has endowed the soul with a nature so powerful, that
   from that consummate fulness of joy which is promised to the saints in
   the end of time, some portion overflows also upon the lower part of our
   nature, the body,--not the blessedness which is proper to the part
   which enjoys and understands, but the plenitude of health, that is, the
   vigour of incorruption. Men who, as I have said, do not see this war
   with each other in unsatisfactory debates, each maintaining the view
   which may please his own fancy, but all placing the supreme good of man
   in the body, and so stir up crowds of disorderly carnal minds, of whom
   the Epicureans have flourished in pre-eminent estimation with the
   unlearned multitude.

   15. Give me a man who sees at once, moreover, that when the mind is
   happy, it is happy not by good which belongs to itself, else it would
   never be unhappy: and with such a man we would, of course, forbear from
   inquiring whether that highest and, so to speak, bliss-bestowing good,
   or any part of it, is in the mind. For when the mind is elated with joy
   in itself, as if in good which belongs to itself, it is proud. But when
   the mind perceives itself to be mutable,--a fact which may be learned
   from this, even though nothing else proved it, that the mind from being
   foolish may be made wise,--and apprehends that wisdom is unchangeable,
   it must at the same time apprehend that wisdom is superior to its own
   nature, and that it finds more abundant and abiding joy in the
   communications and light of wisdom than in itself. Thus desisting and
   subsiding from boasting and self-conceit, it strives to cling to God,
   and to be recruited and reformed by Him who is unchangeable; whom it
   now understands to be the Author not only of every species of all
   things with which it comes in contact, either by the bodily senses or
   by intellectual faculties, but also of even the very capacity of taking
   form before any form has been taken, since the formless is defined to
   be that which can receive a form. Therefore it feels its own
   instability more, just in proportion as it clings less to God, whose
   being is perfect: it discerns also that the perfection of His being is
   consummate because He is immutable, and therefore neither gains nor
   loses, but that in itself every change by which it gains capacity for
   perfect clinging to God is advantageous, but every change by which it
   loses is pernicious, and further, that all loss tends towards
   destruction; and although it is not manifest whether any thing is
   ultimately destroyed, it is manifest to every one that the loss brings
   destruction so far that the object no longer is what it was. Whence the
   mind infers that the one reason why things suffer loss, or are liable
   to suffer loss, is, that they were made out of nothing; so that their
   property of being, and of permanence, and the arrangement whereby each
   finds even according to its imperfections its own place in the complex
   whole, all depend on the goodness and omnipotence of Him whose being is
   perfect, [2400] and who is the Creator able to make out of nothing not
   only something, but something great; and that the first sin, i.e. the
   first voluntary loss, is rejoicing in its own power: for it rejoices in
   something less than would be the source of its joy if it rejoiced in
   the power of God, which is unquestionably greater. Not perceiving this,
   and looking only to the capacities of the human mind, and the great
   beauty of its achievements in word and deed, some, who would have been
   ashamed to place man's supreme good in the body, have, by placing it in
   the mind, assigned to it unquestionably a lower sphere than that
   assigned to it by unsophisticated reason. Among Greek philosophers who
   hold these views, the chief place both in number of adherents and in
   subtlety of disputation has been held by the Stoics, who have, however,
   in consequence of their opinion that in nature everything is material,
   succeeded in turning the mind rather from carnal than material objects.

   16. Among those, again, who say that our supreme and only good is to
   enjoy God, by whom both we ourselves and all things were made, the most
   eminent have been the Platonists, who not unreasonably judged it to
   belong to their duty to confute the Stoics and Epicureans--the latter
   especially, and almost exclusively. The Academic School is identical
   with the Platonists, as is shown plainly enough by the links of
   unbroken succession connecting the schools. For if you ask who was the
   predecessor of Arcesilas, the first who, announcing no doctrine of his
   own, set himself to the one work of refuting the Stoics and Epicureans,
   you will find that it was Polemo; ask who preceded Polemo, it was
   Xenocrates; but Xenocrates was Plato's disciple, and by him appointed
   his successor in the academy. Wherefore, as to this question concerning
   the supreme good, if we set aside the representatives of conflicting
   views, and consider the abstract question, you find at once that two
   errors confront each other as diametrically opposed--the one declaring
   the body, and the other declaring the mind to be the seat of the
   supreme good of men. You find also that truly enlightened reason, by
   which God is perceived to be our supreme good, is opposed to both of
   these errors, but does not impart the knowledge of what is true until
   it has first made men unlearn what is false. If now you consider the
   question in connection with the advocates of different views, you will
   find the Epicureans and Stoics most keenly contending with each other,
   and the Platonists, on the other hand, endeavouring to decide the
   controversy between them, concealing the truth which they held, and
   devoting themselves only to prove and overthrow the vain confidence
   with which the others adhered to error.

   17. It was not in the power of the Platonists, however, to be so
   efficient in supporting the side of reason enlightened by truth, as the
   others were in supporting their own errors. For from them all there was
   then withheld that example of divine humility, which, in the fullness
   of time, [2401] was furnished by our Lord Jesus Christ,--that one
   example before which, even in the mind of the most headstrong and
   arrogant, all pride bends, breaks, and dies. And therefore the
   Platonists, not being able by their authority to lead the mass of
   mankind, blinded by love of earthly things, into faith in things
   invisible,--although they saw them moved, especially by the arguments
   of the Epicureans, not only to drink freely the cup of the pleasures of
   the body to which they were naturally inclined, but even to plead for
   these, affirming that they constitute man's highest good; although,
   moreover, they saw that those who were moved to abstinence from these
   pleasures by the praise of virtue found it easier to regard pleasure as
   having its true seat in the soul, whence the good actions, concerning
   which they were able, in some measure, to form an opinion,
   proceeded,--at the same time, saw that if they attempted to introduce
   into the minds of men the notion of something divine and supremely
   immutable, which cannot be reached by any one of the bodily senses, but
   is apprehensible only by reason, which, nevertheless, surpasses in its
   nature the mind itself, and were to teach that this is God, set before
   the human soul to be enjoyed by it when purged from all stains of human
   desires, in whom alone every longing after happiness finds rest, and in
   whom alone we ought to find the consummation of all good,--men would
   not understand them, and would much more readily award the palm to
   their antagonists, whether Epicureans or Stoics; the result of which
   would be a thing most disastrous to the human race, namely, that the
   doctrine, which is true and profitable, would become sullied by the
   contempt of the uneducated masses. So much in regard to Ethical
   questions.

   18. As to Physics, if the Platonists taught that the originating cause
   of all natures is immaterial wisdom, and if, on the other hand, the
   rival sects of philosophers never got above material things, while the
   beginning of all things was attributed by some to atoms, by others to
   the four elements, in which fire was of special power in the
   construction of all things,--who could fail to see to which opinion a
   favourable verdict would be given, when the great mass of unthinking
   men are enthralled by material things, and can in no wise comprehend
   that an immaterial power could form the universe?

   19. The department of dialectic questions remains to be discussed; for,
   as you are aware, all questions in the pursuit of wisdom are classified
   under three heads,--Ethics, Physics, and Dialectics. When, therefore,
   the Epicureans said that the senses are never deceived, and, though the
   Stoics admitted that they sometimes are mistaken, both placed in the
   senses the standard by which truth is to be comprehended, who would
   listen to the Platonists when both of these sects opposed them? Who
   would look upon them as entitled to be esteemed men at all, and much
   less wise men, if, without hesitation or qualification, they affirmed
   not only that there is something which cannot be discerned by touch, or
   smell, or taste, or hearing, or sight, and which cannot be conceived of
   by any image borrowed from the things with which the senses acquaint
   us, but that this alone truly exists, and is alone capable of being
   perceived, because it is alone unchangeable and eternal, but is
   perceived only by reason, the faculty whereby alone truth, in so far as
   it can be discovered by us, is found?

   20. Seeing, therefore, that the Platonists held opinions which they
   could not impart to men enthralled by the flesh; seeing also that they
   were not of such authority among the common people as to persuade them
   to accept what they ought to believe until the mind should be trained
   to that condition in which these things can be understood,--they chose
   to hide their own opinions, and to content themselves with arguing
   against those who, although they affirmed that the discovery of truth
   is made through the senses of the body, boasted that they had found the
   truth. And truly, what occasion have we to inquire as to the nature of
   their teaching? We know that it was not divine, nor invested with any
   divine authority. But this one fact merits our attention, that whereas
   Plato is in many ways most clearly proved by Cicero to have placed both
   the supreme good and the causes of things, and the certainty of the
   processes of reason, in Wisdom, not human, but divine, whence in some
   way the light of human wisdom is derived--in Wisdom which is wholly
   immutable, and in Truth always consistent with itself; and whereas we
   also learn from Cicero that the followers of Plato laboured to
   overthrow the philosophers known as Epicureans and Stoics, who placed
   the supreme good, the causes of things, and the certainty of the
   processes of reason, in the nature either of body or of mind,--the
   controversy had continued rolling on with successive centuries, so that
   even at the commencement of the Christian era, when the faith of things
   invisible and eternal was with saving power preached by means of
   visible miracles to men, who could neither see nor imagine anything
   beyond things material, these same Epicureans and Stoics are found in
   the Acts of the Apostles to have opposed themselves to the blessed
   Apostle Paul, who was beginning to scatter the seeds of that faith
   among the Gentiles.

   21. By which thing it seems to me to be sufficiently proved that the
   errors of the Gentiles in ethics, physics, and the mode of seeking
   truth, errors many and manifold, but conspicuously represented in these
   two schools of philosophy, continued even down to the Christian era,
   notwithstanding the fact that the learned assailed them most
   vehemently, and employed both remarkable skill and abundant labour in
   subverting them. Yet these errors we see in our time to have been
   already so completely silenced, that now in our schools of rhetoric the
   question what their opinions were is scarcely ever mentioned; and these
   controversies have been now so completely eradicated or suppressed in
   even the Greek gymnasia, notably fond of discussion, that whenever now
   any school of error lifts up its head against the truth, i.e. against
   the Church of Christ, it does not venture to leap into the arena except
   under the shield of the Christian name. Whence it is obvious that the
   Platonist school of philosophers felt it necessary, having changed
   those few things in their opinions which Christian teaching condemned,
   to submit with pious homage to Christ, the only King who is invincible,
   and to apprehend the Incarnate Word of God, at whose command the truth
   which they had even feared to publish was immediately believed.

   22. To Him, my Dioscorus, I desire you to submit yourself with
   unreserved piety, and I wish you to prepare for yourself no other way
   of seizing and holding the truth than that which has been prepared by
   Him who, as God, saw the weakness of our goings. In that way the first
   part is humility; the second, humility; the third, humility: and this I
   would continue to repeat as often as you might ask direction, not that
   there are no other instructions which may be given, but because, unless
   humility precede, accompany, and follow every good action which we
   perform, being at once the object which we keep before our eyes, the
   support to which we cling, and the monitor by which we are restrained,
   pride wrests wholly from our hand any good work on which we are
   congratulating ourselves. [2402] All other vices are to be apprehended
   when we are doing wrong; but pride is to be feared even when we do
   right actions, lest those things which are done in a praiseworthy
   manner be spoiled by the desire for praise itself. Wherefore, as that
   most illustrious orator, on being asked what seemed to him the first
   thing to be observed in the art of eloquence, is said to have replied,
   Delivery; and when he was asked what was the second thing, replied
   again, Delivery; and when asked what was the third thing, still gave no
   other reply than this, Delivery; so if you were to ask me, however
   often you might repeat the question, what are the instructions of the
   Christian religion, I would be disposed to answer always and only,
   "Humility," although, perchance, necessity might constrain me to speak
   also of other things.

   Chap. IV.

   23. To this most wholesome humility, in which our Lord Jesus Christ is
   our teacher--having submitted to humiliation that He might instruct us
   in this--to this humility, I say, the most formidable adversary is a
   certain kind of most unenlightened knowledge, if I may so call it, in
   which we congratulate ourselves on knowing what may have been the views
   of Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, Pythagoras, Democritus, and others of the
   same kind, imagining that by this we become learned men and scholars,
   although such attainments are far removed from true learning and
   erudition. For the man who has learned that God is not extended or
   diffused through space, either finite or infinite, so as to be greater
   in one part and less in another, but that He is wholly present
   everywhere, as the Truth is, of which no one in his senses will affirm
   that it is partly in one place, partly in another--and the Truth is God
   Himself--such a man will not be moved by the opinions of any
   philosopher soever who believes [like Anaximenes] that the infinite air
   around us is the true God. What matters it to such a man though he be
   ignorant what bodily form they speak of, since they speak of a form
   which is bounded on all sides? What matters it to him whether it was
   only as an Academician, and merely for the purpose of confuting
   Anaximenes, who had said that God is a material existence,--for air is
   material,--that Cicero objected that God must have form and beauty?
   [2403] or himself perceived that truth has immaterial form and beauty,
   by which the mind itself is moulded, and by which we judge all the
   deeds of the wise man to be beautiful, and therefore affirmed that God
   must be of the most perfect beauty, not merely for the purpose of
   confuting an antagonist, but with profound insight into the fact that
   nothing is more beautiful than truth itself, which is cognisable by the
   understanding alone, and is immutable? Moreover, as to the opinion of
   Anaximenes, who held that the air is generated, and at the same time
   believed it to be God, it does not in the least move the man who
   understands that, since the air is certainly not God, there is no
   likeness between the manner in which the air is generated, that is to
   say, produced by some cause, and the manner, understood by none except
   through divine inspiration, in which He was begotten who is the Word of
   God, God with God. Moreover, who does not see that even in regard to
   material things he speaks most foolishly in affirming that air is
   generated, and is at the same time God, while he refuses to give the
   name of God to that by which the air has been generated,--for it is
   impossible that it could be generated by no power? Yet once more, his
   saying that the air is always in motion will have no disturbing
   influence as proof that the air is God upon the man who knows that all
   movements of body are of a lower order than movements of the soul, but
   that even the movements of the soul are infinitely slow compared with
   His who is supreme and immutable Wisdom.

   24. In like manner, if Anaxagoras or any other affirm that the mind is
   essential truth and wisdom, [2404] what call have I to debate with a
   man about a word? For it is manifest that mind gives being to the order
   and mode of all things, and that it may be suitably called infinite
   with respect not to its extension in space, but to its power, the range
   of which transcends all human thought. Nor [shall I dispute his
   assertion] that this essential wisdom is formless; for this is a
   property of material things, that whatever bodies are infinite are also
   formless. Cicero, however, from his desire to confute such opinions, as
   I suppose, in contending with adversaries who believed in nothing
   immaterial, denies that anything can be annexed to that which is
   infinite, because in things material there must be a boundary at the
   part to which anything is annexed. Therefore he says that Anaxagoras
   "did not see that motion joined to sensation and to it" (i.e. linked to
   it in unbroken connection) "is impossible in the infinite" (that is, in
   a substance which is infinite), as if treating of material substances,
   to which nothing can be joined except at their boundaries. Moreover, in
   the succeeding words--"and that sensation of which the whole system of
   nature is not sensible when struck is an impossibility" [2405] --Cicero
   speaks as if Anaxagoras had said that mind--to which he ascribed the
   power of ordering and fashioning all things--had sensation such as the
   soul has by means of the body. For it is manifest that the whole soul
   has sensation when it feels anything by means of the body; for whatever
   is perceived by sensation is not concealed from the whole soul. Now,
   Cicero's design in saying that the whole system of nature must be
   conscious of every sensation was, that he might, as it were, take from
   the philosopher that mind which he affirms to be infinite. For how does
   the whole of nature experience sensation if it be infinite? Bodily
   sensation begins at some point, and does not pervade the whole of any
   substance unless it be one in which it can reach an end; but this, of
   course, cannot be said of that which is infinite. Anaxagoras, however
   had not said anything about bodily sensation. The word "whole,"
   moreover, is used differently when we speak of that which is
   immaterial, because it is understood to be without boundaries in space,
   so that it may be spoken of as a whole and at the same time as
   infinite--the former because of its completeness, the latter because of
   its not being limited by boundaries in space.

   25. "Furthermore," says Cicero, "if he will affirm that the mind itself
   is, so to speak, some kind of animal, there must be some principle from
   within from which it receives the name animal,'"--so that mind,
   according to Anaxagoras, is a kind of body, and has within it an
   animating principle, because of which it is called "animal." Observe
   how he speaks in language which we are accustomed to apply to things
   corporeal,--animals being in the ordinary sense of the word visible
   substances,--adapting himself, as I suppose, to the blunted perceptions
   of those against whom he argues; and yet he has uttered a thing which,
   if they could awake to perceive it, might suffice to teach them that
   everything which presents itself to our minds as a living body must be
   thought of not as itself a soul, but as an animal having a soul. For
   having said, "There must be something within from which it receives the
   name animal," he adds, "But what is deeper within than mind?" The mind,
   therefore, cannot have any inner soul, by possessing which it is an
   animal; for it is itself that which is innermost. If, then, it is an
   animal, let it have some external body in relation to which it may be
   within; for this is what he means by saying, "It is therefore girt
   round by an exterior body," as if Anaxagoras had said that mind cannot
   be otherwise than as belonging to some animal. And yet Anaxagoras held
   the opinion that essential supreme Wisdom is mind, although it is not
   the peculiar property of any living being, so to speak, since Truth is
   near to all souls alike that are able to enjoy it. Observe, therefore,
   how wittily he concludes the argument: "Since this is not the opinion
   of Anaxagoras" (i.e. seeing that he does not hold that that mind which
   he calls God is girt about with an external body, through its relation
   to which it could be an animal), "we must say that mind pure and
   simple, without the addition of anything" (i.e. of any body) "through
   which it may exercise sensation, seems to be beyond the range and
   conceptions of our intelligence." [2406]

   26. Nothing is more certain than that this lies beyond the range and
   conception of the intelligence of Stoics and Epicureans, who cannot
   think of anything which is not material. But by the word "our"
   intelligence he means "human" intelligence; and he very properly does
   not say, "it lies beyond our intelligence," but "it seems to lie
   beyond." For their opinion is, that this lies beyond the understanding
   of all men, and therefore they think that nothing of the kind can be.
   But there are some whose intelligence apprehends, in so far as this is
   given to man, the fact that there is pure and simple Wisdom and Truth,
   which is the peculiar property of no living being, but which imparts
   wisdom and truth to all souls alike which are susceptible of its
   influence. If Anaxagoras perceived the existence of this supreme
   Wisdom, and apprehended it to be God, and called it Mind, it is not by
   the mere name of this philosopher--with whom, on account of his place
   in the remote antiquity of erudition, all raw recruits in literature
   [2407] (to adopt a military phrase) delight to boast an
   acquaintance--that we are made learned and wise; nor is it even by our
   having the knowledge through which he knew this truth. For truth ought
   to be dear to me not merely because it was not unknown to Anaxagoras,
   but because, even though none of these philosophers had known it, it is
   the truth.

   27. If, therefore, it is unbecoming for us to be elated either by the
   knowledge of the man who peradventure apprehended the truth, by which
   knowledge we obtain, as it were, the appearance of learning, or even by
   the solid possession of the truth itself, whereby we obtain real
   acquisitions in learning, how much less can the names and tenets of
   those men who were in error assist us in Christian learning and in
   making known things obscure? For if we be men, it would be more fitting
   that we should grieve on account of the errors into which so many
   famous men fell, if we happen to hear of them, than that we should
   studiously investigate them, in order that, among men who are ignorant
   of them, we may enjoy the gratification of a most contemptible conceit
   of knowledge. For how much better would it be that I should never have
   heard the name of Democritus, than that I should now with sorrow ponder
   the fact that a man was highly esteemed in his own age who thought that
   the gods were images which emanated from solid bodies, but were not
   solid themselves; and that these, circling this way and that way by
   their independent motion, and gliding into the minds of men, make the
   divine power enter into the region of their thoughts, although,
   certainly, that body from which the image emanated may be rightly
   judged to surpass the image in excellence and proportion, as it
   surpasses it in solidity. Hence his opinion wavered, as they say, and
   oscillated, so that sometimes he said that the deity was some kind of
   nature from which images emanate, and which nevertheless can be thought
   of only by means of those images which he pours forth and sends out,
   that is, which from that nature (which he considered to be something
   material and eternal, and on this very account divine) were borne as by
   a kind of evaporation or continuous emanation, and came and entered
   into our minds, so that we could form the thought of a god or gods. For
   these philosophers conceive of no cause of thought in our minds, except
   when images from those bodies which are the object of our thoughts come
   and enter into our minds; as if, forsooth, there were not many things,
   yea, more than we can number, which, without any material form, and yet
   intelligible, are apprehended by those who know how to apprehend such
   things. Take as an example essential Wisdom and Truth, of which if they
   can frame no idea, I wonder why they dispute concerning it at all; if,
   however, they do frame some idea of it in thought, I wish they would
   tell me either from what body the image of truth comes into their
   minds, or of what kind it is.

   28. Democritus, however, is said to differ here also in his doctrine on
   physics from Epicurus; for he holds that there is in the concourse of
   atoms a certain vital and breathing power, by which power (I believe)
   he affirms that the images themselves (not all images of all things,
   but images of the gods) are endued with divine attributes, and that the
   first beginnings of the mind are in those universal elements to which
   he ascribed divinity, and that the images possess life, inasmuch as
   they are wont either to benefit or to hurt us. Epicurus, however, does
   not assume anything in the first beginnings of things but atoms, that
   is, certain corpuscles, so minute that they cannot be divided or
   perceived either by sight or by touch; and his doctrine is, that by the
   fortuitous concourse (clashing) of these atoms, existence is given both
   to innumerable worlds and to living things, and to the souls which
   animate them, and to the gods whom, in human form, he has located, not
   in any world, but outside of the worlds, and in the spaces which
   separate them; and he will not allow of any object of thought beyond
   things material. But in order to these becoming an object of thought,
   he says that from those things which he represents as formed of atoms,
   images more subtle than those which come to our eyes flow down and
   enter into the mind. For according to him, the cause of our seeing is
   to be found in certain images so huge that they embrace the whole outer
   world. But I suppose that you already understand their opinions
   regarding these images.

   29. I wonder that Democritus was not convinced of the error of his
   philosophy even by this fact, that such huge images coming into our
   minds, which are so small (if being, as they affirm, material, the soul
   is confined within the body's dimensions), could not possibly, in the
   entirety of their size, come into contact with it. For when a small
   body is brought into contact with a large one, it cannot in any wise be
   touched at the same moment by all points of the larger. How, then, are
   these images at the same moment in their whole extent objects of
   thought, if they become objects of thought only in so far as, coming
   and entering into the mind, they touch it, seeing that they cannot in
   their whole extent either find entrance into so small a body or come in
   contact with so small a mind? Bear in mind, of course, that I am
   speaking now after their manner; for I do not hold the mind to be such
   as they affirm. It is true that Epicurus alone can be assailed with
   this argument, if Democritus holds that the mind is immaterial; but we
   may ask him in turn why he did not perceive that it is at once
   unnecessary and impossible for the mind, being immaterial, to think
   through the approach and contact of material images. Both philosophers
   alike are certainly confuted by the facts of vision; for images so
   great cannot possibly touch in their entirety eyes so small.

   30. Moreover, when the question is put to them, how it comes that one
   image is seen of a body from which images emanate in countless
   multitudes, their answer is, that just because the images are emanating
   and passing in such multitudes, the effect produced by their being
   crowded and massed together is, that out of the many one is seen. The
   absurdity of this Cicero exposes by saying that their deity cannot be
   thought of as eternal, for this very reason, that he is thought of
   through images which are in countless multitudes flowing forth and
   passing away. And when they say that the forms of the gods are rendered
   eternal by the innumerable hosts of atoms supplying constant
   reinforcements, so that other corpuscles immediately take the place of
   those which depart from the divine substance, and by the same
   succession prevent the nature of the gods from being dissolved, Cicero
   replies, "On this ground all things would be eternal as well as the
   gods," since there is nothing which has not the same boundless store of
   atoms by which it may repair its perpetual decays. Again, he asks how
   their god could be otherwise than afraid of coming to destruction,
   seeing that he is without a moment's intermission beaten and shaken by
   an unceasing incursion of atoms,--beaten, inasmuch as he is struck by
   atoms rushing upon him, and shaken, inasmuch as he is penetrated by
   atoms rushing through him. Nay, more; seeing that from himself there
   emanate continually images (of which we have said enough), what good
   ground can he have for persuasion of his own immortality? [2408]

   31. As to all these ravings of the men who entertain such opinions, it
   is especially deplorable that the mere statement of them does not
   suffice to secure their rejection without any one controverting them in
   discussion; instead of which, the minds of men most gifted with
   acuteness have accepted the task of copiously refuting opinions which,
   as soon as they were enunciated, ought to have been rejected with
   contempt even by the slowest intellects. For even granting that there
   are atoms, and that these strike and shake each other by clashing
   together as chance may guide them, is it lawful for us to grant also
   that atoms thus meeting in fortuitous concourse can so make anything as
   to fashion its distinctive forms, determine its figure, polish its
   surface, enliven it with color, or quicken it by imparting to it a
   spirit?--all which things every one sees to be accomplished in no other
   way than by the providence of God, if only he loves to see with the
   mind rather than with the eye alone, and asks this faculty of
   intelligent perception from the Author of his being. Nay, more; we are
   not at liberty even to grant the existence of atoms themselves, for,
   without discussing the subtle theories of the learned as to the
   divisibility of matter, observe how easily the absurdity of atoms may
   be proved from their own opinions. For they, as is well known, affirm
   that there is nothing else in nature but bodies and empty space, and
   the accidents of these, by which I believe that they mean motion and
   striking, and the forms which result from these. Let them tell us,
   then, under which category they reckon the images which they suppose to
   flow from the more solid bodies, but which, if indeed they are bodies,
   possess so little solidity that they are not discernible except by
   their contact with the eyes when we see them, and with the mind when we
   think of them. For the opinion of these philosophers is, that these
   images can proceed from the material object and come to the eyes or to
   the mind, which, nevertheless, they affirm to be material. Now, I ask,
   do these images flow from atoms themselves? If they do, how can these
   be atoms from which some bodily particles are in this process
   separated? If they do not, either something can be the object of
   thought without such images, which they vehemently deny, or we ask,
   whence have they acquired a knowledge of atoms, seeing that they can in
   nowise become objects of thought to us? But I blush to have even thus
   far refuted these opinions, although they did not blush to hold them.
   When, however, I consider that they have even dared to defend them, I
   blush not on their account, but for the race of mankind itself whose
   ears could tolerate such nonsense.

   Chap. V.

   32. Wherefore, seeing that the minds of men are, through the pollution
   of sin and the lust of the flesh, so blinded that even these monstrous
   errors could waste in discussion concerning them the leisure of learned
   men, will you, Dioscorus, or will any man of an servant mind, hesitate
   to affirm that in no way could better provision have been made for the
   pursuit of truth by mankind than that a Man, assumed into ineffable and
   miraculous union by the Truth Himself, and being the manifestation of
   His Person on the earth, should by perfect teaching and divine acts
   move men to saving faith in that which could not as yet be
   intellectually apprehended? To the glory of Him who has done this we
   give our service; and we exhort you to believe immoveably and
   stedfastly in Him through whom it has come to pass that not a select
   few, but whole peoples, unable to discern these things by reason, do
   accept them in faith, until, upheld by instruction in saving truth,
   they escape from these perplexities into the atmosphere of perfectly
   pure and simple truth. It becomes us, moreover, to yield submission to
   His authority all the more unreservedly, when we see that in our day no
   error dares to lift up itself to rally round it the uninstructed crowd
   without seeking the shelter of the Christian name, and that of all who,
   belonging to an earlier age, now remain outside of the Christian name,
   those alone continue to have in their obscure assemblies a considerable
   attendance who retain the Scriptures by which, however they may pretend
   not to see or understand it, the Lord Jesus Christ Himself was
   prophetically announced. Moreover, those who, though they are not
   within the Catholic unity and communion, boast of the name of
   Christians, are compelled to oppose them that believe, and presume to
   mislead the ignorant by a pretence of appealing to reason, since the
   Lord came with this remedy above all others, that He enjoined on the
   nations the duty of faith. But they are compelled, as I have said, to
   adopt this policy because they feel themselves most miserably
   overthrown if their authority is compared with the Catholic authority.
   They attempt, accordingly, to prevail against the firmly-settled
   authority of the immoveable Church by the name and the promises of a
   pretended appeal to reason. This kind of effrontery is, we may say,
   characteristic of all heretics. But He who is the most merciful Lord of
   faith has both secured the Church in the citadel of authority by most
   famous oecumenical Councils and the Apostolic sees themselves, and
   furnished her with the abundant armour of equally invincible reason by
   means of a few men of pious erudition and unfeigned spirituality. The
   perfection of method in training disciples is, that those who are weak
   be encouraged to the utmost to enter the citadel of authority, in order
   that when they have been safely placed there, the conflict necessary
   for their defence may be maintained with the most strenuous use of
   reason.

   33. The Platonists, however, who, amidst the errors of false
   philosophies assailing them at that time on all sides, rather concealed
   their own doctrine to be searched for than brought it into the light to
   be vilified, as they had no divine personage to command faith, began to
   exhibit and unfold the doctrines of Plato after the name of Christ had
   become widely known to the wondering and troubled kingdoms of this
   world. Then flourished at Rome the school of Plotinus, which had as
   scholars many men of great acuteness and ability. But some of them were
   corrupted by curious inquiries into magic, and others, recognising in
   the Lord Jesus Christ the impersonation of that essential and immutable
   Truth and Wisdom which they were endeavouring to reach, passed into His
   service. Thus the whole supremacy of authority and light of reason for
   regenerating and reforming the human race has been made to reside in
   the one saving Name, and in His one Church.

   34. I do not at all regret that I have stated these things at great
   length in this letter, although perhaps you would have preferred that I
   had taken another course; for the more progress that you make in the
   truth, the more will you approve what I have written, and you will then
   approve of my counsel, though now you do not think it helpful to your
   studies. At the same time, I have, to the best of my ability, given
   answers to your questions,--to some of them in this letter, and to
   almost all the rest by brief annotations on the parchments on which you
   had sent them. If in these answers you think I have done too little, or
   done something else than you expected, you do not duly consider, my
   Dioscorus, to whom you addressed your questions. I have passed without
   reply all the questions concerning the orator and the books of Cicero
   de Oratore. I would have seemed to myself a contemptible trifler if I
   had entered on the exposition of these topics. For I might with
   propriety be questioned on all the other subjects, if any one desired
   me to handle and expound them, not in connection with the works of
   Cicero, but by themselves; but in these questions the subjects
   themselves are not in harmony with my profession now. I would not,
   however, have done all that I have done in this letter had I not
   removed from Hippo for a time after the illness under which I laboured
   when your messenger came to me. Even in these days I have been visited
   again with interruption of health and with fever, on which account
   there has been more delay than might otherwise have been in sending
   these to you. I earnestly beg you to write and let me know how you
   receive them.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2397] "Scire tuum nihil est nisi te scire hoc sciat alter."--Persius,
   Sat. i. 27.

   [2398] Corniculas. The lapse of centuries may have introduced into the
   north of Africa birds unknown in Augustin's time. The translator has
   seen these birds in Egypt.

   [2399] Barbarum.

   [2400] Qui summe est.

   [2401] Opportunissimo tempore.

   [2402] We give the original of this exquisite sentence, both for its
   intrinsic value, and because it is a good example of that antithetic
   style of writing which makes the exact and felicitous rendering of
   Augustin's words into any other language peculiarly difficult: Nisi
   humilitas omnia quæcumque bene facimus et præcesserit, et comitetur, et
   consecuta fuerit, et proposita quam intueamur, et apposita cui
   adhæreamus, et imposita qua reprimamur, jam nobis de aliquo bono facto
   gaudentibus totum extorquet de manu superbia.

   [2403] The words of Cicero are: "Post, Anaximenes æra Deum statuit,
   eumque gigni, esseque immensum, et infinitum, et semper in motu: quasi
   aut ær sine ulla forma Deus esse possit, cum præsertim Deum non modo
   aliqua sed pulcherrima specie esse deceat: aut non omne quod ortum sit
   mortalitas consequatur."--De Natura Deorum, Book 1.

   [2404] Ipsam veritatem atque sapientiam.

   [2405] The words of Cicero are these: "Nec vidit neque motum sensui
   junctum et continentem in infinito ullum esse posse, neque sensum
   omnino quo non tota natura pulsa sentiret." Augustin, quoting probably
   from memory (see § 9), gives infinto as the dative of possession
   instead of in infinito.

   [2406] Cicero, de Natura Deorum, lib. 1.

   [2407] Litteriones ut militariter loquar.

   [2408] Cicero, de Natura Deorum, lib. I.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXII.

   (a.d. 410.)

   To His Well-Beloved Brethren the Clergy, and to the Whole People [of
   Hippo], Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. In the first place, I beseech you, my friends, and implore you, for
   Christ's sake, not to let my bodily absence grieve you. For I suppose
   you do not imagine that I could by any means be separated in spirit and
   in unfeigned love from you, although perchance it is even a greater
   grief to me than to you that my weakness unfits me for bearing all the
   cares which are laid on me by those members of Christ to whose service
   both fear of Him and love to them constrain me to devote myself. For
   you know this, my beloved, that I have never absented myself from you
   through self-indulgent taking of ease, but only when compelled by such
   duties as have made it necessary for some of my holy colleagues and
   brethren to endure, both on the sea and in countries beyond the sea,
   labours from which I was exempted, not because of reluctance of spirit,
   but by reason of imperfect bodily health. Wherefore, my dearly-beloved
   brethren, act so that, as the apostle says, "whether I come and see
   you, or else be absent, I may hear of your affairs, that ye stand fast
   in one spirit, with one mind striving together for the faith of the
   gospel." [2409] If any vexation pertaining to time causes you distress,
   this itself ought the more to remind you how you should occupy your
   thoughts with that life in which you may live without any burden,
   escaping not the annoying hardships of this short life, but the dread
   flames of eternal fire. For if ye strive with so much anxiety, so much
   earnestness, and so much labour, to save yourselves from falling into
   some transient sufferings in this world, how solicitous ought you to be
   to escape everlasting misery! And if the death which puts an end to the
   labours of time is so feared, how ought we to fear the death which
   ushers men into eternal pain! And if the short-lived and sordid
   pleasures of this world are so loved, with how much greater earnestness
   ought we to seek the pure and infinite joys of the world to come!
   Meditating upon these things, be not slothful in good works, that ye
   may come in due season to reap what you have sown.

   2. It has been reported to me that you have forgotten your custom of
   providing raiment for the poor, to which work of charity I exhorted you
   when I was present with you; and I now exhort you not to allow
   yourselves to be overcome and made slothful by the tribulation of this
   world, which you see now visited with such calamities as were foretold
   by our Lord and Redeemer, who cannot lie. You ought in present
   circumstances not to be less diligent in works of charity, but rather
   to be more abundant in these than you were wont to be. For as men
   betake themselves in greater haste to a place of greater security when
   they see in the shaking of their walls the ruin of their house
   impending, so ought Christians, the more that they perceive, from the
   increasing frequency of their afflictions, that the destruction of this
   world is at hand, to be the more prompt and active in transferring to
   the treasury of heaven the goods which they were proposing to store up
   on earth, in order that, if any accident common to the lot of men
   occur, he may rejoice who has escaped from a dwelling doomed to ruin;
   and if, on the other hand, nothing of this kind happen, he may be
   exempt from painful solicitude who, die when he may, has committed his
   possessions to the keeping of the ever-living Lord, to whom he is about
   to go. Wherefore, my dearly-beloved brethren, let every one of you,
   according to his ability, of which he himself is the best judge, do
   with a portion of his substance as ye were wont to do; do it also with
   a more willing mind than ye were wont; and amid all the vexations of
   this life bear in your hearts the apostolic exhortation: "The Lord is
   at hand: be careful for nothing." [2410] Let such things be reported to
   me concerning you as may make me understand that it is not through my
   presence with you, but from obedience to the precept of God, who is
   never absent, that you follow that good practice which for many years
   while I was with you, and for some time after my departure, you
   observed.

   May the Lord preserve you in peace! And, dearly-beloved brethren, pray
   for us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2409] Phil. i. 27.

   [2410] Phil. iv. 5, 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXIII.

   (a.d. 410.)

   [From Jerome to Augustin.]

   There are many who go halting upon both feet, and refuse to bend their
   heads even when their necks are broken, persisting in adherence to
   their former errors, even though they have not their former liberty of
   proclaiming them.

   Respectful salutations are sent to you by the holy brethren who are
   with your humble servant, and especially by your pious and venerable
   daughters. [2411] I beg your Excellency to salute in my name your
   brethren my lord Alypius and my lord Evodius. Jerusalem is held captive
   by Nebuchadnezzar, and refuses to listen to the counsels of Jeremiah,
   preferring to look wistfully towards Egypt, that it may die in
   Tahpanhes, and perish there in eternal bondage. [2412]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2411] Paula, Eustochium, and other recluses of Bethlehem.

   [2412] Two opinions have been advanced as to the signification of this
   enigmatical allusion to the events recorded in Jeremiah, chap. xliii.
   Some think that Jerome refers to Rome, then occupied by the Goths.
   Others find here a reference to the state of the Church at Jerusalem at
   the time; perhaps under the name of Nebuchadnezzar some heretical
   bishop is designed.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Third Division.

   Letters Which Were Written by Augustin After The Time of The Conference
   With The Donatists And The Rise of The Pelagian Heresy in Africa; i.e.,
   During The Last Twenty Years of His Life (A.D. 411-430).

   Letter CXXIV.

   (a.d. 411.)

   To Albina, Pinianus, and Melania, [2413] Honoured in the Lord, Beloved
   in Holiness and Longed for in Brotherly Affection, Augustin Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I Am, whether through present infirmity or by natural temperament,
   very susceptible of cold; nevertheless, it would not be possible for me
   to suffer greater heat than I have done throughout this exceptionally
   dreadful winter, having been kept in a fever by distress because I have
   been unable, I do not say to hasten, but to fly to you (to visit whom
   it would have been fitting for me to fly across the seas), after you
   had been settled so near to me, and had come from so remote a land to
   see me. It may be, also, that you have supposed the rigorous weather of
   this winter to be the only cause of my suffering this disappointment; I
   pray you, beloved, give no place to this thought. For what
   inconvenience, hardship, or even danger, can these heavy rains bring,
   which I would not have encountered and endured in order to make my way
   to you, who are such comforters to us in our great calamities, and who,
   in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation, are lights kindled
   into vehement flame by the Supreme Light, raised aloft by lowliness of
   spirit, and deriving more glorious lustre from the glory which you have
   despised? Moreover, I would have enjoyed participation in the spiritual
   felicity vouchsafed to my earthly birthplace, in that it has been
   permitted to have you present, of whom when absent its citizens had
   heard much--so much, indeed, that although giving charitable credence
   to the report of what you were by nature and had become by grace, they
   feared, perchance, to repeat it to others, lest it should be
   disbelieved.

   2. I shall therefore tell you the reason why I have not come, and the
   trials by which I have been kept back from so great a privilege, that I
   may obtain not only your forgiveness, but also, through your prayers,
   the mercy of Him who so works in you that ye live to Him. The
   congregation of Hippo, whom the Lord has ordained me to serve, is in
   great measure, and almost wholly, of a constitution so infirm, that the
   pressure of even a comparatively light affliction might seriously
   endanger its well-being; at present, however, it is smitten with
   tribulation so overwhelming, that, even were it strong, it could
   scarcely survive the imposition of the burden. Moreover, when I
   returned to it recently, I found it offended to a most dangerous degree
   by my absence; and you, over whose spiritual strength we rejoice in the
   Lord, can with healthful taste relish and approve the saying of Paul:
   "Who is weak, and I am not weak? who is offended, and I burn not?"
   [2414] I feel this especially because there are many here who by
   disparaging us attempt to excite against us the minds of the others by
   whom we seem to be loved, in order that they may make room in them for
   the devil. But when those whose salvation is our care are angry with
   us, their strong determination to take vengeance on us is only an
   unreasonable desire for bringing death to themselves,--not the death of
   the body, but of the soul, in which the fact of death discovers itself
   mysteriously by the odour of corruption before it is possible for our
   care to foresee and provide against it.

   Doubtless you will readily excuse this anxiety on my part, especially
   because, if you were displeased and wished to punish me, you could
   perhaps invent no severer pain than what I already suffer in not seeing
   you at Thagaste. I trust, however, that, assisted by your prayers, I
   may be permitted when the present hindrance has been removed with all
   speed to come to you, in whatsoever part of Africa you may be, if this
   town in which I labour is not worthy (and I do not presume to pronounce
   it worthy) to be along with us made joyful by your presence.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2413] The name Melania, though now almost as little known to the world
   at large as the fossil univalve molluscs to which palæontologists have
   assigned the designation, was in the time of Augustin highly esteemed
   throughout Christendom. The elder Melania, a lady of rank and
   affluence, left Rome when it was threatened by Alaric, and spent
   thirty-seven years in the East, returning to the city in 445 A.D. Her
   daughter-in-law, Albina, and her grand-daughter, the younger Melania
   (whose husband was the Pinianus mentioned here and in the two following
   letters), left Rome with her in 408 A.D., and after spending two years
   in Sicily, passed over into Africa, and fixed their residence at
   Thagaste, the native town of St. Augustin. A visit which they paid to
   him at Hippo was the occasion of the extraordinary proceedings referred
   to in Letters CXXV. and CXXVI.

   [2414] 2 Cor. xi. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXV.

   (a.d. 411.)

   To Alypius, My Lord Most Blessed and Brother Beloved with All
   Reverence, and My Partner in the Priestly Office, and to the Brethren
   Who are with Him, Augustin and the Brethren Who are with Him Send
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. We are deeply grieved, and can by no means regard it as a small
   matter, that the people of Hippo clamorously said so much to the
   disparagement of your Holiness; but, my good brother, their clamorous
   utterance of these things is not so great a cause for grief as the fact
   that we are, without open accusation, deemed guilty of similar things.
   For when we are believed to be actuated in retaining God's servants
   among us, not by love of righteousness, but by love of money, is it not
   to be desired that persons who believe this concerning us should with
   their voices avow what is hidden in their hearts, and so obtain, if
   possible, remedies great in proportion to the disease, rather than
   silently perish under the venom of these fatal suspicions? Wherefore it
   ought to be a greater care to us (and for this reason we conferred
   together before this happened) to provide how men to whom we are
   commanded to be examples in good works may be convinced that there is
   no ground for suspicions which they cherish, than to provide how those
   may be rebuked who in words give definite utterance to their
   suspicions.

   2. Wherefore I am not angry with the pious Albina, nor do I judge her
   to deserve rebuke; but I think she requires to be cured of such
   suspicions. It is true that she has not pointed at myself the words to
   which I refer, but has complained of the people of Hippo, as it were,
   alleging that their covetousness has been brought to light, and that in
   desiring to retain among them a man of wealth who was known to despise
   money, and to give it away freely, they were moved, not by his fitness
   for the office, but by regard to his ample means; nevertheless, she
   almost said openly that she had the same suspicion of myself, and not
   she only, but also her pious son-in-law and daughter, who, on that very
   day, said the same thing in the apse of the church. [2415] In my
   opinion, it is more necessary that the suspicions of these persons
   should be removed than that their utterance of them should be rebuked.
   For where can immunity and rest from such thorns be provided and given
   to us, if they can sprout forth against us even in the hearts of
   intimate friends, so pious and so much beloved by us? It is by the
   ignorant multitude that such things have been thought concerning you,
   but I am the victim of similar suspicions from those who are the lights
   of the Church; you may see, therefore, which of us has the greater
   cause for grief. It seems to me that both cases call, not for
   invectives, but for remedial measures; for they are men, and their
   suspicions are of men, and therefore such things as they suspect,
   though they may be false, are not incredible. Persons such as these are
   of course not so foolish as to believe that the people are coveting
   their money, especially after their experience that the people of
   Thagaste obtained none of their money, from which it was certain that
   the people of Hippo would also obtain none. Nay, all the violence of
   this odium comes against the clergy alone, and especially against the
   bishops, whose authority is visibly pre-eminent, and who are supposed
   to use and enjoy as owners and lords the property of the Church. My
   dear Alypius, let not the weak be encouraged through our example to
   cherish this pernicious and fatal covetousness. Call to mind what we
   said to each other before the occurrence of this temptation, which
   makes the duty all the more urgent. Let us rather by God's help
   endeavour to have this difficulty removed by friendly conference, and
   let us not count it sufficient to be guided by our own conscience
   alone; for this is not one of the cases in which its voice alone is
   sufficient for our direction. For if we be not unworthy servants of our
   God, if there live in us a spark of that charity which seeketh not her
   own, we are bound by all means to provide things honest, not only in
   the sight of God, but also in the sight of men, lest while drinking
   untroubled waters in our own conscience, we be chargeable with treading
   with incautious feet, and so making the Lord's flock drink from a
   turbid stream.

   3. For as to the proposal in your letter that we should discuss
   together the obligation of an oath which has been extorted by force, I
   beseech you, let not the method of our discussion involve in obscurity
   things which are perfectly clear. For if inevitable death were
   threatened in order to compel a servant of God to swear that he would
   do something forbidden by laws both human and divine, it would be his
   duty to prefer death to such an oath, lest he should be guilty of a
   crime in fulfilling his oath. But in this case, in which the determined
   clamour of the people, and only this, was forcing the man, not to a
   crime, but to that which if it were done would be lawfully done; when,
   moreover, there was indeed apprehension lest some reckless men, such as
   are mixed with a multitude even of good men, should through love of
   rioting break out into some wicked deeds of violence, if they found a
   pretext for disturbance and for plausibly justifiable indignation, but
   there was no certainty of this fear being realized,--who will affirm
   that it is lawful to commit a deliberate act of perjury in order to
   escape from uncertain consequences, involving, I shall not say loss or
   bodily injury, but even death itself? Regulus had not heard anything
   from the Holy Scriptures concerning the impiety of perjury, he had
   never heard of the flying roll of Zechariah, [2416] and he confirmed
   his oath to the Carthaginians, not by the sacraments of Christ, but by
   the abominations of false gods; and yet in the face of inevitable
   tortures, and a death of unprecedented horror, he was not moved by fear
   so as to swear under constraint, but, because he had given his oath, he
   of his own free will submitted to these, lest he should be guilty of
   perjury. In that age, also, the Roman censors refused to inscribe in
   the roll, not of saints inheriting heavenly glory, but of senators
   received into the curia of Rome, not only men who, through fear of
   death and of cruel tortures, had chosen rather to commit manifest
   perjury than to return to merciless enemies, but also one who had
   believed himself clear of the guilt of perjury, because, after giving
   his oath, he had under the pretext of alleged necessity violated it by
   returning; in which we see that those who expelled him from the senate
   took into consideration, not what he himself had in his mind when he
   gave his oath, but what those to whom he pledged his word expected from
   him. Yet they had never read what we sing continually in the Psalm: "He
   that sweareth to his own hurt, and changeth not." [2417] We are wont to
   speak of these instances of virtue with the highest admiration,
   although they are found in men who were strangers to the grace and to
   the name of Christ; and yet do we seriously imagine that the question
   whether perjury is occasionally lawful is one for an answer to which we
   should search the divine books, in which, to prevent us from falling
   into this sin by inconsiderate oaths, this prohibition is written:
   "Swear not at all"?

   4. I by no means dispute the perfect correctness of the maxim, that
   good faith requires an oath to be kept, not according to the mere words
   of him who gives it, but according to that which the person giving the
   oath knows to be the expectation of the person to whom he swears. For
   it is very difficult to define in words, especially in few words, the
   promise in regard to which security is exacted from him who gives his
   oath. They, therefore, are guilty of perjury, who, while adhering to
   the letter of their promise, disappoint the known expectation of those
   to whom their oath was given; and they are not guilty of perjury, who,
   even though departing from the letter of the promise, fulfil that which
   was expected of them when they gave their oath. Wherefore, seeing that
   the people of Hippo desired to have the holy Pinianus, not as a
   prisoner who had forfeited liberty, but as a much-loved resident in
   their town, the limits of that which they expected from him, though it
   could not be adequately embraced in the words of his promise, are
   nevertheless so obvious that the fact of his being at this moment
   absent, after giving his oath to remain among them, does not disturb
   any one who may have heard that he was to leave this place for a
   definite purpose, and with the intention of returning. Accordingly, he
   will not be guilty of perjury, nor will he be regarded by them as
   violating his oath, unless he disappoint their expectation; and he will
   not disappoint their expectation, unless he either abandon his purpose
   of residing among them, or at some future time depart from them without
   intending to return. May God forbid that he should so depart from the
   holiness and fidelity which he owes to Christ and to the Church! For,
   not to speak of the dread judgment of God upon perjurers, which you
   know as well as myself, I am perfectly certain that henceforth we shall
   have no right to be displeased with any one who may refuse to believe
   what we attest by an oath, if we are found to think that perjury in
   such a man as Pinianus is to be not only tolerated without indignation,
   but actually defended. From this may we be saved by the mercy of Him
   who delivers from temptation those who put their trust in Him! Let
   Pinianus, therefore, as you have written in your communication, fulfil
   the promise by which he bound himself not to depart from Hippo, just as
   I myself and the other inhabitants of the town do not depart from it,
   having, of course, full freedom in going and returning at any time; the
   only difference being, that those who are not bound by any oath to
   reside here have it also in their power at any time, without being
   chargeable with perjury, to depart with no purpose of coming back
   again.

   5. As to our clergy and the brethren settled in our monastery, I do not
   know that it can be proved that they either aided or abetted in the
   reproaches which were made against you. For when I inquired into this,
   I was informed that only one from our monastery, a man of Carthage, had
   taken part in the clamour of the people; and this was not when they
   were uttering insults against you, but when they were demanding
   Pinianus as presbyter.

   I have annexed to this letter a copy of the promise given to him, taken
   from the very paper which he subscribed and corrected under my own
   inspection.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2415] The "absis" was a chapel or recess in the choir, where the
   bishop was accustomed to stand surrounded by his clergy.

   [2416] Zech. v. 4. Augustin calls it "Zachariæ falx," translating, as
   the LXX. have done: drepanon.

   [2417] Ps. xv. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXVI.

   (a.d. 411.)

   To the Holy Lady and Venerable Handmaid of God Albina, Augustin Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. As to the sorrow of your spirit, which you describe as
   inexpressible, it becomes me to assuage rather than to augment its
   bitterness, endeavouring if possible to remove your suspicions, instead
   of increasing the agitation of one so venerable and so devoted to God
   by giving vent to indignation because of that which I have suffered in
   this matter. Nothing was done to our holy brother, your son-in-law
   Pinianus, by the people of Hippo which might justly awaken in him the
   fear of death, although, perchance, he himself had such fears. Indeed,
   we also were apprehensive lest some of the reckless characters who are
   often secretly banded together for mischief in a crowd might break out
   into bold acts of violence, finding occasion for beginning a riot with
   some plausible pretext for passionate excitement. Nothing of this
   nature, however, was either spoken of or attempted by any one, as I
   have since had opportunity to ascertain; but against my brother Alypius
   the people did clamorously utter many opprobrious and unworthy
   reproaches, for which great sin I desire that they may obtain pardon in
   answer to his prayers. For my own part, after their outcries began,
   when I had told them how I was precluded by promise from ordaining him
   against his will, adding that, if they obtained him as their presbyter
   through my breaking my word, they could not retain me as their bishop,
   I left the multitude, and returned to my own seat. [2418] Thereupon,
   they being made for a little while to pause and waver by my unexpected
   reply, like a flame driven back for a moment by the wind, began to be
   much more warmly excited, imagining that possibly a violation of my
   promise might be extorted from me, or that, in the event of my abiding
   by my promise, he might be ordained by another bishop. To all to whom I
   could address myself, namely, to the more venerable and aged men who
   had come up to me in the apse, I stated that I could not be moved to
   break my word, and that in the church committed to my care he could not
   be ordained by any other bishop except with my consent asked and
   obtained, in granting which I should be no less guilty of a breach of
   faith. I said, moreover, that if he were ordained against his own will,
   the people were only wishing him to depart from us as soon as he was
   ordained. They did not believe that this was possible. But the crowd
   having gathered in front of the steps, and persisting in the same
   determination with terrible and incessant clamour and shouting, made
   them irresolute and perplexed. At that time unworthy reproaches were
   loudly uttered against my brother Alypius: at that time, also, more
   serious consequences were apprehended by us.

   2. But although I was much disturbed by so great a commotion among the
   people, and such trepidation among the office-bearers of the church, I
   did not say to that mob anything else than that I could not ordain him
   against his own will; nor after all that had passed was I influenced to
   do what I had also promised not to do, namely, to advise him in any way
   to accept the office of presbyter, which had I been able to persuade
   him to do, his ordination would have been with his consent. I remained
   faithful to both the promises which I had made,--not only to the one
   which I had shortly before intimated to the people, but also to the one
   in regard to which I was bound, so far as men were concerned, by only
   one witness. I was faithful, I say, not to an oath, but to my bare
   promise, even in the face of such danger. It is true that the fears of
   danger were, as we afterwards ascertained, without foundation; but
   whatever the danger might be, it was shared by us all alike. The fear
   was also shared by all; and I myself had thoughts of retiring, being
   alarmed chiefly for the safety of the building in which we were
   assembled. But there was reason to apprehend that if I were absent some
   disaster might be more likely to occur, as the people would then be
   more exasperated by disappointment, and less restrained by reverential
   sentiments. Again, if I had gone through the dense mob along with
   Alypius, I had reason to fear lest some one should dare to lay violent
   hands on him; if, on the other hand, I had gone without him, what would
   have been the most natural opinion for men to have formed, if any
   accident had befallen Alypius, and I appeared to have deserted him in
   order to hand him over to the power of an infuriated people?

   3. In the midst of this excitement and great distress, when, being at
   our wit's end, we could not, so to speak, take breath, behold our pious
   son Pinianus, suddenly and quite unexpectedly, sends to me a servant of
   God, to tell me that he wished to swear to the people, that if he were
   ordained against his will he would leave Africa altogether, thinking, I
   believe, that the people, knowing that of course he could not violate
   his oath, would not continue their outcry, seeing that by perseverance
   they could gain nothing, but only drive from among us a man whom we
   ought at least to retain as a neighbour, if he was to be no more. As it
   seemed to me, however, that it was to be feared that the vehemence of
   the people's grief would be increased by his taking an oath of this
   kind, I was silent in regard to it; and as he had by the same messenger
   begged me to come to him, I went without delay. When he had said to me
   again what he had stated by the messenger, he immediately added to the
   same oath what he had sent another messenger to intimate to me while I
   was hastening towards him, namely, that he would consent to reside in
   Hippo if no one compelled him to accept against his will the burden of
   the clerical office. On this, being comforted in my perplexities as by
   a breath of air when in danger of suffocation, I made no reply, but
   went with quickened pace to my brother Alypius, and told him what
   Pinianus had said. But he, being careful, I suppose, lest anything
   should be done with his sanction by which he thought you might be
   offended, said, "Let no one ask my opinion on this subject." Having
   heard this, I hastened to the noisy crowd, and having obtained silence,
   declared to them what had been promised, along with the proffered
   guarantee of an oath. The people, however, having no other thought or
   desire than that he should be their presbyter, did not receive the
   proposal as I had expected they would, but, after talking in an
   under-tone among themselves, made the request that to this promise and
   oath a clause might be added, that if at any time he should be pleased
   to consent to accept the clerical office, he should do so in no other
   church than that of Hippo. I reported this to him: without hesitation
   he agreed to it. I returned to them with his answer; they were filled
   with joy, and presently demanded the promised oath.

   4. I came back to your son-in-law, and found him at a loss as to the
   words in which his promise, confirmed by oath, could be expressed,
   because of various kinds of necessity which might emerge and might make
   it necessary for him to leave Hippo. He stated at the time what he
   feared, namely, that a hostile incursion of barbarians might occur, to
   avoid which it would be necessary to leave the place. The holy Melania
   wished to add also, as a possible reason for departure, the
   unhealthiness of the climate; but she was kept from this by his reply.
   I said, however, that he had brought forward an important reason
   deserving consideration, and one which, if it occurred, would compel
   the citizens themselves to abandon the place; but that, if this reason
   were stated to the people, we might justly fear lest they should regard
   us as prophesying evil, and, on the other hand, if a pretext for
   withdrawing from the promise were put under the general name of
   necessity, it might be thought that the necessity was only covering an
   intention to deceive. It seemed good to him, therefore, that we should
   test the feeling of the people in regard to this, and we found the
   result exactly as I had expected. For when the words which he had
   dictated were read by the deacon, and had been received with
   approbation, as soon as the clause concerning necessity which might
   hinder the fulfilment of his promise fell upon their ears, there arose
   at once a shout of remonstrance, and the promise was rejected; and the
   tumult began to break out again, the people thinking that these
   negotiations had no other object than to deceive them. When our pious
   son saw this, he ordered the clause regarding necessity to be struck
   out, and the people recovered their cheerfulness once more.

   5. I would gladly have excused myself on the ground of fatigue, but he
   would not go to the people unless I accompanied him; so we went
   together. He told them that he had himself dictated what they had heard
   from the deacon, that he had confirmed the promise by an oath, and
   would do the things promised, after which he forthwith rehearsed all in
   the words which he had dictated. The response of the people was,
   "Thanks be unto God!" and they begged that all which was written should
   be subscribed. We dismissed the catechumens, and he adhibited his
   signature to the document at once. Then we [Alypius and myself] began
   to be urged, not by the voices of the crowd, but by faithful men of
   good report as their representatives, that we also as bishops should
   subscribe the writing. But when I began to do this, the pious Melania
   protested against it. I wondered why she did this so late, as if we
   could make his promise and oath void by forbearing from appending our
   names to it; I obeyed, however, and so my signature remained
   incomplete, and no one thought it necessary to insist further upon our
   subscription.

   6. I have been at pains to communicate to your Holiness, so far as I
   thought sufficient, what were the feelings, or rather the remarks, of
   the people on the following day, when they heard that he had left the
   town. Whoever, therefore, may have told you anything contradicting what
   I stated, is either intentionally or through his own mistake misleading
   you. For I am aware that I passed over some things which seemed to me
   irrelevant, but I know that I said nothing but the truth. It is
   therefore true that our holy son Pinianus took his oath in my presence
   and with my permission, but it is not true that he did it in obedience
   to any command from me. He himself knows this: it is also known to
   those servants of God whom he sent to me, the first being the pious
   Barnabas, the second Timasius, by whom also he sent me the promise of
   his remaining in Hippo. As for the people themselves, moreover, they
   were urging him by their cries to accept the office of presbyter. They
   did not ask for his oath, but they did not refuse it when offered,
   because they hoped that if he remained amongst us, there might be
   produced in him a willingness to consent to ordination, while they
   feared lest, if ordained against his will, he should, according to his
   oath, leave Africa. And therefore they also were actuated in their
   clamorous procedure by regard to God's work (for surely the
   consecration of a presbyter is a work of God); and inasmuch as they did
   not feel satisfied with his promise of remaining in Hippo, unless it
   were also promised that, in the event of his at any time accepting the
   clerical office, he should do it nowhere else than among them, it is
   perfectly manifest what they hoped for from his dwelling among them,
   and that they did not abandon their zeal for the work of God.

   7. On what ground, then, do you allege that the people did this out of
   a base desire for money? In the first place, the people who were so
   clamorous have nothing whatever of this kind to gain; for as the people
   of Thagaste derive from the gifts which you have bestowed on their
   church no profit but the joy of seeing your good work, it will be the
   same in the case of the people of Hippo, or of any other place in which
   you have obeyed or may yet obey the law of your Lord concerning the
   "mammon of unrighteousness." The people, therefore, in most vehemently
   insisting upon guiding the procedure of their church in regard to so
   great a man, did not ask from you a pecuniary advantage, but testified
   their admiration for your contempt of money. For if in my own case,
   because they had heard that, despising my patrimony, which consisted of
   only a few small fields, I had consecrated myself to the liberty of
   serving God, they loved this disinterestedness, and did not grudge this
   gift to the church of my birthplace, Thagaste, but, when it had not
   imposed upon me the clerical office, made me by force, so to speak,
   their own, how much more ardently might they love in our Pinianus his
   overcoming and treading under foot with such remarkable decision riches
   so great and hopes so bright, and a strong natural capacity for
   enjoying this world! I indeed seem, in the opinion of many, who compare
   themselves with themselves, to have rather found than forsaken wealth.
   For my patrimony can scarcely be considered a twentieth part of the
   ecclesiastical property which I am now supposed to possess as master.
   But in whatever church, especially in Africa, our Pinianus might be
   ordained (I do not say a presbyter, but) a bishop, he would be still in
   deep poverty compared with his former affluence, even if he were using
   the church's revenues in the spirit of one lording it over God's
   heritage. Christian poverty is much more clearly and certainly loved in
   the case of one in whom there is no room for suspecting a desire for
   acquiring an accession to his wealth. It was this admiration which
   kindled the minds of the people, and roused them to such violence of
   persevering clamour. Let us therefore not charge them gratuitously with
   base covetousness, but rather, without imputing unworthy motives, allow
   them at least to love in others that good thing which they do not
   themselves possess. For although there may have mixed in the crowd some
   who are indigent or beggars, who helped to increase the clamour, and
   were actuated by the hope of some relief to their wants out of your
   honourable affluence, even this is not, in my opinion, base
   covetousness.

   8. It remains, therefore, that the reproach of disgraceful covetousness
   must be levelled indirectly at the clergy, and especially at the
   bishop. For we are supposed to act as lords of the church's property;
   we are supposed to enjoy its revenues. In short, whatever money we have
   received for the church either is still in our possession or has been
   spent according to our judgment; and of it we have given nothing to any
   of the people besides the clergy and the brethren in the monastery,
   excepting only a very few indigent persons. I do not mean by this to
   say that the things which were said by you must necessarily have been
   said specially against us, but that, if said against any others than
   ourselves, they must have been incredible. What, then, shall we do? If
   it be not possible to clear ourselves before enemies, by what means may
   we at least clear ourselves before you? The matter is one pertaining to
   the soul; it is within us, hidden from the eyes of men, and known to
   God alone. What, then, remains for us but to call to witness God, to
   whom it is known? When, therefore, you harbour these suspicions
   concerning us, you do not command but absolutely compel us to give our
   oath,--a much more grievous wrong than the commanding of an oath, which
   you have thought proper in your letter to censure as highly culpable in
   me; you compel us, I say, not by menacing death to the body, as the
   people of Hippo were supposed to have done, but by menacing death to
   our good name, which deserves to be regarded by us as more precious
   than life itself, for the sake of those weak brethren to whom we
   endeavour in all circumstances to exhibit ourselves as ensamples in
   good works.

   9. We, however, are not indignant against you who compel us to this
   oath, as you are indignant against the people of Hippo. For you
   believe, as men judging of other men, things which, though not actually
   existing in us, might possibly have existed. Your suspicions we must
   labour not so much to reprove as to remove; and since our conscience is
   clear in the sight of God, we must seek to clear our character in your
   sight. It may be, as Alypius and I said to each other before this trial
   occurred, that God will grant that not only you, our much-beloved
   fellow-members of Christ's body, but even our most implacable enemies,
   may be thoroughly satisfied that we are not defiled by any love of
   money in our administration of ecclesiastical affairs. Until this be
   done (if the Lord, answering our prayer, permit it to be done), hear in
   the meantime what we are compelled to do, rather than put off for any
   length of time the healing of your heart. God is my witness that, as
   for the whole management of those ecclesiastical revenues over which we
   are supposed to love to exercise lordship, I only bear it as a burden
   which is imposed on me by love to the brethren and fear of God: I do
   not love it; nay, if I could, without unfaithfulness to my office, I
   would desire to be rid of it. God also is my witness that I believe the
   sentiments of Alypius to be the same as mine in this matter.
   Nevertheless, on the one hand, the people, and what is worse, the
   people of Hippo, have hastily done Alypius great wrong by entertaining
   another opinion of his character; and on the other hand, you who are
   saints of God and full of unfeigned compassion have, through believing
   such things concerning us, thought proper to touch and admonish us
   while nominally censuring the same people of Hippo, who have no part
   whatever in the guilt of the alleged covetousness. You have desired
   unquestionably to correct us, and that without hating us (this be far
   from you!); wherefore I ought not to be angry with you, but to thank
   you, because it was not possible for you to have combined modesty and
   freedom more happily than when, instead of stating your sentiments as
   an offensive accusation against the bishop, you left them to be
   discovered by indirect inferences.

   10. Let not the fact that I have thought it necessary thus to confirm
   my statements by oath cause you vexation by making you think that you
   are treated with harshness. There was no hardness or lack of kindly
   feeling in the apostle towards those to whom he wrote: "Neither used we
   at any time flattering words, as ye know, nor a cloak of covetousness;
   God is witness." [2419] In the thing which was opened to men's
   observation he appealed to their own testimony, but in regard to that
   which was hidden, to whom could he appeal but to God? If, therefore,
   fear lest the ignorance of men should make them entertain some such
   thoughts concerning him was reasonably felt even by Paul, whose
   labours, as all men knew, were such that except in extreme necessity he
   never took anything for his own benefit from the communities to which
   he dispensed the grace of Christ, obtaining in all other cases the
   necessary provision for his support by working with his own hands, how
   much more pains must be taken to establish confidence in our
   disinterestedness by us, who are, both in the merit of holiness and in
   strength of mind, so far behind him, and who are not only unable to do
   anything by the work of our hands to support ourselves, but also
   precluded from this, even if we could work, by an accumulation of
   duties from which I believe that the apostles were exempt! Let the
   charge, therefore, of most base covetousness be brought no more in this
   matter against the Christian people--that is, the Church of Christ. For
   it is more tolerable that this charge be alleged against us, on whom
   the suspicion, though groundless, might fall without being utterly
   improbable, than on the people, of whom it is certainly known that they
   could not either cherish the covetous desire or be reasonably suspected
   of entertaining it.

   11. For persons possessing any faith--and how much more the Christian
   faith!--to be unfaithful to their oath, I do not say by doing something
   contrary to it, but by hesitating at all as to its fulfilment, is
   utterly wrong. What my judgment is on this question I have with
   sufficient fulness declared in the letter which I sent to my brother
   Alypius. Your Holiness wrote asking me "whether I or the people of
   Hippo consider any one under obligation to fulfil an oath which has
   been extorted by violence." But what is your opinion? Do you think that
   even if death, which in this case was feared without reason, were
   certainly imminent, a Christian might use the name of his Lord to
   confirm a lie, and call his God to be witness to a falsehood? For
   assuredly a Christian, if urged by the menace of instant death to
   perjure himself by false testimony, ought to fear the loss of honour
   more than the loss of life. Hostile armies confront each other in the
   battle-field with mutual menaces of death, about which there can be no
   uncertainty; and yet, when they pledge themselves to each other by
   oath, we praise those who are faithful to their engagement, and we
   justly abhor those who are unfaithful. Now what was the motive leading
   them to swear to each other, but the fear on both sides of being killed
   or taken prisoners? And by this promise even such men hold themselves
   bound, lest they be guilty of sacrilege and perjury if they did not
   fulfil the oath extorted by the fear of death or captivity, and broke
   the promise given in such circumstances: they are more afraid of
   breaking their oath than of taking a man's life. And do we propose to
   discuss as a debatable question whether an oath must be fulfilled which
   has been given under fear of harm by servants of God, who are under
   pre-eminent obligations to holiness, by monks who are running the race
   towards Christian perfection, by distributing their property according
   to Christ's command?

   12. Tell me, I beseech you, what hardship deserving the name of exile,
   or transportation, or banishment, is involved in his promise to reside
   here? I suppose that the office of presbyter is not exile. Would our
   Pinianus prefer exile to that office? Far be it from us to find such
   apology for one who is a saint of God and very dear to us: God forbid,
   I say, that it should be said of him that he preferred exile to the
   office of presbyter, and preferred to perjure himself rather than
   submit to exile. This I would say even if it were true that the oath by
   which he promised to reside among us had been extorted from him but the
   fact is that, instead of being extorted in spite of his refusal, it was
   accepted when he had proffered it himself. It was accepted, moreover,
   as I have already said, because of the hope, which was encouraged by
   his remaining here, that he might also consent to comply with our
   desire that he should accept the clerical office. In fine, whatever
   opinion may be entertained concerning us or concerning the people of
   Hippo, the case of those who may have compelled him to take the oath is
   very different from that of those who may have--I do not say compelled,
   but at least--counselled him to break the oath. I trust, also, that
   Pinianus himself will not refuse to consider seriously whether it is
   worse to swear under the pressure of fear, however great, or, in the
   absence of all alarm, to commit deliberate perjury.

   13. God be thanked that the men of Hippo regard his promise of
   residence here as kept fully, if only he come with the intention of
   making this town his home, and in going whithersoever necessity may
   call him, go with the intention of coming back to us again. For if they
   were to exact literal fulfilment of the words of the promise, it would
   be the duty of a servant of God to adhere to every sentence of it
   rather than forswear himself. But as it would be a crime for them so to
   bind any one, much more such a man as he is, so they have themselves
   proved that they had no such unreasonable expectation; for on hearing
   that he had gone away with the intention of returning, they expressed
   their satisfaction; and fidelity to an oath requires no more than the
   performance of what was expected by those to whom it was given. Let me
   ask, moreover, what is meant by saying that he, in giving the oath with
   his own lips, mentioned the possibility of necessity preventing his
   fulfilment of the promise? The truth is, that with his own lips he
   ordered the qualifying clause to be removed. If he put it in, it would
   be when he himself spoke to the people; but if he had done so, they
   assuredly would not have answered, "Thanks be unto God," but would have
   renewed the protestations which they made when it was read with the
   qualifying clause by the deacon. And what difference does it really
   make whether this plea of necessity for departing from the promise was
   or was not inserted? Nothing more than we have stated above was
   expected from him; but he who disappoints the known expectation of
   those to whom his oath is given, cannot but be a perjured person.

   14. Wherefore, let his promise be fulfilled, and let the hearts of the
   weak be healed, lest, on the one hand, those who approve of it be
   taught by such a conspicuous example to imitate an act of perjury, and
   lest, on the other hand, those who condemn it have just grounds for
   saying that none of us is worthy to be believed, not only when we make
   promises, but even when we give our oath. Let us especially guard
   against giving occasion in this to the tongues of enemies, which are
   used by the great Enemy as darts wherewith to slay the weak. But God
   forbid that we should expect from a man like Pinianus anything else
   than what the fear of God inspires, and the superior excellence of his
   own piety approves. As for myself, whom you blame for not interfering
   to forbid his oath, I admit that I could not bring myself to believe
   that, in circumstances so disorderly and scandalous, I ought rather to
   allow the church which I serve to be overthrown, than accept the
   deliverance which was offered to us by such a man.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2418] Ad nostra subsellia.

   [2419] 1 Thess. ii. 5.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXX.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To Proba, [2420] a Devoted Handmaid of God, Bishop Augustin, a Servant
   of Christ and of Christ's Servants, Sends Greeting in the Name of the
   Lord of Lords.

   Chap. I.

   1. Recollecting your request and my promise, that as soon as time and
   opportunity should be given by Him to whom we pray, I would write you
   something on the subject of prayer to God, I feel it my duty now to
   discharge this debt, and in the love of Christ to minister to the
   satisfaction of your pious desire. I cannot express in words how
   greatly I rejoiced because of the request, in which I perceived how
   great is your solicitude about this supremely important matter. For
   what could be more suitably the business of your widowhood than to
   continue in supplications night and day, according to the apostle's
   admonition, "She that is a widow indeed, and desolate, trusteth in God,
   and continueth in supplications night and day"? [2421] It might,
   indeed, appear wonderful that solicitude about prayer should occupy
   your heart and claim the first place in it, when you are, so far as
   this world is concerned, noble and wealthy, and the mother of such an
   illustrious family, and, although a widow, not desolate, were it not
   that you wisely understand that in this world and in this life the soul
   has no sure portion.

   2. Wherefore He who inspired you with this thought is assuredly doing
   what He promised to His disciples when they were grieved, not for
   themselves, but for the whole human family, and were despairing of the
   salvation of any one, after they heard from Him that it was easier for
   a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter
   into the kingdom of heaven. He gave them this marvellous and merciful
   reply: "The things which are impossible with men are possible with
   God." [2422] He, therefore, with whom it is possible to make even the
   rich enter into the kingdom of heaven, inspired you with that devout
   anxiety which makes you think it necessary to ask my counsel on the
   question how you ought to pray. For while He was yet on earth, He
   brought Zaccheus, [2423] though rich, into the kingdom of heaven, and,
   after being glorified in His resurrection and ascension, He made many
   who were rich to despise this present world, and made them more truly
   rich by extinguishing their desire for riches through His imparting to
   them His Holy Spirit. For how could you desire so much to pray to God
   if you did not trust in Him? And how could you trust in Him if you were
   fixing your trust in uncertain riches, and neglecting the wholesome
   exhortation of the apostle: "Charge them that are rich in this world
   that they be not high-minded, nor trust in uncertain riches, but in the
   living God, who giveth us richly all things to enjoy; that they do
   good, that they be rich in good works, ready to distribute, willing to
   communicate, laying up in store for themselves a good foundation, that
   they may lay hold on eternal life"? [2424]

   Chap. II.

   3. It becomes you, therefore, out of love to this true life, to account
   yourself "desolate" in this world, however great the prosperity of your
   lot may be. For as that is the true life, in comparison with which the
   present life, which is much loved, is not worthy to be called life,
   however happy and prolonged it be, so is it also the true consolation
   promised by the Lord in the words of Isaiah, "I will give him the true
   consolation, peace upon peace," [2425] without which consolation men
   find themselves, in the midst of every mere earthly solace, rather
   desolate than comforted. For as for riches and high rank, and all other
   things in which men who are strangers to true felicity imagine that
   happiness exists, what comfort do they bring, seeing that it is better
   to be independent of such things than to enjoy abundance of them,
   because, when possessed, they occasion, through our fear of losing
   them, more vexation than was caused by the strength of desire with
   which their possession was coveted? Men are not made good by possessing
   these so-called good things, but, if men have become good otherwise,
   they make these things to be really good by using them well. Therefore
   true comfort is to be found not in them, but rather in those things in
   which true life is found. For a man can be made blessed only by the
   same power by which he is made good.

   4. It is true, indeed, that good men are seen to be the sources of no
   small comfort to others in this world. For if we be harassed by
   poverty, or saddened by bereavement, or disquieted by bodily pain, or
   pining in exile, or vexed by any kind of calamity, let good men visit
   us, men who can not only rejoice with them that rejoice, but also weep
   with them that weep, [2426] and who know how to give profitable
   counsel, and win us to express our feelings in conversation: the effect
   is, that rough things become smooth, heavy burdens are lightened, and
   difficulties vanquished most wonderfully. But this is done in and
   through them by Him who has made them good by His Spirit. On the other
   hand, although riches may abound, and no bereavement befal us, and
   health of body be enjoyed, and we live in our own country in peace and
   safety, if, at the same time, we have as our neighbours wicked men,
   among whom there is not one who can be trusted, not one from whom we do
   not apprehend and experience treachery, deceit, outbursts of anger,
   dissensions, and snares, in such a case are not all these other things
   made bitter and vexatious, so that nothing sweet or pleasant is left in
   them? Whatever, therefore, be our circumstances in this world, there is
   nothing truly enjoyable without a friend. But how rarely is one found
   in this life about whose spirit and behaviour as a true friend there
   may be perfect confidence! For no one is known to another so intimately
   as he is known to himself, and yet no one is so well known even to
   himself that he can be sure as to his own conduct on the morrow;
   wherefore, although many are known by their fruits, and some gladden
   their neighhours by their good lives, while others grieve their
   neighbours by their evil lives, yet the minds of men are so unknown and
   so unstable, that there is the highest wisdom in the exhortation of the
   apostle: "Judge nothing before the time until the Lord come, who both
   will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and will make
   manifest the counsels of the hearts; and then shall every man have
   praise of God." [2427]

   5. In the darkness, then, of this world, in which we are pilgrims
   absent from the Lord as long as "we walk by faith and not by sight,"
   [2428] the Christian soul ought to feel itself desolate, and continue
   in prayer, and learn to fix the eye of faith on the word of the divine
   sacred Scriptures, as "on a light shining in a dark place, until the
   day dawn, and the day-star arise in our hearts." [2429] For the
   ineffable source from which this lamp borrows its light is the Light
   which shineth in darkness, but the darkness comprehendeth it not--the
   Light, in order to seeing which our hearts must be purified by faith;
   for "blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God;" [2430] and
   "we know that when He shall appear, we shall be like Him, for we shall
   see Him as He is." [2431] Then after death shall come the true life,
   and after desolation the true consolation, that life shall deliver our
   "souls from death" that consolation shall deliver our "eyes from
   tears," and, as follows in the psalm, our feet shall be delivered from
   falling; for there shall be no temptation there. [2432] Moreover, if
   there be no temptation, there will be no prayer; for there we shall not
   be waiting for promised blessings, but contemplating the blessings
   actually bestowed; wherefore he adds, "I will walk before the Lord in
   the land of the living," [2433] where we shall then be--not in the
   wilderness of the dead, where we now are: "For ye are dead," says the
   apostle, "and your life is hid with Christ in God; when Christ, who is
   our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with Him in glory."
   [2434] For that is the true life on which the rich are exhorted to lay
   hold by being rich in good works; and in it is the true consolation,
   for want of which, meanwhile, a widow is "desolate" indeed, even though
   she has sons and grandchildren, and conducts her household piously,
   entreating all dear to her to put their hope in God: and in the midst
   of all this, she says in her prayer, "My soul thirsteth for Thee; my
   flesh longeth in a dry and thirsty land, where no water is;" [2435] and
   this dying life is nothing else than such a land, however numerous our
   mortal comforts, however pleasant our companions in the pilgrimage, and
   however great the abundance of our possessions. You know how uncertain
   all these things are; and even if they were not uncertain, what would
   they be in comparison with the felicity which is promised in the life
   to come!

   6. In saying these things to you, who, being a widow, rich and noble,
   and the mother of an illustrious family, have asked from me a discourse
   on prayer, my aim has been to make you feel that, even while your
   family are spared to you, and live as you would desire, you are
   desolate so long as you have not attained to that life in which is the
   true and abiding consolation, in which shall be fulfilled what is
   spoken in prophecy: "We are satisfied in the morning with Thy mercy, we
   rejoice and are glad all our days; we are made glad according to the
   days wherein Thou hast afflicted us, and the years wherein we have seen
   evil." [2436]

   Chap. III.

   7. Wherefore, until that consolation come, remember, in order to your
   "continuing in prayers and supplications night and day," that, however
   great the temporal prosperity may be which flows around you, you are
   desolate. For the apostle does not ascribe this gift to every widow,
   but to her who, being a widow indeed, and desolate, "trusteth in God,
   and continueth in supplication night and day." Observe, however, most
   vigilantly the warning which follows: "But she that liveth in pleasure
   is dead while she liveth;" [2437] for a person lives in those things
   which he loves, which he greatly desires, and in which he believes
   himself to be blessed. Wherefore, what Scripture has said of riches:
   "If riches increase, set not your heart upon them," [2438] I say to you
   concerning pleasures: "If pleasures increase, set not your heart upon
   them." Do not, therefore, think highly of yourself because these things
   are not wanting, but are yours abundantly, flowing, as it were, from a
   most copious fountain of earthly felicity. By all means look upon your
   possession of these things with indifference and contempt, and seek
   nothing from them beyond health of body. For this is a blessing not to
   be despised, because of its being necessary to the work of life until
   "this mortal shall have put on immortality" [2439] in other words, the
   true, perfect, and everlasting health, which is neither reduced by
   earthly infirmities nor repaired by corruptible gratification, but,
   enduring with celestial rigour, is animated with a life eternally
   incorruptible. For the apostle himself says, "Make not provision for
   the flesh, to fulfil the lusts thereof," [2440] because we must take
   care of the flesh, but only in so far as is necessary for health; "For
   no man ever yet hated his own flesh," [2441] as he himself likewise
   says. Hence, also, he admonished Timothy, who was, as it appears, too
   severe upon his body, that he should "use a little wine for his
   stomach's sake, and for his often infirmities." [2442]

   8. Many holy men and women, using every precaution against those
   pleasures in which she that liveth, cleaving to them, and dwelling in
   them as her heart's delight, is dead while she liveth, have cast from
   them that which is as it were the mother of pleasures, by distributing
   their wealth among the poor, and so have stored it in the safer keeping
   of the treasury of heaven. If you are hindered from doing this by some
   consideration of duty to your family, you know yourself what account
   you can give to God of your use of riches. For no one knoweth what
   passeth within a man, "but the spirit of the man which is in him."
   [2443] We ought not to judge anything "before the time until the Lord
   come who both will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and
   will make manifest the counsels of the hearts, and then shall every man
   have praise of God." [2444] It pertains, therefore, to your care as a
   widow, to see to it that if pleasures increase you do not set your
   heart upon them, lest that which ought to rise that it may live, die
   through contact with their corrupting influence. Reckon yourself to be
   one of those of whom it is written, "Their hearts shall live for ever."
   [2445]

   Chap. IV.

   9. You have now heard what manner of person you should be if you would
   pray; hear, in the next place, what you ought to pray for. This is the
   subject on which you have thought it most necessary to ask my opinion,
   because you were disturbed by the words of the apostle: "We know not
   what we should pray for as we ought;" [2446] and you became alarmed
   lest it should do you more harm to pray otherwise than you ought, than
   to desist from praying altogether. A short solution of your difficulty
   may be given thus: "Pray for a happy life." This all men wish to have;
   for even those whose lives are worst and most abandoned would by no
   means live thus, unless they thought that in this way they either were
   made or might be made truly happy. Now what else ought we to pray for
   than that which both bad and good desire, but which only the good
   obtain?

   Chap. V.

   10. You ask, perchance, What is this happy life? On this question the
   talents and leisure of many philosophers have been wasted, who,
   nevertheless, failed in their researches after it just in proportion as
   they failed to honour Him from whom it proceeds, and were unthankful to
   Him. In the first place, then, consider whether we should accept the
   opinion of those philosophers who pronounce that man happy who lives
   according to his own will. Far be it, surely, from us to believe this;
   for what if a man's will inclines him to live in wickedness? Is he not
   proved to be a miserable man in proportion to the facility with which
   his depraved will is carried out? Even philosophers who were strangers
   to the worship of God have rejected this sentiment with deserved
   abhorrence. One of them, a man of the greatest eloquence, says:
   "Behold, however, others, not philosophers indeed, but men of ready
   power in disputation, who affirm that all men are happy who live
   according to their own will. But this is certainly untrue, for to wish
   that which is unbecoming is itself a most miserable thing; nor is it so
   miserable a thing to fail in obtaining what you wish as to wish to
   obtain what you ought not to desire." [2447] What is your opinion? Are
   not these words, by whomsoever they are spoken, derived from the Truth
   itself? We may therefore here say what the apostle said of a certain
   Cretan poet [2448] whose sentiment had pleased him: "This witness is
   true." [2449]

   11. He, therefore, is truly happy who has all that he wishes to have,
   and wishes to have nothing which he ought not to wish. This being
   understood, let us now observe what things men may without impropriety
   wish to have. One desires marriage; another, having become a widower,
   chooses thereafter to live a life of continence; a third chooses to
   practise continence though he is married. And although of these three
   conditions one may be found better than another, we cannot say that any
   one of the three persons is wishing what he ought not: the same is true
   of the desire for children as the fruit of marriage, and for life and
   health to be enjoyed by the children who have been received,--of which
   desires the latter is one with which widows remaining unmarried are for
   the most part occupied; for although, refusing a second marriage, they
   do not now wish to have children, they wish that the children that they
   have may live in health. From all such care those who preserve their
   virginity intact are free. Nevertheless, all have some dear to them
   whose temporal welfare they do without impropriety desire. But when men
   have obtained this health for themselves, and for those whom they love,
   are we at liberty to say that they are now happy? They have, it is
   true, something which it is quite becoming to desire; but if they have
   not other things which are greater, better, and more full both of
   utility and beauty, they are still far short of possessing a happy
   life.

   Chap. VI.

   12. Shall we then say, that in addition to this health of body men may
   desire for themselves and for those dear to them honour and power? By
   all means, if they desire these in order that by obtaining them they
   may promote the interest of those who may be their dependants. If they
   seek these things not for the sake of the things themselves, but for
   some good thing which may through this means be accomplished, the wish
   is a proper one; but if it be merely for the empty gratification of
   pride, and arrogance, and for a superfluous and pernicious triumph of
   vanity, the wish is improper. Wherefore, men do nothing wrong in
   desiring for themselves and for their kindred the competent portion of
   necessary things, of which the apostle speaks when he says: "Godliness
   with a competency [contentment in English version] is great gain; for
   we brought nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry
   nothing out: and having food and raiment, let us be therewith content.
   But they that will be rich fall into temptation, and a snare, and into
   many foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men in destruction and
   perdition; for the love of money is the root of all evil, which while
   some coveted after, they have erred from the faith, and pierced
   themselves through with many sorrows." [2450] This competent portion he
   desires without impropriety who desires it and nothing beyond it; for
   if his desires go beyond it, he is not desiring it, and therefore his
   desire is improper. This was desired, and was prayed for by him who
   said: "Give me neither poverty nor riches: feed me with food convenient
   for me: lest I be full, and deny Thee, and say, Who is the Lord? or
   lest I be poor, and steal, and take the name of my God in vain." [2451]
   You see assuredly that this competency is desired not for its own sake,
   but to secure the health of the body, and such provision of house and
   clothing as is befitting the man's circumstances, that he may appear as
   he ought to do among those amongst whom he has to live, so as to retain
   their respect and discharge the duties of his position.

   13. Among all these things, our own welfare and the benefits which
   friendship bids us ask for others are things to be desired on their own
   account; but a competency of the necessaries of life is usually sought,
   if it be sought in the proper way, not on its own account, but for the
   sake of the two higher benefits. Welfare consists in the possession of
   life itself, and health and soundness of mind and body. The claims of
   friendship, moreover, are not to be confined within too narrow range,
   for it embraces all to whom love and kindly affection are due, although
   the heart goes out to some of these more freely, to others more
   cautiously; yea, it even extends to our enemies, for whom also we are
   commanded to pray. There is accordingly no one in the whole human
   family to whom kindly affection is not due by reason of the bond of a
   common humanity, although it may not be due on the ground of reciprocal
   love;

   Chap. VII.--but in those by whom we are requited with a holy and pure
   love, we find great and reasonable pleasure.

   For these things, therefore, it becomes us to pray: if we have them,
   that we may keep them; if we have them not, that we may get them.

   14. Is this all? Are these the benefits in which exclusively the happy
   life is found? Or does truth teach us that something else is to be
   preferred to them all? We know that both the competency of things
   necessary, and the well-being of ourselves and of our friends, so long
   as these concern this present world alone, are to be cast aside as
   dross in comparison with the obtaining of eternal life; for although
   the body may be in health, the mind cannot be regarded as sound which
   does not prefer eternal to temporal things; yea, the life which we live
   in time is wasted, if it be not spent in obtaining that by which we may
   be worthy of eternal life. Therefore all things which are the objects
   of useful and becoming desire are unquestionably to be viewed with
   reference to that one life which is lived with God, and is derived from
   Him. In so doing, we love ourselves if we love God; and we truly love
   our neighbours as ourselves, according to the second great commandment,
   if, so far as is in our power, we persuade them to a similar love of
   God. We love God, therefore, for what He is in Himself, and ourselves
   and our neighbours for His sake. Even when living thus, let us not
   think that we are securely established in that happy life, as if there
   was nothing more for which we should still pray. For how could we be
   said to live a happy life now, while that which alone is the object of
   a well-directed life is still wanting to us?

   Chap. VIII.

   15. Why, then, are our desires scattered over many things, and why,
   through fear of not praying as we ought, do we ask what we should pray
   for, and not rather say with the Psalmist: "One thing have I desired of
   the Lord, that will I seek after: that I may dwell in the house of the
   Lord all the days of my life, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to
   inquire in His temple"? [2452] For in the house of the Lord "all the
   days of life" are not days distinguished by their successively coming
   and passing away: the beginning of one day is not the end of another;
   but they are all alike unending in that place where the life which is
   made up of them has itself no end. In order to our obtaining this true
   blessed life, He who is Himself the True Blessed Life has taught us to
   pray, not with much speaking, as if our being heard depended upon the
   fluency with which we express ourselves, seeing that we are praying to
   One who, as the Lord tells us, "knoweth what things we have need of
   before we ask Him." [2453] Whence it may seem surprising that, although
   He has forbidden "much speaking," He who knoweth before we ask Him what
   things we need has nevertheless given us exhortation to prayer in such
   words as these: "Men ought always to pray and not to faint;" setting
   before us the case of a widow, who, desiring to have justice done to
   her against her adversary, did by her persevering entreaties persuade
   an unjust judge to listen to her, not moved by a regard either to
   justice or to mercy, but overcome by her wearisome importunity; in
   order that we might be admonished how much more certainly the Lord God,
   who is merciful and just, gives ear to us praying continually to Him,
   when this widow, by her unremitting supplication, prevailed over the
   indifference of an unjust and wicked judge, and how willingly and
   benignantly He fulfils the good desires of those whom He knows to have
   forgiven others their trespasses, when this suppliant, though seeking
   vengeance upon her adversary, obtained her desire. [2454] A similar
   lesson the Lord gives in the parable of the man to whom a friend in his
   journey had come, and who, having nothing to set before him, desired to
   borrow from another friend three loaves (in which, perhaps, there is a
   figure of the Trinity of persons of one substance), and finding him
   already along with his household asleep, succeeded by very urgent and
   importunate entreaties in rousing him up, so that he gave him as many
   as he needed, being moved rather by a wish to avoid further annoyance
   than by benevolent thoughts: from which the Lord would have us
   understand that, if even one who was asleep is constrained to give,
   even in spite of himself, after being disturbed in his sleep by the
   person who asks of him, how much more kindly will He give who never
   sleeps, and who rouses us from sleep that we may ask from Him. [2455]

   16. With the same design He added: "Ask, and ye shall receive; seek,
   and ye shall find; knock, and it shall be opened unto you: for every
   one that asketh receiveth; and he that seeketh findeth; and to him that
   knocketh it shall be opened. If a son shall ask bread of any of you
   that is a father, will he give him a stone? or if he ask a fish, will
   he for a fish give him a serpent? or if he shall ask an egg, will he
   offer him a scorpion? If ye then, being evil, know how to give good
   gifts unto your children, how much more shall your heavenly Father give
   good things to them that ask Him?" [2456] We have here what corresponds
   to those three things which the apostle commends: faith is signified by
   the fish, either on account of the element of water used in baptism, or
   because it remains unharmed amid the tempestuous waves of this
   world,--contrasted with which is the serpent, that with poisonous
   deceit persuaded man to disbelieve God; hope is signified by the egg,
   because the life of the young bird is not yet in it, but is to be--is
   not seen, but hoped for, because "hope which is seen is not hope,"
   [2457] --contrasted with which is the scorpion, for the man who hopes
   for eternal life forgets the things which are behind, and reaches forth
   to the things which are before, for to him it is dangerous to look
   back; but the scorpion is to be guarded against on account of what it
   has in its tail, namely, a sharp and venomous sting; charity, is
   signified by bread, for "the greatest of these is charity," and bread
   surpasses all other kinds of food in usefulness,--contrasted with which
   is a stone, because hard hearts refuse to exercise charity. Whether
   this be the meaning of these symbols, or some other more suitable be
   found, it is at least certain that He who knoweth how to give good
   gifts to His children urges us to "ask and seek and knock."

   17. Why this should be done by Him who "before we ask Him knoweth what
   things we have need of," might perplex our minds, if we did not
   understand that the Lord our God requires us to ask not that thereby
   our wish may be intimated to Him, for to Him it cannot be unknown, but
   in order that by prayer there may be exercised in us by supplications
   that desire by which we may receive what He prepares to bestow. His
   gifts are very great, but we are small and straitened in our capacity
   of receiving. Wherefore it is said to us: "Be ye enlarged, not bearing
   the yoke along with unbelievers. [2458] For, in proportion to the
   simplicity of our faith, the firmness of our hope, and the ardour of
   our desire, will we more largely receive of that which is immensely
   great; which "eye hath not seen," for it is not colour; which "the ear
   hath not heard," for it is not sound; and which hath not ascended into
   the heart of man, for the heart of man must ascend to it. [2459]

   Chap. IX.

   18. When we cherish uninterrupted desire along with the exercise of
   faith and hope and charity, we "pray always." But at certain stated
   hours and seasons we also use words in prayer to God, that by these
   signs of things we may admonish ourselves, and may acquaint ourselves
   with the measure of progress which we have made in this desire, and may
   more warmly excite ourselves to obtain an increase of its strength. For
   the effect following upon prayer will be excellent in proportion to the
   fervour of the desire which precedes its utterance. And therefore, what
   else is intended by the words of the apostle: "Pray without ceasing,"
   [2460] than, "Desire without intermission, from Him who alone can give
   it, a happy life, which no life can be but that which is eternal"?
   This, therefore, let us desire continually from the Lord our God; and
   thus let us pray continually. But at certain hours we recall our minds
   from other cares and business, in which desire itself somehow is cooled
   down, to the business of prayer, admonishing ourselves by the words of
   our prayer to fix attention upon that which we desire, lest what had
   begun to lose heat become altogether cold, and be finally extinguished,
   if the flame be not more frequently fanned. Whence, also, when the same
   apostle says, "Let your requests be made known unto God," [2461] this
   is not to be understood as if thereby they become known to God, who
   certainly knew them before they were uttered, but in this sense, that
   they are to be made known to ourselves in the presence of God by
   patient waiting upon Him, not in the presence of men by ostentatious
   worship. Or perhaps that they may be made known also to the angels that
   are in the presence of God, that these beings may in some way present
   them to God, and consult Him concerning them, and may bring to us,
   either manifestly or secretly, that which, hearkening to His
   commandment, they may have learned to be His will, and which must be
   fulfilled by them according to that which they have there learned to be
   their duty; for the angel said to Tobias: [2462] "Now, therefore, when
   thou didst pray, and Sara thy daughter-in-law, I did bring the
   remembrance of your prayers before the Holy One."

   Chap. X.

   19. Wherefore it is neither wrong nor unprofitable to spend much time
   in praying, if there be leisure for this without hindering other good
   and necessary works to which duty calls us, although even in the doing
   of these, as I have said, we ought by cherishing holy desire to pray
   without ceasing. For to spend a long time in prayer is not, as some
   think, the same thing as to pray "with much speaking." Multiplied words
   are one thing, long-continued warmth of desire is another. For even of
   the Lord Himself it is written, that He continued all night in prayer,
   [2463] and that His prayer was more prolonged when He was in an agony;
   [2464] and in this is not an example given to us by Him who is in time
   an Intercessor such as we need, and who is with the Father eternally
   the Hearer of prayer?

   20. The brethren in Egypt are reported to have very frequent prayers,
   but these very brief, and, as it were, sudden and ejaculatory, lest the
   wakeful and aroused attention which is indispensable in prayer should
   by protracted exercises vanish or lose its keenness. And in this they
   themselves show plainly enough, that just as this attention is not to
   be allowed to become exhausted if it cannot continue long, so it is not
   to be suddenly suspended if it is sustained. Far be it from us either
   to use "much speaking" in prayer, or to refrain from prolonged prayer,
   if fervent attention of the soul continue. To use much speaking in
   prayer is to employ a superfluity of words in asking a necessary thing;
   but to prolong prayer is to have the heart throbbing with continued
   pious emotion towards Him to whom we pray. For in most cases prayer
   consists more in groaning than in speaking, in tears rather than in
   words. But He setteth our tears in His sight, and our groaning is not
   hidden from Him who made all things by the word, and does not need
   human words.

   Chap. XI.

   21. To us, therefore, words are necessary, that by them we may be
   assisted in considering and observing what we ask, not as means by
   which we expect that God is to be either informed or moved to
   compliance. When, therefore, we say: "Hallowed be Thy name," we
   admonish ourselves to desire that His name, which is always holy, may
   be also among men esteemed holy, that is to say, not despised; which is
   an advantage not to God, but to men. When we say: "Thy kingdom come,"
   which shall certainly come whether we wish it or not, we do by these
   words stir up our own desires for that kingdom, that it may come to us,
   and that we may be found worthy to reign in it. When we say: "Thy will
   be done on earth as it is in heaven," we pray for ourselves that He
   would give us the grace of obedience, that His will may be done by us
   in the same way as it is done in heavenly places by His angels. When we
   say: "Give us this day our daily bread," the word "this day" signifies
   for the present time, in which we ask either for that competency of
   temporal blessings which I have spoken of before ("bread" being used to
   designate the whole of those blessings, because of its constituting so
   important a part of them), or the sacrament of believers, which is in
   this present time necessary, but necessary in order to obtain the
   felicity not of the present time, but of eternity. When we say:
   "Forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors," we remind ourselves
   both what we should ask, and what we should do in order that we may be
   worthy to receive what we ask. When we say: "Lead us not into
   temptation," we admonish ourselves to seek that we may not, through
   being deprived of God's help, be either ensnared to consent or
   compelled to yield to temptation. When we say: "Deliver us from evil,"
   we admonish ourselves to consider that we are not yet enjoying that
   good estate in which we shall experience no evil. And this petition,
   which stands last in the Lord's Prayer, is so comprehensive that a
   Christian, in whatsoever affliction he be placed, may in using it give
   utterance to his groans and find vent for his tears--may begin with
   this petition, go on with it, and with it conclude his prayer. For it
   was necessary that by the use of these words the things which they
   signify should be kept before our memory.

   Chap. XII.

   22. For whatever other words we may say,--whether the desire of the
   person praying go before the words, and employ them in order to give
   definite form to its requests, or come after them, and concentrate
   attention upon them, that it may increase in fervour,--if we pray
   rightly, and as becomes our wants, we say nothing but what is already
   contained in the Lord's Prayer. And whoever says in prayer anything
   which cannot find its place in that gospel prayer, is praying in a way
   which, if it be not unlawful, is at least not spiritual; and I know not
   how carnal prayers can be lawful, since it becomes those who are born
   again by the Spirit to pray in no other way than spiritually. For
   example, when one prays: "Be Thou glorified among all nations as Thou
   art glorified among us," and "Let Thy prophets be found faithful,"
   [2465] what else does he ask than, "Hallowed be Thy name"? When one
   says: "Turn us again, O Lord God of hosts, cause Thy face to shine, and
   we shall be saved," [2466] what else is he saying than, "Let Thy
   kingdom come"? When one says: "Order my steps in Thy word, and let not
   any iniquity have dominion over me," [2467] what else is he saying
   than, "Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven"? When one says:
   "Give me neither poverty nor riches," [2468] what else is this than,
   "Give us this day our daily bread"? When one says: "Lord, remember
   David, and all his compassion," [2469] or, "O Lord, if I have done
   this, if there be iniquity in my hands, if I have rewarded evil to them
   that did evil to me," [2470] what else is this than, "Forgive us our
   debts as we forgive our debtors"? When one says: "Take away from me the
   lusts of the appetite, and let not sensual desire take hold on me,"
   [2471] what else is this than, "Lead us not into temptation"? When one
   says: "Deliver me from mine enemies, O my God; defend me from them that
   rise up against me," [2472] what else is this than, "Deliver us from
   evil"? And if you go over all the words of holy prayers, you will, I
   believe, find nothing which cannot be comprised and summed up in the
   petitions of the Lord's Prayer. Wherefore, in praying, we are free to
   use different words to any extent, but we must ask the same things; in
   this we have no choice.

   23. These things it is our duty to ask without hesitation for ourselves
   and for our friends, and for strangers--yea, even for enemies; although
   in the heart of the person praying, desire for one and for another may
   arise, differing in nature or in strength according to the more
   immediate or more remote relationship. But he who says in prayer such
   words as, "O Lord, multiply my riches;" or, "Give me as much wealth as
   Thou hast given to this or that man;" or, "Increase my honours, make me
   eminent for power and fame in this world," or something else of this
   sort, and who asks merely from a desire for these things, and not in
   order through them to benefit men agreeably to God's will, I do not
   think that he will find any part of the Lord's Prayer in connection
   with which he could fit in these requests. Wherefore let us be ashamed
   at least to ask these things, if we be not ashamed to desire them. If,
   however, we are ashamed of even desiring them, but feel ourselves
   overcome by the desire, how much better would it be to ask to be freed
   from this plague of desire by Him to whom we say, "Deliver us from
   evil"!

   Chap. XIII.

   24. You have now, if I am not mistaken, an answer to two
   questions,--what kind of person you ought to be if you would pray, and
   what things you should ask in prayer; and the answer has been given not
   by my teaching, but by His who has condescended to teach us all. A
   happy life is to be sought after, and this is to be asked from the Lord
   God. Many different answers have been given by many in discussing
   wherein true happiness consists; but why should we go to many teachers,
   or consider many answers to this question? It has been briefly and
   truly stated in the divine Scriptures, "Blessed is the people whose God
   is the Lord." [2473] That we may be numbered among this people, and
   that we may attain to beholding Him and dwelling for ever with Him,
   "the end of the commandment is, charity out of a pure heart, and of a
   good conscience, and of faith unfeigned." [2474] In the same three,
   hope has been placed instead of a good conscience. Faith, hope, and
   charity, therefore, lead unto God the man who prays, i.e. who believes,
   hopes, and desires, and is guided as to what he should ask from the
   Lord by studying the Lord's Prayer. Fasting, and abstinence from
   gratifying carnal desire in other pleasures without injury to health,
   and especially frequent almsgiving, are a great assistance in prayer;
   so that we may be able to say, "In the day of my trouble I sought the
   Lord, with my hands in the night before Him, and I was not deceived."
   [2475] For how can God, who is a Spirit, and who cannot be touched, be
   sought with hands in any other sense than by good works?

   Chap. XIV.

   25. Perhaps you may still ask why the apostle said, "We know not what
   to pray for as we ought," [2476] for it is wholly incredible that
   either he or those to whom he wrote were ignorant of the Lord's Prayer.
   He could not say this either rashly or falsely; what, then, do we
   suppose to be his reason for the statement? Is it not that vexations
   and troubles in this world are for the most part profitable either to
   heal the swelling of pride, or to prove and exercise patience, for
   which, after such probation and discipline, a greater reward is
   reserved, or to punish and eradicate some sins; but we, not knowing
   what beneficial purpose these may serve, desire to be freed from all
   tribulation? To this ignorance the apostle showed that even he himself
   was not a stranger (unless, perhaps, he did it notwithstanding his
   knowing what to pray for as he ought), when, lest he should be exalted
   above measure by the greatness of the revelations, there was given unto
   him a thorn in the flesh, a messenger of Satan to buffet him; for which
   thing, not knowing surely what he ought to pray for, he besought the
   Lord thrice that it might depart from him. At length he received the
   answer of God, declaring why that which so great a man prayed for was
   denied, and why it was expedient that it should not be done: "My grace
   is sufficient for thee; my strength is made perfect in weakness."
   [2477]

   26. Accordingly, we know not what to pray for as we ought in regard to
   tribulations, which may do us good or harm; and yet, because they are
   hard and painful, and against the natural feelings of our weak nature,
   we pray, with a desire which is common to mankind, that they may be
   removed from us. But we ought to exercise such submission to the will
   of the Lord our God, that if He does not remove those vexations, we do
   not suppose ourselves to be neglected by Him, but rather, in patient
   endurance of evil, hope to be made partakers of greater good, for so
   His strength is perfected in our weakness. God has sometimes in anger
   granted the request of impatient petitioners, as in mercy He denied it
   to the apostle. For we read what the Israelites asked, and in what
   manner they asked and obtained their request; but while their desire
   was granted, their impatience was severely corrected. [2478] Again, He
   gave them, in answer to their request, a king according to their heart,
   as it is written, not according to His own heart. [2479] He granted
   also what the devil asked, namely, that His servant, who was to be
   proved, might be tempted. [2480] He granted also the request of unclean
   spirits, when they besought Him that their legion might be sent into
   the great herd of swine. [2481] These things are written to prevent any
   one from thinking too highly of himself if he has received an answer
   when he was urgently asking anything which it would be more
   advantageous for him not to receive, or to prevent him from being cast
   down and despairing of the divine compassion towards himself if he be
   not heard, when, perchance, he is asking something by the obtaining of
   which he might be more grievously afflicted, or might be by the
   corrupting influences of prosperity wholly destroyed. In regard to such
   things, therefore, we know not what to pray for as we ought.
   Accordingly, if anything is ordered in a way contrary to our prayer, we
   ought, patiently bearing the disappointment, and in everything giving
   thanks to God, to entertain no doubt whatever that it was right that
   the will of God and not our will should be done. For of this the
   Mediator has given us an example, inasmuch as, after He had said,
   "Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me," transforming
   the human will which was in Him through His incarnation, He immediately
   added, "Nevertheless, O Father, not as I will but as Thou wilt." [2482]
   Wherefore, not without reason are many made righteous by the obedience
   of One. [2483]

   27. But whoever desires from the Lord that "one thing," and seeks after
   it, [2484] asks in certainty and in confidence, and has no fear lest
   when obtained it be injurious to him, seeing that, without it, anything
   else which he may have obtained by asking in a right way is of no
   advantage to him. The thing referred to is the one true and only happy
   life, in which, immortal and incorruptible in body and spirit, we may
   contemplate the joy of the Lord for ever. All other things are desired,
   and are without impropriety prayed for, with a view to this one thing.
   For whosoever has it shall have all that he wishes, and cannot possibly
   wish to have anything along with it which would be unbecoming. For in
   it is the fountain of life, which we must now thirst for in prayer so
   long as we live in hope, not yet seeing that which we hope for,
   trusting under the shadow of His wings before whom are all our desires,
   that we may be abundantly satisfied with the fatness of His house, and
   made to drink of the river of His pleasures; because with Him is the
   fountain of life, and in His light we shall see light, [2485] when our
   desire shall be satisfied with good things, and when there shall be
   nothing beyond to be sought after with groaning, but all things shall
   be possessed by us with rejoicing. At the same time, because this
   blessing is nothing else than the "peace which passeth all
   understanding," [2486] even when we are asking it in our prayers, we
   know not what to pray for as we ought. For inasmuch as we cannot
   present it to our minds as it really is, we do not know it, but
   whatever image of it may be presented to our minds we reject, disown,
   and condemn; we know it is not what we are seeking, although we do not
   yet know enough to be able to define what we seek.

   Chap. XV.

   28. There is therefore in us a certain learned ignorance, so to
   speak--an ignorance which we learn from that Spirit of God who helps
   our infirmities. For after the apostle said, "If we hope for that we
   see not, then do we with patience wait for it," he added in the same
   passage, "Likewise the Spirit also helpeth our infirmities: for we know
   not what we should pray for as we ought, but the Spirit itself maketh
   intercession for us, with groanings which cannot be uttered. And He
   that searcheth the hearts knoweth what is in the mind of the Spirit,
   because He maketh intercession for the saints according to the will of
   God." [2487] This is not to be understood as if it meant that the Holy
   Spirit of God, who is in the Trinity, God unchangeable, and is one God
   with the Father and the Son, intercedes for the saints like one who is
   not a divine person; for it is said, "He maketh intercession for the
   saints," because He enables the saints to make intercession, as in
   another place it is said, "The Lord your God proveth you, that He may
   know whether ye love Him," [2488] i.e. that He may make you know. He
   therefore makes the saints intercede with groanings which cannot be
   uttered, when He inspires them with longings for that great blessing,
   as yet unknown, for which we patiently wait. For how is that which is
   desired set forth in language if it be unknown, for if it were utterly
   unknown it would not be desired; and on the other hand, if it were
   seen, it would not be desired nor sought for with groanings?

   Chap. XVI.

   29. Considering all these things, and whatever else the Lord shall have
   made known to you in this matter, which either does not occur to me or
   would take too much time to state here, strive in prayer to overcome
   this world: pray in hope, pray in faith, pray in love, pray earnestly
   and patiently, pray as a widow belonging to Christ. For although prayer
   is, as He has taught, the duty of all His members, i.e. of all who
   believe in Him and are united to His body, a more assiduous attention
   to prayer is found to be specially enjoined in Scripture upon those who
   are widows. Two women of the name of Anna are honourably named
   there,--the one, Elkanah's wife, who was the mother of holy Samuel; the
   other, the widow who recognised the Most Holy One when He was yet a
   babe. The former, though married, prayed with sorrow of mind and
   brokenness of heart because she had no sons; and she obtained Samuel,
   and dedicated him to the Lord, because she vowed to do so when she
   prayed for him. [2489] It is not easy, however, to find to what
   petition of the Lord's Prayer her petition could be referred, unless it
   be to the last, "Deliver us from evil," because it was esteemed to be
   an evil to be married and not to have offspring as the fruit of
   marriage. Observe, however, what is written concerning the other Anna,
   the widow: she "departed not from the temple, but served God with
   fastings and prayers night and day." [2490] In like manner, the apostle
   said in words already quoted, "She that is a widow indeed, and
   desolate, trusteth in God and continueth in supplications and prayers
   night and day;" [2491] and the Lord, when exhorting men to pray always
   and not to faint, made mention of a widow, who, by persevering
   importunity, persuaded a judge to attend to her cause, though he was an
   unjust and wicked man, and one who neither feared God nor regarded man.
   How incumbent it is on widows to go beyond others in devoting time to
   prayer may be plainly enough seen from the fact that from among them
   are taken the examples set forth as an exhortation to all to
   earnestness in prayer.

   30. Now what makes this work specially suitable to widows but their
   bereaved and desolate condition? Whosoever, then, understands that he
   is in this world bereaved and desolate as long as he is a pilgrim
   absent from his Lord, is careful to commit his widowhood, so to speak,
   to his God as his shield in continual and most fervent prayer. Pray,
   therefore, as a widow of Christ, not yet seeing Him whose help you
   implore. And though you are very wealthy, pray as a poor person, for
   you have not yet the true riches of the world to come, in which you
   have no loss to fear. Though you have sons and grandchildren, and a
   large household, still pray, as I said already, as one who is desolate,
   for we have no certainty in regard to all temporal blessings that they
   shall abide for our consolation even to the end of this present life.
   If you seek and relish the things that are above, you desire things
   everlasting and sure; and as long as you do not yet possess them, you
   ought to regard yourself as desolate, even though all your family are
   spared to you, and live as you desire. And if you thus act, assuredly
   your example will be followed by your most devout daughter-in-law,
   [2492] and the other holy widows and virgins that are settled in peace
   under your care; for the more pious the manner in which you order your
   house, the more are you bound to persevere fervently in prayer, not
   engaging yourselves with the affairs of this world further than is
   demanded in the interests of religion.

   31. By all means remember to pray earnestly for me. I would not have
   you yield such deference to the office fraught with perils which I
   bear, as to refrain from giving the assistance which I know myself to
   need. Prayer was made by the household of Christ for Peter and for
   Paul. I rejoice that you are in His household; and I need, incomparably
   more than Peter and Paul did, the help of the prayers of the brethren.
   Emulate each other in prayer with a holy rivalry, with one heart, for
   you wrestle not against each other, but against the devil, who is the
   common enemy of all the saints. "By fasting, by vigils, and all
   mortification of the body, prayer is greatly helped." [2493] Let each
   one do what she can; what one cannot herself do, she does by another
   who can do it, if she loves in another that which personal inability
   alone hinders her from doing; wherefore let her who can do less not
   keep back the one who can do more, and let her who can do more not urge
   unduly her who can do less. For your conscience is responsible to God;
   to each other owe nothing but mutual love. May the Lord, who is able to
   do above what we ask or think, give ear to your prayers. [2494]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2420] Anicia Faltonia Proba, the widow of Sextus Petronius Probus,
   belonged to a Roman family of great wealth and noble lineage. Three of
   her sons held the consulship, two of them together in 395 A.D., and the
   third in 406 A.D. When Rome was taken by Alaric m 410, Proba and her
   family were in the city, and narrowly escaped from violence during the
   six days in which the Goths pillaged the city. About this time one of
   the sons of Proba died, and very soon after this sad event she resolved
   to quit Rome, as the return of Alaric was daily apprehended. Having
   realized her ample fortune, she sailed to Africa, accompanied by her
   daughter-in-law Juliana (the widow of Anicus Hermogenianus Olybrius),
   and the daughter of Juliana Demetrias, the well known religieuse, whose
   taking of the veil in 413 produced so profound an impression throughout
   the ecclesiastical world. A considerable retinue of widows and younger
   women, seeking protection under her escort, accompanied the
   distinguished refugee to Carthage. After paying a large sum to secure
   the protection of Heraclianus, Count of Africa, she was permitted to
   establish herself with her community of pious women in Carthage. Her
   piety led her to seek the friendship and counsel of Augustin. How
   readily it was given is seen here, and in Letters CXXXI., CL., and
   CLXXXVIII.

   [2421] 1 Tim. v. 5.

   [2422] Matt. xix. 21-26.

   [2423] Luke xix. 9.

   [2424] 1 Tim. vi. 17-19.

   [2425] Isa. lvii. 18, 19, in LXX. version.

   [2426] Rom. xii. 15.

   [2427] 1 Cor. iv. 5.

   [2428] 2 Cor. v. 6, 7.

   [2429] 2 Pet. i. 19.

   [2430] Matt. v. 8.

   [2431] 1 John iii. 2.

   [2432] Ps. cxvi. 8.

   [2433] Ps. cxvi. 9. In the LXX., euaresteso; in Aug., "placebo."

   [2434] Col. iii. 3, 4.

   [2435] Ps. lxiii. 1.

   [2436] Ps. xc. 14, 15, version of LXX.

   [2437] 1 Tim. v. 5, 6.

   [2438] Ps. lxii. 10.

   [2439] 1 Cor. xv. 54.

   [2440] Rom. xiii. 14.

   [2441] Eph. v. 39.

   [2442] 1 Tim. v. 23.

   [2443] 1 Cor. ii. 11.

   [2444] 1 Cor. iv. 5.

   [2445] Ps. xxii. 26.

   [2446] Rom. viii. 26.

   [2447] Cicero Hortensius.

   [2448] Epimenides.

   [2449] Titus i. 13.

   [2450] 1 Tim. vi. 6-10.

   [2451] Prov. xxx. 8, 9.

   [2452] Ps. xxvii. 4.

   [2453] Matt. vi. 7, 8.

   [2454] Luke xviii. 1-8.

   [2455] Luke xi. 5-8.

   [2456] Luke xi. 9-13, and Matt. vii. 7-11.

   [2457] Rom. viii. 24.

   [2458] 2 Cor. vi. 13, 14.

   [2459] 1 Cor. ii. 9.

   [2460] 1 Thess. v. 17.

   [2461] Phil. iv. 6.

   [2462] Tobias xii. 12.

   [2463] Luke vi. 12.

   [2464] Luke xxii. 43. English version, "more earnestly."

   [2465] Ecclus. xxxvi. 4, 18.

   [2466] Ps. lxxx. 7, 19.

   [2467] Ps. cxix. 133.

   [2468] Prov. xxx. 8.

   [2469] Ps. cxxxii. 1 (LXX.).

   [2470] Ps. vii. 3, 4.

   [2471] Ecclus. xxiii. 6.

   [2472] Ps. lix. 1.

   [2473] Ps. cxliv. 15.

   [2474] 1 Tim. i. 5.

   [2475] Ps. lxxvii. 2 (LXX.).

   [2476] Rom. viii. 26.

   [2477] 2 Cor. xii. 7-9.

   [2478] Numb. xi.

   [2479] 1 Sam. viii. 6, 7.

   [2480] Job i. 12, ii. 6.

   [2481] Luke viii. 32.

   [2482] Matt. xxvi. 39.

   [2483] Rom. v. 19.

   [2484] Ps. xxvii. 4.

   [2485] Ps. xxxvi. 8-10.

   [2486] Phil. iv. 7.

   [2487] Rom. viii. 25-27.

   [2488] Deut. xii. 3.

   [2489] 1 Sam. i.

   [2490] Luke ii. 36, 37.

   [2491] 1 Tim. v. 5.

   [2492] Juliana, the mother of Demetrias.

   [2493] Tobit xii. 8.

   [2494] Eph. iii. 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXXI.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To His Most Excellent Daughter, the Noble and Deservedly Illustrious
   Lady Proba, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   You speak the truth when you say that the soul, having its abode in a
   corruptible body, is restrained by this measure of contact with the
   earth, and is somehow so bent and crushed by this burden that its
   desires and thoughts go more easily downwards to many things than
   upwards to one. For Holy Scripture says the same: "The corruptible body
   presseth down the soul, and the earthly tabernacle weigheth down the
   mind that museth upon many things." [2495] But our Saviour, who by His
   healing word raised up the woman in the gospel that had been eighteen
   years bowed down [2496] (whose case was, perchance, a figure of
   spiritual infirmity), came for this purpose, that Christians might not
   hear in vain the call, "Lift up your hearts," and might truly reply,
   "We lift them up to the Lord." Looking to this, you do well to regard
   the evils of this world as easy to bear because of the hope of the
   world to come. For thus, by being rightly used, these evils become a
   blessing, because, while they do not increase our desires for this
   world, they exercise our patience; as to which the apostle says, "We
   know that all things work together for good to them that love God:"
   [2497] all things, he saith--not only, therefore, those which are
   desired because pleasant, but also those which are shunned because
   painful; since we receive the former without being carried away by
   them, and bear the latter without being crushed by them, and in all
   give thanks, according to the divine command, to Him of whom we say, "I
   will bless the Lord at all times; His praise shall continually be in my
   mouth," [2498] and, "It is good for me that Thou hast humbled me, that
   I might learn Thy statutes." [2499] The truth is, most noble lady, that
   if the calm of this treacherous prosperity were always smiling upon us,
   the soul of man would never make for the haven of true and certain
   safety. Wherefore, in returning the respectful salutation due to your
   Excellency, and expressing my gratitude for your most pious care for my
   welfare, I ask of the Lord that He may grant to you the rewards of the
   life to come, and consolation in the present life; and I commend myself
   to the love and prayers of all of you in whose hearts Christ dwells by
   faith.

   (In another hand.) May the true and faithful God truly comfort your
   heart and preserve your health, my most excellent daughter and noble
   lady, deservedly illustrious.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2495] Wisd. ix. 15.

   [2496] Luke xiii. 11-13.

   [2497] Rom. viii. 28.

   [2498] Ps. xxxiv. 1.

   [2499] Ps. cxix. 71 (LXX.).
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXXII.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To Volusianus, My Noble Lord and Most Justly Distinguished Son, Bishop
   Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   In my desire for your welfare, both in this world and in Christ, I am
   perhaps not even surpassed by the prayers of your pious mother.
   Wherefore, in reciprocating your salutation with the respect due to
   your worth, I beg to exhort you, as earnestly as I can, not to grudge
   to devote attention to the study of the Writings which are truly and
   unquestionably holy. For they are genuine and solid truth, not winning
   their way to the mind by artificial eloquence, nor giving forth with
   flattering voice a vain and uncertain sound. They deeply interest the
   man who is hungering not for words but for things; and they cause great
   alarm at first in him whom they are to render safe from fear. I exhort
   you especially to read the writings of the apostles, for from them you
   will receive a stimulus to acquaint yourself with the prophets, whose
   testimonies the apostles use. If in your reading or meditation on what
   you have read any question arises to the solution of which I may appear
   necessary, write to me, that I may write in reply. For, with the Lord
   helping me, I may perhaps be more able to serve you in this way than by
   personally conversing with you on such subjects, partly because,
   through the difference in our occupations, it does not happen that you
   have leisure at the same times as I might have it, but especially
   because of the irrepressible intrusion of those who are for the most
   part not adapted to such discussions, and take more pleasure in a war
   of words than in the clear light of knowledge; whereas, whatever is
   written stands always at the service of the reader when he has leisure,
   and there can be nothing burdensome in the society of that which is
   taken up or laid aside at your own pleasure.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXXIII.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To Marcellinus, [2500] My Noble Lord, Justly Distinguished, My Son Very
   Much Beloved, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I have learned that the Circumcelliones and clergy of the Donatist
   faction belonging to the district of Hippo, whom the guardians of
   public order had brought to trial for their deeds, have been examined
   by your Excellency, and that the most of them have confessed their
   share in the violent death which the presbyter Restitutus suffered at
   their hands, and in the beating of Innocentius, another Catholic
   presbyter, as well as in digging out the eye and cutting off the finger
   of the said Innocentius. This news has plunged me into the deepest
   anxiety, lest perchance your Excellency should judge them worthy,
   according to the laws, of punishment not less severe than suffering in
   their own persons the same injuries as they have inflicted on others.
   Wherefore I write this letter to implore you by your faith in Christ,
   and by the mercy of Christ the Lord Himself, by no means to do this or
   permit it to be done. For although we might silently pass over the
   execution of criminals who may be regarded as brought up for trial not
   upon an accusation of ours, but by an indictment presented by those to
   whose vigilance the preservation of the public peace is entrusted, we
   do not wish to have the sufferings of the servants of God avenged by
   the infliction of precisely similar injuries in the way of retaliation.
   Not, of course, that we object to the removal from these wicked men of
   the liberty to perpetrate further crimes; but our desire is rather that
   justice be satisfied without the taking of their lives or the maiming
   of their bodies in any part, and that, by such coercive measures as may
   be in accordance with the laws, they be turned from their insane frenzy
   to the quietness of men in their sound judgment, or compelled to give
   up mischievous violence and betake themselves to some useful labour.
   This is indeed called a penal sentence; but who does not see that when
   a restraint is put upon the boldness of savage violence, and the
   remedies fitted to produce repentance are not withdrawn, this
   discipline should be called a benefit rather than vindictive
   punishment?

   2. Fulfil, Christian judge, the duty of an affectionate father; let
   your indignation against their crimes be tempered by considerations of
   humanity; be not provoked by the atrocity of their sinful deeds to
   gratify the passion of revenge, but rather be moved by the wounds which
   these deeds have inflicted on their own souls to exercise a desire to
   heal them. Do not lose now that fatherly care which you maintained when
   prosecuting the examination, in doing which you extracted the
   confession of such horrid crimes, not by stretching them on the rack,
   not by furrowing their flesh with iron claws, [2501] not by scorching
   them with flames, but by beating them with rods, a mode of correction
   used by schoolmasters, [2502] and by parents themselves in chastising
   children, and often also by bishops in the sentences awarded by them.
   Do not, therefore, now punish with extreme severity the crimes which
   you searched out with lenity. The necessity for harshness is greater in
   the investigation than in the infliction of punishment; for even the
   gentlest men use diligence and stringency in searching out a hidden
   crime, that they may find to whom they may show mercy. Wherefore it is
   generally necessary to use more rigour in making inquisition, so that
   when the crime has been brought to light, there may be scope for
   displaying clemency. For all good works love to be set in the light,
   not in order to obtain glory from men, but, as the Lord saith, "that
   they seeing your good works may glorify your Father who is in heaven."
   [2503] And, for the same reason, the apostle was not satisfied with
   merely exhorting us to practise moderation, but also commands us to
   make it known: "Let your moderation," he says, "be known unto all men;"
   [2504] and in another place, "Showing all meekness unto all men."
   [2505] Hence, also, that most signal forbearance of the holy David,
   when he mercifully spared his enemy when delivered into his hand,
   [2506] would not have been so conspicuous had not his power to act
   otherwise been manifest. Therefore let not the power of executing
   vengeance inspire you with harshness, seeing that the necessity of
   examining the criminals did not make you lay aside your clemency. Do
   not call for the executioner now when the crime has been found out,
   after having forborne from calling in the tormentor when you were
   finding it out.

   3. In fine, you have been sent hither for the benefit of the Church. I
   solemnly declare that what I recommend is expedient in the interests of
   the Catholic Church, or, that I may not seem to pass beyond the
   boundaries of my own charge, I protest that it is for the good of the
   Church belonging to the diocese of Hippo. If you do not hearken to me
   asking this favour as a friend, hearken to me offering this counsel as
   a bishop; although, indeed, it would not be presumption for me to
   say--since I am addressing a Christian, and especially in such a case
   as this--that it becomes you to hearken to me as a bishop commanding
   with authority, my noble and justly distinguished lord and much-loved
   son. I am aware that the principal charge of law cases connected with
   the affairs of the Church has been devolved on your Excellency, but as
   I believe that this particular case belongs to the very illustrious and
   honourable proconsul, I have written a letter [2507] to him also, which
   I beg you not to refuse to give to him, or, if necessary, recommend to
   his attention; and I entreat you both not to resent our intercession,
   or counsel, or anxiety, as officious. And let not the sufferings of
   Catholic servants of God, which ought to be useful in the spiritual
   upbuilding of the weak, be sullied by the retaliation of injuries on
   those who did them wrong, but rather, tempering the rigour of justice,
   let it be your care as sons of the Church to commend both your own
   faith and your Mother's clemency.

   May almighty God enrich your Excellency with all good things, my noble
   and justly distinguished lord and dearly beloved son!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2500] Marcellinus was commissioned by the Emperor Honorius to convene
   a conference of Catholic and Donatist bishops, with a view to the final
   peaceful settlement of their differences. He accordingly summoned both
   parties to a conference, held in the summer of 411, in which he
   pronounced the Catholic party to have completely gained their cause in
   argument. He proceeded to carry out with considerable rigour the laws
   passed for the repression of the Donatist schism, and thus becoming
   obnoxious to that faction, fell at length a victim to their revenge
   when a turn of fortune favoured their plots against his life. The
   honour of a place among the martyrs of the early Church has been
   assigned to him. His character may be learned from Letters CXXXVI.,
   CXXXVIII., CXXXIX., and CXLIII., and particularly from the beautiful
   tribute to his worth given in Letter CLI., in which the circumstances
   of his death are recorded.

   [2501] Compare "ungulis sulcantibus latera." Codex Justin,, ix. 18. 7.

   [2502] Magistris artium liberalium; doubtless the name of Master of
   Arts was originally connected with the office and work of teaching,
   instead of being a mere honorary title.

   [2503] Matt. v. 16.

   [2504] Phil. iv. 5.

   [2505] Titus iii. 2.

   [2506] 1 Sam. xxiv. 7.

   [2507] This letter, No. CXXXIV., is addressed to Apringius, and in
   somewhat similar terms, but at greater length, urges the same request.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXXV.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To Bishop Augustin, My Lord Truly Holy, and Father Justly Revered,
   Volusianus Sends Greeting.

   1. O man who art a pattern of goodness and uprightness, you ask me to
   apply to you for instruction in regard to some of the obscure passages
   which occur in my reading. I accept at your command the favour of this
   kindness, and willingly offer myself to be taught by you, acknowledging
   the authority of the ancient proverb, "We are never too old to learn."
   With good reason the author of this proverb has not restricted by any
   limits or end our pursuit of wisdom; for truth, [2508] secluded in its
   original principles, is never so disclosed to those who approach it as
   to be wholly revealed to their knowledge. It seems to me, therefore, my
   lord truly holy, and father justly revered, worth while to communicate
   to you the substance of a conversation which recently took place among
   us. I was present at a gathering of friends, and a great many opinions
   were brought forward there, such as the disposition and studies of each
   suggested. Our discourse was chiefly, however, on the department of
   rhetoric which treats of proper arrangement. [2509] I speak to one
   familiar with the subject, for you were not long ago a teacher of these
   things. Upon this followed a discussion regarding "invention" in
   rhetoric, its nature, what boldness it requires, how great the labour
   involved in methodical arrangement, what is the charm of metaphors, and
   the beauty of illustrations, and the power of applying epithets
   suitable to the character and nature of the subject in hand. Others
   extolled with partiality the poet's art. This part also of eloquence is
   not left unnoticed or unhonoured by you. We may appropriately apply to
   you that line of the poet: "The ivy is intertwined with the laurels
   which reward your victory." [2510] We spoke, accordingly, of the
   embellishments which skilful arrangement adds to a poem, of the beauty
   of metaphors, and of the sublimity of well-chosen comparisons; then we
   spoke of smooth and flowing versification, and, if I may use the
   expression, the harmonious variation of the pauses in the lines. [2511]
   The conversation turned next to a subject with which you are very
   familiar, namely, that philosophy which you were wont yourself to
   cherish after the manner of Aristotle and Isocrates. We asked what had
   been achieved by the philosopher of the Lyceum, by the varied and
   incessant doubtings of the Academy, by the debater of the Porch, by the
   discoveries of natural philosophers, by the self-indulgence of the
   Epicureans; and what had been the result of their boundless zeal in
   disputation with each other, and how truth was more than ever unknown
   by them after they assumed that its knowledge was attainable.

   2. While our conversation continues on these topics, one of the large
   company says: "Who among us is so thoroughly acquainted with the wisdom
   taught by Christianity as to be able to resolve the doubts by which I
   am entangled, and to give firmness to my hesitating acceptance of its
   teaching by arguments in which truth or probability may claim my
   belief?" We are all dumb with amazement. Then, of his own accord, he
   breaks forth in these words: "I wonder whether the Lord and Ruler of
   the world did indeed fill the womb of a virgin;--did His mother endure
   the protracted fatigues of ten months, and, being yet a virgin, in due
   season bring forth her child, and continue even after that with her
   virginity intact?" To this he adds other statements: "Within the small
   body of a crying infant He is concealed whom the universe scarcely can
   contain; He bears the years of childhood, He grows up, He is
   established in the rigour of manhood; this Governor is so long an exile
   from His own dwelling-place, and the care of the whole world is
   transferred to one body of insignificant dimensions. Moreover, He falls
   asleep, takes food to support Him, is subject to all the sensations of
   mortal men. Nor did the proofs of so great majesty shine forth with
   adequate fulness of evidence; for the casting out of devils, the curing
   of the sick, and the restoration of the dead to life are, if you
   consider others who have wrought these wonders, but small works for God
   to do." We prevent him from continuing such questions, and the meeting
   having broken up, we referred the matter to the valuable decision of
   experience beyond our own, lest, by too rashly intruding into hidden
   things, the error, innocent thus far, should become blameworthy.

   You have heard, O man worthy of all honour, the confession of our
   ignorance; you perceive what is requested at your hands. Your
   reputation is interested in our obtaining an answer to these questions.
   Ignorance may, without harm to religion, be tolerated in other priests;
   but when we come to Bishop Augustin, whatever we find unknown to him is
   no part of the Christian system. May the Supreme God protect your
   venerable Grace, my lord truly holy and justly revered!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2508] We read here "veritas," instead of "virtus."

   [2509] "Partitio," defined thus by Quintilian vii. 1: "Sit igitur
   divisio rerum plurium in singulas--partitio, singularum in partes
   discretas ordo et recta quædam locatio."

   [2510] Virgil, Bucol. Ecl. 8, line 13.

   [2511] Cæsurarum modulata variatio.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXXVI.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To Augustin, My Lord Most Venerable, and Father Singularly Worthy of
   All Possible Service from Me, I, Marcellinus Send Greeting.

   1. The noble Volusianus read to me the letter of your Holiness, and, at
   my urgent solicitation, he read to many more the sentences which had
   won my admiration, for, like everything else coming from your pen, they
   were worthy of admiration. Breathing as it did a humble spirit, and
   rich in the grace of divine eloquence, it succeeded easily in pleasing
   the reader. What especially pleased me was your strenuous effort to
   establish and hold up the steps of one who is somewhat hesitating, by
   counselling him to form a good resolution. For I have every day some
   discussion with the same man, so far as my abilities, or rather my lack
   of talent, may enable me. Moved by the earnest entreaties of his pious
   mother, I am at pains to visit him frequently, and he is so good as to
   return my visits from time to time. But on receiving this letter from
   your venerable Eminence, though he is kept back from firm faith in the
   true God by the influence of a class of persons who abound in this
   city, he was so moved, that, as he himself tells me, he was prevented
   only by the fear of undue prolixity in his letter from unfolding to you
   every possible difficulty in regard to the Christian faith. Some
   things, however, he has very earnestly asked you to explain, expressing
   himself in a polished and accurate style, and with the perspicuity and
   brilliancy of Roman eloquence, such as you will yourself deem worthy of
   approbation. The question which he has submitted to you is indeed worn
   threadbare in controversy, and the craftiness which, from the same
   quarter, assails with reproaches the Lord's incarnation is well known.
   But as I am confident that whatever you write in reply will be of use
   to a very large number, I would approach you with the request, that
   even in this question you would condescend to give a thoroughly guarded
   answer to their false statement that in His works the Lord performed
   nothing beyond what other men have been able to do. They are accustomed
   to bring forward their Apollonius and Apuleius, and other men who
   professed magical arts, whose miracles they maintained to have been
   greater than the Lord's.

   2. The noble Volusianus aforesaid declared also in the presence of a
   number, that there were many other things which might not unreasonably
   be added to the question which he has sent, were it not that, as I have
   already stated, brevity had been specially studied by him in his
   letter. Although, however, he forbore from writing them, he did not
   pass them over in silence. For he is wont to say that, even if a
   reasonable account of the Lord's incarnation were now given to him, it
   would still be very difficult to give a satisfactory reason why this
   God, who is affirmed to be the God also of the Old Testament, is
   pleased with new sacrifices after having rejected the ancient
   sacrifices. For he alleges that nothing could be corrected but that
   which is proved to have been previously not rightly done; or that what
   has once been done rightly ought not to be altered in the very least.
   That which has been rightly done, he said, cannot be changed without
   wrong, especially because the variation might bring upon the Deity the
   reproach of inconstancy. Another objection which he stated was, that
   the Christian doctrine and preaching were in no way consistent with the
   duties and rights of citizens; because, to quote an instance frequently
   alleged, among its precepts we find, "Recompense to no man evil for
   evil," [2512] and, "Whosoever shall smite thee on one cheek, turn to
   him the other also; and if any man take away thy coat, let him have thy
   cloak also; and whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with him
   twain;" [2513] --all which he affirms to be contrary to the duties and
   rights of citizens. For who would submit to have anything taken from
   him by an enemy, or forbear from retaliating the evils of war upon an
   invader who ravaged a Roman province? The other precepts, as your
   Eminence understands, are open to similar objections. Volusianus thinks
   that all these difficulties may be added to the question formerly
   stated, especially because it is manifest (though he is silent on this
   point) that very great calamities have befallen the commonwealth under
   the government of emperors observing, for the most part, the Christian
   religion. [2514]

   3. Wherefore, as your Grace condescends along with me to acknowledge,
   it is important that all these difficulties be met by a full, thorough,
   and luminous reply (since the welcome answer of your Holiness will
   doubtless be put into many hands); especially because, while this
   discussion was going on, a distinguished lord and proprietor in the
   region of Hippo was present, who ironically said some flattering things
   concerning your Holiness, and affirmed that he had been by no means
   satisfied when he inquired into these matters himself.

   I, therefore, not unmindful of your promise, but insisting on its
   fulfilment, beseech you to write, on the questions submitted, treatises
   which will be of incredible service to the Church, especially at the
   present time.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2512] Rom. xii. 17.

   [2513] Matt. v. 39-41.

   [2514] See Gibbon, chap. xv. vol. II. p. 326.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXXVII.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To My Most Excellent Son, the Noble and Justly Distinguished Lord
   Volusianus, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. I have read your letter, containing an abstract of a notable
   conversation given with praiseworthy conciseness. I feel bound to reply
   to it, and to forbear from alleging any excuse for delay; for it
   happens opportunely that I have a short time of leisure from occupation
   with the affairs of other persons. I have also put off in the meantime
   dictating to my amanuensis certain things to which I had purposed to
   devote this leisure, for I think it would be a grievous injustice to
   delay answering questions which I had myself exhorted the questioner to
   propound. For which of us who are administering, as we are able, the
   grace of Christ would wish to see you instructed in Christian doctrine
   only so far as might suffice to secure to yourself salvation--not
   salvation in this present life, which, as the word of God is careful to
   remind us, is but a vapor appearing for a little while and then
   vanishing away, but that salvation in order to the obtaining and
   eternal possession of which we are Christians? It seems to us too
   little that you should receive only so much instruction as suffices to
   your own deliverance. For your gifted mind, and your singularly able
   and lucid power of speaking, ought to be of service to all others
   around you, against whom, whether slowness or perversity be the cause,
   it is necessary to defend in a competent way the dispensation of such
   abounding grace, which small minds in their arrogance despise, boasting
   that they can do very great things, while in fact they can do nothing
   to cure or even to curb their own vices.

   2. You ask: "Whether the Lord and Ruler of the world did indeed fill
   the womb of a virgin? did His mother endure the protracted fatigues of
   ten months, and, being yet a virgin, in due season bring forth her
   child, and continue even after that with her virginity intact? Was He
   whom the universe is supposed to be scarcely able to contain concealed
   within the small body of a crying infant? did He bear the years of
   childhood, and grow up and become established in the rigour of manhood?
   Was this Governor so long an exile from His own dwelling-place, and was
   the care of the whole world transferred to a body of such insignificant
   dimensions? Did He sleep, did He take food as nourishment, and was He
   subject to all the sensations of mortal men?" You go on to say that
   "the proofs of His great majesty do not shine forth with any adequate
   fulness of evidence; for the casting out of devils, the curing of the
   sick, and the restoration of the dead are, if we consider others who
   have performed these wonders, but small works for God to do." [2515]
   This question, you say, was introduced in a certain meeting of friends
   by one of the company, but that the rest of you prevented him from
   bringing forward any further questions, and, breaking up the meeting,
   deferred the consideration of the matter till you should have the
   benefit of experience beyond your own, lest, by too rashly intruding
   into hidden things, the error, innocent thus far, should become
   blame-worthy.

   3. Thereupon you appeal to me, and request me to observe what is
   desired from me after this confession of your ignorance. You add, that
   my reputation is concerned in your obtaining an answer to these
   questions, because, though ignorance is tolerated without injury to
   religion in other priests, when an inquiry is addressed to me, who am a
   bishop, whatever is not known to me must be no part of the Christian
   system.

   I begin, therefore, by requesting you to lay aside the opinion which
   you have too easily formed concerning me, and dismiss those sentiments,
   though they are gratifying evidences of your goodwill, and believe my
   testimony rather than any other's regarding myself, if you reciprocate
   my affection. For such is the depth of the Christian Scriptures, that
   even if I were attempting to study them and nothing else from early
   boyhood to decrepit old age, with the utmost leisure, the most
   unwearied zeal, and talents greater than I have, I would be still daily
   making progress in discovering their treasures; not that there is so
   great difficulty in coming through them to know the things necessary to
   salvation, but when any one has accepted these truths with the faith
   that is indispensable as the foundation of a life of piety and
   uprightness, so many things which are veiled under manifold shadows of
   mystery remain to be inquired into by those who are advancing in the
   study, and so great is the depth of wisdom not only in the words in
   which these have been expressed, but also in the things themselves,
   that the experience of the oldest, the ablest, and the most zealous
   students of Scripture illustrates what Scripture itself has said: "When
   a man hath done, then he beginneth." [2516]

   Chap. II.

   4. But why say more as to this? I must rather address myself to the
   question which you propose. In the first place, I wish you to
   understand that the Christian doctrine does not hold that the Godhead
   was so blended with the human nature in which He was born of the virgin
   that He either relinquished or lost the administration of the universe,
   or transferred it to that body as a small and limited material
   substance. Such an opinion is held only by men who are incapable of
   conceiving of anything but material substances--whether more dense,
   like water and earth, or more subtle, like air and light; but all alike
   distinguished by this condition, that none of them can be in its
   entirety everywhere, because, by reason of its many parts, it cannot
   but have one part here, another there, and however great or small the
   body may be, it must occupy some place, and so fill it that in its
   entirety it is in no one part of the space occupied. And hence it is
   the distinctive property of material bodies that they can be condensed
   and rarefied, contracted and dilated, crushed into small fragments and
   enlarged to great masses. The nature of the soul is very far different
   from that of the body; and how much more different must be the nature
   of God, who is the Creator of both soul and body! God is not said to
   fill the world in the same way as water, air, and even light occupy
   space, so that with a greater or smaller part of Himself He occupies a
   greater or smaller part of the world. He is able to be everywhere
   present in the entirety of His being: He cannot be confined in any
   place: He can come without leaving the place where He was: He can
   depart without forsaking the place to which He had come.

   5. The mind of man wonders at this, and because it cannot comprehend
   it, refuses, perhaps, to believe it. Let it, however, not go on to
   wonder incredulously at the attributes of the Deity without first
   wondering in like manner at the mysteries within itself; [2517] let it,
   if possible, raise itself for a little above the body, and above those
   things which it is accustomed to perceive by the bodily organs, and let
   it contemplate what that is which uses the body as its instrument.
   Perhaps it cannot do this, for it requires, as one has said, great
   power of mind to call the mind aside from the senses, and to lead
   thought away from its wonted track. [2518] Let the mind, then, examine
   the bodily senses in this somewhat unusual manner, and with the utmost
   attention. There are five distinct bodily senses, which cannot exist
   either without the body or without the soul; because perception by the
   senses is possible, on the one hand, only while a man lives, and the
   body receives life from the soul; and on the other hand, only by the
   instrumentality of the body vessels and organs, through which we
   exercise sight, hearing, and the three other senses. Let the reasoning
   soul concentrate attention upon this subject, and consider the senses
   of the body not by these senses themselves, but by its own intelligence
   and reason. A man cannot, of course, perceive by these senses unless he
   lives; but up to the time when soul and body are separated by death, he
   lives in the body. How, then, does his soul, which lives nowhere else
   than in his body, perceive things which are beyond the surface of that
   body? Are not the stars in heaven very remote from his body? and yet
   does he not see the sun yonder? and is not seeing an exercise of the
   bodily senses--nay, is it not the noblest of them all? What, then? Does
   he live in heaven as well as in his body, because he perceives by one
   of his senses what is in heaven, and perception by sense cannot be in a
   place where there is no life of the person perceiving? Or does he
   perceive even where he is not living--because while he lives only in
   his own body, his perceptive sense is active also in those places
   which, outside of his body and remote from it, contain the objects with
   which he is in contact by sight? Do you see how great a mystery there
   is even in a sense so open to our observation as that which we call
   sight? Consider hearing also, and say whether the soul diffuses itself
   in some way abroad beyond the body. For how do we say, "Some one knocks
   at the door," unless we exercise the sense of hearing at the place
   where the knock is sounding? In this case also, therefore, we live
   beyond the limits of our bodies. Or can we perceive by sense in a place
   in which we are not living? But we know that sense cannot be in
   exercise where life is not.

   6. The other three senses are exercised through immediate contact with
   their own organs. Perhaps this may be reasonably disputed in regard to
   the sense of smell; but there is no controversy as to the senses of
   taste and touch, that we perceive nowhere else than by contact with our
   bodily organism the things which we taste and touch. Let these three
   senses, therefore, be set aside from present consideration. The senses
   of sight and hearing present to us a wonderful question, requiring us
   to explain either how the soul can perceive by these senses in a place
   where it does not live, or how it can live in a place where it is not.
   For it is not anywhere but in its own body, and yet it perceives by
   these senses in places beyond that body. For in whatever place the soul
   sees anything, in that place it is exercising the faculty of
   perception, because seeing is an act of perception; and in whatever
   place the soul hears anything, in that place it is exercising the
   faculty of perception, because hearing is an act of perception.
   Wherefore the soul is either living in that place where it sees or
   hears, and consequently is itself in that place, or it exercises
   perception in a place where it is not living, or it is living in a
   place and yet at the same moment is not there. All these things are
   astonishing; not one of them can be stated without seeming absurdity;
   and we are speaking only of senses which are mortal. What, then, is the
   soul itself which is beyond the bodily senses, that is to say, which
   resides in the understanding whereby it considers these mysteries? For
   it is not by means of the senses that it forms a judgment concerning
   the senses themselves. And do we suppose that something incredible is
   told us regarding the omnipotence of God, when it is affirmed that the
   Word of God, by whom all things were made, did so assume a body from
   the Virgin, and manifest Himself with mortal senses, as neither to
   destroy His own immortality, nor to change His eternity, nor to
   diminish His power, nor to relinquish the government of the world, nor
   to withdraw from the bosom of the Father, that is, from the secret
   place where He is with Him and in Him?

   7. Understand the nature of the Word of God, by whom all things were
   made, to be such that you cannot think of any part of the Word as
   passing, and, from being future, becoming past. He remains as He is,
   and He is everywhere in His entirety. He comes when He is manifested,
   and departs when He is concealed. But whether concealed or manifested,
   He is present with us as light is present to the eyes both of the
   seeing and of the blind; but it is felt to be present by the man who
   sees, and absent by him who is blind. In like manner, the sound of the
   voice is near alike to the hearing and to the deaf, but it makes its
   presence known to the former and is hidden from the latter. But what is
   more wonderful than what happens in connection with the sound of our
   voices and our words, a thing, for-sooth, which passes away in a
   moment? For when we speak, there is no place for even the next syllable
   till after the preceding one has ceased to sound; nevertheless, if one
   hearer be present, he hears the whole of what we say, and if two
   hearers be present, both hear the same, and to each of them it is the
   whole; and if a multitude listen in silence, they do not break up the
   sounds like loaves of bread, to be distributed among them individually,
   but all that is uttered is imparted to all and to each in its entirety.
   Consider this, and say if it is not more incredible that the abiding
   word of God should not accomplish in the universe what the passing word
   of man accomplishes in the ears of listeners, namely, that as the word
   of man is present in its entirety to each and all of the hearers, so
   the Word of God should be present in the entirety of His being at the
   same moment everywhere.

   8. There is, therefore, no reason to fear in regard to the small body
   of the Lord in His infancy, lest in it the Godhead should seem to have
   been straitened. For it is not in vast size but in power that God is
   great: He has in His providence given to ants and to bees senses
   superior to those given to asses and camels; He forms the huge
   proportions of the fig-tree [2519] from one of the minutest seeds,
   although many smaller plants spring from much larger seeds; He also has
   furnished the small pupil of the eye with the power which, by one
   glance, sweeps over almost the half of heaven in a moment; He diffuses
   the whole fivefold system of the nerves over the body from one centre
   and point in the brain; He dispenses vital motion throughout the whole
   body from the heart, a member comparatively small; and by these and
   other similar things, He, who in small things is great, mysteriously
   produces that which is great from things which are exceedingly little.
   Such is the greatness of His power that He is conscious of no
   difficulty in that which is difficult. It was this same power which
   originated, not from without, but from within, the conception of a
   child in the Virgin's womb: this same power associated with Himself a
   human soul, and through it also a human body--in short, the whole human
   nature to be elevated by its union with Him--without His being thereby
   lowered in any degree; justly assuming from it the name of humanity,
   while amply giving to it the name of Godhead. The body of the infant
   Jesus was brought forth from the womb of His mother, still a virgin, by
   the same power which afterwards introduced His body when He was a man
   through the closed door into the upper chamber. [2520] Here, if the
   reason of the event is sought out, it will no longer be a miracle; if
   an example of a precisely similar event is demanded, it will no longer
   be unique. [2521] Let us grant that God can do something which we must
   admit to be beyond our comprehension. In such wonders the whole
   explanation of the work is the power of Him by whom it is wrought.

   Chap. III.

   9. The fact that He took rest in sleep, and was nourished by food, and
   experienced all the feelings of humanity, is the evidence to men of the
   reality of that human nature which He assumed but did not destroy.
   Behold, this was the fact; and yet some heretics, by a perverted
   admiration and praise of His power, have refused altogether to
   acknowledge the reality of His human nature, in which is the guarantee
   of all that grace by which He saves those who believe in Him,
   containing deep treasures of wisdom and knowledge, and imparting faith
   to the minds which He raises to the eternal contemplation of
   unchangeable truth. What if the Almighty had created the human nature
   of Christ not by causing Him to be born of a mother, but by some other
   way, and had presented Him suddenly to the eyes of mankind? What if the
   Lord had not passed through the stages of progress from infancy to
   manhood, and had taken neither food nor sleep? Would not this have
   confirmed the erroneous impression above referred to, and have made it
   impossible to believe at all that He had taken to Himself true human
   nature; and, while leaving what was marvellous, would eliminate the
   element of mercy from His actions? But now He has so appeared as the
   Mediator between God and men, that, uniting the two natures in one
   person, He both exalted what was ordinary by what was extraordinary,
   and tempered what was extraordinary by what was ordinary in Himself.

   10. But where in all the varied movements of creation is there any work
   of God which is not wonderful, were it not that through familiarity
   these wonders have become small in our esteem? Nay, how many common
   things are trodden under foot, which, if examined carefully, awaken our
   astonishment! Take, for example, the propertries of seeds: who can
   either comprehend or declare the variety of species, the vitality,
   vigour, and secret power by which they from within small compass evolve
   great things? Now the human body and soul which He took to Himself was
   created without seed by Him who in the natural world created originally
   seeds from no pre-existent seeds. In the body which thus became His, he
   who, without any liability to change in Himself, has woven according to
   His counsel the vicissitudes of all past centuries, became subject to
   the succession of seasons and the ordinary stages of the life of man.
   For His body, as it began to exist at a point of time, became developed
   with the lapse of time. But the Word of God, who was in the beginning,
   and to whom the ages of time owe their existence, did not bow to time
   as bringing round the event of His incarnation apart from His consent,
   but chose the point of time at which He freely took our nature to
   Himself. The human nature was brought into union with the divine; God
   did not withdraw from Himself. [2522]

   11. Some resist upon being furnished with an explanation of the manner
   in which the Godhead was so united with a human soul and body as to
   constitute the one person of Christ, when it was necessary that this
   should be done once in the world's history, with as much boldness as if
   they were themselves able to furnish an explanation of the manner in
   which the soul is so united to the body as to constitute the one person
   of man, an event which is occurring every day. For just as the soul is
   united to the body in one person so as to constitute man, in the same
   way God united to man in one person so as to constitute Christ. In the
   former personality there is a combination of soul and body; in the
   latter there is a combination of the Godhead and man. Let my reader,
   however, guard against borrowing his idea of the combination from the
   properties of material bodies, by which two fluids when combined are so
   mixed that neither preserves its original character; although even
   among material bodies there are exceptions, such as light, which
   sustains no change when combined with the atmosphere. In the person of
   man, therefore, there is a combination of soul and body; in the person
   of Christ there is a combination of the Godhead with man; for when the
   Word of God was united to a soul having a body, He took into union with
   Himself both the soul and the body. The former event takes place daily
   in the beginning of life in individuals of the human race; the latter
   took place once for the salvation of men. And yet of the two events,
   the combination of two immaterial substances ought to be more easily
   believed than a combination in which the one is immaterial and the
   other material. For if the soul is not mistaken in regard to its own
   nature, it understands itself to be immaterial. Much more certainly
   does this attribute belong to the Word of God; and consequently the
   combination of the Word with the human soul is a combination which
   ought to be much more credible than that of soul and body. The latter
   is realized by us in ourselves; the former we are commanded to believe
   to have been realized in Christ. But if both of them were alike foreign
   to our experience, and we were enjoined to believe that both had taken
   place, which of the two would we more readily believe to have occurred?
   Would we not admit that two immaterial substances could be more easily
   combined than one immaterial and one material; unless, perhaps, it be
   unsuitable to use the word combination in connection with these things,
   because of the difference between their nature and that of material
   substances, both in themselves and as known to us?

   12. Wherefore the Word of God, who is also the Son of God, co-eternal
   with the Father, the Power and the Wisdom of God, [2523] mightily
   pervading and harmoniously ordering all things, from the highest limit
   of the intelligent to the lowest limit of the material creation, [2524]
   revealed and concealed, nowhere confined, nowhere divided, nowhere
   distended, but without dimensions, everywhere present in His
   entirety,--this Word of God, I say, took to Himself, in a manner
   entirely different from that in which He is present to other creatures,
   the soul and body of a man, and made, by the union of Himself
   therewith, the one person Jesus Christ, Mediator between God and men,
   [2525] in His Deity equal with the Father, in His flesh, i.e. in His
   human nature, inferior to the Father,--unchangeably immortal in respect
   of the divine nature, in which He is equal with the Father, and yet
   changeable and mortal in respect of the infirmity which was His through
   participation with our nature.

   In this Christ there came to men, at the time which He knew to be most
   fitting, and which He had fixed before the world began, the instruction
   and the help necessary to the obtaining of eternal salvation.
   Instruction came by Him, because those truths which had been, for men's
   advantage, spoken before that time on earth not only by the holy
   prophets, all whose words were true, but also by philosophers and even
   poets and authors in every department of literature (for beyond
   question they mixed much truth with what was false), might by the
   actual presentation of His authority in human nature be confirmed as
   true for the sake of those who could not perceive and distinguish them
   in the light of essential Truth, which Truth was, even before He
   assumed human nature, present to all who were capable of receiving
   truth. Moreover, by the fact of His incarnation, He taught this above
   all other things for our benefit,--that whereas men longing after the
   Divine Being supposed, from pride rather than piety, that they must
   approach Him not directly, but through heavenly powers which they
   regarded as gods, and through various forbidden rites which were holy
   but profane,--in which worship devils succeed, through the bond which
   pride forms between mankind and them in taking the place of holy
   angels,--now men might understand that the God whom they were regarding
   as far removed, and whom they approached not directly but through
   mediating powers, is actually so very near to the pious longings of men
   after Him, that He has condescended to take a human soul and body into
   such union with Himself that this complete man is joined to Him in the
   same way as the body is joined to the soul in man, excepting that
   whereas both body and soul have a common progressive development, He
   does not participate in this growth, because it implies mutability, a
   property which God cannot assume. Again, in this Christ the help
   necessary to salvation was brought to men, for without the grace of
   that faith which is from Him, no one can either subdue vicious desires,
   or be cleansed by pardon from the guilt of any power of sinful desire
   which he may not have wholly vanquished. As to the effects produced by
   His instruction, is there now even an imbecile, however weak, or a
   silly woman, however low, that does not believe in the immortality of
   the soul and the reality of a life after death? Yet these are truths
   which, when Pherecydes [2526] the Assyrian for the first time
   maintained them in discussion among the Greeks of old, moved Pythagoras
   of Samos so deeply by their novelty, as to make him turn from the
   exercises of the athlete to the studies of the philosopher. But now
   what Virgil said we all behold: "The balsam of Assyria grows
   everywhere." [2527] And as to the help given through the grace of
   Christ, in Him truly are the words of the same poet fulfilled: "With
   Thee as our leader, the obliteration of all the traces of our sin which
   remain shall deliver the earth from perpetual alarm." [2528]

   Chap. IV.

   13. "But," they say, "the proofs of so great majesty did not shine
   forth with adequate fulness of evidence; for the casting out of devils,
   the healing of the sick, and the restoration of the dead to life are
   but small works for God to do, if the others who have wrought similar
   wonders be borne in mind." [2529] We ourselves admit that the prophets
   wrought some miracles like those performed by Christ. For among these
   miracles what is more wonderful than the raising of the dead? Yet both
   Elijah and Elisha did this. [2530] As to the miracles of magicians, and
   the question whether they also raised the dead, let those pronounce an
   opinion who strive, not as accusers, but as panegyrists, to prove
   Apuleius guilty of those charges of practising magical arts from which
   he himself takes abundant pains to defend his reputation. We read that
   the magicians of Egypt, the most skilled in these arts, were vanquished
   by Moses, the servant of God, when they were working wonderfully by
   impious enchantments, and he, by simply calling upon God in prayer,
   overthrew all their machinations. [2531] But this Moses himself and all
   the other true prophets prophesied concerning the Lord Christ, and gave
   to Him great glory; they predicted that He would come not as One merely
   equal or superior to them in the same power of working miracles, but as
   One who was truly God the Lord of all, and who became man for the
   benefit of men. He was pleased to do also some miracles, such as they
   had done, to prevent the incongruity of His not doing in person such
   things as He had done by them. Nevertheless, He was to do also some
   things peculiar to Himself, namely, to be born of a virgin, to rise
   from the dead, to ascend to heaven. I know not what greater things he
   can look for who thinks these too little for God to do.

   14. For I think that such signs of divine power are demanded by these
   objectors as were not suitable for Him to do when wearing the nature of
   men. The Word was in the beginning, and the Word was with God, and the
   Word was God, and by Him all things were made. [2532] Now, when the
   Word became flesh, was it necessary for Him to create another world,
   that we might believe Him to be the person by whom the world was made?
   But within this world it would have been impossible to make another
   greater than itself, or equal to it. If, however, He were to make a
   world inferior to that which now exists, this, too, would be considered
   too small a work to prove His deity. Wherefore, since it was not
   necessary that He should make a new world, He made new things in the
   world. For that a man should be born of a virgin, and raised from the
   dead to eternal life, and exalted above the heavens, is perchance a
   work involving a greater exertion of power than the creating of a
   world. Here, probably, objectors may answer that they do not believe
   that these things took place. What, then, can be done for men who
   despise smaller evidences as inadequate, and reject greater evidences
   as incredible? That life has been restored to the dead is believed,
   because it has been accomplished by others, and is too small a work to
   prove him who performs it to be God: that a true body was created in a
   virgin, and being raised from death to eternal life, was taken up to
   heaven, is not believed, because no one else has done this, and it is
   what God alone could do. On this principle every man is to accept with
   equanimity whatever he thinks easy for himself not indeed to do, but to
   conceive, and is to reject as false and fictitious whatever goes beyond
   that limit. I beseech you, do not be like these men.

   15. These topics are elsewhere more amply discussed, and in fundamental
   questions of doctrine every intricate point has been opened up by
   thorough investigation and debate; but faith gives the understanding
   access to these things, unbelief closes the door. What man might not be
   moved to faith in the doctrine of Christ by such a remarkable chain of
   events from the beginning, and by the manner in which the epochs of the
   world are linked together, so that our faith in regard to present
   things is assisted by what happened in the past, and the record of
   earlier and ancient things is attested by later and more recent events?
   One is chosen from among the Chaldeans, a man endowed with most eminent
   piety and faith, that to him may be given divine promises, appointed to
   be fulfilled in the last times of the world, after the lapse of so many
   centuries; and it is foretold that in his seed shall all the nations of
   the earth be blessed. [2533] This man, worshipping the one true God,
   the Creator of the universe, begets in his old age a son, when
   sterility and advanced years had made his wife give up all expectation
   of becoming a mother. The descendants of this son become a very
   numerous tribe, being increased in Egypt, to which place they had been
   removed from the East, by Divine Providence multiplying as time went on
   both the promises given and the works wrought on their behalf. From
   Egypt they come forth a mighty nation, being brought out with terrible
   signs and wonders; and the wicked nations of the promised land being
   driven out from before them, they are brought into it and settled
   there, and exalted to the position of a kingdom. Thereafter, frequently
   provoking by prevailing sin and idolatrous impieties the true God, who
   had bestowed on them so many benefits, and experiencing alternately the
   chastisements of calamity and the consolations of restored prosperity,
   the history of the nation is brought down to the incarnation and the
   manifestation of Christ. Predictions that this Christ, being the Word
   of God, the Son of God, and God Himself, was to become incarnate, to
   die, to rise again, to ascend into heaven, to have multitudes of all
   nations through the power of His name surrendering themselves to Him,
   and that by Him pardon of sins and eternal salvation would be given to
   all who believe in Him,--these predictions, I say, have been published
   by all the promises given to that nation, by all the prophecies, the
   institution of the priesthood, the sacrifices, the temple, and, in
   short, by all their sacred mysteries.

   16. Accordingly Christ comes: in His birth, life, words, deeds,
   sufferings, death, resurrection, ascension, all which the prophets had
   foretold is fulfilled. [2534] He sends the Holy Spirit; fills with this
   Spirit the believers when they are assembled in one house, and
   expecting with prayer and ardent desire this promised gift. Being thus
   filled with the Holy Spirit, they speak immediately in the tongues of
   all nations, they boldly confute errors, they preach the truth that is
   most profitable for mankind, they exhort men to repent of their past
   blameworthy lives, and promise pardon by the free grace of God. Signs
   and miracles suitable for confirmation follow their preaching of piety
   and of the true religion. The cruel enmity of unbelief is stirred up
   against them; they bear predicted trials, they hope for promised
   blessings, and teach that which they had been commanded to make known.
   Few in number at first, they become scattered like seed throughout the
   world; they convert nations with wondrous facility; they grow in number
   in the midst of enemies; they become increased by persecutions; and,
   under the severity of hardships, instead of being straitened, they
   extend their influence to the utmost boundaries of the earth. From
   being very ignorant, despised, and few, they become enlightened,
   distinguished, and numerous, men of illustrious talents and of polished
   eloquence; they also bring under the yoke of Christ, and attract to the
   work of preaching the way of holiness and salvation, the marvellous
   attainments of men remarkable for genius, eloquence, and erudition.
   Amid alternations of adversity and prosperity, they watchfully practise
   patience and self-control; and when the world's day is drawing near its
   close, and the approaching consummation is heralded by the calamities
   which exhaust its energies, they, seeing in this the fulfilment of
   prophecy, only expect with increased. confidence the everlasting
   blessedness of the heavenly city. Moreover, amidst all these changes,
   the unbelief of the heathen nations continues to rage against the
   Church of Christ; she gains the victory by patient endurance, and by
   the maintenance of unshaken faith in the face of the cruelties of her
   adversaries. The sacrifice of Him in whom the truth, long veiled under
   mystic promises, is revealed, having been offered, those sacrifices by
   which it was prefigured are finally abolished by the utter destruction
   of the Jewish temple. The Jewish nation, itself rejected because of
   unbelief, being now rooted out from its own land, is dispersed to every
   region of the world, in order that it may carry everywhere the Holy
   Scriptures, and that in this way our adversaries themselves may bring
   before mankind the testimony furnished by the prophecies concerning
   Christ and His Church, thus precluding the possibility of the
   supposition that these predictions were forged by us to suit the time;
   in which prophecies, also, the unbelief of these very Jews is foretold.
   The temples, images, and impious worship of the heathen divinities are
   overthrown gradually and in succession, according to the prophetic
   intimations. Heresies bud forth against the name of Christ, though
   veiling themselves under His name, as had been foretold, by which the
   doctrine of the holy religion is tested and developed. All these things
   are now seen to be accomplished, in exact fulfilment of the predictions
   which we read in Scripture; and from these important and numerous
   instances of fulfilled prophecy, the fulfilment of the predictions
   which remain is confidently expected. Where, then, is the mind, having
   aspirations after eternity, and moved by the shortness of this present
   life, which can resist the clearness and perfection of these evidences
   of the divine origin of our faith?

   Chap. V.

   17. What discourses or writings of philosophers, what laws of any
   commonwealth in any land or age, are worthy for a moment to be compared
   with the two commandments on which Christ saith that all the law and
   the prophets hang: "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy
   heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and thou shalt
   love thy neighbour as thyself"? [2535] All philosophy is
   here,--physics, ethics, logic: the first, because in God the Creator
   are all the causes of all existences in nature; the second, because a
   good and honest life is not produced in any other way than by loving,
   in the manner in which they should be loved, the proper objects of our
   love, namely, God and our neighbour; and the third, because God alone
   is the Truth and the Light of the rational soul. Here also is security
   for the welfare and renown of a commonwealth; for no state is perfectly
   established and preserved otherwise than on the foundation and by the
   bond of faith and of firm concord, when the highest and truest common
   good, namely, God, is loved by all, and men love each other in Him
   without dissimulation, because they love one another for His sake from
   whom they cannot disguise the real character of their love.

   18. Consider, moreover, the style in which Sacred Scripture is
   composed,--how accessible it is to all men, though its deeper mysteries
   are penetrable to very few. The plain truths which it contains it
   declares in the artless language of familiar friendship to the hearts
   both of the unlearned and of the learned; but even the truths which it
   veils in symbols it does not set forth in stiff and stately sentences,
   which a mind somewhat sluggish and uneducated might shrink from
   approaching, as a poor man shrinks from the presence of the rich; but,
   by the condescension of its style, it invites all not only to be fed
   with the truth which is plain, but also to be exercised by the truth
   which is concealed, having both in its simple and in its obscure
   portions the same truth. Lest what is easily understood should beget
   satiety in the reader, the same truth being in another place more
   obscurely expressed becomes again desired, and, being desired, is
   somehow invested with a new attractiveness, and thus is received with
   pleasure into the heart. By these means wayward minds are corrected,
   weak minds are nourished, and strong minds are filled with pleasure, in
   such a way as is profitable to all. This doctrine has no enemy but the
   man who, being in error, is ignorant of its incomparable usefulness,
   or, being spiritually diseased, is averse to its healing power.

   19. You see what a long letter I have written. If, therefore, anything
   perplexes you, and you regard it of sufficient importance to be
   discussed between us, let not yourself be straitened by keeping within
   the bounds of ordinary letters; for you know as well as any one what
   long letters the ancients wrote when they were treating of any subject
   which they were not able briefly to explain. And even if the custom of
   authors in other departments of literature had been different, the
   authority of Christian writers, whose example has a worthier claim upon
   our imitation, might be set before us. Observe, therefore, the length
   of the apostolic epistles, and of the commentaries written on these
   divine oracles, and do not hesitate either to ask many questions if you
   have many difficulties, or to handle more fully the questions which you
   propound, in order that, in so far as it can be achieved with such
   abilities as we possess, there may remain no cloud of doubt to obscure
   the light of truth.

   20. For I am aware that your Excellency has to encounter the most
   determined opposition from certain persons, who think, or would have
   others think, that Christian doctrine is incompatible with the welfare
   of the commonwealth, because they wish to see the commonwealth
   established not by the stedfast practice of virtue, but by granting
   impunity to vice. But with God the crimes in which many are banded
   together do not pass unavenged, as is often the case with a king, or
   any other magistrate who is only a man. Moreover, His mercy and grace,
   published to men by Christ, who is Himself man, and imparted to man by
   the same Christ, who is also God and the Son of God, never fail those
   who live by faith in Him and piously worship Him, in adversity
   patiently and bravely bearing the trials of this life, in prosperity
   using with self-control and with compassion for others the good things
   of this life; destined to receive, for faithfulness in both conditions,
   an eternal recompense in that divine and heavenly city in which there
   shall be no longer calamity to be painfully endured, nor inordinate
   desire to be with laborious care controlled, where our only work shall
   be to preserve, without any difficulty and with perfect liberty, our
   love to God and to our neighbour.

   May the infinitely compassionate omnipotence of God preserve you in
   safety and increase your happiness, my noble and distinguished Lord,
   and my most excellent son. With profound respect, as is due to your
   worth, I salute your pious and most truly venerable mother, whose
   prayers on your behalf may God hear! My pious brother and fellow
   bishop, Possidius, warmly salutes your Grace.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2515] Letter CXXXV. sec. 2, p. 472.

   [2516] Ecclus. xviii. 6.

   [2517] We follow the reading of nine Mss., mirata, instead of that of
   the text, ingrata.

   [2518] Cicero, Quæst. Tuscul. i.

   [2519] See Pliny. Nat. Hist. Book vii. 2: "In India sub una ficu turmæ
   conduntur equitum." See also Book xii. c. 5.

   [2520] John xx. 26.

   [2521] This sentence having been misunderstood by Bishop Evodius, who
   quotes and comments upon it in Letter CLXI.. Augustin, in replying in
   Letter CLXII., writes a few sentences, which, as the letters then
   exchanged with Evodius have been omitted in this selection, we here
   insert:--"Our sense of wonder is excited when either the reason of a
   thing is hidden from us, or the thing itself is extraordinary, that is,
   either unique or rare. It was in reference to the former cause of
   wonder, namely, the reason of a thing being undiscovered, that, when
   answering those who declare it to be incredible that Christ was born of
   a virgin, and that she remained a virgin notwithstanding, I said in the
   letter which you refer to as read by you, If the reason of this event
   is sought out, it will be no longer a miracle,' for I said this not
   because the event was without a reason, but because the reason of it is
   hidden from those to whom it has pleased God that it should be a
   miracle.... For all the works of God, both ordinary and extraordinary,
   proceed from causes and reasons which are right and faultless. When the
   causes and reasons of any of His operations are hidden from us, we are
   filled with wonder at the event; but when the causes and reasons of
   events are seen by us, we say that they take place in ordinary course
   and in harmony with our experience, and that they are not to be
   wondered at since they occur, because they are only what reason
   required to be done.... As to the latter cause of wonder, namely, that
   an event is unusual, we have an example of this when we read concerning
   the Lord that He marvelled at the faith of the centurion: for the
   reason of no event whatever could be concealed from Him, but His wonder
   has been recorded here for the commendation of one whose equal had not
   appeared among the Jews, and accordingly the Lord's wondering is
   sufficiently explained by His words: I have not found so great faith,
   no, not in Israel' (Luke vii. 9). As to examples of events similar to
   the miraculous birth of Christ, you are wholly mistaken in supposing
   that you have found such in the production of a worm within an apple,
   and other examples which you mention. For instances of a certain degree
   of resemblance, more or less remote, have been with considerable
   ingenuity alleged: but Christ alone was born of a virgin; whence you
   may understand why I said that this was an event without parallel,
   adding in the letter already referred to the words: If an example of a
   precisely similar event is demanded, it will no longer be unique'"
   (Letter CLXII. sec. 6, 7).

   [2522] Homo quippe Deo accessit, non Deus a se recessit.

   [2523] 1 Cor. i. 24.

   [2524] Wisd. viii. 1.

   [2525] 1 Tim. ii. 5.

   [2526] Pherecydes, a native not of Assyria, but of Syros, one of the
   Cyclades, was a disciple of Pittacus of Mitylene, and teacher of
   Pythagoras. He flourished B.C. 544.

   [2527] "Assyrium vulgo nascetur amomum."--Eclogue iv.

   [2528] Ibid.

   [2529] Letter CXXXV. sec. 2, p. 472.

   [2530] 1 Kings xvii. 22; 2 Kings iv. 35.

   [2531] Ex. vii., viii.

   [2532] John i. 1.

   [2533] Gen. xii.

   [2534] Matt. i. 22.

   [2535] Matt. xxii. 37-39.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXXVIII.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To Marcellinus, My Noble and Justly Famous Lord, My Son Most Beloved
   and Longed For, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. In writing to the illustrious and most eloquent Volusianus, whom we
   both sincerely love, I thought it right to confine myself to answering
   the questions which he thought proper himself to state; but as to the
   questions which you have submitted to me in your letter for discussion
   and solution, as suggested or proposed either by Volusianus himself or
   by others, it is fitting that such reply to these as I may be able to
   give should be addressed to you. I shall attempt this, not in the
   manner in which it would require to be done in a formal treatise, but
   in the manner which is suitable to the conversational familiarity of a
   letter, in order that, if you, who know their state of mind by daily
   discussions, think it expedient, this letter also may be read to your
   friends. But if this communication be not adapted to them, because of
   their not being prepared by the piety of faith to give ear to it, let
   what you consider adapted to them be in the first place prepared
   between ourselves, and afterwards let what may have been thus prepared
   be communicated to them. For there are many things from which their
   minds may in the meantime shrink and recoil, which they may perhaps by
   and by be persuaded to accept as true, either by the use of more
   copious and skilful arguments, or by an appeal to authority which, in
   their opinion, may not without impropriety be resisted.

   2. In your letter you state that some are perplexed by the question,
   "Why this God, who is proved to be the God also of the Old Testament,
   is pleased with new sacrifices after having rejected the ancient ones.
   For they allege that nothing can be corrected but that which is proved
   to have been previously not rightly done, or that what has once been
   done rightly ought not to be altered in the very least: that which has
   been rightly done, they say, cannot be changed without wrong." [2536] I
   quote these words from your letter. Were I disposed to give a copious
   reply to this objection, time would fail me long before I had exhausted
   the instances in which the processes of nature itself and the works of
   men undergo changes according to the circumstances of the time, while,
   at the same time, there is nothing mutable in the plan or principle by
   which these changes are regulated. Of these I may mention a few, that,
   stimulated by them, your wakeful observation may run, as it were, from
   them to many more of the same kind. Does not summer follow winter, the
   temperature gradually increasing in warmth? Do not night and day in
   turn succeed each other? How often do our own lives experience changes!
   Boyhood departing, never to return, gives place to youth; manhood,
   destined itself to continue only for a season, takes in turn the place
   of youth; and old age, closing the term of manhood, is itself closed by
   death. [2537] All these things are changed, but the plan of Divine
   Providence which appoints these successive changes is not changed. I
   suppose, also, that the principles of agriculture are not changed when
   the farmer appoints a different work to be done in summer from that
   which he had ordered in winter. He who rises in the morning, after
   resting by night, is not supposed to have changed the plan of his life.
   The schoolmaster gives to the adult different tasks from those which he
   was accustomed to prescribe to the scholar in his boyhoo; his teaching,
   consistent throughout, changes the instruction when the lesson is
   changed, without itself being changed.

   3. The eminent physician of our own times, Vindicianus, being consulted
   by an invalid, prescribed for his disease what seemed to him a suitable
   remedy at that time; health was restored by its use. Some years
   afterwards, finding himself troubled again with the same disorder, the
   patient supposed that the same remedy should be applied; but its
   application made his illness worse. In astonishment, he again returns
   to the physician, and tells him what had happened; whereupon he, being
   a man of very quick penetration, answered: "The reason of your having
   been harmed by this application is, that I did not order it;" upon
   which all who heard the remark and did not know the man supposed that
   he was trusting not in the art of medicine, but in some forbidden
   supernatural power. When he was afterwards questioned by some who were
   amazed at his words, he explained what they had not understood, namely,
   that he would not have prescribed the same remedy to the patient at the
   age which he had now attained. While, therefore, the principle and
   methods of art remain unchanged, the change which, in accordance with
   them, may be made necessary by the difference of times is very great.

   4. To say then, that what has once been done rightly must in no respect
   whatever be changed, is to affirm what is not true. For if the
   circumstances of time which occasioned anything be changed, true reason
   in almost all cases demands that what had been in the former
   circumstances rightly done, be now so altered that, although they say
   that it is not rightly done if it be changed, truth, on the contrary,
   protests that it is not rightly done unless it be changed; because, at
   both times, it will be rightly done if the difference be regulated
   according to the difference in the times. For just as in the cases of
   different persons it may happen that, at the same moment, one man may
   do with impunity what another man may not, because of a difference not
   in the thing done but in the person who does it, so in the case of one
   and the same person at different times, that which was duty formerly is
   not duty now, not because the person is different from his former self,
   but because the time at which he does it is different.

   5. The wide range opened up by this question may be seen by any one who
   is competent and careful to observe the contrast between the beautiful
   and the suitable, examples of which are scattered, we may say,
   throughout the universe. For the beautiful, to which the ugly and
   deformed is opposed, is estimated and praised according to what it is
   in itself. But the suitable, to which the incongruous is opposed,
   depends on something else to which it is bound, and is estimated not
   according to what it is in itself, but according to that with which it
   is connected: the contrast, also, between becoming and unbecoming is
   either the same, or at least regarded as the same. Now apply what we
   have said to the subject in hand. The divine institution of sacrifice
   was suitable in the former dispensation, but is not suitable now. For
   the change suitable to the present age has been enjoined by God, who
   knows infinitely better than man what is fitting for every age, and who
   is, whether He give or add, abolish or curtail, increase or diminish,
   the unchangeable Governor as He is the unchangeable Creator of mutable
   things, ordering all events in His providence until the beauty of the
   completed course of time, the component parts of which are the
   dispensations adapted to each successive age, shall be finished, like
   the grand melody of some ineffably wise master of song, and those pass
   into the eternal immediate contemplation of God who here, though it is
   a time of faith, not of sight, are acceptably worshipping Him.

   6. They are mistaken, moreover, who think that God appoints these
   ordinances for His own advantage or pleasure; and no wonder that, being
   thus mistaken, they are perplexed, as if it was from a changing mood
   that He ordered one thing to be offered to Him in a former age, and
   something else now. But this is not the case. God enjoins nothing for
   His own advantage, but for the benefit of those to whom the injunction
   is given. Therefore He is truly Lord, for He does not need His
   servants, but His servants stand in need of Him. In those same Old
   Testament Scriptures, and in the age in which sacrifices were still
   being offered that are now abrogated, it is said: "I said unto the
   Lord, Thou art my God, for Thou dost not need my good things." [2538]
   Wherefore God did not stand in need of those sacrifices, nor does He
   ever need anything; but there are certain acts, symbolical of these
   divine gifts, whereby the soul receives either present grace or eternal
   glory, in the celebration and practice of which, pious exercises,
   serviceable not to God but to ourselves, are performed.

   7. It would, however, take too long to discuss with adequate fulness
   the differences between the symbolical actions of former and present
   times, which, because of their pertaining to divine things, are called
   sacraments. [2539] For as the man is not fickle who does one thing in
   the morning and another in the evening, one thing this month and
   another in the next, one thing this year and another next year, so
   there is no variableness with God, though in the former period of the
   world's history He enjoined one kind of offerings, and in the latter
   period another, therein ordering the symbolical actions pertaining to
   the blessed doctrine of true religion in harmony with the changes of
   successive epochs without any change in Himself. For in order to let
   those whom these things perplex understand that the change was already
   in the divine counsel, and that, when the new ordinances were
   appointed, it was not because the old had suddenly lost the divine
   approbation through inconstancy in His will, but that this had been
   already fixed and determined by the wisdom of that God to whom, in
   reference to much greater changes, these words are spoken in Scripture:
   Thou shalt change them, and they shall be changed; but Thou art the
   same," [2540] --it is necessary to convince them that this exchange of
   the sacraments of the Old Testament for those of the New had been
   predicted by the voices of the prophets. For thus they will see, if
   they can see anything, that what is new in time is not new in relation
   to Him who has appointed the times, and who possesses, without
   succession of time, all those things which He assigns according to
   their variety to the several ages. For in the psalm from which I have
   quoted above the words: "I said unto the Lord, Thou art my God, for
   Thou dost not need my good things," in proof that God does not need our
   sacrifices, it is added shortly after by the Psalmist in Christ's name:
   "I will not gather their assemblies of blood;" [2541] that is, for the
   offering of animals from their flocks, for which the Jewish assemblies
   were wont to be gathered together; and in another place he says: "I
   will take no bullock out of thy house, nor he-goat from thy folds;"
   [2542] and another prophet says: "Behold, the days come, saith the
   Lord, that I will make a new covenant with the house of Israel, and
   with the house of Judah: not according to the covenant that I made with
   their fathers in the day when I took them by the hand to bring them out
   of the land of Egypt." [2543] There are, besides these, many other
   testimonies on this subject in which it was foretold that God would do
   as He has done; but it would take too long to mention them.

   8. If it is now established that that which was for one age rightly
   ordained may be in another age rightly changed,--the alteration
   indicating a change in the work, not in the plan, of Him who makes the
   change, the plan being framed by His reasoning faculty, to which,
   unconditioned by succession in time, those things are simultaneously
   present which cannot be actually done at the same time because the ages
   succeed each other,--one might perhaps at this point expect to hear
   from me the causes of the change in question. You know how long it
   would take to discuss these fully. The matter may be stated summarily,
   but sufficiently for a man of shrewd judgment, in these words: It was
   fitting that Christ's future coming should be foretold by some
   sacraments, and that after His coming other sacraments should proclaim
   this; just as the difference in the facts has compelled us to change
   the words used by us in speaking of the advent as future or past: to be
   foretold is one thing, to be proclaimed is another, and to be about to
   come is one thing, to have come is another.

   Chap. II.

   9. Let us now observe in the second place, what follows in your letter.
   [2544] You have added that they said that the Christian doctrine and
   preaching were in no way consistent with the duties and rights of
   citizens, because among its precepts we find: "Recompense to no man
   evil for evil," [2545] and, "Whosoever shall smite thee on one cheek,
   turn to him the other also; and if any man take away thy coat, let him
   have thy cloak also; and whosoever will compel thee to go a mile with
   him, go with him twain," [2546] --all which are affirmed to be contrary
   to the duties and rights of citizens; for who would submit to have
   anything taken from him by an enemy, or forbear from retaliating the
   evils of war upon an invader who ravaged a Roman province? To these and
   similar statements of persons speaking slightingly, or perhaps I should
   rather say speaking as inquirers regarding the truth, I might have
   given a more elaborate answer, were it not that the persons with whom
   the discussion is carried on are men of liberal education. In
   addressing such, why should we prolong the debate, and not rather begin
   by inquiring for ourselves how it was possible that the Republic of
   Rome was governed and aggrandized from insignificance and poverty to
   greatness and opulence by men who, when they had suffered wrong, would
   rather pardon than punish the offender; [2547] or how Cicero,
   addressing Cæsar, the greatest statesman of his time, said, in praising
   his character, that he was wont to forget nothing but the wrongs which
   were done to him? [2548] For in this Cicero spoke either praise or
   flattery: if he spoke praise, it was because he knew Cæsar to be such
   as he affirmed; if he spoke flattery, he showed that the chief
   magistrate of a commonwealth ought to do such things as he falsely
   commended in Cæsar. But what is "not rendering evil for evil," but
   refraining from the passion of revenge--in other words, choosing, when
   one has suffered wrong, to pardon rather than to punish the offender,
   and to forget nothing but the wrongs done to us?

   10. When these things are read in their own authors, they are received
   with loud applause; they are regarded as the record and recommendation
   of virtues in the practice of which the Republic deserved to hold sway
   over so many nations, because its citizens preferred to pardon rather
   than punish those who wronged them. But when the precept, "Render to no
   man evil for evil," is read as given by divine authority, and when,
   from the pulpits in our churches, this wholesome counsel is published
   in the midst of our congregations, or, as we might say, in places of
   instruction open to all, of both sexes and of all ages and ranks, our
   religion is accused as an enemy to the Republic! Yet, were our religion
   listened to as it deserves, it would establish, consecrate, strengthen,
   and enlarge the commonwealth in a way beyond all that Romulus, Numa,
   Brutus, and all the other men of renown in Roman history achieved. For
   what is a republic but a commonwealth? Therefore its interests are
   common to all; they are the interests of the State. Now what is a State
   but a multitude of men bound together by some bond of concord? In one
   of their own authors we read: "What was a scattered and unsettled
   multitude had by concord become in a short time a State." But what
   exhortations to concord have they ever appointed to be read in their
   temples? So far from this, they were unhappily compelled to devise how
   they might worship without giving offence to any of their gods, who
   were all at such variance among themselves, that, had their worshippers
   imitated their quarrelling, the State must have fallen to pieces for
   want of the bond of concord, as it soon afterwards began to do through
   civil wars, when the morals of the people were changed and corrupted.

   11. But who, even though he be a stranger to our religion, is so deaf
   as not to know how many precepts enjoining concord, not invented by the
   discussions of men, but written with the authority of God, are
   continually read in the churches of Christ? For this is the tendency
   even of those precepts which they are much more willing to debate than
   to follow: "That to him who smites us on one cheek we should offer the
   other to be smitten; to him who would take away our coat we should give
   our cloak also; and that with him who compels us to go one mile we
   should go twain." For these things are done only that a wicked man may
   be overcome by kindness, or rather that the evil which is in the wicked
   man may be overcome by good, and that the man may be delivered from the
   evil--not from any evil that is external and foreign to himself, but
   from that which is within and is his own, under which he suffers loss
   more severe and fatal than could be inflicted by the cruelty of any
   enemy from without. He, therefore, who is overcoming evil by good,
   submits patiently to the loss of temporal advantages, that he may show
   how those things, through excessive love of which the other is made
   wicked, deserve to be despised when compared with faith and
   righteousness; in order that so the injurious person may learn from him
   whom he wronged what is the true nature of the things for the sake of
   which he committed the wrong, and may be won back with sorrow for his
   sin to that concord, than which nothing is more serviceable to the
   State, being overcome not by the strength of one passionately
   resenting, but by the good-nature of one patiently bearing wrong. For
   then it is rightly done when it seems that it will benefit him for
   whose sake it is done, by producing in him amendment of his ways and
   concord with others. At all events, it is to be done with this
   intention, even though the result may be different from what was
   expected, and the man, with a view to whose correction and conciliation
   this healing and salutary medicine, so to speak, was employed, refuses
   to be corrected and reconciled.

   12. Moreover, if we pay attention to the words of the precept, and
   consider ourselves under bondage to the literal interpretation, the
   right cheek is not to be presented by us if the left has been smitten.
   "Whosoever," it is said, "shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to
   him the other also;" [2549] but the left cheek is more liable to be
   smitten, because it is easier for the right hand of the assailant to
   smite it than the other. But the words are commonly understood as if
   our Lord had said: If any one has acted injuriously to thee in respect
   of the higher possessions which thou hast, offer to him also the
   inferior possessions, lest, being more concerned about revenge than
   about forbearance, thou shouldst despise eternal things in comparison
   with temporal things, whereas temporal things ought to be despised in
   comparison with eternal things, as the left is in comparison with the
   right. This has been always the aim of the holy martyrs; for final
   vengeance is righteously demanded only when there remains no room for
   amendment, namely, in the last great judgment. But meanwhile we must be
   on our guard, lest, through desire for revenge, we lose patience
   itself,--a virtue which is of more value than all which an enemy can,
   in spite of our resistance, take away from us. For another evangelist,
   in recording the same precept, makes no mention of the right cheek, but
   names merely the one and the other; [2550] so that, while the duty may
   be somewhat more distinctly learned from Matthew's gospel, he simply
   commends the same exercise of patience. Wherefore a righteous and pious
   man ought to be prepared to endure with patience injury from those whom
   he desires to make good, so that the number of good men may be
   increased, instead of himself being added, by retaliation of injury, to
   the number of wicked men.

   13. In fine, that these precepts pertain rather to the inward
   disposition of the heart than to the actions which are done in the
   sight of men, requiring us, in the inmost heart, to cherish patience
   along with benevolence, but in the outward action to do that which
   seems most likely to benefit those whose good we ought to seek, is
   manifest from the fact that our Lord Jesus Himself, our perfect example
   of patience, when He was smitten on the face, answered: "If I have
   spoken evil, bear witness of the evil, but if not, why smitest thou
   me?" [2551] If we look only to the words, He did not in this obey His
   own precept, for He did not present the other side of his face to him
   who had smitten Him but, on the contrary, prevented him who had done
   the wrong from adding thereto; and yet He had come prepared not only to
   be smitten on the face, but even to be slain upon the cross for those
   at whose hands He suffered crucifixion, and for whom, when hanging on
   the cross, He prayed, "Father, forgive them, they know not what they
   do!" [2552] In like manner, the Apostle Paul seems to have failed to
   obey the precept of his Lord and Master, when he, being smitten on the
   face as He had been, said to the chief priest: "God shall smite thee,
   thou whited wall, for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and
   commandest me to be smitten contrary to the law?" And when it was said
   by them that stood near, "Revilest thou God's high priest?" he took
   pains sarcastically to indicate what his words meant, that those of
   them who were discerning might understand that now the whited wall,
   i.e. the hypocrisy of the Jewish priesthood, was appointed to be thrown
   down by the coming of Christ; for He said: "I wist not, brethren, that
   he was the high priest, for it is written, Thou shalt not speak evil of
   the ruler of thy people;" [2553] although it is perfectly certain that
   he who had grown up in that nation and had been in that place trained
   in the law, could not but know that his judge was the chief priest, and
   could not, by professing ignorance on this point, impose upon those to
   whom he was so well known.

   14. These precepts concerning patience ought to be always retained in
   the habitual discipline of the heart, and the benevolence which
   prevents the recompensing of evil for evil must be always fully
   cherished in the disposition. At the same time, many things must be
   done in correcting with a certain benevolent severity, even against
   their own wishes, men whose welfare rather than their wishes it is our
   duty to consult and the Christian Scriptures have most unambiguously
   commended this virtue in a magistrate. For in the correction of a son,
   even with some sternness, there is assuredly no diminution of a
   father's love; yet, in the correction, that is done which is received
   with reluctance and pain by one whom it seems necessary to heal by
   pain. And on this principle, if the commonwealth observe the precepts
   of the Christian religion, even its wars themselves will not be carried
   on without the benevolent design that, after the resisting nations have
   been conquered, provision may be more easily made for enjoying in peace
   the mutual bond of piety and justice. For the person from whom is taken
   away the freedom which he abuses in doing wrong is vanquished with
   benefit to himself; since nothing is more truly a misfortune than that
   good fortune of offenders, by which pernicious impunity is maintained,
   and the evil disposition, like an enemy within the man, is
   strengthened. But the perverse and froward hearts of men think human
   affairs are prosperous when men are concerned about magnificent
   mansions, and indifferent to the ruin of souls; when mighty theatres
   are built up, and the foundations of virtue are undermined; when the
   madness of extravagance is highly esteemed, and works of mercy are
   scorned; when, out of the wealth and affluence of rich men, luxurious
   provision is made for actors, and the poor are grudged the necessaries
   of life; when that God who, by the public declarations of His doctrine,
   protests against public vice, is blasphemed by impious communities,
   which demand gods of such character that even those theatrical
   representations which bring disgrace to both body and soul are fitly
   performed in honour of them. If God permit these things to prevail, He
   is in that permission showing more grievous displeasure: if He leave
   these crimes unpunished, such impunity is a more terrible judgment.
   When, on the other hand, He overthrows the props of vice, and reduces
   to poverty those lusts which were nursed by plenty, He afflicts in
   mercy. And in mercy, also, if such a thing were possible, even wars
   might be waged by the good, in order that, by bringing under the yoke
   the unbridled lusts of men, those vices might be abolished which ought,
   under a just government, to be either extirpated or suppressed.

   15. For if the Christian religion condemned wars of every kind, the
   command given in the gospel to soldiers asking counsel as to salvation
   would rather be to cast away their arms, and withdraw themselves wholly
   from military service; whereas the word spoken to such was, "Do
   violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with
   your wages," [2554] --the command to be content with their wages
   manifestly implying no prohibition to continue in the service.
   Wherefore, let those who say that the doctrine of Christ is
   incompatible with the State's well-being, give us an army composed of
   soldiers such as the doctrine of Christ requires them to be; let them
   give us such subjects, such husbands and wives, such parents and
   children, such masters and servants, such kings, such judges--in fine,
   even such taxpayers and tax-gatherers, as the Christian religion has
   taught that men should be, and then let them dare to say that it is
   adverse to the State's well-being; yea, rather, let them no longer
   hesitate to confess that this doctrine, if it were obeyed, would be the
   salvation of the commonwealth.

   Chap. III.

   16. But what am I to answer to the assertion made that many calamities
   have befallen the Roman Empire through some Christian emperors? This
   sweeping accusation is a calumny. For if they would more clearly quote
   some indisputable facts in support of it from the history of past
   emperors, I also could mention similar, perhaps even greater calamities
   in the reigns of other emperors who were not Christians; so that men
   may understand that these were either faults in the men, not in their
   religion, or were due not to the emperors themselves, but to others
   without whom emperors can do nothing. As to the date of the
   commencement of the downfall of the Roman Republic, there is ample
   evidence; their own literature speaks plainly as to this. Long before
   the name of Christ had shone abroad on the earth, this was said of
   Rome: "O venal city, and doomed to perish speedily, if only it could
   find a purchaser!" [2555] In his book on the Catilinarian conspiracy,
   which was before the coming of Christ, the same most illustrious Roman
   historian declares plainly the time when the army of the Roman people
   began to be wanton and drunken; to set a high value on statues,
   paintings, and embossed vases; to take these by violence both from
   individuals and from the State; to rob temples and pollute everything,
   sacred and profane. When, therefore, the avarice and grasping violence
   of the corrupt and abandoned manners of the time spared neither men nor
   those whom they esteemed as gods, the famous honour and safety of the
   commonwealth began to decline. What progress the worst vices made from
   that time forward, and with how great mischief to the interests of
   mankind the wickedness of the Empire went on, it would take too long to
   rehearse. Let them hear their own satirist speaking playfully yet truly
   thus:--

   "Once poor, and therefore chaste, in former times

   Our matrons were; no luxury found room

   In low-roofed houses and bare walls of loam;

   Their hands with labour burdened while 'tis light,

   A frugal sleep supplied the quiet night;

   While, pinched with want, their hunger held them strait,

   When Hannibal was hovering at the gate;

   But wanton now, and lolling at our ease,

   We suffer all the inveterate ills of peace

   And wasteful riot, whose destructive charms

   Revenge the vanquished world of our victorious arms.

   No crime, no lustful postures are unknown,

   Since poverty, our guardian-god, is gone." [2556]

   Why, then, do you expect me to multiply examples of the evils which
   were brought in by wickedness uplifted by prosperity, seeing that among
   themselves, those who observed events with somewhat closer attention
   discerned that Rome had more reason to regret the departure of its
   poverty than of its opulence; because in its poverty the integrity of
   its virtue was secured, but through its opulence, dire corruption, more
   terrible than any invader, had taken violent possession not of the
   walls of the city, but of the mind of the State?

   17. Thanks be unto the Lord our God, who has sent unto us unprecedented
   help in resisting these evils. For whither might not men have been
   carried away by that flood of the appalling wickedness of the human
   race, whom would it have spared, and in what depths would it not have
   engulfed its victims, had not the cross of Christ, resting on such a
   solid rock of authority (so to speak), been planted too high and too
   strong for the flood to sweep it away? so that by laying hold of its
   strength we may become stedfast, and not be carried off our feet and
   overwhelmed in the mighty whirlpool of the evil counsels and evil
   impulses of this world. For when the empire was sinking in the vile
   abyss of utterly depraved manners, and of the effete ancient religion,
   it was signally important that heavenly authority should come to the
   rescue, persuading men to the practice of voluntary poverty,
   continence, benevolence, justice, and concord among themselves, as well
   as true piety towards God, and all the other bright and sterling
   virtues of life,--not only with a view to the spending of this present
   life in the most honourable way, nor only with a view to secure the
   most perfect bond of concord in the earthly commonwealth, but also in
   order to the obtaining of eternal salvation, and a place in the divine
   and celestial republic of a people which shall endure for ever--a
   republic to the citizenship of which faith, hope, and charity admit us;
   so that, while absent from it on our pilgrimage here, we may patiently
   tolerate, if we cannot correct, those who desire, by leaving vices
   unpunished, to give stability to that republic which the early Romans
   founded and enlarged by their virtues, when, though they had not the
   true piety towards the true God which could bring them, by a religion
   of saving power, to the commonwealth which is eternal, they did
   nevertheless observe a certain integrity of its own kind, which might
   suffice for founding, enlarging, and preserving an earthly
   commonwealth. For in the most opulent and illustrious Empire of Rome,
   God has shown how great is the influence of even civil virtues without
   true religion, in order that it might be understood that, when this is
   added to such virtues, men are made citizens of another commonwealth,
   of which the king is Truth, the law is Love, and the duration is
   Eternity.

   Chap. IV.

   18. Who can help feeling that there is something simply ridiculous in
   their attempt to compare with Christ, or rather to put in a higher
   place, Apollonius and Apuleius, and others who were most skilful in
   magical arts? Yet this is to be tolerated with less impatience, because
   they bring into comparison with Him these men rather than their own
   gods; for Apollonius was, as we must admit, a much worthier character
   than that author and perpetrator of innumerable gross acts of
   immorality whom they call Jupiter. "These legends about our gods," they
   reply, "are fables." Why, then, do they go on praising that luxurious,
   licentious, and manifestly profane prosperity of the Republic, which
   invented these infamous crimes of the gods, and not only left them to
   reach the ears of men as fables, but also exhibited them to the eyes of
   men in the theatres; in which, more numerous than their deities were
   the crimes which the gods themselves were well pleased to see openly
   perpetrated in their honour, whereas they should have punished their
   worshippers for even tolerating such spectacles? "But," they reply,
   "those are not the gods themselves whose worship is celebrated
   according to the lying invention of such fables." Who, then, are they
   who are propitiated by the practising in worship of such abominations?
   Because, forsooth, Christianity has exposed the perversity and
   chicanery of those devils, by whose power also magical arts deceive the
   minds of men, and because it has made this patent to the world, and,
   having brought out the distinction between the holy angels and these
   malignant adversaries, has warned men to be on their guard against
   them, showing them also how this may be done,--it is called an enemy to
   the Republic, as if, even though temporal prosperity could be secured
   by their aid, any amount of adversity would not be preferable to the
   prosperity obtained through such means. And yet it pleased God to
   prevent men from being perplexed in this matter; for in the age of the
   comparative darkness of the Old Testament, in which is the covering of
   the New Testament, He distinguished the first nation which worshiped
   the true God and despised false gods by such remarkable prosperity in
   this world, that any one may perceive from their case that prosperity
   is not at the disposal of devils, but only of Him whom angels serve and
   devils fear.

   19. Apuleius (of whom I choose rather to speak, because, as our own
   countryman, he is better known to us Africans), though born in a place
   of some note, [2557] and a man of superior education and great
   eloquence, never succeeded, with all his magical arts, in reaching, I
   do not say the supreme power, but even any subordinate office as a
   magistrate in the Empire. Does it seem probable that he, as a
   philosopher, voluntarily despised these things, who, being the priest
   of a province, was so ambitious of greatness that he gave spectacles of
   gladiatorial combats, provided the dresses worn by those who fought
   with wild beasts in the circus, and, in order to get a statue of
   himself erected in the town of Coea, the birthplace of his wife,
   appealed to law against the opposition made by some of the citizens to
   the proposal, and then, to prevent this from being forgotten by
   posterity, published the speech delivered by him on that occasion? So
   far, therefore, as concerns worldly prosperity, that magician did his
   utmost in order to success; whence it is manifest that he failed not
   because he was not wishful, but because he was not able to do more. At
   the same time we admit that he defended himself with brilliant
   eloquence against some who imputed to him the crime of practising
   magical arts; which makes me wonder at his panegyrists, who, in
   affirming that by these arts he wrought some miracles, attempt to bring
   evidence contradicting his own defence of himself from the charge. Let
   them, however, examine whether, indeed, they are bringing true
   testimony, and he was guilty of pleading what he knew to be false.
   Those who pursue magical arts only with a view to worldly prosperity or
   from an accursed curiosity, and those also who, though innocent of such
   arts, nevertheless praise them with a dangerous admiration, I would
   exhort to give heed, if they be wise, and to observe how, without any
   such arts, the position of a shepherd was exchanged for the dignity of
   the kingly office by David, of whom Scripture has faithfully recorded
   both the sinful and the meritorious actions, in order that we might
   know both how to avoid offending God, and how, when He has been
   offended, His wrath may be appeased.

   20. As to those miracles, however, which are performed in order to
   excite the wonder of men, they do greatly err who compare heathen
   magicians with the holy prophets, who completely eclipse them by the
   fame of their great miracles. How much more do they err if they compare
   them with Christ, of whom the prophets, so incomparably superior to
   magicians of every name, foretold that He would come both in the human
   nature, which he took in being born of the Virgin, and in the divine
   nature, in which He is never separated from the Father!

   I see that I have written a very long letter, and yet have not said all
   concerning Christ which might meet the case either of those who from
   sluggishness of intellect are unable to comprehend divine things, or of
   those who, though endowed with acuteness, are kept back from discerning
   truth through their love of contradiction and the prepossession of
   their minds in favour of long-cherished error. Howbeit, take note of
   anything which influences them against our doctrine, and write to me
   again, so that, if the Lord help us, we may, by letters or by
   treatises, furnish an answer to all their objections. May you, by the
   grace and mercy of the Lord, be happy in Him, my noble and justly
   distinguished lord, my son dearly beloved and longed for!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2536] Letter CXXXVI. sec. 2, p. 473.

   [2537] Augustin's four stages of human life are: Pueritia,
   adolescentia, juventus, senectus.

   [2538] Ps. xvi. 2. hoti ton agathon mou ou chreian echeis, LXX; quoniam
   bonorum meorum non eges, Aug.

   [2539] Observe Augustin's definition of the word sacramentum as used by
   him: "cum ad res divinas pertinent sacramenta appelantur."

   [2540] Ps. cii. 26, 27.

   [2541] Ps. xvi. 3. ou me sunagago tas sunagogas auton ex aimaton, LXX.

   [2542] Ps. l. 9.

   [2543] Jer. xxxi. 32.

   [2544] Letter CXXXVI. sec. 2, p. 473.

   [2545] Rom. xii. 17.

   [2546] Matt. v. 39-41.

   [2547] "Accepta injuria ignoscere quam persequi malebant."--Sallust,
   Catilina, c. 9.

   [2548] "Oblivisci soles nihil nisi injurias."--Cicero, pro Ligario, c.
   12.

   [2549] Matt. v. 39.

   [2550] Luke vi. 29.

   [2551] John xviii. 23.

   [2552] Luke xxiii. 34.

   [2553] Acts xxiii. 3-5.

   [2554] Luke iii. 14.

   [2555] Sallust, Bell. Tugurth.

   [2556] Juvenal, vi. 277-295 (Dryden's translation).

   [2557] Madaura.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXXXIX.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To Marcellinus, My Lord Justly Distinguished, My Son Very Much Beloved
   and Longed for, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. The Acts [2558] which your Excellency promised to send I am eagerly
   expecting, and I am longing to have them read as soon as possible in
   the church at Hippo, and also, if it can be done, in all the churches
   established within the diocese, that all may hear and become thoroughly
   familiar with the men who have confessed their crimes, not because the
   fear of God subdued them to repentance, but because the rigour of their
   judges broke through the hardness of their most cruel hearts,--some of
   them confessing to the murder of one presbyter [Restitutus], and the
   blinding and maiming of another [Innocentius]; others not daring to
   deny that they might have known of these outrages, although they say
   that they disapproved of them, and persisting in the impiety of schism
   in fellowship with such a multitude of atrocious villains, while
   deserting the peace of the Catholic Church on the pretext of
   unwillingness to be polluted by other men's crimes; others declaring
   that they will not forsake the schismatics, even though the certainty
   of Catholic truth and the perversity of the Donatists have been
   demonstrated to them. The work, which it has pleased God to entrust to
   your diligence, is of great importance. My heart's desire is, that many
   similar Donatist cases may be tried and decided by you as these have
   been, and that in this way the crimes and the insane obstinacy of these
   men may be often brought to light; and that the Acts recording these
   proceedings may be published, and brought to the knowledge of all men.

   As to the statement in your Excellency's letter, that you are uncertain
   whether you ought to command the said Acts to be published in
   Theoprepia, [2559] my reply is, Let this be done, if a large multitude
   of hearers can be gathered there; if this be not the case, some other
   place of more general resort must be provided; it must not, however, be
   omitted on any account.

   2. As to the punishment of these men, I beseech you to make it
   something less severe than sentence of death, although they have, by
   their own confession, been guilty of such grievous crimes. I ask this
   out of a regard both for our own consciences and for the testimony
   thereby given to Catholic clemency. For this is the special advantage
   secured to us by their confession, that the Catholic Church has found
   an opportunity of maintaining and exhibiting forbearance towards her
   most violent enemies; since in a case where such cruelty was practised,
   any punishment short of death will be seen by all men to proceed from
   great leniency. And although such treatment appears to some of our
   communion, whose minds are agitated by these atrocities, to be less
   than the crimes deserve, and to have somewhat the aspect of weakness
   and dereliction of duty, nevertheless, when the feelings, which are
   wont to be immoderately excited while such events are recent, have
   subsided after a time, the kindness shown to the guilty will shine with
   most conspicuous brightness, and men will take much more pleasure in
   reading these Acts and showing them to others, my lord justly
   distinguished, and son very much beloved and longed for.

   My holy brother and co-bishop Boniface is on the spot, and I have
   forwarded by the deacon Peregrinus, who travelled along with him, a
   letter of instructions; accept these as representing me. And whatever
   may seem in your joint opinion to be for the Church's interest, let it
   be done with the help of the Lord, who is able in the midst of so great
   evils graciously to succour you. One of their bishops, Macrobius, is at
   present going round in all directions, followed by bands of wretched
   men and women, and has opened for himself the [Donatist] churches which
   fear, however slight, had moved their owners to close for a time. By
   the presence, however, of one whom I have commended and again heartily
   commend to your love, namely, Spondeus, the deputy of the illustrious
   Celer, their presumption was indeed somewhat checked; but now, since
   his departure to Carthage, Macrobius has opened the Donatist churches
   even within his property, and is gathering congregations for worship in
   them. In his company, moreover, is Donatus, a deacon, rebaptized by
   them even when he was a tenant of lands belonging to the Church, who
   was implicated as a ringleader in the outrage [on Innocentius]. When
   this man is his associate, who can tell what kind of followers may be
   in his retinue? If the sentence on these men is to be pronounced by the
   Proconsul, [2560] or by both of you together, and if he perchance
   insist upon inflicting capital punishment, although he is a Christian
   and, so far as we have had opportunity of observing, not disposed to
   such severity--if, I say, his determination make it necessary, order
   those letters of mine, which I deemed it my duty to address to you
   severally on this subject, [2561] to be brought before you while the
   trial is still going on; for I am accustomed to hear that it is in the
   power of the judge to mitigate the sentence, and inflict a milder
   penalty than the law prescribes. If, however, notwithstanding these
   letters from me, he refuse to grant this request, let him at least
   allow that the men be remanded for a time; and we will endeavour to
   obtain this concession from the clemency of the Emperors, so that the
   sufferings of the martyrs, which ought to shed bright glory on the
   Church, may not be tarnished by the blood of their enemies; for I know
   that in the case of the clergy in the valley of Anaunia, [2562] who
   were slain by the Pagans, and are now honoured as martyrs, the Emperor
   granted readily a petition that the murderers, who had been discovered
   and imprisoned, might not be visited with a capital punishment.

   3. As to the books concerning the baptism of infants, of which I had
   sent the original manuscript to your Excellency, I have forgotten for
   what reason I received them again from you; unless, perhaps, it was
   that, after examining them, I found them faulty, and wished to make
   some corrections, which, by reason of extraordinary hindrances, I have
   not yet been able to overtake. I must also confess that the letter
   intended to be addressed to you and added to these books, and which I
   had begun to dictate when I was with you, is still unfinished, little
   having been added to it since that time. If, however, I could set
   before you a statement of the toil which it is absolutely necessary for
   me to devote, both by day and by night, to other duties, you would
   deeply sympathize with me, and would be astonished at the amount of
   business not admitting of delay which distracts my mind and hinders me
   from accomplishing those things to which you urge me in entreaties and
   admonitions, addressed to one most willing to oblige you, and
   inexpressibly grieved that it is beyond his power; for when I obtain a
   little leisure from the urgent necessary business of those men, who so
   press me into their service [2563] that I am neither able to escape
   them nor at liberty to neglect them, there are always subjects to which
   I must, in dictating to my amanuenses, give the first place, because
   they are so connected with the present hour as not to admit of being
   postponed. Of such things one instance was the abridgement of the
   proceedings at our Conference, [2564] a work involving much labour, but
   necessary, because I saw that no one would attempt the perusal of such
   a mass of writing; another was a letter to the Donatist laity [2565]
   concerning the said Conference, a document which I have just completed,
   after labouring at it for several nights; another was the composition
   of two long letters, [2566] one addressed to yourself, my beloved
   friend, the other to the illustrious Volusianus, which I suppose you
   both have received; another is a book, with which I am occupied at
   present, addressed to our friend Honoratus, [2567] in regard to five
   questions proposed by him in a letter to me, and you see that to him I
   was unquestionably in duty bound to send a prompt reply. For love deals
   with her sons as a nurse does with children, devoting her attention to
   them not in the order of the love felt for each, but according to the
   urgency of each case; she gives a preference to the weaker, because she
   desires to impart to them such strength as is possessed by the
   stronger, whom she passes by meanwhile not because of her slighting
   them, but because her mind is at rest in regard to them. Emergencies of
   this kind, compelling me to employ my amanuenses in writing on subjects
   which prevent me from using their pens in work much more congenial to
   the ardent desires of my heart, can never fail to occur, because I have
   difficulty in obtaining even a very little leisure, amidst the
   accumulation of business into which, in spite of my own inclinations, I
   am dragged by other men's wishes or necessities; and what I am to do, I
   really do not know.

   4. You have heard the burdens, for my deliverance from which I wish you
   to join your prayers with mine; but at the same time I do not wish you
   to desist from admonishing me, as you do, with such importunity and
   frequency; your words are not without some effect. I commend at the
   same time to your Excellency a church planted in Numidia, on behalf of
   which, in its present necessities, my holy brother and co-bishop
   Delphinus has been sent by my brethren and co-bishops who share the
   toils and the dangers of their work in that region. I write no more on
   this matter, because you will hear all from his own lips when he comes
   to you. All other necessary particulars you will find in the letters of
   instruction, which are sent by me to the presbyter either now or by the
   deacon Peregrinus, so that I need not again repeat them.

   May your heart be ever strong in Christ, my lord justly distinguished,
   and son very much beloved and longed for!

   I commend to your Excellency our son Ruffinus, the Provost [2568] of
   Cirta.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2558] Gesta--records of judicial procedure.

   [2559] This is supposed to be the name of a Donatist church in
   Carthage.

   [2560] Apringius. See note, p. 471.

   [2561] Letters CXXXIII. and CXXXIV.

   [2562] Anaunia, a valley not far from Trent, destined to be so famous
   for the Council held there. In the month of May, 397 A.D., Martyrius,
   Sisinnius, and Alexander were killed there by the heathen.

   [2563] Angariant. See Matt. v. 41.

   [2564] The Conference presided over by this Marcellinus at Carthage, in
   the preceding year.

   [2565] Letter CXLI.

   [2566] Letters CXXXVII. and CXXXVIII.

   [2567] Letter CXL.

   [2568] Principalis.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXLIII.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To Marcellinus, My Noble Lord, Justly Distinguished, My Son Very Much
   Beloved, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Desiring to reply to the letter which I received from you through
   our holy brother, my co-bishop Boniface, I have sought for it, but have
   not found it. I have recalled to mind, however, that you asked me in
   that letter how the magicians of Pharaoh could, after all the water of
   Egypt had been turned into blood, find any with which to imitate the
   miracle. There are two ways in which the question is commonly answered:
   either that it was possible for water to have been brought from the
   sea, or, which is more credible, that these plagues were not inflicted
   on the district in which the children of Israel were; for the clear,
   express statements to this effect in some parts of that scriptural
   narrative entitle us to assume this in places where the statement is
   omitted.

   2. In your other letter, brought to me by the presbyter Urbanus, a
   question is proposed, taken from a passage not in the Divine
   Scriptures, but in one of my own books, namely, that which I wrote on
   Free Will. On questions of this kind, however, I do not bestow much
   labour; because even if the statement objected to does not admit of
   unanswerable vindication, it is mine only; it is not an utterance of
   that Author whose words it is impiety to reject, even when, through our
   misapprehension of their meaning, the interpretation which we put on
   them deserves to be rejected. I freely confess, accordingly, that I
   endeavour to be one of those who write because they have made some
   progress, and who, by means of writing, make further progress. If,
   therefore, through inadvertence or want of knowledge, anything has been
   stated by me which may with good reason be condemned, not only by
   others who are able to discover this, but also by myself (for if I am
   making progress, I ought, at least after it has been pointed out, to
   see it), such a mistake is not to be regarded with surprise or grief,
   but rather forgiven, and made the occasion of congratulating me, not,
   of course, on having erred, but on having renounced an error. For there
   is an extravagant perversity in the self-love of the man who desires
   other men to be in error, that the fact of his having erred may not be
   discovered. How much better and more profitable is it that in the
   points in which he has erred others should not err, so that he may be
   delivered from his error by their advice, or, if he refuse this, may at
   least have no followers in his error. For, if God permit me, as I
   desire, to gather together and point out, in a work devoted to this
   express purpose, all the things which most justly displease me in my
   books, men will then see how far I am from being a partial judge in my
   own case.

   3. As for you, however, who love me warmly, if, in opposing those by
   whom, whether through malice or ignorance or superior intelligence, I
   am censured, you maintain the position that I have nowhere in my
   writings made a mistake, you labour in a hopeless enterprise--you have
   undertaken a bad cause, in which, even if myself were judge, you must
   be easily worsted; for it is no pleasure to me that my dearest friends
   should think me to be such as I am not, since assuredly they love not
   me, but instead of me another under my name, if they love not what I
   am, but what I am not; for in so far as they know me, or believe what
   is true concerning me, I am loved by them; but in so far as they
   ascribe to me what they do not know to be in me, they love another
   person, such as they suppose me to be. Cicero, the prince of Roman
   orators, says of some one, "He never uttered a word which he would wish
   to recall." This commendation, though it seems to be the highest
   possible, is nevertheless more likely to be true of a consummate fool
   than of a man perfectly wise; for it is true of idiots, [2569] that the
   more absurd and foolish they are, and the more their opinions diverge
   from those universally held, the more likely are they to utter no word
   which they will wish to recall; for to regret an evil, or foolish, or
   ill-timed word is characteristic of a wise man. If, however, the words
   quoted are taken in a good sense, as intended to make us believe that
   some one was such that, by reason of his speaking all things wisely, he
   never uttered any word which he would wish to recall,--this we are, in
   accordance with sound piety, to believe rather concerning men of God,
   who spoke as they were moved by the Holy Ghost, than concerning the man
   whom Cicero commends. For my part, so far am I from this excellence,
   that if I have uttered no word which I would wish to recall, it must be
   because I resemble more the idiot than the wise man. The man whose
   writings are most worthy of the highest authority is he who has uttered
   no word, I do not say which it would be his desire, but which it would
   be his duty to recall. Let him that has not attained to this occupy the
   second rank through his humility, since he cannot take the first rank
   through his wisdom. Since he has been unable, with all his care, to
   exclude every expression whose use may be justly regretted, let him
   acknowledge his regret for anything which, as he may now have
   discovered, ought not to have been said.

   4. Since, therefore, the words spoken by me which I would if I could
   recall, are not, as my very dear friends suppose, few or none, but
   perhaps even more than my enemies imagine, I am not gratified by such
   commendation as Cicero's sentence, "He never uttered a word which he
   would wish to recall," but I am deeply distressed by the saying of
   Horace, "The word once uttered cannot be recalled." [2570] This is the
   reason why I keep beside me, longer than you wish or patiently bear,
   the books which I have written on difficult and important questions on
   the book of Genesis and the doctrine of the Trinity, hoping that, if it
   be impossible to avoid having some things which may deservedly be found
   fault with, the number of these may at least be smaller than it might
   have been, if, through impatient haste, the works had been published
   without due deliberation; for you, as your letters indicate (our holy
   brother and co-bishop Florentius having written me to this effect), are
   urgent for the publication of these works now, in order that they may
   be defended in my own lifetime by myself, when, perhaps, they may begin
   to be assailed in some particulars, either through the cavilling of
   enemies or the misapprehensions of friends. You say this doubtless
   because you think there is nothing in them which might with justice be
   censured, otherwise you would not exhort me to publish the books, but
   rather to revise them more carefully. But I fix my eye rather on those
   who are true judges, sternly impartial, between whom and myself I wish,
   in the first place, to make sure of my ground, so that the only faults
   coming to be censured by them may be those which it was impossible for
   me to observe, though using the most diligent scrutiny.

   5. Notwithstanding what I have just said, I am prepared to defend the
   sentence in the third book of my treatise on Free Will, in which,
   discoursing on the rational substance, I have expressed my opinion in
   these words: "The soul, appointed to occupy a body inferior in nature
   to itself after the entrance of sin, governs its own body, not
   absolutely according to its free will, but only in so far as the laws
   of the universe permit." I bespeak the particular attention of those
   who think that I have here fixed and defined, as ascertained concerning
   the human soul, either that it comes by propagation from the parents,
   or that it has, through sins committed in a higher celestial life,
   incurred the penalty of being shut up in a corruptible body. Let them,
   I say, observe that the words in question have been so carefully
   weighed by me, that while they hold fast what I regard as certain,
   namely, that after the sin of the first man, all other men have been
   born and continue to be born in that sinful flesh, for the healing of
   which "the likeness of sinful flesh" [2571] came in the person of the
   Lord, they are also so chosen as not to pronounce upon any one of those
   four opinions which I have in the sequel expounded and
   distinguished--not attempting to establish any one of them as
   preferable to the others, but disposing in the meantime of the matter
   under discussion, and reserving the consideration of these opinions, so
   that whichever of them may be true, praise should unhesitatingly be
   given to God.

   6. For whether all souls are derived by propagation from the first, or
   are in the case of each individual specially created, or being created
   apart from the body are sent into it, or introduce themselves into it
   of their own accord, without doubt this creature endowed with reason,
   namely, the human soul--appointed to occupy an inferior, that is, an
   earthly body--after the entrance of sin, does not govern its own body
   absolutely according to its free will. [2572] For I did not say, "after
   his sin," or "after he sinned," but after the entrance of sin, that
   whatever might afterwards, if possible, be determined by reason as to
   the question whether the sin was his own or the sin of the first parent
   of mankind, it might be perceived that in saying that "the soul,
   appointed, after the entrance of sin, to occupy an inferior body, does
   not govern its body absolutely according to its own free will," I
   stated what is true; for "the flesh lusteth against the spirit, [2573]
   and in this we groan, being burdened," [2574] and "the corruptible body
   weighs down the soul," [2575] --in short, who can enumerate all the
   evils arising from the infirmity of the flesh, which shall assuredly
   cease when "this corruptible shall have put on incorruption," so that
   "that which is mortal shall be swallowed up of life"? [2576] In that
   future condition, therefore, the soul shall govern its spiritual body
   with absolute freedom of will; but in the meantime its freedom is not
   absolute, but conditioned by the laws of the universe, according to
   which it is fixed, that bodies having experienced birth experience
   death, and having grown to maturity decline in old age. For the soul of
   the first man did, before the entrance of sin, govern his body with
   perfect freedom of will, although that body was not yet spiritual, but
   animal; but after the entrance of sin, that is, after sin had been
   committed in that flesh from which sinful flesh was thenceforward to be
   propagated, the reasonable soul is so appointed to occupy an inferior
   body, that it does not govern its body with absolute freedom of will.
   That infant children, even before they have committed any sin of their
   own, are partakers of sinful flesh, is, in my opinion, proved by their
   requiring to have it healed in them also, by the application in their
   baptism of the remedy provided in Him who came in the likeness of
   sinful flesh. But even those who do not acquiesce in this view have no
   just ground for taking offence at the sentence quoted from my book; for
   it is certain, if I am not mistaken, that even if the infirmity be the
   consequence not of sin, but of nature, it was at all events only after
   the entrance of sin that bodies having this infirmity began to be
   produced; for Adam was not created thus, and he did not beget any
   offspring before he sinned.

   7. Let my critics, therefore, seek other passages to censure, not only
   in my other more hastily published works, but also in these books of
   mine on Free Will. For I by no means deny that they may in this search
   discover opportunities of conferring a benefit on me; for if the books,
   having passed into so many hands, cannot now be corrected, I myself
   may, being still alive. Those words, however, so carefully selected by
   me to avoid committing myself to any one of the four opinions or
   theories regarding the soul's origin, are liable to censure only from
   those who think that my hesitation as to any definite view in a matter
   so obscure is blameworthy; against whom I do not defend myself by
   saying that I think it right to pronounce no opinion whatever on the
   subject, seeing that I have no doubt either that the soul is
   immortal--not in the same sense in which God is immortal, who alone
   hath immortality, [2577] but in a certain way peculiar to itself--or
   that the soul is a creature and not a part of the substance of the
   Creator, or as to any other thing which I regard as most certain
   concerning its nature. But seeing that the obscurity of this most
   mysterious subject, the origin of the soul, compels me to do as I have
   done, let them rather stretch out a friendly hand to me, confessing my
   ignorance, and desiring to know whatever is the truth on the subject;
   and let them, if they can, teach or demonstrate to me what they may
   either have learned by the exercise of sound reason, or have believed
   on indisputably plain testimony of the divine oracles. For if reason be
   found contradicting the authority of Divine Scriptures, it only
   deceives by a semblance of truth, however acute it be, for its
   deductions cannot in that case be true. On the other hand, if, against
   the most manifest and reliable testimony of reason, anything be set up
   claiming to have the authority of the Holy Scriptures, he who does this
   does it through a misapprehension of what he has read, and is setting
   up against the truth not the real meaning of Scripture, which he has
   failed to discover, but an opinion of his own; he alleges not what he
   has found in the Scriptures, but what he has found in himself as their
   interpreter.

   8. Let me give an example, to which I solicit your earnest attention.
   In a passage near the end of Ecclesiastes, where the author is speaking
   of man's dissolution through death separating the soul from the body,
   it is written, "Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was, and
   the spirit shall return unto God who gave it." [2578] A statement
   having the authority on which this one is based is true beyond all
   dispute, and is not intended to deceive any one; yet if any one wishes
   to put upon it such an interpretation as may help him in attempting to
   support the theory of the propagation of souls, according to which all
   other souls are derived from that one which God gave to the first man,
   what is there said concerning the body under the name of "dust" (for
   obviously nothing else than body and soul are to be understood by
   "dust" and "spirit" in this passage) seems to favour his view; for he
   may affirm that the soul is said to return to God because of its being
   derived from the original stock of that soul which God gave to the
   first man, in the same way as the body is said to return to the dust
   because of its being derived from the original stock of that body which
   was made of dust in the first man and therefore may argue that, from
   what we know perfectly as to the body, we ought to believe what is
   hidden from our observation as to the soul; for there is no difference
   of opinion as to the original stock of the body, but there is as to the
   original stock of the soul. In the text thus brought forward as a
   proof, statements are made concerning both, as if the manner of the
   return of each to its original was precisely similar in both,--the
   body, on the one hand, returning to the earth as it was, for thence was
   it taken when the first man was formed; the soul, on the other hand,
   returning to God, for He gave it when He breathed into the nostrils of
   the man whom He had formed the breath of life, and he became a living
   soul, [2579] so that thenceforward the propagation of each part should
   go on from the corresponding part in the parent.

   9. If, however, the true account of the soul's origin be, that God
   gives to each individual man a soul, not propagated from that first
   soul, but created in some other way, the statement that the "spirit
   returns to God who gave it," is equally consistent with this view. The
   two other opinions regarding the soul's origin are, then, the only ones
   which seem to be excluded by this text. For in the first place, as to
   the opinion that every man's soul is made separately within him at the
   time of his creation, it is supposed that, if this were the case, the
   soul should have been spoken of as returning, not to God who gave it,
   but to God who made it; for the word "gave" seems to imply that that
   which could be given had already a separate existence. The words
   "returneth to God" are further insisted upon by some, who say, How
   could it return to a place where it had never been before? Accordingly
   they maintain that, if the soul is to be believed to have never been
   with God before, the words should have been "it goes," or "goes on," or
   "goes away," rather than it "returns" to God. In like manner, as to the
   opinion that each soul glides of its own accord into its body, it is
   not easy to explain how this theory is reconcilable with the statement
   that God gave it. The words of this scriptural passage are consequently
   somewhat adverse to these two opinions, namely, the one which supposes
   each soul to be created in its own body, and the one which supposes
   each soul to introduce itself into its own body spontaneously. But
   there is no difficulty in showing that the words are consistent with
   either of the other two opinions, namely, that all souls are derived by
   propagation from the one first created, or that, having been created
   and kept in readiness with God, they are given to each body as
   required.

   10. Nevertheless, even if the theory that each soul is created in its
   own body may not be wholly excluded by this text,--for if its advocates
   affirm that God is here said to have given the spirit (or the soul) in
   the same way as He is said to have given us eyes, ears, hands, or other
   such members, which were not made elsewhere by Him, and kept in store
   that He might give them, i.e. add and join them to our bodies, but are
   made by Him in that body to which He is said to have given them,--I do
   not see what could be said in reply, unless, perchance, the opinion
   could be refuted, either by other passages of Scripture, or by valid
   reasoning. In like manner, those who think that each soul flows of its
   own accord into its body take the words "God gave it" in the sense in
   which it is said, "He gave them up to uncleanness, through the lusts of
   their own hearts." [2580] Only one word, therefore, remains apparently
   irreconcilable with the theory that each soul is made in its own body,
   namely, the word "returneth," in the expression "returneth to God;" for
   in what sense can the soul return to Him with whom it has not formerly
   been? By this one word alone are the supporters of this one of the four
   opinions embarrassed. And yet I do not think that this opinion ought to
   be held as refuted by this one word, for it may be possible to show
   that in the ordinary style of scriptural language it may be quite
   correct to use the word "return," as signifying the spirit created by
   God returns to Him not because of its having been with Him before its
   union with the body, but because of its having received being from His
   creative power.

   11. I have written these things in order to show that whoever is
   disposed to maintain and vindicate any one of these four theories of
   the soul's origin, must bring forward, either from the Scriptures
   received into ecclesiastical authority, passages which do not admit of
   any other interpretation,--as the statement that God made man,--or
   reasonings founded on premises so obviously true that to call them in
   question would be madness, such as the statement that none but the
   living are capable of knowledge or of error; for a statement like this
   does not require the authority of Scripture to prove its truth, as if
   the common sense of mankind did not of itself announce its truth with
   such transparent cogency of reason, that whoever contradicts it must be
   held to be hopelessly mad. If any one is able to produce such arguments
   in discussing the very obscure question of the soul's origin, let him
   help me in my ignorance; but if he cannot do this, let him forbear from
   blaming my hesitation on the question.

   12. As to the virginity of the Holy Mary, if what I have written on
   this subject does not suffice to prove that it was possible, we must
   refuse to believe every record of anything miraculous having taken
   place in the body of any. If, however, the objection to believing this
   miracle is, that it happened only once, ask the friend who is still
   perplexed by this, whether instances may not be quoted from secular
   literature of events which were, like this one, unique, and which,
   nevertheless, are believed, not merely as fables are believed by the
   simple, but with that faith with which the history of facts is
   received--ask him, I beseech you, this question. For if he says that
   nothing of this kind is to be found in these writings, he ought to have
   such instances pointed out to him; if he admits this, the question is
   decided by his admission.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2569] Quos vulgo moriones vocant.

   [2570] Nescit vox missa reverti.

   [2571] Rom. viii. 3.

   [2572] The text here obscure, we have followed the Mss., which omit the
   words, "interim quod constat peccatum primi hominis."

   [2573] Gal. v. 17.

   [2574] 2 Cor. v. 4.

   [2575] Wisd. ix. 15.

   [2576] 1 Cor. xv. 53.

   [2577] 1 Tim. vi. 16.

   [2578] Eccles. xii. 7.

   [2579] Gen. ii. 7.

   [2580] Rom. i. 24.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXLIV.

   (a.d. 412.)

   To My Honourable and Justly Esteemed Lords, The Inhabitants of Cirta,
   of All Ranks, Brethren Dearly Beloved and Longed For, Bishop Augustin
   Sends Greeting.

   1. If that which greatly distressed me in your town has now been
   removed; if the obduracy of hearts which resisted most evident and, as
   we might call it, notorious truth, has by the force of truth been
   overcome; if the sweetness of peace is relished, and the love which
   tends to unity is the occasion no longer of pain to eyes diseased, but
   of light and vigour to eyes restored to health,--this is God's work,
   not ours; on no account would I ascribe these results to human efforts,
   even had such a remarkable conversion of your whole community taken
   place when I was with you, and in connection with my own preaching and
   exhortations. The operation and the success are His who, by His
   servants, calls men's attention outwardly by the signs of things, and
   Himself teaches men inwardly by the things themselves. The fact,
   however, that whatever praiseworthy change has been wrought among you
   is to be ascribed not to us, but to Him who alone doeth wonderful
   works, [2581] is no reason for our being more reluctant to be persuaded
   to visit you. For we ought to hasten much more readily to see the works
   of God than our own works, for we ourselves also, if we be of service
   in any work, owe this not to men but to Him; wherefore the apostle
   says, "Neither is he that planteth anything, neither he that watereth:
   but God that giveth the increase." [2582]

   2. You allude in your letter to a fact which I also remember from
   classic literature, that by discoursing on the benefits of temperance,
   Xenocrates suddenly converted Polemo from a dissipated to a sober life,
   though this man was not only habitually intemperate, but was actually
   intoxicated at the time. Now although this was, as you have wisely and
   truthfully apprehended, a case not of conversion to God, but of
   emancipation from the thraldom of self-indulgence, I would not ascribe
   even the amount of improvement wrought in him to the work of man, but
   to the work of God. For even in the body, the lowest part of our
   nature, all excellent things, such as beauty, vigour, health, and so
   on, are the work of God, to whom nature owes its creation and
   perfection; how much more certain, therefore, must it be that no other
   can impart excellent properties to the soul! For what imagination of
   human folly could be more full of pride and ingratitude than the notion
   that, although God alone can give comeliness to the body, it belongs to
   man to give purity to the soul? It is written in the book of Christian
   Wisdom, "I perceived that no one can have self-restraint unless God
   give it to him, and that this is a part of true wisdom to know whose
   gift it is." [2583] If, therefore, Polemo, when he exchanged a life of
   dissipation for a life of sobriety, had so understood whence the gift
   came, that, renouncing the superstitions of the heathen, he had
   rendered worship to the Divine Giver, he would then have become not
   only temperate, but truly wise and savingly religious, which would have
   secured to him not merely the practice of virtue in this life, but also
   the possession of immortality in the life to come. How much less, then,
   should I presume to take to myself the honour of your conversion, or of
   that of your people which you have now reported to me, which, when I
   was neither speaking to you nor even present with you, was accomplished
   unquestionably by divine power in all in whom it has really taken
   place. This, therefore, know above all things, meditate on this with
   devout humility. To God, my brethren, to God give thanks. Fear Him,
   that ye may not go backward: love Him, that ye may go forward. [2584]

   3. If, however, love of men still keeps some secretly alienated from
   the flock of Christ, while fear of other men constrains them to a
   feigned reconciliation, I charge all such to consider that before God
   the conscience of man has no covering, and that they can neither impose
   on Him as a Witness, nor escape from Him as a Judge. But if, by reason
   of anxiety as to their own salvation, anything as to the question of
   the unity of Christ's flock perplex them, let them make this demand
   upon themselves,--and it seems to me a most just demand,--that in
   regard to the Catholic Church, i.e. the Church spread abroad over the
   whole world, they believe rather the words of Divine Scripture than the
   calumnies of human tongues. Moreover, with respect to the schism which
   has arisen among men (who assuredly, whatsoever they may be, do not
   frustrate the promises of God to Abraham, "In thy seed shall all the
   nations of the earth be blessed," [2585] --promises believed when
   brought to their ears as a prophecy, but denied, forsooth, when set
   before their eyes as an accomplished fact), let them meanwhile ponder
   this one very brief, but, if I mistake not, unanswerable argument: the
   question out of which the dispute arose either has or has not been
   tried before ecclesiastical tribunals beyond the sea; if it has not
   been tried before these, then no guilt in this matter is chargeable on
   the whole flock of Christ in the nations beyond the sea, in communion
   with which we rejoice, and therefore their separation from these
   guiltless communities is an act of impious schism; if, on the other
   hand, the question has been tried before the tribunal of these
   churches, who does not understand and feel, nay, who does not see, that
   those whose communion is now separated from these churches were the
   party defeated in the trial? Let them therefore choose to whom they
   should prefer to give credence, whether to the ecclesiastical judges
   who decided the question, or to the complaints of the vanquished
   litigants. Observe wisely how impossible it is for them reasonably to
   answer this brief and most intelligible dilemma; nevertheless, it were
   easier to turn Polemo from a life of intemperance, than to drive them
   out of the madness of inveterate error.

   Pardon me, my noble and worthy lords, brethren most dearly beloved and
   longed for, for writing you a letter more prolix than agreeable, but
   fitted, as I think, to benefit rather than to flatter you. As to my
   coming to you, may God fulfil the desire which we both equally cherish!
   For I cannot express in words, but I am sure you will gladly believe,
   with what fervour of love I burn to see you.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2581] Ps. lxxii. 18.

   [2582] 1 Cor. iii. 7.

   [2583] Wisd. viii. 21.

   [2584] Deum timete ne deficiatis, amate ut proficiatis.

   [2585] Gen. xxvi. 4.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXLV.

   (a.d. 412 or 413.)

   To Anastasius, My Holy and Beloved Lord and Brother, Augustin Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. A most satisfactory opportunity of saluting your genuine worth is
   furnished by our brethren Lupicinus and Concordialis, honourable
   servants of God, from whom, even without my writing, you might learn
   all that is going on among us here. But knowing, as I do, how much you
   love us in Christ, because of your knowing how warmly your love is
   reciprocated by us in Him, I was sure that it might have disappointed
   you if you had seen them, and could not but know that they had come
   directly from us, and were most intimately united in friendship with
   us, and yet had received with them no letter from me. Besides this, I
   am owing you a reply, for I am not aware of having written to you since
   I received your last letter; so great are the cares by which I am
   encumbered and distracted, that I know not whether I have written or
   not before now.

   2. We desire eagerly to know how you are, and whether the Lord has
   given you some rest, so far as in this world He can bestow it; for "if
   one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it;" [2586] and so
   it is almost always our experience, that when, in the midst of our
   anxieties, we turn our thoughts to some of our brethren placed in a
   condition of comparative rest, we are in no small measure revived, as
   if in them we ourselves enjoyed a more peaceful and tranquil life. At
   the same time, when vexatious cares are multiplied in this uncertain
   life, they compel us to long for the everlasting rest. For this world
   is more dangerous to us in pleasant than in painful hours, and is to be
   guarded against more when it allures us to love it than when it warns
   and constrains us to despise it. For although "all that is in the
   world" is "the lust of the flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the
   pride of life," [2587] nevertheless, even in the case of men who prefer
   to these the things which are spiritual, unseen, and eternal, the
   sweetness of earthly things insinuates itself into our affections, and
   accompanies our steps on the path of duty with its seductive
   allurements. For the violence with which present things acquire sway
   over our weakness is exactly proportioned to the superior value by
   which future things command our love. And oh that those who have
   learned to observe and bewail this may succeed in overcoming and
   escaping from this power of terrestrial things! Such victory and
   emancipation cannot, without God's grace, be achieved by the human
   will, which is by no means to be called free so long as it is subject
   to prevailing and enslaving lusts; "For of whom a man is overcome, of
   the same is he brought in bondage." [2588] And the Son of God has
   Himself said, "If the Son shall make you free, ye shall be free
   indeed." [2589]

   3. The law, therefore, by teaching and commanding what cannot be
   fulfilled without grace, demonstrates to man his weakness, in order
   that the weakness thus proved may resort to the Saviour, by whose
   healing the will may be able to do what in its feebleness it found
   impossible. So, then, the law brings us to faith, faith obtains the
   Spirit in fuller measure, the Spirit sheds love abroad in us, and love
   fulfils the law. For this reason the law is called a "schoolmaster,"
   [2590] under whose threatenings and severity "whosoever shall call upon
   the name of the Lord shall be delivered." [2591] But how shall they
   call on Him in whom they have not believed?" [2592] Wherefore unto them
   that believe and call on Him the quickening Spirit is given, lest the
   letter without the Spirit should kill them. [2593] But by the Holy
   Ghost, which is given unto us, the love of God is shed abroad in our
   hearts, [2594] so that the words of the same apostle, "Love is the
   fulfilling of the law," [2595] are realized. So the law is good to the
   man who uses it lawfully; [2596] and he uses it lawfully who,
   understanding wherefore it was given, betakes himself, under the
   pressure of its threatenings, to grace, which sets him free. Whoever
   unthankfully despises this grace, by which the ungodly are justified,
   and trusts in his own strength, as if he thereby could fulfil the law,
   being ignorant of God's righteousness, and going about to establish his
   own righteousness, is not submitting himself to the righteousness of
   God; [2597] and thus the law becomes to him not a help to pardon, but
   the bond fastening his guilt to him. Not that the law is evil, but
   because sin worketh death in such persons by that which is good. [2598]
   For by occasion of the commandment he sins more grievously who, by the
   commandment, knows how evil are the sins which he commits.

   4. In vain, however, does any one think himself to have gained the
   victory over sin, if, through nothing but fear of punishment, he
   refrains from sin; because, although the outward action to which an
   evil desire prompts him is not performed, the evil desire itself within
   the man is an enemy unsubdued. And who is found innocent in God's sight
   who is willing to do the sin which is forbidden if you only remove the
   punishment which is feared? And consequently, even in the volition
   itself, he is guilty of sin who wishes to do what is unlawful, but
   refrains from doing it because it cannot be done with impunity; for, so
   far as he is concerned, he would prefer that there were no
   righteousness forbidding and punishing sins. And assuredly, if he would
   prefer that there should be no righteousness, who can doubt that he
   would if he could abolish it altogether? How, then, can that man be
   called righteous who is such an enemy to righteousness that, if he had
   the power, he would abolish its authority, that he might not be subject
   to its threatenings or its penalties? He, then, is an enemy to
   righteousness who refrains from sin only through fear of punishment;
   but he will become the friend of righteousness if through love of it he
   sin not, for then he will be really afraid to sin. For the man who only
   fears the flames of hell is afraid not of sinning, but of being burned;
   but the man who hates sin as much as he hates hell is afraid to sin.
   This is the "fear of the Lord," which "is pure, enduring for ever."
   [2599] For the fear of punishment has torment, and is not in love; and
   love, when it is perfect, casts it out. [2600]

   5. Moreover, every one hates sin just in proportion as he loves
   righteousness; which he will be enabled to do not through the law
   putting him in fear by the letter of its prohibitions, but by the
   Spirit healing him by grace. Then that is done which the apostle
   enjoins in the admonition, "I speak after the manner of men because of
   the infirmity of your flesh: for as ye have yielded your members
   servants to uncleanness and to iniquity unto iniquity, even so now
   yield your members servants to righteousness unto holiness." [2601] For
   what is the force of the conjunctions "as" and "even so," if it be not
   this: "As no fear compelled you to sin, but the desire for it, and the
   pleasure taken in sin, even so let not the fear of punishment drive you
   to a life of righteousness; but let the pleasure found in righteousness
   and the love you bear to it draw you to practise it"? And even this is,
   as it seems to me, a righteousness, so to speak, somewhat mature, but
   not perfect. For he would not have prefaced the admonition with the
   words, "I speak after the manner of men because of the infirmity of
   your flesh," had there not been something else that ought to have been
   said if they had been by that time able to bear it. For surely more
   devoted service is due to righteousness than men are wont to yield to
   sin. For pain of body restrains men, if not from the desire of sin, at
   least from the commission of sinful actions; and we should not easily
   find any one who would openly commit a sin procuring to him an impure
   and unlawful gratification, if it was certain that the penalty of
   torture would immediately follow the crime. But righteousness ought to
   be so loved that not even bodily sufferings should hinder us from doing
   its works, but that, even when we are in the hands of cruel enemies,
   our good works should so shine before men that those who are capable of
   taking pleasure therein may glorify our Father who is in heaven. [2602]

   6. Hence it comes that that most devoted lover of righteousness
   exclaims, "Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? shall
   tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or
   peril, or sword? (As it is written, For Thy sake we are killed all the
   day long; we are accounted as sheep for the slaughter.) Nay, in all
   these things we are more than conquerors through Him that loved us. For
   I am persuaded, that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor
   principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor
   height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us
   from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord." [2603]
   Observe how he does not say simply, "Who shall separate us from
   Christ?" but, indicating that by which we cling to Christ, he says,
   "Who shall separate us from the love of Christ?" We cling to Christ,
   then, by love, not by fear of punishment. Again, after having
   enumerated those things which seem to be sufficiently fierce, but have
   not sufficient force to effect a separation, he has, in the conclusion,
   called that the love of God which he had previously spoken of as the
   love of Christ. And what is this "love of Christ" but love of
   righteousness? for it is said of Him that He "is made of God unto us
   wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctification, and redemption: that,
   according as it is written, He that glorieth, let him glory in the
   Lord." [2604] As, therefore he is superlatively wicked who is not
   deterred even by the penalty of bodily sufferings from the vile works
   of sordid pleasure, so is he superlatively righteous who is not
   restrained even by the fear of bodily sufferings from the holy works of
   most glorious love.

   7. This love of God, which must be maintained by unremitting, devout
   meditation, "is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost, which is
   given to us," [2605] so that he who glories in it must glory in the
   Lord. Forasmuch, therefore, as we feel ourselves to be poor and
   destitute of that love by which the law is most truly fulfilled, we
   ought not to expect and demand its riches from our own indigence, but
   to ask, seek, and knock in prayer, that He with whom is "the fountain
   of life" "may satisfy us abundantly with the fatness of His house, and
   make us drink of the river of His pleasures," [2606] so that, watered
   and revived by its full flood, we may not only escape from being
   swallowed up by sorrow, but may even "glory in tribulations: knowing
   that tribulation worketh patience; and patience, experience; and
   experience, hope: and hope maketh not ashamed;"--not that we can do
   this of ourselves, but "because the love of God is shed abroad in our
   hearts by the Holy Ghost, which is given to us." [2607]

   8. It has been a pleasure to me to say, at least by a letter, these
   things which I could not say when you were present. I write them, not
   in reference to yourself, for you do not affect high things, but are
   contented with that which is lowly, [2608] but in reference to some who
   arrogate too much to the human will, imagining that, the law being
   given, the will is of its own strength sufficient to fulfil that law,
   though not assisted by any grace imparted by the Holy Spirit, in
   addition to instruction in the law; and by their reasonings they
   persuade the wretched and impoverished weakness of man to believe that
   it is not our duty to pray that we may not enter into temptation. Not
   that they dare openly to say this; but this is, whether they
   acknowledge it or not, an inevitable consequence of their doctrine.
   [2609] For wherefore is it said to us, "Watch and pray, that ye enter
   not into temptation;" [2610] and wherefore was it that, when He was
   teaching us to pray, He prescribed, in accordance with this injunction,
   the use of the petition "lead us not into temptation," [2611] if this
   be wholly in the power of the will of man, and does not require the
   help of divine grace in order to its accomplishment?

   Why should I say more? Salute the brethren who are with you, and pray
   for us, that we may be saved with that salvation of which it is said,
   "They that are whole need not a physician, but they that are sick: I
   came not to call the righteous, but sinners." [2612] Pray, therefore,
   for us that we may be righteous,--an attainment wholly beyond a man's
   reach, unless he know righteousness and be willing to practise it, but
   one which is immediately realized when he is perfectly willing; but
   this full consent of his will can never be in him unless he is healed
   and assisted by the grace of the Spirit.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2586] 1 Cor. xii. 26.

   [2587] 1 John ii. 16.

   [2588] 2 Pet. ii. 19.

   [2589] John viii. 36.

   [2590] Gal. iii. 24.

   [2591] Joel ii. 32.

   [2592] Rom. x. 14.

   [2593] 2 Cor. iii. 6.

   [2594] Rom. v. 5.

   [2595] Rom. xiii. 10.

   [2596] 1 Tim. i. 8.

   [2597] Rom. x. 3.

   [2598] Rom. vii. 13.

   [2599] Ps. xix. 9.

   [2600] 1 John iv. 18.

   [2601] Rom. vi. 19.

   [2602] Matt. v. 16.

   [2603] Rom. viii. 35-39.

   [2604] 1 Cor. i. 30, 31; Jer. ix. 24.

   [2605] Rom. v. 5.

   [2606] Ps. xxxvi. 8, 9.

   [2607] Rom. v. 3-5.

   [2608] Rom. xii. 16.

   [2609] The heresy of Pelagius is obviously alluded to here as having
   begun thus early (A.D. 413) to command attention.

   [2610] Matt. xxiv. 41.

   [2611] Matt. vi. 13.

   [2612] Matt. ix. 12, 13.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXLVI.

   (a.d. 413.)

   To Pelagius, My Lord Greatly Beloved, and Brother Greatly Longed For,
   Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   I thank you very much for your consideration in making me glad by a
   letter from you, and informing me of your welfare. May the Lord
   recompense you with those blessings by the possession of which you may
   be good for ever, and may live eternally with Him who is eternal, my
   lord greatly beloved, and brother greatly longed for. Although I do not
   acknowledge that anything in me deserves the eulogies which the letter
   of your Benevolence contains concerning me, nevertheless I cannot but
   be grateful for the goodwill therein manifested towards one so
   insignificant, while suggesting at the same time that you should rather
   pray for me that I may be made by the Lord such as you suppose me
   already to be.

   (In another hand) May you enjoy safety and the Lord's favour, and be
   mindful of us! [2613]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2613] Pelagius made use of this letter at the Council of Diospolis, in
   A.D. 415, which compelled Augustin to vindicate himself in reference to
   it in his narrative of the proceedings of Pelagius. See Anti-Pelagian
   Writings, vol. i. p. 413.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXLVIII.

   (a.d. 413.)

   A Letter of Instructions (Commonitorium) to the Holy Brother
   Fortunatianus. [2614]

   Chap. I.

   1. I write this to remind you of the request which I made when I was
   with you, that you would do me the kindness of visiting our brother,
   whom we mentioned in conversation, in order to ask him to forgive me,
   if he has construed as a harsh and unfriendly attack upon himself any
   statement made by me in a recent letter (which I do not regret having
   written), affirming that the eyes of this body cannot see God, and
   never shall see Him. I added immediately the reason why I made this
   statement, namely, to prevent men from believing that God Himself is
   corporeal and visible, as occupying a place determined by size and by
   distance from us (for the eye of this body can see nothing except under
   these conditions), and to prevent men from understanding the expression
   "face to face" [2615] as if God were limited within the members of a
   body. Therefore I do not regret having made this statement, as a
   protest against our forming such unworthy and profane ideas concerning
   God as to think that He is not everywhere in His totality, but
   susceptible of division, and distributed through localities in space;
   for such are the only objects cognizable through these eyes of ours.

   2. But if, while holding no such opinion as this concerning God, but
   believing Him to be a Spirit, unchangeable, incorporeal, present in His
   whole Being everywhere, any one thinks that the change on this body of
   ours (when from being a natural body it shall become a spiritual body)
   will be so great that in such a body it will be possible for us to see
   a spiritual substance not susceptible of division according to local
   distance or dimension, or even confined within the limits of bodily
   members, but everywhere present in its totality, I wish him to instruct
   me in this matter, if what he has discovered is true; but if in this
   opinion he is mistaken, it is far less objectionable to ascribe to the
   body something that does not belong to it, than to take away from God
   that which belongs to Him. And even if that opinion be correct, it will
   not contradict my words in that letter; for I said that the eyes of
   this body shall not see God, meaning that the eyes of this body of ours
   can see nothing but bodies which are separated from them by some
   interval of space, for if there be no interval, even bodies themselves
   cannot through the eyes be seen by us.

   3. Moreover, if our bodies shall be changed into something so different
   from what they now are as to have eyes by means of which a substance
   shall be seen which is not diffused through space or confined within
   limits, having one part in one place, another in another, a smaller in
   a less space, a greater in a larger, but in its totality spiritually
   present everywhere,--these bodies shall be something very different
   from what they are at present, and shall no longer be themselves, and
   shall be not only freed from mortality, and corruption, and weight, but
   somehow or other shall be changed into the quality of the mind itself,
   if they shall be able to see in a manner which shall be then granted to
   the mind, but which is meanwhile not granted even to the mind itself.
   For if, when a man's habits are changed, we say he is not the man he
   was,--if, when our age is changed, we say that the body is not what it
   was, how much more may we say that the body shall not be the same when
   it shall have undergone so great a change as not only to have immortal
   life, but also to have power to see Him who is invisible? Wherefore, if
   they shall thus see God, it is not with the eyes of this body that He
   shall be seen, because in this also it shall not be the same body,
   since it has been changed to so great an extent in capacity and power;
   and this opinion is, therefore, not contrary to the words of my letter.
   If, however, the body shall be changed only to this extent, that
   whereas now it is mortal, then it shall be immortal, and whereas now it
   weighs down the soul, then, devoid of weight, it shall be most ready
   for every motion, but unchanged in the faculty of seeing objects which
   are discerned by their dimensions and distances, it will still be
   utterly impossible for it to see a substance that is incorporeal and is
   in its totality present everywhere. Whether, therefore, the former or
   the latter supposition be correct, in both cases it remains true that
   the eyes of this body shall not see God; or if they are to see Him,
   they shall not be the eyes of this body, since after so great a change
   they shall be the eyes of a body very different from this.

   4. But if this brother is able to propound anything better on this
   subject, I am ready to learn either from himself or from his
   instructor. If I were saying this ironically, I would also say that I
   am prepared to learn concerning God that He has a body having members,
   and is divisible in different localities in space; which I do not say,
   because I am not speaking ironically, and I am perfectly certain that
   God is not in any respect of such a nature; and I wrote that letter to
   prevent men from believing Him to be such. In that letter, being
   carried away by my zeal to warn against error, and writing more freely
   because I did not name the person whose views I assailed, I was too
   vehement and not sufficiently guarded, and did not consider as I ought
   to have done the respect which was due by one brother and bishop to the
   office of another: this I do not defend, but blame; this I condemn
   rather than excuse, and beg that it may be forgiven. I entreat him to
   remember our old friendship, and forget my recent offence. Let him do
   that which he is displeased with me for not having done; let him
   exhibit in granting pardon the gentleness which I have failed to show
   in writing that letter. I thus ask, through your kindly mediation, what
   I had resolved to ask of him in person if I had had an opportunity. I
   indeed made an effort to obtain an interview with him (a venerable man,
   worthy of being honoured by us all, writing to request it in my name),
   but he declined to come, suspecting, I suppose, that, as very often
   happens among men, some plot was prepared against him. Of my absolute
   innocence of such guile, I beg you to do your utmost to assure him,
   which by seeing him personally you can more easily do. State to him
   with what deep and genuine grief I conversed with you about my having
   hurt his feelings. Let him know how far I am from slighting him, how
   much in him I fear God, and am mindful of our Head in whose body we are
   brethren. My reason for thinking it better not to go to the place in
   which he resides was, that we might not make ourselves a laughing-stock
   to those without the pale of the Church, thereby bringing grief to our
   friends and shame to ourselves. All this may be satisfactorily arranged
   through the good offices of your Holiness and Charity; nay, rather, the
   satisfactory issue is in the hands of Him who, by the faith which is
   His gift, dwells in your heart, whom I am confident that our brother
   does not refuse to honour in you, since he knows Christ experimentally
   as dwelling in himself.

   5. I, at all events, do not know what I could do better in this case
   than ask pardon from the brother who has complained that he was wounded
   by the harshness of my letter. He will, I hope, do what he knows to be
   enjoined on him by Him who, speaking through the apostle, says:
   "Forgiving one another, if any man have a quarrel against any: even as
   God in Christ has forgiven you;" [2616] "Be ye therefore followers of
   God, as dear children; and walk in love, as Christ also hath loved us."
   [2617] Walking in this love, let us inquire with oneness of heart, and,
   if possible, with yet greater diligence than hitherto, into the nature
   of the spiritual body which we shall have after our resurrection. "And
   if in anything we be diversely minded, God shall reveal even this unto
   us," [2618] if we abide in Him. Now he who dwelleth in love dwelleth in
   God, for "God is love," [2619] --whether as the fountain of love in its
   ineffable essence, or as the fountain whence He freely gives it to us
   by His Spirit. If, then, it can be shown that love can at any time
   become visible to our bodily eyes, then we grant that possibly God
   shall be so too; but if love never can become visible, much less can He
   who is Himself its Fountain or whatever other figurative name more
   excellent or more appropriate can be employed in speaking of One so
   great.

   Chap. II.

   6. Some men of great gifts, and very learned in the Holy Scriptures,
   who have, when an opportunity presented itself, done much by their
   writings to benefit the Church and promote the instruction of
   believers, have said that the invisible God is seen in an invisible
   manner, that is, by that nature which in us also is invisible, namely,
   a pure mind or heart. The holy Ambrose, when speaking of Christ as the
   Word, says: "Jesus is seen not by the bodily, but by the spiritual
   eyes;" and shortly after he adds: "The Jews saw Him not, for their
   foolish heart was blinded," [2620] showing in this way how Christ is
   seen. Also, when he was speaking of the Holy Spirit, he introduced the
   words of the Lord, saying: "I will pray the Father, and He shall give
   you another Comforter, that He may abide with you for ever, even the
   Spirit of truth; whom the world cannot receive, because it seeth Him
   not, neither knoweth Him;" [2621] and adds: "With good reason,
   therefore, did He show Himself in the body, since in the substance of
   His Godhead He is not seen. We have seen the Spirit, but in a bodily
   form: let us see the Father also; but since we cannot see Him, let us
   hear Him." A little after he says: "Let us hear the Father, then, for
   the Father is invisible; but the Son also is invisible as regards His
   Godhead, for no man hath seen God at any time;' [2622] and since the
   Son is God, He is certainly not seen in that in which He is God."
   [2623]

   7. The holy Jerome also says: "The eye of man cannot see God as He is
   in His own nature; and this is true not of man only; neither angels,
   nor thrones, nor powers, nor principalities, nor any name which is
   named can see God, for no creature can see its Creator." By these words
   this very learned man sufficiently shows what his opinion was on this
   subject in regard not only to the present life, but also to that which
   is to come. For however much the eyes of our body may be changed for
   the better, they shall only be made equal to the eyes of the angels.
   Here, however, Jerome has affirmed that the nature of the Creator is
   invisible even to the angels, and to every creature without exception
   in heaven. If, however, a question arise on this point, and a doubt is
   expressed whether we shall not be superior to the angels, the mind of
   the Lord Himself is plain from the words which He uses in speaking of
   those who shall rise again to the kingdom: "They shall be equal unto
   the angels." [2624] Whence the same holy Jerome thus expresses himself
   in another passage: "Man, therefore, cannot see the face of God but the
   angels of the least in the Church do always behold the face of God.
   [2625] And now we see as in a mirror darkly, in a riddle, but then face
   to face; [2626] when from being men we shall advance to the rank of
   angels, and shall be able to say with the apostle, We all, with
   unveiled face, beholding as in a mirror the glory of the Lord, are
   changed into the same image, from glory to glory, even as by the Spirit
   of the Lord;' [2627] although no creature can see the face of God,
   according to the essential properties of His nature, and He is, in
   these cases, seen by the mind, since He is believed to be invisible."
   [2628]

   8. In these words of this man of God there are many things deserving
   our consideration: first, that in accordance with the very clear
   declaration of the Lord, he also is of opinion that we shall then see
   the face of God when we shall have advanced to the rank of angels, that
   is, shall be made equal to the angels, which doubtless shall be at the
   resurrection of the dead. Next, he has sufficiently explained by the
   testimony of the apostle, that the face is to be understood not of the
   outward but of the inward man, when it is said we shall "see face to
   face;" for the apostle was speaking of the face of the heart when he
   used the words quoted in this connection by Jerome: "We, with unveiled
   face, beholding as in a mirror the glory of the Lord, are changed into
   the same image." [2629] If any one doubt this, let him examine the
   passage again, and notice of what the apostle was speaking, namely, of
   the veil, which remains on the heart of every one in reading the Old
   Testament, until he pass over to Christ, that the veil may be removed.
   For he there says: "We also, with unveiled face, beholding as in a
   mirror the glory of the Lord,"--which face had not been unveiled in the
   Jews, of whom he says, "the veil is upon their heart,"--in order to
   show that the face unveiled in us when the veil is taken away is the
   face of the heart. In fine, lest any one, looking on these things with
   too little care and therefore failing to discern their meaning, should
   believe that God now is or shall hereafter be visible either to angels
   or to men, when they shall have been made equal to the angels, he has
   most plainly expressed his opinion by affirming that "no creature can
   see the face of God according to the essential properties of His
   nature," and that "He is, in these cases, seen by the mind, since He is
   believed to be invisible." From these statements he sufficiently showed
   that when God has been seen by men through the eyes of the body as if
   He had a body, He has not been seen as to the essential properties of
   his nature, in which He is seen by the mind, since He is believed to be
   invisible--invisible, that is to say, to the bodily perception even of
   celestial beings, as Jerome had said above, of angels, and powers, and
   principalities. How much more, then, is He invisible to terrestrial
   beings!

   9. Wherefore, in another place, Jerome says in still plainer terms, it
   is true not only of the divinity of the Father but equally of that of
   the Son and of that of the Holy Spirit, forming one nature in the
   Trinity, that it cannot be seen by the eyes of the flesh, but by the
   eyes of the mind, of which the Saviour Himself says: "Blessed are the
   pure in heart, for they shall see God." [2630] What could be more clear
   than this statement? For if he had merely said that it is impossible
   for the divinity of the Father, or of the Son, or of the Holy Spirit,
   to be seen by the eyes of the flesh, and had not added the words, "but
   only by the eyes of the mind," it might perhaps have been said, that
   when the body shall have become spiritual it can no longer be called
   "flesh;" but by adding the words, "but only by the eyes of the mind,"
   he has excluded the vision of God from every sort of body. Lest,
   however, any one should suppose that he was speaking only of the
   present state of being, observe that he has subjoined also a testimony
   of the Lord, quoted with the design of defining the eyes of the mind of
   which he had spoken; in which testimony a promise is given not of
   present, but of future vision: "Blessed are the pure in heart, for they
   shall see God."

   10. The very blessed Athanasius, also, Bishop of Alexandria, when
   contending against the Arians, who affirm that the Father alone is
   invisible, but suppose the Son and the Holy Spirit to be visible,
   asserted the equal invisibility of all the Persons of the Trinity,
   proving it by testimonies from Holy Scripture, and arguing with all his
   wonted care in controversy, labouring earnestly to convince his
   opponents that God has never been seen, except through His assuming the
   form of a creature; and that in His essential Deity God is invisible,
   that is, that the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit are invisible,
   except in so far as the Divine Persons can be known by the mind and the
   spirit. Gregory, also, a holy Eastern bishop, very plainly says that
   God, by nature invisible, had, on those occasions on which He was seen
   by the fathers (as by Moses, with whom He talked face to face), made it
   possible for Himself to be seen by assuming the form of something
   material and discernible. [2631] Our Ambrose says the same: "That the
   Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, when visible, are seen under
   forms assumed by choice, not prescribed by the nature of Deity;" [2632]
   thus clearing the truth of the saying, "No man hath seen God at any
   time," [2633] which is the word of the Lord Christ Himself, and of that
   other saying, "Whom no man hath seen, nor can see," [2634] which is the
   word of the apostle, yea, rather, of Christ by His apostle; as well as
   vindicating the consistency of those passages of Scripture in which God
   is related to have been seen, because He is both invisible in the
   essential nature of His Deity, and able to become visible when He
   pleases, by assuming such created form as shall seem good to Him.

   Chap. III.

   11. Moreover, if invisibility is a property of the divine nature, as
   incorruptibility is, that nature shall assuredly not undergo such a
   change in the future world as to cease to be invisible and become
   visible; because it shall never be possible for it to cease to be
   incorruptible and become corruptible, for it is in both attributes
   alike immutable. The apostle assuredly declared the excellence of the
   divine nature when he placed these two together, saying, "Now, unto the
   King of ages, invisible, incorruptible, the only God, be honour and
   glory for ever and ever." [2635] Wherefore I dare not make such a
   distinction as to say incorruptible, indeed, for ever and ever, but
   invisible--not for ever and ever, but only in this world. At the same
   time, since the testimonies which we are next to quote cannot be
   false,--"Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God," [2636]
   and, "We know that, when He shall appear, we shall be like Him; for we
   shall see Him as He is," [2637] --we cannot deny that the sons of God
   shall see God; but they shall see Him as invisible things are seen, in
   the manner in which He who appeared in the flesh, visible to men,
   promised that He would manifest Himself to men, when, speaking in the
   presence of the disciples and seen by their eyes, He said: "I will love
   him, and will manifest myself to him." In what other manner are
   invisible things seen than by the eyes of the mind, concerning which,
   as the instruments of our vision of God, I have shortly before quoted
   the opinion of Jerome?

   12. Hence, also, the statement of the Bishop of Milan, whom I have
   quoted before, who says that even in the resurrection it is not easy
   for any but those who have a pure heart to see God, and therefore it is
   written, "Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God." "How
   many," he says, "had He already enumerated as blessed, and yet to them
   He had not promised the power of seeing God;" and he adds this
   inference, "If, therefore, the pure in heart shall see God, it is
   obvious that others shall not see Him;" and to prevent our
   understanding him to refer to those others of whom the Lord had said,
   "Blessed are the poor, blessed are the meek," he immediately subjoined,
   "For those that are unworthy shall not see God," intending it to be
   understood that the unworthy are those who, although they shall rise
   again, shall not be able to see God, since they shall rise to
   condemnation, because they refused to purify their hearts through that
   true faith which "worketh by love." [2638] For this reason he goes on
   to say, "Whosoever has been unwilling to see God cannot see Him." Then,
   since it occurred to him that, in a sense, even all wicked men have a
   desire to see God, he immediately explains that he used the words,
   "Whosoever has been unwilling to see God," because the fact that the
   wicked do not desire to purify the heart, by which alone God can be
   seen, shows that they do not desire to see God, and follows up this
   statement with the words: "God is not seen in space, but in the pure
   heart; nor is He sought out by the eyes of the body; nor is He defined
   in form by our faculty of sight; nor grasped by the touch; His voice
   does not fall on the ear; nor are His goings perceived by the senses."
   [2639] By these words the blessed Ambrose desired to teach the
   preparation which men ought to make if they wish to see God, viz. to
   purify the heart by the faith which worketh by love, through the gift
   of the Holy Spirit, from whom we have received the earnest by which we
   are taught to desire that vision. [2640]

   Chap. IV.

   13. For as to the members of God which the Scripture frequently
   mentions, lest any one should suppose that we resemble God as to the
   form and figure of the body, the same Scripture speaks of God as having
   also wings, which we certainly have not. As then, when we hear of the
   "wings" of God, we understand the divine protection, so by the "hands"
   of God we ought to understand His working,--by His "feet," His
   presence,--by His "eyes," His power of seeing and knowing all
   things,--by His face, that whereby He reveals Himself to our knowledge;
   and I believe that any other such expression used in Scripture is to be
   spiritually understood. In this opinion I am not singular, nor am I the
   first who has stated it. It is the opinion of all who by any spiritual
   interpretation of such language in Scripture resist those who are
   called Anthropomorphites. Not to occupy too much time by quoting
   largely from the writings of these men, I introduce here one extract
   from the pious Jerome, in order that our brother may know that, if
   anything moves him to maintain an opposite opinion, he is bound to
   carry on the debate with those who preceded me not less than with
   myself.

   14. In the exposition which that most learned student of Scripture has
   given of the psalm in which occur the words, "Understand, ye brutish
   among the people: and ye fools, when will ye be wise? He that planted
   the ear, shall he not hear? or He that formed the eye, doth He not
   behold?" [2641] he says, among other things: "This passage furnishes a
   strong argument against those who are Anthropomorphites, and say that
   God has members such as we have. For example, God is said by them to
   have eyes, because the eyes of the Lord behold all things:' in the
   same, literal manner they take the statements that the hand of the Lord
   doeth all things, and that Adam heard the sound of the feet of the Lord
   walking in the garden,' and thus they ascribe the infirmities of men to
   the majesty of God. But I affirm that God is all eye, all hand, all
   foot: all eye, because He sees all things; all hand, because He worketh
   all things; all foot, because He is everywhere present. See, therefore,
   what the Psalmist saith: He that planted the ear, shall He not hear? He
   that formed the eye, doth He not behold?' He doth not say: He that
   planted the ear, has He not an ear? and He that formed the eye, has He
   not an eye?' But what does he say? He that planted the ear, shall He
   not hear? He that formed the eye, doth He not behold?' The Psalmist has
   ascribed to God the powers of seeing and hearing, but has not assigned
   members to Him." [2642]

   15. I have thought it my duty to quote all these passages from the
   writings of both Latin and Greek authors who, being in the Catholic
   Church before our time, have written commentaries on the divine
   oracles, in order that our brother, if he hold any different opinion
   from theirs, may know that it becomes him, laying aside all bitterness
   of controversy, and preserving or reviving fully the gentleness of
   brotherly love, to investigate with diligent and calm consideration
   either what he must learn from others, or what others must learn from
   him. For the reasonings of any men whatsoever, even though they be
   Catholics, and of high reputation, are not to be treated by us in the
   same way as the canonical Scriptures are treated. We are at liberty,
   without doing any violence to the respect which these men deserve, to
   condemn and reject anything in their writings, if perchance we shall
   find that they have entertained opinions differing from that which
   others or we ourselves have, by the divine help, discovered to be the
   truth. I deal thus with the writings of others, and I wish my
   intelligent readers to deal thus with mine. In fine, I do by the help
   of the Lord most stedfastly believe, and, in so far as He enables me, I
   understand what is taught in all the statements which I have now quoted
   from the works of the holy and learned Ambrose, Jerome, Athanasius,
   Gregory, and in any other similar statements in other writers which I
   have read, but have for the sake of brevity forborne from quoting,
   namely, that God is not a body, that He has not the members of the
   human frame, that He is not divisible through space, and that He is
   unchangeably invisible, and appeared not in His essential nature and
   substance, but in such visible form as He pleased to those to whom he
   appeared on the occasions on which Scripture records that He was seen
   by holy persons with the eyes of the body.

   Chap. V.

   16. As to the spiritual body which we shall have in the resurrection,
   how great a change for the better it is to undergo,--whether it shall
   become pure spirit, so that the whole man shall then be a spirit, or
   shall (as I rather think, but do not yet confidently maintain) become a
   spiritual body in such a way as to be called spiritual because of a
   certain ineffable facility in its movements, but at the same time to
   retain its material substance, which cannot live and feel by itself,
   but only through the spirit which uses it (for in our present state, in
   like manner, although the body is spoken of as animated [animal], the
   nature of the animating principle is different from that of the body),
   and whether, if the properties of the body then immortal and
   incorruptible shall remain unchanged, it shall then in some degree aid
   the spirit to see visible, i.e. material things, as at present we are
   unable to see anything of that kind except through the eyes of the
   body, or our spirit shall then be able, even in its higher state, to
   know material things without the instrumentality of the body (for God
   Himself does not know these things through bodily senses), on these and
   on many other things which may perplex us in the discussion of this
   subject, I confess that I have not yet read anywhere anything which I
   would esteem sufficiently established to deserve to be either learned
   or taught by men.

   17. And for this reason, if our brother will bear patiently any degree
   whatever of hesitation on my part, let us in the meantime, because of
   that which is written, "We shall see Him as He is," prepare, so far as
   with the help of God Himself we are enabled, hearts purified for that
   vision. Let us at the same time inquire more calmly and carefully
   concerning the spiritual body, for it may be that God, if He know this
   to be useful to us, may condescend to show us some definite and clear
   view on the subject, in accordance with His written word. For if a more
   careful investigation shall result in the discovery that the change on
   the body shall be so great that it shall be able to see things that are
   invisible, such power imparted to the body will not, I think, deprive
   the mind of the power of seeing, and thus give the outward man a vision
   of God which is denied to the inward man; as if, in contradiction of
   the plain words of Scripture, "that God may be all and in all," [2643]
   God were only beside the man--without him, and not in the man, in his
   inner being; or as if He, who is everywhere present in his entirety,
   unlimited in space, is so within man that He can be seen outside only
   by the outward man, but cannot be seen inside by the inward man. If
   such opinions are palpably absurd,--for, on the contrary, the saints
   shall be full of God; they shall not, remaining empty within, be
   surrounded outside by Him; nor shall they, through being blind within,
   fail to see Him of whom they are full, and, having eyes only for that
   which is outside of themselves, behold Him by whom they shall be
   surrounded,--if, I say, these things are absurd, it remains for us to
   rest meanwhile certainly assured as to the vision of God by the inward
   man. But if, by some wondrous change, the body shall be endowed with
   this power, another new faculty shall be added; the faculty formerly
   possessed shall not be taken away.

   18. It is better, then, that we affirm that concerning which we have no
   doubt,--that God shall be seen by the inward man, which alone is able,
   in our present state, to see that love in commendation of which the
   apostle says, "God is love;" [2644] the inward man, which alone is able
   to see "peace and holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord."
   [2645] For no fleshly eye now sees love, peace, and holiness, and such
   things; yet all of them are seen, so far as they can be seen, by the
   eye of the mind, and the purer it is the more clearly it sees; so that
   we may, without hesitation, believe that we shall see God, whether we
   succeed or fail in our investigations as to the nature of our future
   body--although, at the same time, we hold it to be certain that the
   body shall rise again, immortal and incorruptible, because on this we
   have the plainest and strongest testimony of Holy Scripture. If,
   however, our brother affirm now that he has arrived at certain
   knowledge as to that spiritual body, in regard to which I am only
   inquiring, he will have just cause to be displeased with me if I shall
   refuse to listen calmly to his instructions, provided only that he also
   listen calmly to my questions. Now, however, I entreat you, for
   Christ's sake, to obtain his forgiveness for me for that harshness in
   my letter, by which, as I have learned, he was, not without cause,
   offended; and may you, by God's help, cheer my spirit by your answer.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2614] Fortunatianus, Bishop of Sicqua, was one of the seven bishop
   selected to represent the Catholics in the Conference of Carthage with
   the Donatists in 411. He was probably a neighbour of the bishop who had
   regarded himself as aggrieved by the arguments with which Augustin
   confuted some extravagant speculations of his.

   [2615] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [2616] Col. iii. 13.

   [2617] Eph. v. 1, 2.

   [2618] Phil. iii. 15, 16.

   [2619] 1 John iv. 16.

   [2620] Ambrosius, Lib. i. in Luc. c. i.

   [2621] John xiv. 16, 17.

   [2622] 1 John iv. 12.

   [2623] Ambrosius, Lib. ii. in Luc. c. iii. v. 22.

   [2624] Luke xx. 36.

   [2625] Matt. xviii. 10.

   [2626] 1 Cor. xiii. 12.

   [2627] 2 Cor. iii. 18.

   [2628] Hieron, lib. i. in Isai, i.

   [2629] 2 Cor. iii. 18.

   [2630] Hieron. lib. iii. in Isa, i.

   [2631] See the 49th of the discourses published under the name of
   Gregory of Nazianzum. M. Dupin has shown that the discourse in question
   must have been the work of some Latin author.

   [2632] Ambrose on Luke, c. i. 11.

   [2633] John i. 18.

   [2634] 1 Tim. vi. 16.

   [2635] 1 Tim. i. 17.

   [2636] Matt. v. 8.

   [2637] 1 John iii. 2.

   [2638] Gal. v. 6.

   [2639] Ambrose on Luke, i. 11.

   [2640] 2 Cor. v. 4-8.

   [2641] Ps. xciv. 8, 9.

   [2642] Jerome, in loc.

   [2643] 1 Cor. xv. 28.

   [2644] 1 John iv. 8.

   [2645] Heb. xii. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CL.

   (a.d. 413.)

   To Proba [2646] and Juliana, Ladles Most Worthy of Honour, Daughters
   Justly Famous and Most Distinguished, Augustin Sends Greeting in the
   Lord.

   You have filled our heart with a joy singularly pleasant, because of
   the love we bear to you, and singularly acceptable, because of the
   promptitude with which the tidings came to us. For while the
   consecration of the daughter of your house to a life of virginity is
   being published by most busy fame in all places where you are known,
   and that is everywhere, you have outstripped its flight by more sure
   and reliable information in a letter from yourselves, and have made us
   rejoice in certain knowledge before we had time to be questioning the
   truth of any report concerning an event so blessed and remarkable. Who
   can declare in words, or expound with adequate praises, how
   incomparably greater is the glory and advantage gained by your family
   in giving to Christ women consecrated to His service, than in giving to
   the world men called to the honours of the consulship? For if it be a
   great and noble thing to leave the mark of an honoured name upon the
   revolving ages of this world, how much greater and nobler is it to rise
   above it by unsullied chastity both of heart and of body! Let this
   maiden, therefore, illustrious in her pedigree, yet more illustrious in
   her piety, find greater joy in obtaining, through espousals to her
   divine Lord, a pre-eminent glory in heaven, than she could have had in
   becoming, through espousal to a human consort, the mother of a line of
   illustrious men. This daughter of the house of Anicius has acted the
   more magnanimous part, in choosing rather to bring a blessing on that
   noble family by forbearing from marriage, than to increase the number
   of its descendants, preferring to be already, in the purity of her
   body, like unto the angels, rather than to increase by the fruit of her
   body the number of mortals. For this is a richer and more fruitful
   condition of blessedness, not to have a pregnant womb, but to develop
   the soul's lofty capacities; not to have the breasts flowing with milk,
   but to have the heart pure as snow; to travail not with the earthly in
   the pangs of labour, but with the heavenly in persevering prayer. May
   it be yours, my daughters, most worthy of the honour due to your rank,
   to enjoy in her that which was lacking to yourselves; may she be
   stedfast to the end, abiding in the conjugal union that has no end. May
   many handmaidens follow the example of their mistress; may those who
   are of humble rank imitate this high-born lady, and may those who
   possess eminence in this uncertain world aspire to that worthier
   eminence which humility has given to her. Let the virgins who covet the
   glory of the Anician family be ambitious rather to emulate its piety;
   for the former lies beyond their reach, however eagerly they may desire
   it, but the latter shall be at once in their possession if they seek it
   with full desire. May the right hand of the Most High protect you,
   giving you safety and greater happiness, ladies most worthy of honour,
   and most excellent daughters! In the love of the Lord, and with all
   becoming respect, we salute the children of your Holiness, and above
   all the one who is above the rest in holiness. We have received with
   very great pleasure the gift sent as a souvenir of her taking the veil.
   [2647]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2646] See note to Letter CXXX. p. 459.

   [2647] Velationis apophoretum.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLI.

   (a.d. 413 OR 414.)

   To Cæcilianus, [2648] My Lord Justly Renowned, and Son Most Worthy of
   the Honour Due by Me to His Rank, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. The remonstrance which you have addressed to me in your letter is
   gratifying to me in proportion to the love which it manifests. If,
   therefore, I attempt to clear myself from blame in regard to my
   silence, the thing which I must attempt is to show that you had no just
   cause for being displeased with me. But since nothing gives me greater
   pleasure than that you condescended to take offence at my silence,
   which I had supposed to be a matter of no moment in the midst of your
   many cares, I will be pleading against myself if I endeavour thus to
   clear myself from blame. For if you were wrong in being displeased at
   me for not writing to you, this must be because of your having such a
   poor opinion of me that you are absolutely indifferent whether I speak
   or remain silent. Nay, the displeasure which arises from your being
   distressed by my silence is not displeasure. I therefore feel not so
   much grief at my withholding, as joy at your desiring a communication
   from me. For it is an honour, not a vexation, to me, that I should have
   a place in the remembrance of an old friend, and a man who is (though
   you may not say it, yet it is our duty to acknowledge it) of such
   eminent worth and greatness, holding a position in a foreign country,
   and burdened with public responsibilities. Pardon me, then, for
   expressing my gratitude that you did not regard me as a person whose
   silence it was beneath you to resent. For now I am persuaded, through
   that benevolence which distinguishes you more even than your high rank,
   that in the midst of your numerous and important occupations, not of a
   private nature, but public, involving the interests of all, a letter
   from me may be esteemed by you not burdensome, but welcome.

   2. For when I had received the letter of the holy father Innocentius,
   venerable for his eminent merits, which was sent to me by the brethren,
   and which was, by manifest tokens, shown to have been forwarded to me
   from your Excellency, I formed the opinion that the reason why no
   letter from you accompanied it was that, being engrossed with more
   important affairs, you were unwilling to be embarrassed by the trouble
   of correspondence. For it seemed certainly not unreasonable to expect,
   that when you condescended to send me the writings of a holy man, I
   should receive along with them some writings of your own. I had
   therefore made up my mind not to trouble you with a letter from me
   unless it was necessary for the purpose of commending to you some one
   to whom I could not refuse the service of my intercession, a favour
   which it is our custom to grant to all,--a custom which, though
   involving much trouble, is not to be altogether condemned. I
   accordingly did this recommending to your kindness a friend of mine,
   from whom I have now received a letter, expressing his thanks, to which
   I add my own, for your service.

   3. If, however, I had formed any unfavourable impression concerning
   you, especially in regard to the matter of which, though it was not
   expressly named, a subtle odour, so to speak, pervaded your whole
   letter, far would it have been from me to write to you any such note in
   order to ask any favour for myself or another. In that case I would
   either have been silent, waiting for a time when I would have an
   opportunity of seeing you personally; or if I considered it my duty to
   write on the subject, I would have given it the first place in my
   letter, and would have treated it in such a way as to make it almost
   impossible for you to show displeasure. For when, notwithstanding
   remonstrances which, under an anxiety shared by you with us, we
   addressed to him,--beseeching him vehemently, but in vain, to forbear
   from piercing our hearts with so great sorrow, and mortally wounding
   his own conscience by such grievous sin,--he [2649] perpetrated his
   impious, savage, and perfidious crime, I left Carthage immediately and
   secretly, for this reason, lest the numerous and influential persons
   who in terror sought refuge from his sword within the church should,
   imagining that my presence could be of use to them, detain me by their
   passionate weeping and groaning, so that I would be compelled, in order
   to secure the preservation of their bodies, to supplicate a favour from
   one whom it was impossible for me to rebuke in order to the welfare of
   his soul, with the severity which his crime deserved. As for their
   personal safety, I knew that the walls of the church sufficed for their
   protection. But for myself [if I remained to intercede with him on
   their behalf], it could only be in circumstances painfully
   embarrassing, for he would not have tolerated my acting towards him as
   I was bound to do, and I would have been compelled, moreover, to act in
   a way which would have been unbecoming in me. At the same time, I was
   truly sorry for the misfortune of my venerable co-bishop, the ruler of
   such an important church, who was expected to regard it as his duty,
   even after this man had been guilty of such infamous treachery, to
   treat him with submissive deference, in order that the lives of others
   might be spared. I confess the reason of my departure: it was that I
   would have been unable to meet with the necessary fortitude so great a
   calamity.

   4. The same considerations which made me then depart would have been
   the cause of my remaining silent to you, if I believed you to have used
   your influence with him to avenge such wicked injuries. This is
   believed in regard to you only by those who do not know how, and how
   frequently, and in what terms, you expressed your mind to us, when we
   were with anxious solicitude doing our utmost to secure that, because
   he was so intimate with you, and you were so constantly visiting him,
   and so often conversing alone with him, he should all the more
   carefully guard your good name, and save you from being supposed to
   have used no endeavour to prevent him from inflicting that mode of
   death on persons said to be your enemies. This, indeed, is not believed
   of you by me, nor by my brethren who heard you in conversation, and who
   saw, both in your words and in every gesture, the evidences of your
   heart's good-will to those who were put to death. But, I beseech you,
   forgive those by whom it is believed; for they are men, and in the
   minds of men there are such lurking places and such depths that,
   although all suspicious persons deserved to be blamed, they think
   themselves that they even deserve praise for their prudence. There
   existed reasons for the conduct imputed to you: we knew that you had
   suffered very grievous injury from one of those whom he had suddenly
   ordered to be arrested. His brother, also, in whose person especially
   he persecuted the Church, was said to have answered you in terms
   implying as it were some harsh accusation. Both were thought to be
   looked upon by you with suspicion. When they, after being summoned, had
   gone away, you still remained in the place, and were engaged, it was
   said, in conversation of a more private kind than usual with him
   [Marinas], and then they were suddenly ordered to be detained. Men
   talked much of your friendship with him as not recent, but of long
   standing. The closeness of your intimacy, and the frequency of your
   private conversations with him, confirmed this report. His power was at
   that time great. The ease with which false accusations could be made
   against any one was notorious. It was not a difficult thing to find
   some person who would upon the promise of his own safety make any
   statements which he might order to be made. All things at that time
   made it easy for any man to be brought to death without any examination
   on the part of him who ordered the execution, if even one witness
   brought forward what seemed to be an odious and, at the same time,
   credible accusation.

   5. Meanwhile, as it was rumored that the power of the Church might
   deliver them, we were mocked with false promises, so that not only with
   the consent, but, as it seemed, at the urgent desire of Marinus, a
   bishop was sent to the Imperial Court to intercede for them, the
   promise having been brought to the ear of the bishops that, until some
   pleading should be heard there on behalf of the prisoners, no
   examination of their case would be proceeded with. At last, on the day
   before they were put to death, your Excellency came to us; you gave us
   encouragement such as you had never before given, that he might grant
   their lives as a favour to you before your departure [for Rome],
   because you had solemnly and prudently said to him that all his
   condescension in admitting you so constantly to familiar and private
   conversation would bring to you disgrace rather than distinction, and
   would have the effect, after the death of these men had been a subject
   of conversation and consultation between you, of making every one say
   that there could be no doubt what was to be the issue of these
   conferences. When you informed us that you had said these things to
   him, you stretched out your hand as you spoke towards the place at
   which the sacraments of believers are celebrated, and while we listened
   in amazement, you confirmed the statement that you had used these words
   with an oath so solemn, that not only then, but even now after the
   dreadful and unexpected death of the prisoners, it seems to me,
   recalling to memory your whole demeanour, that it would be an
   aggravated insult if I were to believe any evil concerning you. You
   said, moreover, that he was so moved by these words of yours, that he
   purposed to give the lives of these men to you as a present, in token
   of friendship, before you set out on your journey.

   6. Wherefore, I solemnly assure your Grace, that when on the following
   day (the day on which the infamous crime thus conceived was
   consummated) tidings were unexpectedly brought to us that they had been
   led forth from prison to stand before him as their judge, although we
   were in some alarm, nevertheless, after reflecting on what you had said
   to us on the preceding day, and on the fact that the day following was
   the anniversary of the blessed Cyprian, I supposed that he had even
   purposely selected a day on which he might not only grant your request,
   but also might aspire, by giving sudden joy to the whole Church of
   Christ, to emulate the virtue of so great a martyr, proving himself
   truly greater in using clemency in sparing life than in possessing
   power to inflict death. Such were my thoughts, when lo! a messenger
   burst into our presence, from whom, before we could ask him how their
   trial was being conducted, we learned that they had been beheaded. For
   care had been taken to arrange, as the scene of execution, a place
   immediately adjoining, not appointed for the punishment of criminals,
   but used for the recreation of the citizens, on which spot he had
   ordered some to be executed a few days previously, with the design (as
   is with good reason believed) of avoiding the odium of applying it to
   this purpose for the first time in the case of these men, whom he hoped
   to be able to snatch secretly from the Church interposing on their
   behalf, by thus not only ordering their immediate execution, but also
   ordering it to take place on the nearest available spot. He therefore
   made it sufficiently manifest that he did not fear to cause cruel pain
   to that Mother whose intervention he feared, namely, to the holy
   Church, among whose faithful children, baptized in her bosom, we knew
   that he himself was reckoned. Therefore, after the issue of so great a
   plot, in which so much care had been used in negotiating with us that
   we were made, even by you also, though unwittingly, almost free from
   solicitude, and almost sure of their safety on the preceding day, who,
   judging of the circumstances in the way in which ordinary men would
   judge of them, could avoid regarding it as beyond question that by you
   also words were given to us and life taken from them? Pardon, then, as
   I have said, those who believe these things against you, although we do
   not believe them, O excellent man.

   7. Far be it, however, from my heart and from my practice, however
   defective in many things, to intercede with you for any one, or ask a
   favour from you for any one, if I believed you to be responsible for
   this monstrous wrong, this villanous cruelty. But I frankly confess to
   you, that if you continue, even after that event, to be on the same
   footing of intimate friendship with him as you were formerly, you must
   excuse my claiming freedom to be grieved; for by this you would compel
   us to believe much which we would rather disbelieve. It is, however,
   fitting that, as I do not believe you guilty of the other things laid
   by some to your charge, I should not believe this either. This friend
   of yours has, in the unexpected triumph of sudden accession to power,
   done violence not less to your reputation than to these men's lives.
   Nor is it my design in this statement to kindle hatred in your mind; in
   so doing I would belie my own feelings and profession. But I exhort you
   to a more faithful exercise of love towards him. For the man who so
   deals with the wicked as to make them repent of their evil doings, is
   one who knows how to be angry with them, and yet consult for their
   good; for as bad companions hinder men's welfare by compliance, so good
   friends help them by opposition to their evil ways. The same weapon
   with which, in the proud abuse of power, he took away the lives of
   others, inflicted a much deeper and more serious wound on his own soul;
   and if he do not remedy this by repentance, using wisely the
   long-suffering of God, he will be compelled to find it out and feel it
   when this life is ended. Often, moreover, God in His wisdom permits the
   life of good men in this world to be taken from them by the wicked,
   that He may prevent men from believing that to suffer such things is in
   their case a calamity. For what harm can result from the death of the
   body to men who are destined to die some time? Or what do those who
   fear death accomplish by their care but a short postponement of the
   time at which they die? All the evil to which mortal men are liable
   comes not from death but from life; and if in dying they have the soul
   sustained by Christian grace, death is to them not the night of
   darkness in which a good life ends, but the dawn in which a better life
   begins. [2650]

   8. The life and conversation of the elder of the two brothers appeared
   indeed more conformed to this world than to Christ, although he also
   had after his marriage corrected to a great extent the faults of his
   early irreligious years. It may, nevertheless, have been not otherwise
   than in mercy that our merciful God appointed him to be the companion
   of his brother in death. But as to that younger brother, he lived
   religiously, and was eminent as a Christian both in heart and in
   practice. The report that he would approve himself such when
   commissioned to serve the Church [2651] came before him to Africa, and
   this good report followed him still when he had come. In his conduct,
   what innocence! in his friendship, what constancy! in his study of
   Christian truth, what zeal! in his religion, what sincerity! in his
   domestic life, what purity! in his official duties, what integrity!
   What patience be showed to enemies, what affability to friends, what
   humility to the pious, what charity to all men! How great his
   promptitude in granting, and his bashfulness in asking a favour! How
   genuine his satisfaction in the good deeds, and his sorrow over the
   faults of men! What spotless honour, noble grace, and scrupulous piety
   shone in him! In rendering assistance, how compassionate he was! in
   forgiving injuries, how generous! in prayer, how confiding! When well
   informed on any subject, with what modesty he was wont to communicate
   useful knowledge! when conscious of ignorance, with what diligence did
   he endeavour by investigation to overcome the disadvantage! How
   singular was his contempt for the things of time! how ardent his hope
   and his desires in regard to the blessings that are eternal! He would
   have relinquished all secular business and girded himself with the
   insignia of the Christian warfare, had he not been prevented by his
   having entered into the married state; for he had not begun to desire
   better things before the time when, being already involved in these
   bonds, it would have been, notwithstanding their inferiority, an
   unlawful thing for him to rend them asunder.

   9. One day when they were confined in prison together, his brother said
   to him: "If I suffer these things as the just punishment of my sins,
   what ill desert has brought you to the same fate, for we know that your
   life was most strictly and earnestly Christian?" He replied: "Supposing
   even that your testimony as to my life were true, do you think that God
   is bestowing a small favour upon me in appointing that my sins be
   punished in these sufferings, even though they should end in death,
   instead of being reserved to meet me in the judgment which is to come?"
   These words might perhaps lead some to suppose that he was conscious of
   some secret immoralities. I shall therefore mention what it pleased the
   Lord God to appoint that I should hear from his lips, and know
   assuredly, to my own great consolation. Being anxious about this very
   thing, as human nature is liable to fall into such wickedness, I asked
   him, when I was alone with him after he was confined in prison, if
   there was no sin for which he ought to seek reconciliation with God
   [2652] by some more severe and special penance. With characteristic
   modesty he blushed at the mere mention of my suspicion, groundless
   though it was, but thanked me most warmly for the warning, and with a
   grave, modest smile he seized with both hands my right hand, and said:
   "I swear by the sacraments which are dispensed to me by this hand, that
   I have neither before nor since my marriage been guilty of immoral
   self-indulgence." [2653]

   10. What evil, then, was brought to him by death? Nay, rather, was it
   not the occasion of the greatest possible good to him, because, in the
   possession of these gifts, he departed from this life to Christ, in
   whom alone they are really possessed? I would not mention these things
   in addressing you if I believed that you would be offended by my
   praising him. But assuredly, as I do not believe this, neither do I
   believe that his being put to death was even according to your desire
   or wish, much less that it was done at your request. You, therefore,
   with a sincerity proportioned to your innocence in this matter,
   entertain, doubtless, along with us, the opinion that the man who put
   him to death inflicted more cruel wrong on his own soul than on the
   sufferer's body, when, in despite of us, in despite of his own
   promises, in despite of so many supplications and warnings from you,
   and finally, in despite of the Church of Christ (and in her of Christ
   Himself), he consummated his base machinations by putting this man to
   death. Is the high position of the one worthy to be compared with the
   lot of the other, prisoner though he was, when the man of power was
   maddened by anger, while the sufferer in his prison was filled with
   joy? There is nothing in all the dungeons of this world, nay, not even
   in hell itself, to surpass the dreadful doom of darkness to which a
   villian is consigned by remorse of conscience. Even to yourself, what
   evil did he do? He did not destroy your innocence, although he
   grievously injured your reputation; which, nevertheless, remains
   uninjured, both in the estimation of those who know you better than we
   do, and in our estimation, in whose presence the anxiety which, like
   us, you felt for the prevention of such a monstrous crime, was
   expressed with so much visible agitation that we could almost see with
   our eyes the invisible workings of your heart. Whatever harm,
   therefore, he has done, he has done to himself alone; he has pierced
   through his own soul, his own life, his own conscience; in fine, he has
   by that blind deed of cruelty destroyed even his own good name, a thing
   which the very worst of men are usually fain to preserve. For to all
   good men he is odious in proportion to his efforts to obtain, or his
   satisfaction in receiving, the approbation of the wicked.

   11. Could anything prove more clearly that he was not under the
   necessity which he pretended--alleging that he did this evil action as
   a good man who had no alternative--than the fact that the proceeding
   was disapproved of by the person whose orders he dared to plead as his
   excuse? The pious deacon by whose hand we send this was himself
   associated with the bishop whom we had sent to intercede for them; let
   him, therefore, relate to your Excellency how it seemed good to the
   Emperor not even to give a formal pardon, lest by this the stigma of a
   crime should be in some degree attached to them, but a mere notice
   commanding them to be immediately set at liberty from all further
   annoyance. By a purely gratuitous act of cruelty, and under no pressure
   of necessity (although, perchance, there may have been other causes
   which we suspect, but which it is unnecessary to state in writing), he
   did outrageously vex the Church,--the Church to whose sheltering bosom
   his brother once, in fear of death, had fled, to be requited for
   protecting his life by finding him active in counselling the
   perpetration of this crime,--the Church in which he himself had once,
   when under the displeasure of an offended patron, sought an asylum
   which could not be denied to him. If you love this man, show your
   detestation of his crime; if you do not wish him to come into
   everlasting punishment, shrink with horror from his society. You are
   bound to take measures of this kind, both for your own good name and
   for his life; for he who loves in this man what God hates, is, in
   truth, hating not only this man but also his own soul.

   12. These things being so, I know your benevolence too well to believe
   that you were the author of this crime, or an accomplice in its
   commission, or that with malicious cruelty you deceived us: far be such
   conduct from your life and conversation! At the same time, I would not
   wish your friendship to be of such a character as tends to make him, to
   his own destruction, glory in his crime, and to confirm the suspicions
   naturally cherished by men concerning you; but rather let it be such as
   to move him to penitence, and to penitence corresponding in quality and
   in measure to the remedy demanded for the healing of such dreadful
   wounds. For the more you are an enemy to his crimes, the more really
   will you be a friend to the man himself. It will be interesting to us
   to learn, by your Excellency's reply to this letter, where you were on
   the day on which the crime was committed, how you received the tidings,
   and what you did thereafter, and what you said to him and heard from
   him when you next saw him; for I have not been able to hear anything of
   you in connection with this affair since my sudden departure on the
   succeeding day.

   13. As to the remark in your letter that you are now compelled to
   believe that I refuse to visit Carthage for fear lest you should be
   seen there by me, you rather compel me by these words to state
   explicitly the reasons of my absence. One reason is, that the labour
   which I am obliged to undergo in that city, and which I could not
   describe without adding as much again to the length of this letter, is
   more than I am able now to bear, since, in addition to my infirmities
   peculiar to myself, which are known to all my more intimate friends, I
   am burdened with an infirmity common to the human family, namely, the
   weakness of old age. The other reason is, that, in so far as leisure is
   granted me from the work imperatively demanded by the Church, which my
   office specially binds me to serve, I have resolved to devote the time
   entirely, if the Lord will, to the labour of studies pertaining to
   ecclesiastical learning; in doing which I think that I may, if it
   please the mercy of God, be of some service even to future generations.

   14. There is, indeed, one thing in you, since you wish to hear the
   truth, which causes me very great distress: it is that, although
   qualified by age, as well as by life and character, to do otherwise,
   you still prefer to be a catechumen; as if it were not possible for
   believers, by making progress in Christian faith and well-doing, to
   become so much the more faithful and useful in the administration of
   public business. For surely the promotion of the welfare of men is the
   one great end of all your great cares and labours. And, indeed, if this
   were not to be the issue of your public services, it would be better
   for you even to sleep both day and night than to sacrifice your rest in
   order to do work which can contribute nothing to the advantage of your
   fellow-men. Nor do I entertain the slightest doubt that your Excellency
   . . .

   (Cætera desunt.)
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2648] Cæcilianus was raised in 409 to the office of præfectus prætorio
   under Honorius, and is probably the person to whom Augustin addressed
   Letter LXXXVI. p. 365, in 405 A.D.

   [2649] From the beginning to the end of this letter, Augustin
   studiously avoids naming the persons concerned in the perfidious act of
   judicial murder, in connection with which the suspicion of many had
   been fastened upon Cæcilianus. The person by whose orders the sentence
   of death was carried into effect was Count Marinus, the general by whom
   the attempt of Heraclianus (413 A.D.) to seize the imperial power was
   defeated, and who afterwards received a commission to pass into Africa
   and punish those who had been implicated in the revolt of Heraclianus.
   A commission of this kind opened a wide door for the gratification of
   private revenge by enemies who did not scruple to bring false
   accusations against the innocent; and among the victims of such
   injustice were two brothers who had, by their zeal for the Catholic
   Church, made themselves obnoxious to the Donatists. The elder of these
   was Apringius, a magistrate to whom Augustin wrote a letter (the 134th)
   recommending clemency in punishing the Donatists. The younger was
   Marcellinus, concerning whom ses also note to Letter CXXXIII. p. 470.

   [2650] In the original of this sentence there is a characteristic
   antithesis of phrases: "Non sane mors eorum bonæ vitæ occasus fuit sed
   melioris occasio."

   [2651] See note to letter CXXXIII. p. 470.

   [2652] Deum sibi placare.

   [2653] Me nullum esse expertum concubitum præter uxorem.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLVIII.

   (a.d. 414.)

   To My Lord Augustin, My Brother Partner in the Sacerdotal Office, Most
   Sincerely Loved, with Profound Respect, and to the Brethren Who are
   with Him, Evodius [2654] and the Brethren Who are with Him Send
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I urgently beg you to send the reply due to my last letter. Indeed,
   I would have preferred first to learn what I then asked, and afterwards
   to put the questions which I now submit to you. Give me your attention
   while I relate an event in which you will kindly take an interest, and
   which has made me impatient to lose no time in acquiring, if possible
   in this life, the knowledge which I desired. I had a certain youth as a
   clerk, a son of presbyter Armenus of Melonita, whom, by my humble
   instrumentality, God rescued when he was becoming already immersed in
   secular affairs, for he was employed as a shorthand writer by the
   proconsul's solicitor. [2655] He was then, indeed, as boys usually are,
   prompt and somewhat restless, but as he grew older (for his death
   occurred in his twenty-second year) a gravity of deportment and
   circumspect probity of life so adorned him that it is a pleasure to
   dwell upon his memory. He was, moreover, a clever stenographer, [2656]
   and indefatigable in writing: he had begun also to be earnest in
   reading, so that he even urged me to do more than my indolence would
   have chosen, in order to spend hours of the night in reading, for he
   read aloud to me for a time every night after all was still; and in
   reading, he would not pass over any sentence unless he understood it,
   and would go over it a third or even a fourth time, and not leave it
   until what he wished to know was made clear. I had begun to regard him
   not as a mere boy and clerk, but as a comparatively intimate and
   pleasant friend, for his conversation gave me much delight.

   2. He desired also to "depart and to be with Christ," [2657] a desire
   which has been fulfilled. For he was ill for sixteen days in his
   father's house, and by strength of memory he continually repeated
   portions of Scripture throughout almost the whole time of his illness.
   But when he was very near to the end of his life, he sang [2658] so as
   to be heard by all, "My soul longeth for and hastens unto the courts of
   the Lord," [2659] after which he sang again, "Thou hast anointed my
   head with oil, and beautiful is Thy cup, overpowering my senses with
   delight!" [2660] In these things he was wholly occupied; in the
   consolation yielded by them he found satisfaction. At the last, when
   dissolution was just coming upon him, he began to make the sign of the
   cross on his forehead, and in finishing this his hand was moving down
   to his mouth, which also he wished to mark with the same sign, but the
   inward man (which had been truly renewed day by day) [2661] had, ere
   this was done, forsaken the tabernacle of clay. To myself there has
   been given so great an ecstasy of joy, that I think that after leaving
   his own body he has entered into my spirit, and is there imparting to
   me a certain fulness of light from his presence, for I am conscious of
   a joy beyond all measure through his deliverance and safety--indeed it
   is ineffable. For I felt no small anxiety on his account, being afraid
   of the dangers peculiar to his years. For I was at pains to inquire of
   himself whether perchance he had been defiled by intercourse with
   woman; he solemnly assured us that he was free from this stain, by
   which declaration our joy was still more increased. So he died. We
   honored his memory by suitable obsequies, such as were due to one so
   excellent, for we continued during three days to praise the Lord with
   hymns at his grave, and on the third day we offered the sacraments of
   redemption. [2662]

   3. Behold, however, two days thereafter, a certain respectable widow
   from Figentes, an handmaid from God, who said that she had been twelve
   years in widowhood, saw the following vision in a dream. She saw a
   certain deacon, who had died four years ago, preparing a palace, with
   the assistance of servants and handmaids of God (virgins and widows).
   It was being so much adorned that the place was refulgent with
   splendor, and appeared to be wholly made of silver. On her inquiring
   eagerly for whom this palace was being prepared, the deacon aforesaid
   answered, "For the young man, the son of the presbyter, who was cut off
   yesterday." There appeared in the same palace an old man robed in
   white, who gave orders to two others, also dressed in white, to go, and
   having raised the body from the grave, to carry it up with them to
   heaven. And she added, that so soon as the body had been taken up from
   the grave and carried to heaven, there sprang from the same sepulchre
   branches of the rose, called from its folded blossoms the virgin rose.

   4. I have narrated the event: listen now, if you please, to my
   question, and teach me what I ask, for the departure of that young
   man's soul forces such questions from me. While we are in the body, we
   have an inward faculty of perception which is alert in proportion to
   the activity of our attention, and is more wakeful and eager the more
   earnestly attentive we become: and it seems to us probable that even in
   its highest activity it is retarded by the encumbrance of the body, for
   who can fully describe all that the mind suffers through the body! In
   the midst of the perturbation and annoyance which come from the
   suggestions, temptations, necessities, and varied afflictions of which
   the body is the cause, the mind does not surrender its strength, it
   resists and conquers. Sometimes it is defeated; nevertheless, mindful
   of what is its own nature, it becomes, under the stimulating influence
   of such labours, more active and more wary, and breaks through the
   meshes of wickedness, and so makes its way to better things. Your
   Holiness will kindly understand what I mean to say. Therefore, while we
   are in this life, we are hindered by such deficiencies, and are
   nevertheless, as it is written, "more than conquerors through Him that
   loved us." [2663] When we go forth from this body, and escape from
   every burden, and from sin, with its incessant activity, what are we?

   5. In the first place, I ask whether there may not be some kind of body
   (formed, perchance, of one of the four elements, either air or ether)
   which does not depart from the incorporeal principle, that is, the
   substance properly called the soul, when it forsakes this earthly body.
   For as the soul is in its nature incorporeal, if it be absolutely
   disembodied by death there is now one soul of all that have left this
   world. And in that case where would the rich man, who was clothed in
   purple, and Lazarus, who was full of sores, now be? How, moreover,
   could they be distinguished according to their respective deserts, so
   that the one should have suffering and the other have joy, if there
   were only a single soul made by the combination of all disembodied
   souls, unless, of course, these things are to be understood in a
   figurative sense? Be that as it may, there is no question that souls
   which are held in definite places (as that rich man was in the flame,
   and that poor man was in Abraham's bosom) are held in bodies. If there
   are distinct places, there are bodies, and in these bodies the souls
   reside; and even although the punishments and rewards are experienced
   in the conscience, the soul which experiences them is nevertheless in a
   body. Whatever is the nature of that one soul made up of many souls, it
   must be possible for it in its unbroken unity to be both grieved and
   made glad at the same moment, if it is to approve itself to be really a
   substance consisting of many souls gathered into one. If, however, this
   soul is called one only in the same way as the incorporeal mind is
   called one, although it has in it memory, and will, and intellect, and
   if it be alleged that all these are separate incorporeal causes or
   powers and have their several distinctive offices and work without one
   impeding another in any way, I think this might be in some measure
   answered by saying that it must be also possible for some of the souls
   to be under punishment and some of the sours to enjoy rewards
   simultaneously in this one substance consisting of many souls gathered
   into One.

   6. Or if this be not so [that is, if there be no such body remaining
   still in union with the incorporeal principle after it quits this
   earthly body], what is there to hinder each soul from having, when
   separated from the solid body which it here inhabits, another body, so
   that the soul always animates a body of some kind? or in what body does
   it pass to any region, if such there be, to which necessity compels it
   to go? For the angels themselves, if they were not numbered by bodies
   of some kind which they have, could not be called many, as they are by
   the Truth Himself when He said in the gospel, "I could pray the Father,
   and He will presently give me twelve legions of angels." [2664] Again
   it is certain that Samuel was seen in the body when he was raised at
   the request of Saul; [2665] and as to Moses, whose body was buried, it
   is plain from the gospel narrative that he came in the body to the Lord
   on the mountain to which He and His disciples had retired. [2666] In
   the Apocrypha, and in the Mysteries of Moses, a writing which is wholly
   devoid of authority, it is indeed said that, at the time when he
   ascended the mount to die, through the power which his body possessed,
   there was one body which was committed to the earth, and another which
   was joined to the angel who accompanied him; but I do not feel myself
   called upon to give to a sentence in apocryphal writings a preference
   over the definite statements quoted above. We must therefore give
   attention to this, and search out, by the help either of the authority
   of revelation or of the light of reason, the matter about which we are
   inquiring. But it is alleged that the future resurrection of the body
   is a proof that the soul was after death absolutely without a body.
   This is not, however, an unanswerable objection, for the angels, who
   are like our souls invisible, have at times desired to appear in bodily
   forms and be seen, and (whatever might be the form of body worthy to be
   assumed by these spirits) they have appeared, for example, to Abraham
   [2667] and to Tobias. [2668] Therefore it is quite possible that the
   resurrection of the body may, as we assuredly believe, take place, and
   yet that the soul may be reunited to it without its being found to have
   been at any moment wholly devoid of some kind of body. Now the body
   which the soul here occupies consists of the four elements, of which
   one, namely heat, seems to depart from this body at the same moment as
   the soul. For there remains after death that which is made of earth,
   moisture also is not wanting to the body, nor is the element of cold
   matter gone; heat alone has fled, which perhaps the soul takes along
   with it if it migrates from place to place. This is all that I say
   meanwhile concerning the body.

   7. It seems to me also, that if the soul while occupying the living
   body is capable, as I have said, of strenuous mental application, how
   much more unencumbered, active, vigorous, earnest, resolute, and
   persevering will it be, how much enlarged in capacity and improved in
   character, if it has while in this body learned to relish virtue! For
   after laying aside this body, or rather, after having this cloud swept
   away, the soul will have come to be free from all disturbing
   influences, enjoying tranquillity and exempt from temptation, seeing
   whatever it has longed for, and embracing what it has loved. Then,
   also, it will be capable of remembering and recognising friends, both
   those who went before it from this world, and those whom it left here
   below. Perhaps this may be true. I know not, but I desire to learn. But
   it would greatly distress me to think that the soul after death passes
   into a state of torpor, being as it were buried, just as it is during
   sleep while it is in the body, living only in hope, but having nothing
   and knowing nothing, especially if in its sleep it be not even stirred
   by any dreams. This notion causes me very great horror, and seems to
   indicate that the life of the soul is extinguished at death.

   8. This also I would ask: Supposing that the soul be discovered to have
   such a body as we speak of, does that body lack any of the senses? Of
   course, if there cannot be imposed upon it any necessity for smelling,
   tasting, or touching, as I suppose will be the case, these senses will
   be wanting; but I hesitate as to the senses of sight and hearing. For
   are not devils said to hear (not, indeed, in all the persons whom they
   harass, for in regard to these there is a question), even when they
   appear in bodies of their own? And as to the faculty of sight, how can
   they pass from one place to another if they have a body but are void of
   the power of seeing, so as to guide its motions? Do you think that this
   is not the case with human souls when they go forth from the
   body,--that they have still a body of some kind, and are not deprived
   of some at least of the senses proper to this body? Else how can we
   explain the fact that very many dead persons have been observed by day,
   or by persons awake and walking abroad during the night, to pass into
   houses just as they were wont to do in their lifetime? This I have
   heard not once, but often; and I have also heard it said that in places
   in which dead bodies are interred, and especially in churches, there
   are commotions and prayers which are heard for the most part at a
   certain time of the night. This I remember hearing from more than one:
   for a certain holy presbyter was an eye-witness of such an apparition,
   having observed a multitude of such phantoms issuing from the
   baptistery in bodies full of light, after which he heard their prayers
   in the midst of the church itself. All such things are either true, and
   therefore helpful to the inquiry which we are now making, or are mere
   fables, in which case the fact of their invention is wonderful;
   nevertheless I would desire to get some information from the fact that
   they come and visit men, and are seen otherwise than in dreams.

   9. These dreams suggest another question. I do not at this moment
   concern myself about the mere creations of fancy, which are formed by
   the emotions of the uneducated. I speak of visitations in sleep, such
   as the apparition to Joseph [2669] in a dream, in the manner
   experienced in most cases of the kind. In the same manner, therefore,
   our own friends also who have departed this life before us sometimes
   come and appear to us in dreams, and speak to us. For I myself remember
   that Profuturus, and Privatus, and Servilius, holy men who within my
   recollection were removed by death from our monastery, spoke to me, and
   that the events of which they spoke came to pass according to their
   words. Or if it be some other higher spirit that assumes their form and
   visits our minds, I leave this to the all-seeing eye of Him before whom
   everything from the highest to the lowest is uncovered. If, therefore,
   the Lord be pleased to speak through reason to your Holiness on all
   these questions, I beg you to be so kind as make me partaker of the
   knowledge which you have received. There is another thing which I have
   resolved not to omit mentioning, for perhaps it bears upon the matter
   now under investigation:

   10. This same youth, in connection with whom these questions are
   brought forward, departed this life after having received what may be
   called a summons [2670] at the time when he was dying. For one who had
   been a companion of his as a student, and reader, and shorthand writer
   to my dictation, who had died eight months before, was seen by a person
   in a dream coming towards him. When he was asked by the person who then
   distinctly saw him why he had come, he said, "I have come to take this
   friend away;" and so it proved. For in the house itself, also, there
   appeared to a certain old man, who was almost awake, a man bearing in
   his hand a laurel branch on which something was written. Nay, more,
   when this one was seen, it is further reported that after the death of
   the young man, his father the presbyter had begun to reside along with
   the aged Theasius in the monastery, in order to find consolation there,
   but lo! on the third day after his death, the young man is seen
   entering the monastery, and is asked by one of the brethren in a dream
   of some kind whether he knew himself to be dead. He replied that he
   knew he was. The other asked whether he had been welcomed by God. This
   also he answered with great expressions of joy. And when questioned as
   to the reason why he had come, he answered, "I have been sent to summon
   my father." The person to whom these things were shown awakes, and
   relates what had passed. It comes to the ear of Bishop Theasius. He,
   being alarmed, sharply admonished the person who told him, lest the
   matter should come, as it might easily do, to the ear of the presbyter
   himself, and he should be disturbed by such tidings. But why prolong
   the narration? Within about four days from this visitation he was
   saying (for he had suffered from a moderate feverishness) that he was
   now out of danger, and that the physician had given up attending him,
   having assured him that there was no cause whatever for anxiety; but
   that very day this presbyter expired after he had lain down on his
   couch. Nor should I forbear mentioning, that on the same day on which
   the youth died, he asked his father three times to forgive him anything
   in which he might have offended, and every time that he kissed his
   father he said to him, "Let us give thanks to God, father," and
   insisted upon his father saying the words along with him, as if he were
   exhorting one who was to be his companion in going forth from this
   world. And in fact only seven days elapsed between the two deaths. What
   shall we say of things so wonderful? Who shall be a thoroughly reliable
   teacher as to these mysterious dispensations? To you in the hour of
   perplexity my agitated heart unburdens itself. The divine appointment
   of the death of the young man and of his father is beyond all doubt,
   for two sparrows shall not fall to the ground without the will of our
   heavenly Father. [2671]

   11. That the soul cannot exist in absolute separation from a body of
   some kind is proved in my opinion by the fact that to exist without
   body belongs to God alone. But I think that the laying aside of so
   great a burden as the body, in the act of passing from this world,
   proves that the soul will then be very much more wakeful than it is
   meanwhile; for then the soul appears, as I think, far more noble when
   no longer encumbered by so great a hindrance, both in action and in
   knowledge, and that entire spiritual rest proves it to be free from all
   causes of disturbance and error, but does not make it languid, and as
   it were slow, torpid, and embarrassed, inasmuch as it is enough for the
   soul to enjoy in its fulness the liberty to which it has attained in
   being freed from the world and the body; for, as you have wisely said,
   the intellect is satisfied with food, and applies the lips of the
   spirit to the fountain of life in that condition in which it is happy
   and blest in the undisputed lordship of its own faculties. For before I
   quitted the monastery I saw brother Servilius in a dream after his
   decease, and he said that we were labouring to attain by the exercise
   of reason to an understanding of truth, whereas he and those who were
   in the same state as he were always resting in the pure joy of
   contemplation.

   12. I also beg you to explain to me in how many ways the word wisdom is
   used; as God is wisdom, and a wise mind is wisdom (in which way it is
   said to be as light); as we read also of the wisdom of Bezaleel, who
   made the tabernacle or the ointment, and the wisdom of Solomon, or any
   other wisdom, if there be such, and wherein they differ from each
   other; and whether the one eternal Wisdom which is with the Father is
   to be understood as spoken of in these different degrees, as they are
   called diverse gifts of the Holy Spirit, who divideth to every one
   severally according as He will. Or, with the exception of that Wisdom
   alone which was not created, were these created, and have they a
   distinct existence of their own? or are they effects, and have they
   received their name from the definition of their work? I am asking a
   great many questions. May the Lord grant you grace to discover the
   truth sought, and wisdom sufficient to commit it to writing, and to
   communicate it without delay to me. I have written in much ignorance,
   and in a homely style; but since you think it worth while to know that
   about which I am inquiring, I beseech you in the name of Christ the
   Lord to correct me where I am mistaken, and teach me what you know that
   I am desirous to learn.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2654] Evodius, Bishop of Uzala, was one of Augustin's early friends.
   He was a native of the same town (Tagaste), and joined Augustin and
   Alypius in seeking religious retirement after their baptism, in 387
   A.D. He was also with them at Ostia when Monica died. (Confessions,
   Book ix. ch. 8 and 12).

   [2655] Nam scholastico proconsulis excipiebat.

   [2656] Strenuus in notis.

   [2657] Dissolvi et esse cum Christo. Phil. i. 23.

   [2658] Psallebat.

   [2659] Ps. lxxxiv. 2, LXX.

   [2660] Ps. xxiii. 5, 6, LXX.

   [2661] 2 Cor. iv. 16.

   [2662] Redemptionis sacramenta obtulimus.

   [2663] Rom. viii. 37.

   [2664] Matt. xxvi. 53.

   [2665] 1 Sam. xxviii. 14.

   [2666] Matt. xvii. 3.

   [2667] Gen. xviii. 6.

   [2668] Tob. xii. 16.

   [2669] Matt. i. 20.

   [2670] Exhibitus quodammodo pergit.

   [2671] Matt. x. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLIX.

   (a.d. 415.)

   To Evodius, My Lord Most Blessed, My Venerable and Beloved Brother and
   Partner in the Priestly Office, and to the Brethren Who are with Him,
   Augustin and the Brethren Who are with Him Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Our brother Barbarus, the bearer of this letter, is a servant of
   God, who has now for a long time been settled at Hippo, and has been an
   eager and diligent hearer of the word of God. He requested from us this
   letter to your Holiness, whereby we commend him to you in the Lord, and
   convey to you through him the salutations which it is our duty to
   offer. To reply to those letters of your Holiness, in which you have
   interwoven questions of great difficulty, would be a most laborious
   task, even for men who are at leisure, and who are endowed with much
   greater ability in discussing and acuteness in apprehending any subject
   than we possess. One, indeed, of the two letters in which you ask many
   great questions has gone amissing, I know not how, and though long
   sought for cannot be found; the other, which has been found, contains a
   very pleasing account of a servant of God, a good and chaste young man,
   stating how he departed from this life, and by what testimonies,
   communicated through visions of the brethren, his merits were, as you
   state, made known to you. Taking occasion from this young man's case,
   you propose and discuss an extremely obscure question concerning the
   soul,--whether it is associated when it goes forth from this body with
   some other kind of body, by means of which it can be carried to or
   confined in places having material boundaries? The investigation of
   this question, if indeed it admits of satisfactory investigation by
   beings such as we are, demands the most diligent care and labour, and
   therefore a mind absolutely at leisure from such occupations as engross
   my time. My opinion, however, if you are willing to hear it, summed up
   in a sentence, is, that I by no means believe that the soul in
   departing from the body is accompanied by another body of any kind.

   2. As to the question how these visions and predictions of future
   events are produced, let him attempt to explain them who understands by
   what power we are to account for the great wonders which are wrought in
   the mind of every man when his thoughts are busy. For we see, and we
   plainly perceive, that within the mind innumerable images of many
   objects discernible by the eye or by our other senses are
   produced,--whether they are produced in regular order or in confusion
   matters not to us at present: all that we say is, that since such
   images are beyond all dispute produced, the man who is found able to
   state by what power and in what way these phenomena of daily and
   perpetual experience are to be accounted for is the only man who may
   warrantably venture to conjecture or propound any explanation of these
   visions, which are of exceedingly rare occurrence. For my part, as I
   discover more plainly my inability to account for the ordinary facts of
   our experience, when awake or asleep, throughout the whole course of
   our lives, the more do I shrink from venturing to explain what is
   extraordinary. For while I have been dictating this epistle to you, I
   have been contemplating your person in my mind,--you being, of course,
   absent all the while, and knowing nothing of my thoughts,--and I have
   been imagining from my knowledge of what is in you how you will be
   affected by my words; and I have been unable to apprehend, either by
   observation or by inquiry, how this process was accomplished in my
   mind. Of one thing, however, I am certain, that although the mental
   image was very like something material, it was not produced either by
   masses of matter or by qualities of matter. Accept this in the meantime
   from one writing under pressure of other duties, and in haste. In the
   twelfth of the books which I have written on Genesis this question is
   discussed with great care, and that dissertation is enriched with a
   forest of examples from actual experience or from trustworthy report.
   How far I have been competent to handle the question, and what I have
   accomplished in it, you will judge when you have read that work; if
   indeed the Lord shall be pleased in His kindness to permit me now to
   publish those books systematically corrected to the best of my ability,
   and thus to meet the expectation of many brethren, instead of deferring
   their hope by continuing further the discussion of a subject which has
   already engaged me for a long time.

   3. I will narrate briefly, however, one fact which I commend to your
   meditation. You know our brother Gennadius, a physician, known to
   almost every one, and very dear to us, who now lives at Carthage, and
   was in other years eminent as a medical practitioner at Rome. You know
   him as a man of religious character and of very great benevolence,
   actively compassionate and promptly liberal in his care of the poor.
   Nevertheless, even he, when still a young man, and most zealous in
   these charitable acts, had sometimes, as he himself told me, doubts as
   to whether there was any life after death. Forasmuch, therefore, as God
   would in no wise forsake a man so merciful in his disposition and
   conduct, there appeared to him in sleep a youth of remarkable
   appearance and commanding presence, who said to him: "Follow me."
   Following him, he came to a city where he began to hear on the right
   hand sounds of a melody so exquisitely sweet as to surpass anything he
   had ever heard. When he inquired what it was, his guide said: "It is
   the hymn of the blessed and the holy." What he reported himself to have
   seen on the left hand escapes my remembrance. He awoke; the dream
   vanished, and he thought of it as only a dream.

   4. On a second night, however, the same youth appeared to Gennadius,
   and asked whether he recognised him, to which he replied that he knew
   him well, without the slightest uncertainty. Thereupon he asked
   Gennadius where he had become acquainted with him. There also his
   memory failed him not as to the proper reply: he narrated the whole
   vision, and the hymns of the saints which, under his guidance, he had
   been taken to hear, with all the readiness natural to recollection of
   some very recent experience. On this the youth inquired whether it was
   in sleep or when awake that he had seen what he had just narrated.
   Gennadius answered: "In sleep." The youth then said: "You remember it
   well; it is true that you saw these things in sleep, but I would have
   you know that even now you are seeing in sleep." Hearing this,
   Gennadius was persuaded of its truth, and in his reply declared that he
   believed it. Then his teacher went on to say: "Where is your body now?"
   He answered: "In my bed." "Do you know," said the youth, "that the eyes
   in this body of yours are now bound and closed, and at rest, and that
   with these eyes you are seeing nothing?" He answered: "I know it."
   "What, then," said the youth, "are the eyes with which you see me?" He,
   unable to discover what to answer to this, was silent. While he
   hesitated, the youth unfolded to him what he was endeavoring to teach
   him by these questions, and forthwith said: "As while you are asleep
   and lying on your bed these eyes of your body are now unemployed and
   doing nothing, and yet you have eyes with which you behold me, and
   enjoy this vision, so, after your death, while your bodily eyes shall
   be wholly inactive, there shall be in you a life by which you shall
   still live, and a faculty of perception by which you shall still
   perceive. Beware, therefore, after this of harbouring doubts as to
   whether the life of man shall continue after death." This believer says
   that by this means all doubts as to this matter were removed from him.
   By whom was he taught this but by the merciful, providential care of
   God?

   5. Some one may say that by this narrative I have not solved but
   complicated the question. Nevertheless, while it is free to every one
   to believe or disbelieve these statements, every man has his own
   consciousness at hand as a teacher by whose help he may apply himself
   to this most profound question. Every day man wakes, and sleeps, and
   thinks; let any man, therefore, answer whence proceed these things
   which, while not material bodies, do nevertheless resemble the forms,
   properties, and motions of material bodies: let him, I say, answer this
   if he can. But if he cannot do this, why is he in such haste to
   pronounce a definite opinion on things which occur very rarely, or are
   beyond the range of his experience, when he is unable to explain
   matters of daily and perpetual observation? For my part, although I am
   wholly unable to explain in words how those semblances of material
   bodies, without any real body, are produced, I may say that I wish
   that, with the same certainty with which I know that these things are
   not produced by the body, I could know by what means those things are
   perceived which are occasionally seen by the spirit, and are supposed
   to be seen by the bodily senses; or by what distinctive marks we may
   know the visions of men who have been misguided by delusion, or, most
   commonly, by impiety, since the examples of such visions closely
   resembling the visions of pious and holy men are so numerous, that if I
   wished to quote them, time, rather than abundance of examples, would
   fail me.

   May you, through the mercy of the Lord grow in grace, most blessed lord
   and venerable and beloved brother!
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXIII.

   (a.d. 414.)

   To Bishop Augustin, Bishop Evodius Sends Greeting.

   Some time ago I sent two questions to your Holiness; the first, which
   was sent, I think, by Jobinus, a servant in the nunnery, [2672] related
   to God and reason, and the second was in regard to the opinion that the
   body of the Saviour is capable of seeing the substance of the Deity. I
   now propound a third question: Does the rational soul which our Saviour
   assumed along with His body fall under any one of the theories commonly
   advanced in discussions on the origin of souls (if any theory indeed
   can be with certainty established on the subject),--or does His soul,
   though rational, belong not to any of the species under which the souls
   of living creatures are classified, but to another?

   I ask also a fourth question: Who are those spirits in reference to
   whom the Apostle Peter testifies concerning the Lord in these words:
   "Being put to death in the flesh, but quickened in the spirit, in which
   also He went and preached to the spirits in prison?" giving us to
   understand that they were in hell, and that Christ descending into
   hell, preached the gospel to them all, and by grace delivered them all
   from darkness and punishment, so that from the time of the resurrection
   of the Lord judgment is expected, hell having then been completely
   emptied.

   What your Holiness believes in this matter I earnestly desire to know.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2672] Qui servit ancillis Dei.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXIV.

   (a.d. 414.)

   To My Lord Evodius Most Blessed, My Brother and Partner in the
   Episcopal Office, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. The question which you have proposed to me from the epistle of the
   Apostle Peter is one which, as I think you are aware, is wont to
   perplex me most seriously, namely, how the words which you have quoted
   are to be understood on the supposition that they were spoken
   concerning hell? I therefore refer this question back to yourself, that
   if either you yourself be able, or can find any other person who is
   able to do so, you may remove and terminate my perplexities on the
   subject. If the Lord grant to me ability to understand the words before
   you do, and it be in my power to impart what I receive from Him to you,
   I will not withhold it from a friend so truly loved. In the meantime, I
   will communicate to you the things in the passage which occasion
   difficulty to me, that, keeping in view these remarks on the words of
   the apostle, you may either exercise your own thoughts on them, or
   consult any one whom you find competent to pronounce an opinion.

   2. After having said that "Christ was put to death in the flesh, and
   quickened in the spirit," the apostle immediately went on to say: "in
   which also He went and preached unto the spirits in prison; which
   sometime were unbelieving, [2673] when once the long-suffering of God
   waited in the days of Noah, while the ark was a preparing, wherein few,
   that is, eight souls were saved by water;" thereafter he added the
   words: "which baptism also now by a like figure has saved you." [2674]
   This, therefore, is felt by me to be difficult. If the Lord when He
   died preached in hell to spirits in prison, why were those who
   continued unbelieving while the ark was a preparing the only ones
   counted worthy of this favour, namely, the Lord's descending into hell?
   For in the ages between the time of Noah and the passion of Christ,
   there died many thousands of so many nations whom He might have found
   in hell. I do not, of course, speak here of those who in that period of
   time had believed in God, as, e.g. the prophets and patriarchs of
   Abraham's line, or, going farther back, Noah himself and his house, who
   had been saved by water (excepting perhaps the one son, who afterwards
   was rejected), and, in addition to these, all others outside of the
   posterity of Jacob who were believers in God, such as Job, the citizens
   of Nineveh, and any others, whether mentioned in Scripture or existing
   unknown to us in the vast human family at any time. I speak only of
   those many thousands of men who, ignorant of God and devoted to the
   worship of devils or of idols, had passed out of this life from the
   time of Noah to the passion of Christ. How was it that Christ, finding
   these in hell, did not preach to them, but preached only to those who
   were unbelieving in the days of Noah when the ark was a preparing? Or
   if he preached to all, why has Peter mentioned only these, and passed
   over the innumerable multitude of others?

   Chap. II.

   3.--It is established beyond question that the Lord, after He had been
   put to death in the flesh, "descended into hell;" for it is impossible
   to gainsay either that utterance of prophecy, "Thou wilt not leave my
   soul in hell," [2675] --an utterance which Peter himself expounds in
   the Acts of the Apostles, lest any one should venture to put upon it
   another interpretation,--or the words of the same apostle, in which he
   affirms that the Lord "loosed the pains of hell, in which it was not
   possible for Him to be holden." [2676] Who, therefore, except an
   infidel, will deny that Christ was in hell? As to the difficulty which
   is found in reconciling the statement that the pains of hell were
   loosed by Him, with the fact that He had never begun to be in these
   pains as in bonds, and did not so loose them as if He had broken off
   chains by which He had been bound, this is easily removed when we
   understand that they were loosed in the same way as the snares of
   huntsmen may be loosed to prevent their holding, not because they have
   taken hold. It may also be understood as teaching us to believe Him to
   have loosed those pains which could not possibly hold Him, but which
   were holding those to whom He had resolved to grant deliverance.

   4. But who these were it is presumptuous for us to define. For if we
   say that all who were found there were then delivered without
   exception, who will not rejoice if we can prove this? Especially will
   men rejoice for the sake of some who are intimately known to us by
   their literary labours, whose eloquence and talent we admire,--not only
   the poets and orators who in many parts of their writings have held up
   to contempt and ridicule these same false gods of the nations, and have
   even occasionally confessed the one true God, although along with the
   rest they observed superstitious rites, but also those who have uttered
   the same, not in poetry or rhetoric, but as philosophers: and for the
   sake of many more of whom we have no literary remains, but in regard to
   whom we have learned from the writings of these others that their lives
   were to a certain extent praiseworthy, so that (with the exception of
   their service of God, in which they erred, worshipping the vanities
   which had been set up as objects of public worship, and serving the
   creature rather than the Creator) they may be justly held up as models
   in all the other virtues of frugality, self-denial, chastity, sobriety,
   braving of death in their country's defence, and faith kept inviolate
   not only to fellow-citizens, but also to enemies. All these things,
   indeed, when they are practised with a view not to the great end of
   right and true piety, but to the empty pride of human praise and glory,
   become in a sense worthless and unprofitable; nevertheless, as
   indications of a certain disposition of mind, they please us so much
   that we would desire those in whom they exist, either by special
   preference or along with the others, to be freed from the pains of
   hell, were not the verdict of human feeling different from that of the
   justice of the Creator.

   5. These things being so, if the Saviour delivered all from that place,
   and, to quote the terms of the question in your letter, "emptied hell,
   so that now from that time forward the last judgment was to be
   expected," the following things occasion not unreasonable perplexity on
   this subject, and are wont to present themselves to me in the meantime
   when I think on it. First, by what authoritative statements can this
   opinion be confirmed? For the words of Scripture, that "the pains of
   hell were loosed" by the death of Christ, do not establish this, seeing
   that this statement may be understood as referring to Himself, and
   meaning that he so far loosed (that is, made ineffectual) the pains of
   hell that He Himself was not held by them, especially since it is added
   that it was "impossible for Him to be holden of them." Or if any one
   [objecting to this interpretation] ask the reason why He chose to
   descend into hell, where those pains were which could not possibly hold
   Him who was, as Scripture says, "free among the dead," [2677] in whom
   the prince and captain of death found nothing which deserved
   punishment, the words that "the pains of hell were loosed" may be
   understood as referring not to the case of all, but only of some whom
   He judged worthy of that deliverance; so that neither is He supposed to
   have descended thither in vain, without the purpose of bringing benefit
   to any of those who were there held in prison, nor is it a necessary
   inference that what divine mercy and justice granted to some must be
   supposed to have been granted to all.

   Chap. III.

   6. As to the first man, the father of mankind, it is agreed by almost
   the entire Church that the Lord loosed him from that prison; a tenet
   which must be believed to have been accepted not without reason,--from
   whatever source it was handed down to the Church,--although the
   authority of the canonical Scriptures cannot be brought forward as
   speaking expressly in its support, [2678] though this seems to be the
   opinion which is more than any other borne out by these words in the
   book of Wisdom. [2679] Some add to this [tradition] that the same
   favour was bestowed on the holy men of antiquity,--on Abel, Seth, Noah
   and his house, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and the other patriarchs and
   prophets, they also being loosed from those pains at the time when the
   Lord descended into hell.

   7. But, for my part, I cannot see how Abraham, into whose bosom also
   the pious beggar in the parable was received, can be understood to have
   been in these pains; those who are able can perhaps explain this. But I
   suppose every one must see it to be absurd to imagine that only two,
   namely, Abraham and Lazarus, were in that bosom of wondrous repose
   before the Lord descended into hell, and that with reference to these
   two alone it was said to the rich man, "Between us and you there is a
   great gulf fixed, so that they which would pass from hence to you
   cannot, neither can they pass to us that would pass from thence."
   [2680] Moreover, if there were more than two there, who will dare to
   say that the patriarchs and prophets were not there, to whose
   righteousness and piety so signal testimony is borne in the word of
   God? What benefit was conferred in that case on them by Him who loosed
   the pains of hell, in which they were not held, I do not yet
   understand, especially as I have not been able to find anywhere in
   Scripture the name of hell used in a good sense. And if this use of the
   term is nowhere found in the divine Scriptures, assuredly the bosom of
   Abraham, that is, the abode of a certain secluded rest, is not to be
   believed to be a part of hell. Nay, from these words themselves of the
   great Master in which He says that Abraham said, "Between us and you
   there is a great gulf fixed," it is, as I think, sufficiently evident
   that the bosom of that glorious felicity was not any integral part of
   hell. For what is that great gulf but a chasm completely separating
   those places between which it not only is, but is fixed? Wherefore, if
   sacred Scripture had said, without naming hell and its pains, that
   Christ when He died went to that bosom of Abraham, I wonder if any one
   would have dared to say that He "descended into hell."

   8. But seeing that plain scriptural testimonies make mention of hell
   and its pains, no reason can be alleged for believing that He who is
   the Saviour went thither, except that He might save from its pains; but
   whether He did save all whom He found held in them, or some whom He
   judged worthy of that favour, I still ask: that He was, however, in
   hell, and that He conferred this benefit on persons subjected to these
   pains, I do not doubt. Wherefore, I have not yet found what benefit He,
   when He descended into hell, conferred upon those righteous ones who
   were in Abraham's bosom, from whom I see that, so far as regarded the
   beatific presence of His Godhead, He never withdrew Himself; since even
   on that very day on which He died, He promised that the thief should be
   with Him in paradise at the time when He was about to descend to loose
   the pains of hell. Most certainly, therefore, He was, before that time,
   both in paradise and the bosom of Abraham in His beatific wisdom, and
   in hell in His condemning power; for since the Godhead is confined by
   no limits, where is He not present? At the same time, however, so far
   as regarded the created nature, in assuming which at a certain point of
   time, He, while continuing to be God, became man--that is to say, so
   far as regarded His soul, He was in hell: this is plainly declared in
   these words of Scripture, which were both sent before in prophecy and
   fully expounded by apostolical interpretation: "Thou wilt not leave my
   soul in hell." [2681]

   9. I know that some think that at the death of Christ a resurrection
   such as is promised to us at the end of the world was granted to the
   righteous, founding this on the statement in Scripture that, in the
   earthquake by which at the moment of His death the rocks were rent and
   the graves were opened, many bodies of the saints arose and were seen
   with Him in the Holy City after He rose. Certainly, if these did not
   fall asleep again, their bodies being a second time laid in the grave,
   it would be necessary to see in what sense Christ can be understood to
   be "the first begotten from the dead," [2682] if so many preceded Him
   in the resurrection. And if it be said, in answer to this, that the
   statement is made by anticipation, so that the graves indeed are to be
   supposed to have been opened by that earthquake at the time when Christ
   was hanging on the cross, but that the bodies of the saints did not
   rise then, but only after Christ had risen before them,--although on
   this hypothesis of anticipation in the narrative, the addition of these
   words would not hinder us from still believing, on the one hand, that
   Christ was without doubt "the first begotten from the dead," and on the
   other, that to these saints permission was given, when He went before
   them, to rise to an eternal state of incorruption and immortality,
   there still remains a difficulty, namely, how in that case Peter could
   have spoken as he did, saying what was without doubt perfectly true,
   when he affirmed that in the prophecy quoted above the words, that "His
   flesh should not see corruption," referred not to David but to Christ,
   and added concerning David, "He is buried, and his sepulchre is with us
   to this day," [2683] --a statement which would have had no force as an
   argument unless the body of David was still undisturbed in the
   sepulchre; for of course the sepulchre might still have been there even
   had the saint's body been raised up immediately after his death, and
   had thus not seen corruption. But it seems hard that David should not
   be included in this resurrection of the saints, if eternal life was
   given to them, since it is so frequently, so clearly, and with such
   honourable mention of his name, declared that Christ was to be of
   David's seed. Moreover, these words in the Epistle to the Hebrews
   concerning the ancient believers, "God having provided some better
   thing for us, that they without us should not be made perfect," [2684]
   will be endangered, if these believers have been already established in
   that incorruptible resurrection-state which is promised to us when we
   are to be made perfect at the end of the world.

   Chap. IV.

   10. You perceive, therefore, how intricate is the question why Peter
   chose to mention, as persons to whom, when shut up in prison, the
   gospel was preached, those only who were unbelieving in the days of
   Noah when the ark was a preparing--and also the difficulties which
   prevent me from pronouncing any definite opinion on the subject. An
   additional reason for my hesitation is, that after the apostle had
   said, "Which baptism now by a like figure saves you (not the putting
   away of the filth of the flesh, but the answer of a good conscience
   towards God) by the resurrection of Jesus Christ, who is on the right
   hand of God, having swallowed up death that we might be made heirs of
   eternal life; and having gone into heaven, angels, and authorities, and
   powers being made subject to Him," he added: "Forasmuch then as Christ
   hath suffered for us in the flesh, arm yourselves likewise with the
   same mind: for he that hath suffered in the flesh hath ceased from sin;
   that he no longer should live the rest of his time in the flesh to the
   lusts of men, but to the will of God;" after which he continues: "For
   the time past of our life may suffice us to have wrought the will of
   the Gentiles, when we walked in lasciviousness, lusts, excess of wine,
   revellings, banquetings, and abominable idolatries: wherein they think
   it strange that ye run not with them to the same excess of riot,
   speaking evil of you; who shall give account to Him that is ready to
   judge the quick and the dead." After these words he subjoins: "For for
   this cause was the gospel preached also to them that are dead, that
   they might be judged according to men in the flesh, but live according
   to God in the Spirit." [2685]

   11. Who can be otherwise than perplexed by words so profound as these?
   He saith, "The gospel was preached to the dead;" and if by the "dead"
   we understand persons who have departed from the body, I suppose he
   must mean those described above as "unbelieving in the days of Noah,"
   or certainly all those whom Christ found in hell. What, then, is meant
   by the words, "That they might be judged according to men in the flesh,
   but live according to God in the spirit"? For how can they be judged in
   the flesh, which if they be in hell they no longer have, and which if
   they have been loosed from the pains of hell they have not yet resumed?
   For even if "hell was," as you put in your question, "emptied," it is
   not to be believed that all who were then there have risen again in the
   flesh, or those who, arising, again appeared with the Lord resumed the
   flesh for this purpose, that they might be in it judged according to
   men; but how this could be taken as true in the case of those who were
   unbelieving in the days of Noah I do not see, for Scripture does not
   affirm that they were made to live in the flesh, nor can it be believed
   that the end for which they were loosed from the pains of hell was that
   they who were delivered from these might resume their flesh in order to
   suffer punishment. What, then, is meant by the words, "That they might
   be judged according to men in the flesh, but live according to God in
   the spirit?" Can it mean that to those whom Christ found in hell this
   was granted, that by the gospel they were quickened in the spirit,
   although at the future resurrection they must be judged in the flesh,
   that they may pass, through some punishment in the flesh, into the
   kingdom of God? If this be what is meant, why were only the unbelievers
   of the time of Noah (and not also all others whom Christ found in hell
   when He went thither) quickened in spirit by the preaching of the
   gospel, to be afterwards judged in the flesh with a punishment of
   limited duration? But if we take this as applying to all, the question
   still remains why Peter mentioned none but those who were unbelieving
   in the days of Noah.

   12. I find, moreover, a difficulty in the reason alleged by those who
   attempt to give an explanation of this matter. They say that all those
   who were found in hell when Christ descended thither had never heard
   the gospel, and that that place of punishment or imprisonment was
   emptied of all these, because the gospel was not published to the whole
   world in their lifetime, and they had sufficient excuse for not
   believing that which had never been proclaimed to them; but that
   thenceforth, men despising the gospel when it was in all nations fully
   published and spread abroad would be inexcusable, and therefore after
   the prison was then emptied there still remains a just judgment, in
   which those who are contumacious and unbelieving shall be punished even
   with eternal fire. Those who hold this opinion do not consider that the
   same excuse is available for all those who have, even after Christ's
   resurrection, departed this life before the gospel came to them. For
   even after the Lord came back from hell, it was not the case that no
   one was from that time forward permitted to go to hell without having
   heard the gospel, seeing that multitudes throughout the world died
   before the proclamation of its tidings came to them, all of whom are
   entitled to plead the excuse which is alleged to have been taken away
   from those of whom it is said, that because they had not before heard
   the gospel, the Lord when He descended into hell proclaimed it to them.

   13. This objection may perhaps be met by saying that those also who
   since the Lord's resurrection have died or are now dying without the
   gospel having been proclaimed to them, may have heard it or may now
   hear it where they are, in hell, so that there they may believe what
   ought to be believed concerning the truth of Christ, and may also have
   that pardon and salvation which those to whom Christ preached obtained;
   for the fact that Christ ascended again from hell is no reason why the
   report concerning Him should have perished from recollection there, for
   from this earth also He has gone ascending into heaven, and yet by the
   publication of His gospel those who believe in Him shall be saved;
   moreover, He was exalted, and received a name that is above every name,
   for this end, that in His name every knee should bow, not only of
   things in heaven and on earth, but also of things under the earth.
   [2686] But if we accept this opinion, according to which we are
   warranted in supposing that men who did not believe while they were in
   life can in hell believe in Christ, who can bear the contradictions
   both of reason and faith which must follow? In the first place, if this
   were true, we should seem to have no reason for mourning over those who
   have departed from the body without that grace, and there would be no
   ground for being solicitous and using urgent exhortation that men would
   accept the grace of God before they die, lest they should be punished
   with eternal death. If, again, it be alleged that in hell those only
   believe to no purpose and in vain who refused to accept here on earth
   the gospel preached to them, but that believing will profit those who
   never despised a gospel which they never had it in their power to hear
   another still more absurd consequence is involved, namely, that
   forasmuch as all men shall certainly die, and ought to come to hell
   wholly free from the guilt of having despised the gospel; since
   otherwise it can be of no use to them to believe it when they come
   there, the gospel ought not to be preached on earth, a sentiment not
   less foolish than profane.

   Chap. V.

   14. Wherefore let us most firmly hold that which faith, resting on
   authority established beyond all question, maintains: "that Christ died
   according to the Scriptures," and that "He was buried," and that "He
   rose again the third day according to the Scriptures," and all other
   things which have been written concerning Him in records fully
   demonstrated to be true. Among these doctrines we include the doctrine
   that He was in hell, and, having loosed the pains of hell, in which it
   was impossible for Him to be holden, from which also He is with good
   ground believed to have loosed and delivered whom He would, He took
   again to Himself that body which He had left on the cross, and which
   had been laid in the tomb. These things, I say, let us firmly hold; but
   as to the question propounded by you from the words of the Apostle
   Peter, since you now perceive the difficulties which I find in it, and
   since other difficulties may possibly be found if the subject be more
   carefully studied, let us continue to investigate it, whether by
   applying our own thoughts to the subject, or by asking the opinion of
   any one whom it may be becoming and possible to consult.

   15. Consider, however, I pray you, whether all that the Apostle Peter
   says concerning spirits shut up in prison, who were unbelieving in the
   days of Noah, may not after all have been written without any reference
   to hell, but rather to those times the typical character of which he
   has transferred to the present time. For that transaction had been
   typical of future events, so that those who do not believe the gospel
   in our age, when the Church is being built up in all nations, may be
   understood to be like those who did not believe in that age while the
   ark was a preparing; also, that those who have believed and are saved
   by baptism may be compared to those who at that time, being in the ark,
   were saved by water; wherefore he says, "So baptism by a like figure
   saves you." Let us therefore interpret the rest of the statements
   concerning them that believed not so as to harmonise with the analogy
   of the figure, and refuse to entertain the thought that the gospel was
   once preached, or is even to this hour being preached in hell in order
   to make men believe and be delivered from its pains, as if a Church had
   been established there as well as on earth.

   16. Those who have inferred from the words, "He preached to the spirits
   in prison," that Peter held the opinion which perplexes you, seem to me
   to have been drawn to this interpretation by imagining that the term
   "spirits" could not be applied to designate souls which were at that
   time still in the bodies of men, and which, being shut up in the
   darkness of ignorance, were, so to speak, "in prison,"--a prison such
   as that from which the Psalmist sought deliverance in the prayer,
   "Bring my soul out of prison, that I may praise Thy name;" [2687] which
   is in another place called the "shadow of death," [2688] from which
   deliverance was granted, not certainly in hell, but in this world, to
   those of whom it is written, "They that dwell in the land of the shadow
   of death, upon them hath the light shined." [2689] But to the men of
   Noah's time the gospel was preached in vain, because they believed not
   when God's long suffering waited for them during the many years in
   which the ark was being built (for the building of the ark was itself
   in a certain sense a preaching of mercy); even as now men similar to
   them are unbelieving, who, to use the same figure, are shut up in the
   darkness of ignorance as in a prison, beholding in vain the Church
   which is being built up throughout the world, while judgment is
   impending, as the flood was by which at that time all the unbelieving
   perished; for the Lord says: "As it was in the days of Noah, so shall
   it be also in the days of the Son of man; they did eat, they drank,
   they married wives, they were given in marriage, until the day that
   Noah entered into the ark, and the flood came and destroyed them all."
   [2690] But because that transaction was also a type of a future event,
   that flood was a type both of baptism to believers and of destruction
   to unbelievers, as in that figure in which, not by a transaction but by
   words, two things are predicted concerning Christ, when He is
   represented in Scripture as a stone which was destined to be both to
   unbelievers a stone of stumbling, and to believers a foundation-stone.
   [2691] Occasionally, however, also in the same figure, whether it be in
   the form of a typical event or of a parable, two things are used to
   represent one, as believers were represented both by the timbers of
   which the ark was built and by the eight souls saved in the ark, and as
   in the gospel similitude of the sheepfold Christ is both the shepherd
   and the door. [2692]

   Chap. VI.

   17. And let it not be regarded as an objection to the interpretation
   now given, that the Apostle Peter says that Christ Himself preached to
   men shut up in prison who were unbelieving in the days of Noah, as if
   we must consider this interpretation inconsistent with the fact that at
   that time Christ had not come. For although he had not yet come in the
   flesh, as He came when afterwards He "showed Himself upon earth, and
   conversed with men," [2693] nevertheless he certainly came often to
   this earth, from the beginning of the human race, whether to rebuke the
   wicked, as Cain, and before that, Adam and his wife, when they sinned,
   or to comfort the good, or to admonish both, so that some should to
   their salvation believe, others should to their condemnation refuse to
   believe,--coming then not in the flesh but in the spirit, speaking by
   suitable manifestations of Himself to such persons and in such manner
   as seemed good to Him. As to this expression, "He came in the spirit,"
   surely He, as the Son of God, is a Spirit in the essence of His Deity,
   for that is not corporeal; but what is at any time done by the Son
   without the Holy Spirit, or without the Father, seeing that all the
   works of the Trinity are inseparable?

   18. The words of Scripture which are under consideration seem to me of
   themselves to make this sufficiently plain to those who carefully
   attend to them: "For Christ hath died once for our sins, the Just for
   the unjust, that He might bring us to God; being put to death in the
   flesh, but quickened in the spirit: in which also He came and preached
   unto the spirits in prison, who sometime were unbelieving, when the
   long-suffering of God waited in the days of Noah, while the ark was a
   preparing." The order of the words is now, I suppose, carefully noted
   by you: "Christ being put to death in the flesh, but quickened in the
   spirit;" in which spirit He came and preached also to those spirits who
   had once in the days of Noah refused to believe His word; since before
   He came in the flesh to die for us, which He did once, He often came in
   the spirit, to whom He would, by visions instructing them as He would,
   coming to them assuredly in the same spirit in which He was quickened
   when He was put to death in the flesh in His passion. Now what does His
   being quickened in the spirit mean if not this, that the same flesh in
   which alone He had experienced death rose from the dead by the
   quickening spirit?

   Chap. VII.

   19. For who will dare to say that Jesus was put to death in His soul,
   i.e. in the spirit which belonged to Him as man, since the only death
   which the soul can experience is sin, from which He was absolutely free
   when for us He was put to death in the flesh? For if the souls of all
   men are derived from that one which the breath of God gave to the first
   man, by whom "sin entered into the world, and death by sin, and so
   death passed upon all men," [2694] either the soul of Christ is not
   derived from the same source as other souls, because He had absolutely
   no sin, either original or personal, on account of which death could be
   supposed to be merited by Him, since He paid on our behalf that which
   was not on His own account due by Him, in whom the prince of this
   world, who had the power of death, found nothing [2695] --and there is
   nothing unreasonable in the supposition that He who created a soul for
   the first man should create a soul for Himself; or if the soul of
   Christ be derived from Adam's soul He in assuming it to Himself,
   cleansed it so that when He came into this world He was born of the
   Virgin perfectly free from sin either actual or transmitted. If,
   however, the souls of men are not derived from that one soul, and it is
   only by the flesh that original sin is transmitted from Adam, the Son
   of God created a soul for Himself, as He creates souls for all other
   men, but He united it not to sinful flesh, but to the "likeness of
   sinful flesh." [2696] For He took, indeed, from the Virgin the true
   substance of flesh; not, however, "sinful flesh," for it was neither
   begotten nor conceived through carnal concupiscence, but mortal, and
   capable of change in the successive stages of life, as being like unto
   sinful flesh in all points, sin excepted.

   20. Therefore, whatever be the true theory concerning the origin of
   souls,--and on this I feel it would be rash for me to pronounce,
   meanwhile, any opinion beyond utterly rejecting the theory which
   affirms that each soul is thrust into the body which it inhabits as
   into a prison, where it expiates some former actions of its own of
   which I know nothing, it is certain, regarding the soul of Christ, not
   only that it is, according to the nature of all souls, immortal, but
   also that it was neither put to death by sin nor punished by
   condemnation, the only two ways in which death can be understood as
   experienced by the soul; and therefore it could not be said of Christ
   that with reference to the soul He was "quickened in the spirit." For
   He was quickened in that in which He had been put to death; this,
   therefore, is spoken with reference to His flesh, for His flesh
   received life again when the soul returned to it, as it also had died
   when the soul departed. He was therefore said to be "put to death in
   the flesh," because He experienced death only in the flesh, but
   "quickened in the spirit," because by the operation of that Spirit in
   which He was wont to come and preach to whom He would, that same flesh
   in which He came to men was quickened and rose from the grave.

   21. Wherefore, passing now to the words which we find farther on
   concerning unbelievers, "Who shall give account to Him who is ready to
   judge the quick and the dead," there is no necessity for our
   understanding the "dead" here to be those who have departed from the
   body. For it may be that the apostle intended by the word "dead" to
   denote unbelievers, as being spiritually dead, like those of whom it
   was said, "Let the dead bury their dead," [2697] and by the word
   "living" to denote those who believe in Him, having not heard in vain
   the call, "Awake, thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, and
   Christ shall give thee light;" [2698] of whom also the Lord said: "The
   hour is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the
   Son of God, and they that hear shall live." [2699] On the same
   principle of interpretation, also, there is nothing compelling us to
   understand the immediately succeeding words of Peter--"For this cause
   was the gospel preached also to them that are dead, that they might be
   judged according to men in the flesh, but live according to God in the
   spirit" [2700] --as describing what has been done in hell. "For for
   this cause has the gospel been preached" in this life "to the dead,"
   that is, to the unbelieving wicked, "that" when they believed "they
   might be judged according to men in the flesh,"--that is, by means of
   various afflictions and by the death of the body itself; for which
   reason the same apostle says in another place: "The time is come that
   judgment must begin at the house of God," [2701] --"but live according
   to God in the spirit," since in that same spirit they had been dead
   while they were held prisoners in the death of unbelief and wickedness.

   22. If this exposition of the words of Peter offend any one, or,
   without offending, at least fail to satisfy any one, let him attempt to
   interpret them on the supposition that they refer to hell: and if he
   succeed in solving my difficulties which I have mentioned above, so as
   to remove the perplexity which they occasion, let him communicate his
   interpretation to me; and if this were done, the words might possibly
   have been intended to be understood in both ways, but the view which I
   have propounded is not thereby shown to be false.

   I wrote and sent by the deacon Asellus a letter, which I suppose you
   have received, giving such answers as I could to the questions which
   you sent before, excepting the one concerning the vision of God by the
   bodily senses, on which a larger treatise must be attempted. In your
   last note, to which this is a reply, you propounded two questions
   concerning certain words of the Apostle Peter, and concerning the soul
   of the Lord, both of which I have discussed,--the former more fully,
   the latter briefly. [2702] I beg you not to grudge the trouble of
   sending me another copy of the letter containing the question whether
   it is possible for the substance of the Deity to be seen in a bodily
   form as limited to place; for it has, I know not how, gone amissing
   here, and though long sought for, has not been found.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2673] Increduli.

   [2674] 1 Pet. iii. 18-21.

   [2675] Ps. xvi. 10.

   [2676] Acts ii. 24, 27, in which the words rendered by Augustin
   "inferni dolores" are: tas odinas tou thanatou.

   [2677] Ps. lxxxviii. 5.

   [2678] We give the original of this important sentence:--"De illo
   quidem primo homine patre generis humani, quod eum inde solverit
   Ecclesia fere tota consentit: quod eam non inaniter credidisse
   credendum est, undecumque hoc traditum sit, etiamsi canonicarum
   Scripturarum hinc expressa non proferatur auctoritas."

   [2679] Wisd. x. 1, 2.

   [2680] Luke xvi. 26.

   [2681] Ps. xvi. 10.

   [2682] Rev. i. 5.

   [2683] Acts ii. 28.

   [2684] Heb. xi. 40.

   [2685] 1 Pet. iv. 1, 6.

   [2686] Infernorum. Phil. ii. 9.

   [2687] Ps. cxlii. 7.

   [2688] Ps. cvii. 14.

   [2689] Isa. ix. 2.

   [2690] Luke xvii. 26, 27.

   [2691] Ps. cxviii. 22; Isa. viii. 14, xxviii. 16; Dan. ii. 34, 45;
   Matt. xxi. 44; Luke xx. 17; Acts iv. 11; Rom. ix. 33, etc.

   [2692] John x. 1, 2.

   [2693] Baruch iii. 37.

   [2694] Rom. v. 12.

   [2695] John xiv. 30.

   [2696] Rom. viii. 3.

   [2697] Matt. viii. 22.

   [2698] Eph. v. 14.

   [2699] John v. 25.

   [2700] 1 Pet. iv. 6.

   [2701] 1 Pet. iv. 17.

   [2702] See paragraphs 19 and 20.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXV.

   (a.d. 410. [2703] )

   To My Truly Pious Lords Marcellinus [2704] and Anapsychia, Sons Worthy
   of Being Esteemed with All the Love Due to Their Position, Jerome Sends
   Greeting in Christ.

   Chap. I.

   1. At last I have received your joint letter from Africa, and I do not
   regret the importunity with which, though you were silent, I persevered
   in sending letters to you, that I might obtain a reply, and learn, not
   through report from others, but from your own most welcome statement,
   that you are in health. I have not forgotten the brief query, or rather
   the very important theological [2705] question, which you propounded in
   regard to the origin of the soul,--does it descend from heaven, as the
   philosopher Pythagoras and all the Platonists and Origen think? or is
   it part of the essence of the Deity, as the Stoics, Manichæus, and the
   Priscillianists of Spain imagine? or are souls kept in a divine
   treasure house wherein they were stored of old as some ecclesiastics,
   foolishly misled, believe? or are they daily created by God and sent
   into bodies, according to what is written in the gospel, "My Father
   worketh hitherto, and I work"? [2706] or are souls really produced, as
   Tertullian, Apollinaris, and the majority of the Western divines
   conjecture, by propagation, so that as the body is the offspring of
   body, the soul is the offspring of soul, and exists on conditions
   similar to those regulating the existence of the inferior animals."
   [2707] I know that I have published my opinion on this question in my
   brief writings against Ruffinus, in reply to a treatise addressed by
   him to Anastasius, of holy memory, bishop of the Roman Church, in
   which, while attempting to impose upon the simplicity of his readers by
   a slippery and artful, yet withal foolish confession, he exposed to
   contempt his own faith, or, rather, his own perfidy. These books are, I
   think, in the possession of your holy kinsman Oceanus, for they were
   published long ago to meet the calumnies contained in numerous writings
   of Ruffinus. Be this as it may, you have in Africa that holy man and
   learned bishop Augustin, who will be able to teach you on this subject
   viva voce, as the saying is, and expound to you his opinion, or, I
   should rather say, my own opinion stated in his words.

   Chap. II.

   2. I have long wished to begin the volume of Ezekiel, and fulfil a
   promise frequently made to studious readers; but at the time when I had
   just begun to dictate the proposed exposition, my mind was so much
   agitated by the devastation of the western provinces of the empire, and
   especially by the sack of Rome itself by the barbarians, that, to use a
   common proverbial phrase, I scarcely knew my own name; and for a long
   while I was silent, knowing that it was a time for tears. Moreover when
   I had, in the course of this year, prepared three books of the
   Commentary, a sudden furious invasion of the barbarous tribes mentioned
   by your Virgil as "the widely roaming Barcæi," [2708] and by sacred
   Scripture in the words concerning Ishmael, "He shall dwell in the
   presence of his brethren," [2709] swept over the whole of Egypt,
   Palestine, Phenice, and Syria, carrying all before them with the
   vehemence of a mighty torrent, so that it was only with the greatest
   difficulty that we were enabled, by the mercy of Christ, to escape
   their hands. But if, as a famous orator has said, "Laws are silent amid
   the clash of arms," [2710] how much more may this be said of scriptural
   studies, which demand a multitude of books and silence, together with
   uninterrupted diligence of amanuenses, and especially the enjoyment of
   tranquillity and leisure by those who dictate! I have accordingly sent
   two books to my holy daughter Fabiola, of which, if you wish copies,
   you may borrow them from her. Through lack of time I have been unable
   to transcribe others; when you have read these, and have seen the
   portico, as it were, you may easily conjecture what the house itself is
   designed to be. But I trust in the mercy of God, who has helped me in
   the very difficult commencement of the foresaid work, that He will help
   me also in the predictions concerning the wars of Gog and Magog, which
   occupy the last division but one of the prophecy, [2711] and in the
   concluding portion itself, describing the building, the details, and
   the proportions of that most holy and mysterious temple. [2712]

   Chap. III.

   3. Our holy brother Oceanus, to whom you desire to be mentioned, is a
   man of such gifts and character, and so profoundly learned in the law
   of the Lord, that he may probably give you instruction without any
   request of mine, and can impart to you on all scriptural questions the
   opinion which, according to the measure of our joint abilities, we have
   formed.

   May Christ, our almighty God, keep you, my truly pious lords, in safety
   and prosperity to a good old age!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2703] In assigning this place to Jerome's letter to Marcellinus and
   Anapsychia, the Benedictine editors have departed from the
   chronological sequence in order to place it in immediate juxtaposition
   to Letter CLXVI., written by Augustin to Jerome some years later on the
   subject mentioned in sec. 1.

   [2704] See note on Marcellinus in Letter CXXXIII. p. 470.

   [2705] Ecclesiastica.

   [2706] John v. 17.

   [2707] Et simili cum brutus animantibus conditione subsistat.

   [2708] "Lateque vagantes Barcæi."--Virg. Æneid, iv. 43.

   [2709] Gen. xvi. 12.

   [2710] Cicero pro Milone: "Leges inter arma silent."

   [2711] Ezek. ch. xxxviii.-xxxix.

   [2712] Ibid. ch. xl.-xliii.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXVI.

   (a.d. 415.)

   A Treatise on the Origin of the Human Soul, Addressed to Jerome. [2713]

   Chap. I.

   1. Unto our God, who hath called us unto His kingdom and glory, [2714]
   I have prayed, and pray now, that what I write to you, holy brother
   Jerome, asking your opinion in regard to things of which I am ignorant,
   may by His good pleasure be profitable to us both. For although in
   addressing you I consult one much older than myself, nevertheless I
   also am becoming old; but I cannot think that it is at anytime of life
   too late to learn what we need to know, because, although it is more
   fitting that old men should be teachers than learners, it is
   nevertheless more fitting for them to learn than to continue ignorant
   of that which they should teach to others. I assure you that, amid the
   many disadvantages which I have to submit to in studying very difficult
   questions, there is none which grieves me more than the circumstance of
   separation from your Charity by a distance so great that I can scarcely
   send a letter to you, and scarcely receive one from you, even at
   intervals, not of days nor of months, but of several years; whereas my
   desire would be, if it were possible, to have you daily beside me, as
   one with whom I could converse on any theme. Nevertheless, although I
   have not been able to do all that I wished, I am not the less bound to
   do all that I can.

   2. Behold, a religious young man has come to me, by name Orosius, who
   is in the bond of Catholic peace a brother, in point of age a son, and
   in honour a fellow presbyter,--a man, of quick understanding, ready
   speech, and burning zeal, desiring to be in the Lord's house a vessel
   rendering useful service in refuting those false and pernicious
   doctrines, through which the souls of men in Spain have suffered much
   more grievous wounds than have been inflicted on their bodies by the
   sword of barbarians. For from the remote western coast of Spain he has
   come with eager haste to us, having been prompted to do this by the
   report that from me he could learn whatever he wished on the subjects
   on which he desired information. Nor has his coming been altogether in
   vain. In the first place, he has learned not to believe all that report
   affirmed of me: in the next place, I have taught him all that I could,
   and, as for the things in which I could not teach him, I have told him
   from whom he may learn them, and have exhorted him to go on to you. As
   he received this counsel or rather injunction of mine with pleasure,
   and with intention to comply with it, I asked him to visit us on his
   way home to his own country when he comes from you. On receiving his
   promise to this effect, I believed that the Lord had granted me an
   opportunity of writing to you regarding certain things which I wish
   through you to learn. For I was seeking some one whom I might send to
   you, and it was not easy to fall in with one qualified both by
   trustworthiness in performing and by alacrity in undertaking the work,
   as well as by experience in travelling. Therefore, when I became
   acquainted with this young man, I could not doubt that he was exactly
   such a person as I was asking from the Lord.

   Chap. II.

   3. Allow me, therefore, to bring before you a subject which I beseech
   you not to refuse to open up and discuss with me. Many are perplexed by
   questions concerning the soul, and I confess that I myself am of this
   number. I shall in this letter, in the first place, state explicitly
   the things regarding the soul which I most assuredly believe, and
   shall, in the next place, bring forward the things regarding which I am
   still desirous of explanation.

   The soul of man is in a sense proper to itself immortal. It is not
   absolutely immortal, as God is, of whom it is written that He "alone
   hath immortality," [2715] for Holy Scripture makes mention of deaths to
   which the soul is liable--as in the saying, "Let the dead bury their
   dead;" [2716] but because when alienated from the life of God it so
   dies as not wholly to cease from living in its own nature, it is found
   to be from a certain cause mortal, yet so as to be not without reason
   called at the same time immortal.

   The soul is not a part of God. For if it were, it would be absolutely
   immutable and incorruptible, in which case it could neither go downward
   to be worse, nor go onward to be better; nor could it either begin to
   have anything in itself which it had not before, or cease to have
   anything which it had within the sphere of its own experience. But how
   different the actual facts of the case are is a point requiring no
   evidence from without, it is acknowledged by every one who consults his
   own consciousness. In vain, moreover, is it pleaded by those who affirm
   that the soul is a part of God, that the corruption and baseness which
   we see in the worst of men, and the weakness and blemishes which we see
   in all men, come to it not from the soul itself, but from the body; for
   what matters it whence the infirmity originates in that which, if it
   were indeed immutable, could not, from any quarter whatever, be made
   infirm? For that which is truly immutable and incorruptible is not
   liable to mutation or corruption by any influence whatever from
   without, else the invulnerability which the fable ascribed to the flesh
   of Achilles would be nothing peculiar to him, but the property of every
   man, so long as no accident befell him. That which is liable to be
   changed in any manner, by any cause, or in any part whatever, is
   therefore not by nature immutable; but it were impiety to think of God
   as otherwise than truly and supremely immutable: therefore the soul is
   not a part of God.

   4. That the soul is immaterial is a fact of which I avow myself to be
   fully persuaded, although men of slow understanding are hard to be
   convinced that it is so. To secure myself, however, from either
   unnecessarily causing to others or unreasonably bringing upon myself a
   controversy about an expression, let me say that, since the thing
   itself is beyond question, it is needless to contend about mere terms.
   If matter be used as a term denoting everything which in any form has a
   separate existence, whether it be called an essence, or a substance, or
   by another name, the soul is material. Again, if you choose to apply
   the epithet immaterial only to that nature which is supremely immutable
   and is everywhere present in its entirety, the soul is material, for it
   is not at all endowed with such qualities. But if matter be used to
   designate nothing but that which, whether at rest or in motion, has
   some length, breadth, and height, so that with a greater part of itself
   it occupies a greater part of space, and with a smaller part a smaller
   space, and is in every part of it less than the whole, then the soul is
   not material. For it pervades the whole body which it animates, not by
   a local distribution of parts, but by a certain vital influence, being
   at the same moment present in its entirety in all parts of the body,
   and not less in smaller parts and greater in larger parts, but here
   with more energy and there with less energy, it is in its entirety
   present both in the whole body and in every part of it. For even that
   which the mind perceives in only a part of the body is nevertheless not
   otherwise perceived than by the whole mind; for when any part of the
   living flesh is touched by a fine pointed instrument, although the
   place affected is not only not the whole body, but scarcely discernible
   in its surface, the contact does not escape the entire mind, and yet
   the contact is felt not over the whole body, but only at the one point
   where it takes place. How comes it, then, that what takes place in only
   a part of the body is immediately known to the whole mind, unless the
   whole mind is present at that part, and at the same time not deserting
   all the other parts of the body in order to be present in its entirety
   at this one? For all the other parts of the body in which no such
   contact takes place are still living by the soul being present with
   them. And if a similar contact takes place in the other parts, and the
   contact occur in both parts simultaneously, it would in both cases
   alike be known at the same moment, to the whole mind. Now this presence
   of the mind in all parts of the body at the same moment, so that in
   every part of the body the whole mind is at the same moment present,
   would be impossible if it were distributed over these parts in the same
   way as we see matter distributed in space, occupying less space with a
   smaller portion of itself, and greater space with a greater portion.
   If, therefore, mind is to be called material, it is not material in the
   same sense as earth, water, air, and ether are material. For all things
   composed of these elements are larger in larger places, or smaller in
   smaller places, and none of them is in its entirety present at any part
   of itself, but the dimensions of the material substances are according
   to the dimensions of the space occupied. Whence it is perceived that
   the soul, whether it be termed material or immaterial, has a certain
   nature of its own, created from a substance superior to the elements of
   this world,--a substance which cannot be truly conceived of by any
   representation of the material images perceived by the bodily senses,
   but which is apprehended by the understanding and discovered to our
   consciousness by its living energy. These things I am stating, not with
   the view of teaching you what you already know, but in order that I may
   declare explicitly what I hold as indisputably certain concerning the
   soul, lest any one should think, when I come to state the questions to
   which I desire answers, that I hold none of the doctrines which we have
   learned from science or from revelation concerning the soul.

   5. I am, moreover, fully persuaded that the soul has fallen into sin,
   not through the fault of God, nor through any necessity either in the
   divine nature or in its own, but by its own free will; and that it can
   be delivered from the body of this death neither by the strength of its
   own will, as if that were in itself sufficient to achieve this, nor by
   the death of the body itself, but only by the grace of God through our
   Lord Jesus Christ; [2717] and that there is not one soul in the human
   family to whose salvation the one Mediator between God and men, the man
   Christ Jesus, is not absolutely necessary. Every soul, moreover, which
   may at any age whatsoever depart from this life without the grace of
   the Mediator and the sacrament of this grace, departs to future
   punishment, and shall receive again its own body at the last judgment
   as a partner in punishment. But if the soul after its natural
   generation, which was derived from Adam, be regenerated in Christ, it
   belongs to His fellowship, [2718] and shall not only have rest after
   the death of the body, but also receive again its own body as a partner
   in glory. These are truths concerning the soul which I hold most
   firmly.

   Chap. III.

   6. Permit me now, therefore, to bring before you the question which I
   desire to have solved, and do not reject me; so may He not reject you
   who condescended to be rejected for our sakes!

   I ask where can the soul, even of an infant snatched away by death,
   have contracted the guilt which, unless the grace of Christ has come to
   the rescue by that sacrament of baptism which is administered even to
   infants, involves it in condemnation? I know you are not one of those
   who have begun of late to utter certain new and absurd opinions,
   alleging that there is no guilt derived from Adam which is removed by
   baptism in the case of infants. If I knew that you held this view, or,
   rather, if I did not know that you reject it, I would certainly neither
   address this question to you, nor think that it ought to be put to you
   at all. Since, however, we hold on this subject the opinion consonant
   with the immoveable Catholic faith, which you have yourself expressed
   when, refuting the absurd sayings of Jovinian, you have quoted this
   sentence from the book of Job: "In thy sight, no one is clean, not even
   the infant, whose time of life on earth is a single day," [2719]
   adding, "for we are held guilty in the similitude of Adam's
   transgression," [2720] --an opinion which your book on Jonah's prophecy
   declares in a notable and lucid manner, where you affirm that the
   little children of Nineveh were justly compelled to fast along with the
   people, because merely of their original sin, [2721] --it is not
   unsuitable that I should address to you the question--where has the
   soul contracted the guilt from which, even at that age, it must be
   delivered by the sacrament of Christian grace?

   7. Some years ago, when I wrote certain books concerning Free Will,
   which have gone forth into the hands of many, and are now in the
   possession of very many readers, after referring to these four opinions
   as to the manner of the soul's incarnation,--(1) that all other souls
   are derived from the one which was given to the first man; (2) that for
   each individual a new soul is made; (3) that souls already in existence
   somewhere are sent by divine act into the bodies; or (4) glide into
   them of their own accord, I thought that it was necessary to treat them
   in such a way that, whichever of them might be true, the decision
   should not hinder the object which I had in view when contending with
   all my might against those who attempt to lay upon God the blame of a
   nature endowed with its own principle of evil, namely, the Manichæans;
   [2722] for at that time I had not heard of the Priscillianists, who
   utter blasphemies not very dissimilar to these. As to the fifth
   opinion, namely, that the soul is a part of God,--an opinion which, in
   order to omit none, you have mentioned along with the rest in your
   letter to Marcellinus (a man of pious memory and very dear to us in the
   grace of Christ), who had consulted you on this question, [2723] --I
   did not add it to the others for two reasons, first,--because, in
   examining this opinion, we discuss not the incarnation of the soul, but
   its nature; secondly, because this is the view held by those against
   whom I was arguing, and the main design of my argument was to prove
   that the blameless and inviolable nature of the Creator has nothing to
   do with the faults and blemishes of the creature, while they, on their
   part, maintained that the substance of the good God itself is, in so
   far as it is led captive, corrupted and oppressed and brought under a
   necessity of sinning by the substance of evil, to which they ascribe a
   proper dominion and principalities. Leaving, therefore, out of the
   question this heretical error, I desire to know which of the other four
   opinions we ought to choose. For whichever of them may justly claim our
   preference, far be it from us to assail this article of faith, about
   which we have no uncertainty, that every soul, even the soul of an
   infant, requires to be delivered from the binding guilt of sin, and
   that there is no deliverance except through Jesus Christ and Him
   crucified.

   Chap. IV.

   8. To avoid prolixity, therefore, let me refer to the opinion which
   you, I believe, entertain, viz. that God even now makes each soul for
   each individual at the time of birth. To meet the objection to this
   view which might be taken from the fact that God finished the whole
   work of creation on the sixth day and rested on the seventh day, you
   quote the testimony of the words in the gospel, "My Father worketh
   hitherto, and I work." [2724] This you have written in your letter to
   Marcellinus, in which letter, moreover, you have most kindly
   condescended to mention my name, saying that he had me here in Africa,
   who could more easily explain to him the opinion held by you. [2725]
   But had I been able to do this, he would not have applied for
   instruction to you, who were so remote from him, though perhaps he did
   not write from Africa to you. For I know not when he wrote it; I only
   know that he knew well my hesitation to embrace any definite view on
   this subject, for which reason he preferred to write to you without
   consulting me. Yet, even if he had consulted me, I would rather have
   encouraged him to write to you, and would have expressed my gratitude
   for the benefit which might have been conferred on us all, had you not
   preferred to send a brief note, instead of a full reply, doing this, I
   suppose, to save yourself from unnecessary expenditure of effort in a
   place where I, whom you supposed to be thoroughly acquainted with the
   subject of his inquiries, was at hand. Behold, I am willing that the
   opinion which you hold should be also mine; but I assure you that as
   yet I have not embraced it.

   9. You have sent to me scholars, to whom you wish me to impart what I
   have not yet learned myself. Teach me, therefore, what I am to teach
   them; for many urge me vehemently to be a teacher on this subject, and
   to them I confess that of this, as well as of many other things, I am
   ignorant, and perhaps, though they maintain a respectful demeanour in
   my presence, they say among themselves: "Art thou a master in Israel,
   and knowest not these things?" [2726] a rebuke which the Lord gave to
   one who belonged to the class of men who delighted in being called
   Rabbi; which was also the reason of his coming by night to the true
   Teacher, because perchance he, who had been accustomed to teach,
   blushed to take the learner's place. But, for my own part, it gives me
   much more pleasure to hear instruction from another, than to be myself
   listened to as a teacher. For I remember what He said to those whom,
   above all men, He had chosen: "But be not ye called Rabbi, for one is
   your master, even Christ." [2727] Nor was it any other teacher who
   taught Moses by Jethro, [2728] Cornelius by Peter the earlier apostle,
   [2729] and Peter himself by Paul the later apostle; [2730] for by
   whomsoever truth is spoken, it is spoken by the gift of Him who is the
   Truth. What if the reason of our still being ignorant of these things,
   and of our having failed to discover them, even after praying, reading,
   thinking, and reasoning, be this: that full proof may be made not only
   of the love with which we give instruction to the ignorant, but also of
   the humility with which we receive instruction from the learned?

   10. Teach me, therefore, I beseech you, what I may teach to others;
   teach me what I ought to hold as my own opinion; and tell me this: if
   souls are from day to day made for each individual separately at birth,
   where, in the case of infant children, is sin committed by these souls,
   so that they require the remission of sin in the sacrament of Christ,
   because of sinning in Adam from whom the sinful flesh has been derived?
   or if they do not sin, how is it compatible with the justice of the
   Creator, that, because of their being united to mortal members derived
   from another, they are so brought under the bond of the sin of that
   other, that unless they be rescued by the Church, perdition overtakes
   them, although it is not in their own power to secure that they be
   rescued by the grace of baptism? Where, therefore, is the justice of
   the condemnation of so many thousands of souls, which in the deaths of
   infant children leave this world without the benefit of the Christian
   sacrament, if being newly created they have, not through any preceding
   sin of their own, but by the will of the Creator, become severally
   united to the individual bodies to animate which they were created and
   bestowed by Him, who certainly knew that every one of them was
   destined, not through any fault of its own, to leave the body without
   receiving the baptism of Christ? Seeing, therefore, that we may not say
   concerning God either that He compels them to become sinners, or that
   He punishes innocent souls and seeing that, on the other hand, it is
   not lawful for us to deny that nothing else than perdition is the doom
   of the souls, even of little children, which have departed from the
   body without the sacrament of Christ, tell me, I implore you, where
   anything can be found to support the opinion that souls are not all
   derived from that one soul of the first man, but are each created
   separately for each individual, as Adam's soul was made for him.

   Chap. V.

   11. As for some other objections which are advanced against this
   opinion, I think that I could easily dispose of them. For example, some
   think that they urge a conclusive argument against this opinion when
   they ask, how God finished all His works an the sixth day and rested on
   the seventh day, [2731] if He is still creating new souls. If we meet
   them with the quotation from the gospel (given by you in the letter to
   Marcellinus already mentioned), "My Father worketh hitherto," they
   answer that He "worketh" in maintaining those natures which He has
   created, not in creating new natures; otherwise, this statement would
   contradict the words of Scripture in Genesis, where it is most plainly
   declared that God finished all His works. Moreover, the words of
   Scripture, that He rested, are unquestionably to be understood of His
   resting from creating new creatures, not from governing those which He
   had created; for at that time He made things which previously did not
   exist, and from making these He rested because He had finished all the
   creatures which before they existed He saw necessary to be created, so
   that thenceforward He did not create and make things which previously
   did not exist, but made and fashioned out of things already existing
   whatever He did make. Thus the statements, "He rested from His works,"
   and, "He worketh hitherto," are both true, for the gospel could not
   contradict Genesis.

   12. When, however, these things are brought forward by persons who
   advance them as conclusive against the opinion that God now creates new
   souls as He created the soul of the first man, and who hold either that
   He forms them from that one soul which existed before He rested from
   creation, or that He now sends them forth into bodies from some
   reservoir or storehouse of souls which He then created, it is easy to
   turn aside their argument by answering, that even in the six days God
   formed many things out of those natures which He had already created,
   as, for example, the birds and fishes were formed from the waters, and
   the trees, the grass, and the animals from the earth, and yet it is
   undeniable that He was then making things which did not exist before.
   For there existed previously no bird, no fish, no tree, no animal, and
   it is clearly understood that He rested from creating those things
   which previously were not, and were then created, that is to say, He
   ceased in this sense, that, after that, nothing was made by Him which
   did not already exist. But if, rejecting the opinions of all who
   believe either that God sends forth into men souls existing already in
   some incomprehensible reservoir, or that He makes souls emanate like
   drops of dew from Himself as particles of His own substance, or that He
   brings them forth from that one soul of the first man, or that He binds
   them in the fetters of the bodily members because of sins committed in
   a prior state of existence, if, I say, rejecting these, we affirm that
   for each individual He creates separately a new soul when he is born,
   we do not herein affirm that He makes anything which he had not already
   made. For He had already made man after His own image on the sixth day;
   and this work of His is unquestionably to be understood with reference
   to the rational soul of man. The same work He still does, not in
   creating what did not exist, but in multiplying what already existed.
   Wherefore it is true, on the one hand, that He rested from creating
   things which previously did not exist, and equally true, on the other
   hand, that He continues still to work, not only in governing what He
   has made, but also in making (not anything which did not previously
   exist, but) a larger number of those creatures which He had already
   made. Wherefore, either by such an explanation, or by any other which
   may seem better, we escape from the objection advanced by those who
   would make the fact that God rested from His works a conclusive
   argument against our believing that new souls are still being daily
   created, not from the first soul, but in the same manner as it was
   made.

   13. Again, as for another objection, stated in the question, "Wherefore
   does He create souls for those whom He knows to be destined to an early
   death?" we may reply, that by the death of the children the sins of the
   parents are either reproved or chastised. We may, moreover, with all
   propriety, leave these things to the disposal of the Lord of all, for
   we know that he appoints to the succession of events in time, and
   therefore to the births and deaths of living creatures as included in
   these, a course which is consummate in beauty and perfect in the
   arrangement of all its parts; whereas we are not capable of perceiving
   those things by the perception of which, if it were attainable, we
   should be soothed with an ineffable, tranquil joy. For not in vain has
   the prophet, taught by divine inspiration, declared concerning God, "He
   bringeth forth in measured harmonies the course of time." [2732] For
   which reason music, the science or capacity of correct harmony, has
   been given also by the kindness of God to mortals having reasonable
   souls, with a view to keep them in mind of this great truth. For if a
   man, when composing a song which is to suit a particular melody, knows
   how to distribute the length of time allowed to each word so as to make
   the song flow and pass on in most beautiful adaptation to the
   ever-changing notes of the melody, how much more shall God, whose
   wisdom is to be esteemed as infinitely transcending human arts, make
   infallible provision that not one of the spaces of time alloted to
   natures that are born and die--spaces which are like the words and
   syllables of the successive epochs of the course of time--shall have,
   in what we may call the sublime psalm of the vicissitudes of this
   world, a duration either more brief or more protracted than the
   foreknown and predetermined harmony requires! For when I may speak thus
   with reference even to the leaves of every tree, and the number of the
   hairs upon our heads, how much more may I say it regarding the birth
   and death of men, seeing that every man's life on earth continues for a
   time, which is neither longer nor shorter than God knows to be in
   harmony with the plan according to which He rules the universe.

   14. As to the assertion that everything which has begun to exist in
   time is incapable of immortality, because all things which are born
   die, and all things which have grown decay through age, and the opinion
   which they affirm to follow necessarily from this, viz. that the soul
   of man must owe its immortality to its having been created before time
   began, this does not disturb my faith; for, passing over other
   examples, which conclusively dispose of this assertion, I need only
   refer to the body of Christ, which now "dieth no more; death shall have
   no more dominion over it." [2733]

   15. Moreover, as to your remark in your book against Ruffinus, that
   some bring forward as against this opinion that souls are created for
   each individual separately at birth the objection that it seems worthy
   of God that He should give souls to the offspring of adulterers, and
   who accordingly attempt to build on this a theory that souls may
   possibly be incarcerated, as it were, in such bodies, to suffer for the
   deeds of a life spent in some prior state of being, [2734] --this
   objection does not disturb me, as many things by which it may be
   answered occur to me when I consider it. The answer which you yourself
   have given, saying, that in the case of stolen wheat, there is no fault
   in the grain, but only in him who stole it, and that the earth is not
   under obligation to refuse to cherish the seed because the sower may
   have cast it in with a hand defiled by dishonesty, is a most felicitous
   illustration. But even before I had read it, I felt that to me the
   objection drawn from the offspring of adulterers caused no serious
   difficulty when I took a general view of the fact that God brings many
   good things to light, even out of our evils and our sins. Now, the
   creation of any living creature compels every one who considers it with
   piety and wisdom to give to the Creator praise which words cannot
   express; and if this praise is called forth by the creation of any
   living creature whatsoever, how much more is it called forth by the
   creation of a man! If, therefore, the cause of any act of creative
   power be sought for, no shorter or better reply can be given than that
   every creature of God is good. And [so far from such an act being
   unworthy of God] what is more worthy of Him than that He, being good,
   should make those good things which, no one else than God alone can
   make?

   Chap. VI.

   16. These things, and others which I can advance, I am accustomed to
   state, as well as I can, against those who attempt to overthrow by such
   objections the opinion that souls are made for each individual, as the
   first man's soul was made for him.

   But when we come to the penal sufferings of infants, I am embarrassed,
   believe me, by great difficulties, and am wholly at a loss to find an
   answer by which they are solved; and I speak here not only of those
   punishments in the life to come, which are involved in that perdition
   to which they must be drawn down if they depart from the body without
   the sacrament of Christian grace, but also of the sufferings which are
   to our sorrow endured by them before our eyes in this present life, and
   which are so various, that time rather than examples would fail me if I
   were to attempt to enumerate them. They are liable to wasting disease,
   to racking pain, to the agonies of thirst and hunger, to feebleness of
   limbs, to privation of bodily senses, and to vexing assaults of unclean
   spirits. Surely it is incumbent on us to show how it is compatible with
   justice that infants suffer all these things without any evil of their
   own as the procuring cause. For it would be impious to say, either that
   these things take place without God's knowledge, or that He cannot
   resist those who cause them, or that He unrighteously does these
   things, or permits them to be done. We are warranted in saying that
   irrational animals are given by God to serve creatures possessing a
   higher nature, even though they be wicked, as we see most plainly in
   the gospel that the swine of the Gadarenes were given to the legion of
   devils at their request; but could we ever be warranted in saying this
   of men? Certainly not. Man is, indeed, an animal, but an animal endowed
   with reason, though mortal. In his members dwells a reasonable soul,
   which in these severe afflictions is enduring a penalty. Now God is
   good, God is just, God is omnipotent--none but a madman would doubt
   that he is so; let the great sufferings, therefore, which infant
   children experience be accounted for by some reason compatible with
   justice. When older people suffer such trials, we are accustomed,
   certainly, to say, either that their worth is being proved, as in Job's
   case, or that their wickedness is being punished, as in Herod's; and
   from some examples, which it has pleased God to make perfectly clear,
   men are enabled to conjecture the nature of others which are more
   obscure; but this is in regard to persons of mature age. Tell me,
   therefore, what we must answer in regard to infant children; is it true
   that, although they suffer so great punishments, there are no sins in
   them deserving to be punished? for, of course, there is not in them at
   that age any righteousness requiring to be put to the proof.

   17. What shall I say, moreover, as to the [difficulty which besets the
   theory of the creation of each soul separately at the birth of the
   individual in connection with the] diversity of talent in different
   souls, and especially the absolute privation of reason in some? This
   is, indeed, not apparent in the first stages of infancy, but being
   developed continuously from the beginning of life, it becomes manifest
   in children, of whom some are so slow and defective in memory that they
   cannot learn even the letters of the alphabet, and some (commonly
   called idiots) so imbecile that they differ very little from the beasts
   of the field. Perhaps I am told, in answer to this, that the bodies are
   the cause of these imperfections. But surely the opinion which we wish
   to see vindicated from objection does not require us to affirm that the
   soul chose for itself the body which so impairs it, and, being deceived
   in the choice, committed a blunder; or that the soul, when it was
   compelled, as a necessary consequence of being born, to enter into some
   body, was hindered from finding another by crowds of souls occupying
   the other bodies before it came, so that, like a man who takes whatever
   seat may remain vacant for him in a theatre, the soul was guided in
   taking possession of the imperfect body not by its choice, but by its
   circumstances. We, of course, cannot say and ought not to believe such
   things. Tell us, therefore, what we ought to believe and to say in
   order to vindicate from this difficulty the theory that for each
   individual body a new soul is specially created.

   Chap. VII.

   18. In my books on Free Will, already referred to, I have said
   something, not in regard to the variety of capacities in different
   souls, but, at least, in regard to the pains which infant children
   suffer in this life. The nature of the opinion which I there expressed,
   and the reason why it is insufficient for the purposes of our present
   inquiry, I will now submit to you, and will put into this letter a copy
   of the passage in the third book to which I refer. It is as
   follows:--"In connection with the bodily sufferings experienced by the
   little children who, by reason of their tender age, have no sins--if
   the souls which animate them did not exist before they were born into
   the human family--a more grievous and, as it were, compassionate
   complaint is very commonly made in the remark, What evil have they done
   that they should suffer these things?' as if there could be a
   meritorious innocence in any one before the time at which it is
   possible for him to do anything wrong! Moreover, if God accomplishes,
   in any measure, the correction of the parents when they are chastised
   by the sufferings or by the death of the children that are dear to
   them, is there any reason why these things should not take place,
   seeing that, after they are passed, they will be, to those who
   experienced them, as if they had never been, while the persons on whose
   account they were inflicted will either become better, being moved by
   the rod of temporal afflictions to choose a better mode of life, or be
   left without excuse under the punishment awarded at the coming
   judgment, if, notwithstanding the sorrows of this life, they have
   refused to turn their desires towards eternal life? Morever, who knows
   what may be given to the little children by means of whose sufferings
   the parents have their obdurate hearts subdued, or their faith
   exercised, or their compassion proved? Who knows what good recompense
   God may, in the secret of his judgments, reserve for these little ones?
   For although they have done no righteous action, nevertheless, being
   free from any transgression of their own, they have suffered these
   trials. It is certainly not without reason that the Church exalts to
   the honourable rank of martyrs those children who were slain when Herod
   sought our Lord Jesus Christ to put Him to death." [2735]

   19. These things I wrote at that time when I was endeavouring to defend
   the opinion which is now under discussion. For, as I mentioned shortly
   before, I was labouring to prove that whichever of these four opinions
   regarding the soul's incarnation may be found true, the substance of
   the Creator is absolutely free from blame, and is completely removed
   from all share in our sins. And, therefore, whichever of these opinions
   might come to be established or demolished by the truth, this had no
   bearing on the object aimed at in the work which I was then attempting,
   seeing that whichever opinion might win the victory over all the rest,
   after they had been examined in a more thorough discussion, this would
   take place without causing me any disquietude, because my object then
   was to prove that, even admitting all these opinions, the doctrine
   maintained by me remained unshaken. But now my object is, by the force
   of sound reasoning, to select, if possible, one opinion out of the
   four; and, therefore, when I carefully consider the words now quoted
   from that book, I do not see that the arguments there used in defending
   the opinion which we are now discussing are valid and conclusive.

   20. For what may be called the chief prop of my defence is in the
   sentence, "Moreover, who knows what may be given to the little
   children, by means of whose sufferings the parents have their obdurate
   hearts subdued, or their faith exercised, or their compassion proved?
   Who knows what good recompense God may, in the secret of His judgments,
   reserve for these little ones?" I see that this is not an unwarranted
   conjecture in the case of infants who, in any way, suffer (though they
   know it not) for the sake of Christ and in the cause of true religion,
   and of infants who have already been made partakers of the sacrament of
   Christ; because, apart from union to the one Mediator, they cannot be
   delivered from condemnation, and so put in a position in which it is
   even possible that a recompense could be made to them for the evils
   which, in diverse afflictions, they have endured in this world. But
   since the question cannot be fully solved, unless the answer include
   also the case of those who, without having received the sacrament of
   Christian fellowship, die in infancy after enduring the most painful
   sufferings, what recompense can be conceived of in their case, seeing
   that, besides all that they suffer in this life, perdition awaits them
   in the life to come? As to the baptism of infants, I have, in the same
   book, given an answer, not, indeed, fully, but so far as seemed
   necessary for the work which then occupied me, proving that it profits
   children, even though they do not know what it is, and have, as yet, no
   faith of their own; but on the subject of the perdition of those
   infants who depart from this life without baptism, I did not think it
   necessary to say anything then, because the question under discussion
   was different from that with which we are now engaged.

   21. If, however, we pass over and make no account of those sufferings
   which are of brief continuance, and which, when endured, are not to be
   repeated, we certainly cannot, in like manner, make no account of the
   fact that "by one man death came, and by one man came also the
   resurrection of the dead; for as in Adam all die, even so in Christ
   shall all be made alive." [2736] For, according to this apostolical,
   divine, and perspicuous declaration, it is sufficiently plain that no
   one goes to death otherwise than through Adam, and that no one goes to
   life eternal otherwise than through Christ. For this is the force of
   all in the two parts of the sentence; as all men, by their first, that
   is, their natural birth, belong to Adam, even so all men, whoever they
   be, who come to Christ come to the second, that is, the spiritual
   birth. For this reason, therefore, the word all is used in both
   clauses, because as all who die do not die otherwise than in Adam, so
   all who shall be made alive shall not be made alive otherwise than in
   Christ. Wherefore whosoever tells us that any man can be made alive in
   the resurrection of the dead otherwise than in Christ, he is to be
   detested as a pestilent enemy to the common faith. Likewise, whosoever
   says that those children who depart out of this life without partaking
   of that sacrament shall be made alive in Christ, certainly contradicts
   the apostolic declaration, and condemns the universal Church, in which
   it is the practice to lose no time and run in haste to administer
   baptism to infant children, because it is believed, as an indubitable
   truth, that otherwise they cannot be made alive in Christ. Now he that
   is not made alive in Christ must necessarily remain under the
   condemnation, of which the apostle says, that "by the offence of one
   judgment came upon all men to condemnation." [2737] That infants are
   born under the guilt of this offence is believed by the whole Church.
   It is also a doctrine which you have most faithfully set forth, both in
   your treatise against Jovinian and your exposition of Jonah, as I
   mentioned above, and, if I am not mistaken, in other parts of your
   works which I have not read or have at present forgotten. I therefore
   ask, what is the ground of this condemnation of unbaptized infants? For
   if new souls are made for men, individually, at their birth, I do not
   see, on the one hand, that they could have any sin while yet in
   infancy, nor do I believe, on the other hand, that God condemns any
   soul which He sees to have no sin.

   Chap. VIII.

   22. Are we perchance to say, in answer to this, that in the infant the
   body alone is the cause of sin; but that for each body a new soul is
   made, and that if this soul live according to the precepts of God, by
   the help of the grace of Christ, the reward of being made incorruptible
   may be secured for the body itself, when subdued and kept under the
   yoke; and that inasmuch as the soul of an infant cannot yet do this,
   unless it receive the sacrament of Christ, that which could not yet be
   obtained for the body by the holiness of the soul is obtained for it by
   the grace of this sacrament; but if the soul of an infant depart
   without the sacrament, it shall itself dwell in life eternal, from
   which it could not be separated, as it had no sin, while, however, the
   body which it occupied shall not rise again in Christ, because the
   sacrament had not been received before its death?

   23. This opinion I have never heard or read anywhere. I have, however,
   certainly heard and believed the statement which led me to speak thus,
   namely, "The hour is coming, in the which all that are in the graves
   shall hear His voice, and shall come forth; they that have done good,
   unto the resurrection of life,"--the resurrection, namely, of which it
   is said that "by one man came the resurrection of the dead," and in
   which "all shall be made alive in Christ,"--"and they that have done
   evil, unto the resurrection of damnation." [2738] Now, what is to be
   understood regarding infants which, before they could do good or evil,
   have quitted the body without baptism? Nothing is said here concerning
   them. But if the bodies of these infants shall not rise again, because
   they have never done either good or evil, the bodies of the infants
   that have died after receiving the grace of baptism shall also have no
   resurrection, because they also were not in this life able to do good
   or evil. If, however, these are to rise among the saints, i.e. among
   those who have done good, among whom shall the others rise again but
   among those who have done evil--unless we are to believe that some
   human souls shall not receive, either in the resurrection of life, or
   in the resurrection of damnation, the bodies which they lost in death?
   This opinion, however, is condemned, even before it is formally
   refuted, by its absolute novelty; and besides this, who could bear to
   think that those who run with their infant children to have them
   baptized, are prompted to do so by a regard for their bodies, not for
   their souls? The blessed Cyprian, indeed, said, in order to correct
   those who thought that an infant should not be baptized before the
   eighth day, that it was not the body but the soul which behoved to be
   saved from perdition--in which statement he was not inventing any new
   doctrine, but preserving the firmly established faith of the Church;
   and he, along with some of his colleagues in the episcopal office, held
   that a child may be properly baptized immediately after its birth.
   [2739]

   24. Let every man, however, believe anything which commends itself to
   his own judgment, even though it run counter to some opinion of
   Cyprian, who may not have seen in the matter what should have been
   seen. But let no man believe anything which runs counter to the
   perfectly unambiguous apostolical declaration, that by the offence of
   one all are brought into condemnation, and that from this condemnation
   nothing sets men free but the grace of God through our Lord Jesus
   Christ, in whom alone life is given to all who are made alive. And let
   no man believe anything which runs counter to the firmly grounded
   practice of the Church, in which, if the sole reason for hastening the
   administration of baptism were to save the children, the dead as well
   as the living would be brought to be baptized.

   25. These things being so, it is necessary still to investigate and to
   make known the reason why, if souls are created new for every
   individual at his birth, those who die in infancy without the sacrament
   of Christ are doomed to perdition; for that they are doomed to this if
   they so depart from the body is testified both by Holy Scripture and by
   the holy Church. Wherefore, as to that opinion of yours concerning the
   creation of new souls, if it does not contradict this firmly grounded
   article of faith, let it be mine also; but if it does, let it be no
   longer yours.

   26. Let it not be said to me that we ought to receive as supporting
   this opinion the words of Scripture in Zechariah, "He formeth the
   spirit of man within him," [2740] and in the book of Psalms, "He
   formeth their hearts severally." [2741] We must seek for the strongest
   and most indisputable proof, that we may not be compelled to believe
   that God is a judge who condemns any soul which has no fault. For to
   create signifies either as much or, probably, more than to form
   [fingere]; nevertheless it is written, "Create in me a clean heart, O
   God," [2742] and yet it cannot be supposed that a soul here expresses a
   desire to be made before it has begun to exist. Therefore, as it is a
   soul already existing which is created by being renewed in
   righteousness, so it is a soul already existing which is formed by the
   moulding power of doctrine. Nor is your opinion, which I would
   willingly make my own, supported by that sentence in Ecclesiastes,
   "Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was: and the spirit
   shall return to God who gave it." [2743] Nay, it rather favours those
   who think that all souls are derived from one; for they say that, as
   the dust returns to the earth as it was, and yet the body of which this
   is said returns not to the man from whom it was derived, but to the
   earth from which the first man was made, the spirit in like manner,
   though derived from the spirit of the first man, does not return to him
   but to the Lord, by whom it was given to our first parent. Since,
   however, the testimony of this passage in their favour is not so
   decisive as to make it appear altogether opposed to the opinion which I
   shall gladly see vindicated, I thought proper to submit these remarks
   on it to your judgment, to prevent you from endeavouring to deliver me
   from my perplexities by quoting passages such as these. For although no
   man's wishes can make that true which is not true, nevertheless, were
   this possible, I would wish that this opinion should be true, as I do
   wish that, if it is true, it should be most clearly and unanswerably
   vindicated by you.

   Chap. IX.

   27. The same difficulty attends those also who hold that souls already
   existing elsewhere, and prepared from the beginning of the works of
   God, are sent by Him into bodies. For to these persons also the same
   question may be put: If these souls, being without any fault, go
   obediently to the bodies to which they are sent, why are they subjected
   to punishment in the case of infants, if they come without being
   baptized to the end of this life? The same difficulty unquestionably
   attaches to both opinions. Those who affirm that each soul is,
   according to the deserts of its actions in an earlier state of being,
   united to the body alloted to it in this life, imagine that they escape
   more easily from this difficulty. For they think that to "die in Adam"
   means to suffer punishment in that flesh which is derived from Adam,
   from which condition of guilt the grace of Christ, they say, delivers
   the young as well as the old. So far, indeed, they teach what is right,
   and true, and excellent, when they say that the grace of Christ
   delivers the young as well as the old from the guilt of sins. But that
   souls sin in another earlier life, and that for their sins in that
   state of being they are cast down into bodies as prisons, I do not
   believe: I reject and protest against such an opinion. I do this, in
   the first place, because they affirm that this is accomplished by means
   of some incomprehensible revolutions, so that after I know not how many
   cycles the soul must return again to the same burden of corruptible
   flesh and to the endurance of punishment,--than which opinion I do not
   know that anything more horrible could be conceived. In the next place,
   who is the righteous man gone from the earth about whom we should not
   (if what they say is true) feel afraid lest, sinning in Abraham's
   bosom, he should be cast down into the flames which tormented the rich
   man in the parable? [2744] For why may the soul not sin after leaving
   the body, if it can sin before entering it? Finally, to have sinned in
   Adam (in regard to which the apostle says that in him all have sinned)
   is one thing, but it is a wholly different thing to have sinned, I know
   not where, outside of Adam, and then because of this to be thrust into
   Adam--that is, into the body, which is derived from Adam, as into a
   prison-house. As to the other opinion mentioned above, that all souls
   are derived from one, I will not begin to discuss it unless I am under
   necessity to do so; and my desire is, that if the opinion which we are
   now discussing is true, it may be so vindicated by you that there shall
   be no longer any necessity for examining the other.

   28. Although, however, I desire and ask, and with fervent prayers wish
   and hope, that by you the Lord may remove my ignorance on this subject,
   if, after all, I am found unworthy to obtain this, I will beg the grace
   of patience from the Lord our God, in whom we have such faith, that
   even if there be some things which He does not open to us when we
   knock, we know it would be wrong to murmur in the least against Him. I
   remember what He said to the apostles themselves: "I have yet many
   things to say unto you, but ye cannot bear them now." [2745] Among
   these things, so far at least as I am concerned, let me still reckon
   this, and let me guard against being angry that I am deemed unworthy to
   possess this knowledge, lest by such anger I be all the more clearly
   proved to be unworthy. I am equally ignorant of many other things, yea,
   of more than I could name or even number; and of this I would be more
   patiently ignorant, were it not that I fear lest some one of these
   opinions, involving the contradiction of truth which we most assuredly
   believe, should insinuate itself into the minds of the unwary.
   Meanwhile, though I do not yet know which of these opinions is to be
   preferred, this one thing I profess as my deliberate conviction, that
   the opinion which is true does not conflict with that most firm and
   well grounded article in the faith of the Church of Christ, that infant
   children, even when they are newly born, can be delivered from
   perdition in no other way than through the grace of Christ's name,
   which He has given in His sacraments.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2713] The following passage from the Retractations of Augustin (Book
   ii. ch. xlv.) is quoted by the Benedictine Fathers as a preface to this
   letter and the one immediately succeeding:--"I wrote also two books to
   Presbyter Jerome, the recluse of Bethlehem [sedentem in Bethlehem]; the
   one on the origin of the human soul, the other on the sentence of the
   Apostle James, Whosoever shall keep the whole law and offend in one
   point, he is guilty of all' (Jas. ii. 10), asking his opinion on both
   subjects. In the former letter I did not give any answer of my own to
   the question which I proposed; in the latter I did not keep back what
   seemed to me the best way to solve the question, but asked whether the
   same solution commended itself to his judgment. He wrote in return,
   expressing approbation of my submitting the questions to him, but
   saying that he had not leisure to send me a reply. So long as he lived,
   therefore, I refused to give these books to the world, lest he should
   perhaps at any time reply to them, in which case I would have rather
   published them along with his answer. After his decease, however, I
   published them,--the former, in order to admonish any who read it,
   either to forbear altogether from inquiring into the manner in which a
   soul is given to infants at the time of birth, or, at all events, in a
   matter so involved in obscurity, to accept only such a solution of the
   question as does not contradict the clearest truths which the Catholic
   faith confesses in regard to original sin in infants, as undoubtedly
   doomed to perdition unless they be regenerated in Christ; the latter in
   order that what seemed to us the true answer to the question therein
   discussed might be known. The work begins with the words, Deum nostrum
   qui nos vocavit.' "

   [2714] 1 Thess. ii. 12.

   [2715] 1 Tim. vi. 16.

   [2716] Matt. viii. 22.

   [2717] Rom. vii. 24, 25.

   [2718] We read pertinere, not pertinens.

   [2719] Job xiv. 4, 5, according to LXX.

   [2720] Jerome against Jovinian, Book ii.

   [2721] Jerome On Jonah, ch. iii.

   [2722] De Libero Arbitro, iii. 21.

   [2723] Letter CLXV.

   [2724] John v. 17.

   [2725] See Letter CLXV., p. 522.

   [2726] John iii. 10.

   [2727] Matt. xxiii. 8.

   [2728] Ex. xviii. 14-25.

   [2729] Acts x. 25-48.

   [2730] Gal. ii. 11-21.

   [2731] Gen. ii. 2.

   [2732] Isa. xl. 26; translated by Augustin, "Qui profert numerose
   sæculam."

   [2733] Rom. vi. 9.

   [2734] Hieron. Adv. Ruffin. lib. iii.

   [2735] De libero Arbitrio, lib. iii. ch. 23. n. 67.

   [2736] 1 Cor. xv. 21, 22.

   [2737] Rom. v. 18.

   [2738] John v. 29.

   [2739] Cyprian's Letters (LIX., Ad Fidum).

   [2740] Zech. xii. 1.

   [2741] Ps. xxxiii. 15 (LXX.).

   [2742] Ps. li. 10.

   [2743] Eccles. xii. 7.

   [2744] Luke xvi. 22, 23.

   [2745] John xvi. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXVII.

   (a.d. 415.)

   From Augustin to Jerome on James II. 10.

   Chap. I.

   1. My brother Jerome, esteemed worthy to be honoured in Christ by me,
   when I wrote to you propounding this question concerning the human
   soul,--if a new soul be now created for each individual at birth,
   whence do souls contract the bond of guilt which we assuredly believe
   to be removed by the sacrament of the grace of Christ, when
   administered even to new-born children?--as the letter on that subject
   grew to the size of a considerable volume, I was unwilling to impose
   the burden of any other question at that time; but there is a subject
   which has a much stronger claim on my attention, as it presses more
   seriously on my mind. I therefore ask you, and in God's name beseech
   you, to do something which will, I believe, be of great service to
   many, namely, to explain to me (or to direct me to any work in which
   you or any other commentator has already expounded) the sense in which
   we are to understand these words in the Epistle of James, "Whosoever
   shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he is guilty of
   all." [2746] This subject is of such importance that I very greatly
   regret that I did not write to you in regard to it long ago.

   2. For whereas in the question which I thought it necessary to submit
   to you concerning the soul, our inquiries were engaged with the
   investigation of a life wholly past and sunk out of sight in oblivion,
   in this question we study this present life, and how it must be spent
   if we would attain to eternal life. As an apt illustration of this
   remark let me quote an entertaining anecdote. A man had fallen into a
   well where the quantity of water was sufficient to break his fall and
   save him from death, but not deep enough to cover his mouth and deprive
   him of speech. Another man approached, and on seeing him cries out in
   surprise: "How did you fall in here?" He answers: "I beseech you to
   plan how you can get me out of this, rather than ask how I fell in."
   So, since we admit and hold as an article of the Catholic faith, that
   the soul of even a little infant requires to be delivered out of the
   guilt of sin, as out of a pit, by the grace of Christ, it is sufficient
   for the soul of such a one that we know the way in which it is saved,
   even though we should never know the way in which it came into that
   wretched condition. But I thought it our duty to inquire into this
   subject, lest we should incautiously hold any one of those opinions
   concerning the manner of the soul's becoming united with the body which
   might contradict the doctrine that the souls of little children require
   to be delivered, by denying that they are subject to the bond of guilt.
   This, then, being very firmly held by us, that the soul of every infant
   needs to be freed from the guilt of sin, and can be freed in no other
   way except by the grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord, if we can
   ascertain the cause and origin of the evil itself, we are better
   prepared and equipped for resisting adversaries whose empty talk I call
   not reasoning but quibbling; if, however, we cannot ascertain the
   cause, the fact that the origin of this misery is hid from us is no
   reason for our being slothful in the work which compassion demands from
   us. In our conflict, however, with those who appear to themselves to
   know what they do not know, we have an additional strength and safety
   in not being ignorant of our ignorance on this subject. For there are
   some things which it is evil not to know; there are other things which
   cannot be known, or are not necessary to be known, or have no bearing
   on the life which we seek to obtain; but the question which I now
   submit to you from the writings of the Apostle James is intimately
   connected with the course of conduct in which we live, and in which,
   with a view to life eternal, we endeavour to please God.

   3. How, then, I beseech you, are we to understand the words: "Whosoever
   shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he is guilty of
   all"? Does this affirm that the person who shall have committed theft,
   nay, who even shall have said to the rich man, "Sit thou here" and to
   the poor man, "Stand thou there," is guilty of homicide, and adultery,
   and sacrilege? And if he is not so, how can it be said that a person
   who has offended in one point has become guilty of all? Or are the
   things which the apostle said concerning the rich man and the poor man
   not to be reckoned among those things in one of which if any man offend
   he becomes guilty of all? But we must remember whence that sentence is
   taken, and what goes before it, and in what connection it occurs. "My
   brethren," he says, "have not the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, the
   Lord of Glory, with respect of persons. For if there come into your
   assembly a man with a gold ring, in goodly apparel, and there come in
   also a poor man in vile raiment; and ye have respect to him that
   weareth the gay clothing, and say unto him, Sit thou here in a good
   place; and say to the poor, Stand thou there, or sit here under my
   footstool; are ye not then partial in yourselves, and are become judges
   of evil thoughts? Hearken, my beloved brethren, Hath not God chosen the
   poor of this world, rich in faith, and heirs of the kingdom which He
   hath promised to them that love Him? But ye have despised the poor,"
   [2747] --inasmuch as you have said to the poor man, "Stand thou there,"
   when you would have said to a man with a gold ring, "Sit thou here in a
   good place." And then there follows a passage explaining and enlarging
   upon that same conclusion: "Do not rich men oppress you by their power,
   and draw you before the judgment-seats? Do not they blaspheme that
   worthy name by the which ye are called? If ye fulfil the royal law
   according to the Scripture, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself,
   ye do well: but if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin, and are
   convinced of the law as transgressors." [2748] See how the apostle
   calls those transgressors of the law who say to the rich man, "Sit
   here," and to the poor, "Stand there." See how, lest they should think
   it a trifling sin to transgress the law in this one thing, he goes on
   to add: "Whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one
   point, he is guilty of all. For He that said, Do not commit adultery,
   said also, Do not kill. Now if thou do not kill, yet, if thou commit
   adultery, thou art become a transgressor of the law," according to that
   which he had said: "Ye are convinced of the law as transgressors."
   Since these things are so, it seems to follow, unless it can be shown
   that we are to understand it in some other way, that he who says to the
   rich man, "Sit here," and to the poor, "Stand there," not treating the
   one with the same respect as the other, is to be judged guilty as an
   idolater, and a blasphemer, and an adulterer, and a murderer--in
   short,--not to enumerate all, which would be tedious,--as guilty of all
   crimes, since, offending in one, he is guilty of all."

   Chap. II.

   4. But has he who has one virtue all virtues? and has he no virtues who
   lacks one? If this be true, the sentence of the apostle is thereby
   confirmed. But what I desire is to have the sentence explained, not
   confirmed, since of itself it stands more sure in our esteem than all
   the authority of philosophers could make it. And even if what has just
   been said concerning virtues and vices were true, it would not follow
   that therefore all sins are equal. For as to the inseparable
   co-existence of the virtues, this is a doctrine in regard to which, if
   I remember rightly, what, indeed, I have almost forgotten (though
   perhaps I am mistaken), all philosophers who affirm that virtues are
   essential to the right conduct of life are agreed. The doctrine of the
   equality of sins, however, the Stoics alone dared to maintain in
   opposition to the unanimous sentiments of mankind: an absurd tenet,
   which in writing against Jovinianus (a Stoic in this opinion, but an
   Epicurean in following after and defending pleasure) you have most
   clearly refuted from the Holy Scriptures. [2749] In that most
   delightful and noble dissertation you have made it abundantly plain
   that it has not been the doctrine of our authors, or rather of the
   Truth Himself, who has spoken through them, that all sins are equal. I
   shall now do my utmost in endeavouring, with the help of God, to show
   how it can be that, although the doctrine of philosophers concerning
   virtues is true, we are nevertheless not compelled to admit the Stoics'
   doctrine that all sins are equal. If I succeed, I will look for your
   approbation, and in whatever respect I come short, I beg you to supply
   my deficiencies.

   5. Those who maintain that he who has one virtue has all, and that he
   who lacks one lacks all, reason correctly from the fact that prudence
   cannot be cowardly, nor unjust, nor intemperate; for if it were any of
   these it would no longer be prudence. Moreover, if it be prudence only
   when it is brave, and just, and temperate, assuredly wherever it exists
   it must have the other virtues along with it. In like manner, also,
   courage cannot be imprudent, or intemperate, or unjust; temperance must
   of necessity be prudent, brave, and just; and justice does not exist
   unless it be prudent, brave, and temperate. Thus, wherever any one of
   these virtues truly exists, the others likewise exist; and where some
   are absent, that which may appear in some measure to resemble virtue is
   not really present.

   6. There are, as you know, some vices opposed to virtues by a palpable
   contrast, as imprudence is the opposite of prudence. But there are some
   vices opposed to virtues simply because they are vices which,
   nevertheless, by a deceitful appearance resemble virtues; as, for
   example, in the relation, not of imprudence, but of craftiness to the
   said virtue of prudence. I speak here of that craftiness [2750] which
   is wont to be understood and spoken of in connection with the evilly
   disposed, not in the sense in which the word is usually employed in our
   Scriptures, where it is often used in a good sense, as, "Be crafty as
   serpents," [2751] and again, to give craftiness to the simple." [2752]
   It is true that among heathen writers one of the most accomplished of
   Latin authors, speaking of Catiline, has said: "Nor was there lacking
   on his part craftiness to guard against danger," [2753] using
   "craftiness" (astutia) in a good sense; but the use of the word in this
   sense is among them very rare, among us very common. So also in regard
   to the virtues classed under temperance. Extravagance is most
   manifestly opposite to the virtue of frugality; but that which the
   common people are wont to call niggardliness is indeed a vice, yet one
   which, not in its nature, but by a very deceitful similarity of
   appearance, usurps the name of frugality. In the same manner injustice
   is by a palpable contrast opposed to justice; but the desire of
   avenging oneself is wont often to be a counterfeit of justice, but it
   is a vice. There is an obvious contrariety between courage and
   cowardice; but hardihood, though differing from courage in nature,
   deceives us by its resemblance to that virtue. Firmness is a part of
   virtue; fickleness is a vice far removed from and undoubtedly opposed
   to it; but obstinacy lays claim to the name of firmness, yet is wholly
   different, because firmness is a virtue, and obstinacy is a vice.

   7. To avoid the necessity of again going over the same ground, let us
   take one case as an example, from which all others may be understood.
   Catiline, as those who have written concerning him had means of
   knowing, was capable of enduring cold, thirst, hunger, and patient in
   fastings, cold, and watchings beyond what any one could believe, and
   thus he appeared, both to himself and to his followers, a man endowed
   with great courage. [2754] But this courage was not prudent, for he
   chose the evil instead of the good; was not temperate, for his life was
   disgraced by the lowest dissipation; was not just, for he conspired
   against his country; and therefore it was not courage, but hardihood
   usurping the name of courage to deceive fools; for if it had been
   courage, it would not have been a vice but a virtue, and if it had been
   a virtue, it would never have been abandoned by the other virtues, its
   inseparable companions.

   8. On this account, when it is asked also concerning vices, whether
   where one exists all in like manner exist, or where one does not exist
   none exist, it would be a difficult matter to show this, because two
   vices are wont to be opposed to one virtue, one that is evidently
   opposed, and another that bears an apparent likeness. Hence the
   hardihood of Catiline is the more easily seen not to have been courage,
   since it had not along with it other virtues; but it may be difficult
   to convince men that his hardihood was cowardice, since he was in the
   habit of enduring and patiently submitting to the severest hardships to
   a degree almost incredible. But perhaps, on examining the matter more
   closely, this hardihood itself is seen to be cowardice, because he
   shrunk from the toil of those liberal studies by which true courage is
   acquired. Nevertheless, as there are rash men who are not guilty of
   cowardice, and there are cowardly men who are not guilty of rashness,
   and since in both there is vice, for the truly brave man neither
   ventures rashly nor fears without reason, we are forced to admit that
   vices are more numerous than virtues.

   9. Accordingly, it happens sometimes that one vice is supplanted by
   another, as the love of money by the love of praise. Occasionally, one
   vice quits the field that more may take its place, as in the case of
   the drunkard, who, after becoming temperate in the use of drink, may
   come under the power of niggardliness and ambition. It is possible,
   therefore, that vices may give place to vices, not to virtues, as their
   successors, and thus they are more numerous. When one virtue, however,
   has entered, there will infallibly be (since it brings all the other
   virtues along with it) a retreat of all vices whatsoever that were in
   the man; for all vices were not in him, but at one time so many, at
   another a greater or smaller number might occupy their place.

   Chap. III.

   10. We must inquire more carefully whether these things are so; for the
   statement that "he who has one virtue has all, and that all virtues are
   awanting to him who lacks one," is not given by inspiration, but is the
   view held by many men, ingenious, indeed, and studious, but still men.
   But I must avow that, in the case--I shall not say of one of those from
   whose name the word virtue is said to be derived, [2755] but even of a
   woman who is faithful to her husband, and who is so from a regard to
   the commandments and promises of God, and, first of all, is faithful to
   Him, I do not know how I could say of her that she is unchaste, or that
   chastity is no virtue or a trifling one. I should feel the same in
   regard to a husband who is faithful to his wife; and yet there are many
   such, none of whom I could affirm to be without any sins, and doubtless
   the sin which is in them, whatever it be, proceeds from some vice.
   Whence it follows that though conjugal fidelity in religious men and
   women is undoubtedly a virtue, for it is neither a nonentity nor a
   vice, yet it does not bring along with it all virtues, for if all
   virtues were there, there would be no vice, and if there were no vice,
   there would be no sin; but where is the man who is altogether without
   sin? Where, therefore, is the man who is without any vice, that is,
   fuel or root, as it were, of sin, when he who reclined on the breast of
   the Lord says, "If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves,
   and the truth is not in us"? [2756] It is not necessary for us to urge
   this at greater length in writing to you, but I make the statement for
   the sake of others who perhaps shall read this. For you, indeed, in
   that same splendid work against Jovinianus, have carefully proved this
   from the Holy Scriptures; in which work also you have quoted the words,
   "in many things we all offend," [2757] from this very epistle in which
   occur the words whose meaning we are now investigating. For though it
   is an apostle of Christ who is speaking, he does not say, "ye offend,"
   but, "we offend;" and although in the passage under consideration he
   says, "Whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point,
   he is guilty of all," [2758] in the words just quoted he affirms that
   we offend not in one thing but in many, and not that some offend but
   that we all offend.

   11. Far be it, however, from any believer to think that so many
   thousands of the servants of Christ, who, lest they should deceive
   themselves, and the truth should not be in them, sincerely confess
   themselves to have sin, are altogether without virtue! For wisdom is a
   great virtue, and wisdom herself has said to man, "Behold the fear of
   the Lord, that is wisdom." [2759] Far be it from us, then, to say that
   so many and so great believing and pious men have not the fear of the
   Lord, which the Greeks call eusebeia, or more literally and fully,
   theosebeia. And what is the fear of the Lord but His worship? and
   whence is He truly worshipped except from love? Love, then, out of a
   pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned, is the great
   and true virtue, because it is "the end of the commandment." [2760]
   Deservedly is love said to be "strong as death," [2761] because, like
   death, it is vanquished by none; or because the measure of love in this
   life is even unto death, as the Lord says, "Greater love hath no man
   than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends;" [2762] or,
   rather, because, as death forcibly separates the soul from the senses
   of the body, so love separates it from fleshly lusts. Knowledge, when
   it is of the right kind, is the handmaid to love, for without love
   "knowledge puffeth up," [2763] but where love, by edifying, has filled
   the heart, there knowledge will find nothing empty which it can puff
   up. Moreover, Job has shown, what is that useful knowledge by defining
   it where, after saying, "The fear of the Lord, that is wisdom" he adds
   "and to depart from evil, that is understanding." [2764] Why do we not
   then say that the man who has this virtue has all virtues, since "love
   is the fulfilling of the law?" [2765] Is it not true that, the more
   love exists in a man the more he is endowed with virtue, and the less
   love he has the less virtue is in him, for love is itself virtue; and
   the less virtue there is in a man so much the more vice will there be
   in him? Therefore, where love is full and perfect, no vice will remain.

   12. The Stoics, therefore, appear to me to be mistaken in refusing to
   admit that a man who is advancing in wisdom has any wisdom at all, and
   in affirming that he alone has it who has become altogether perfect in
   wisdom. They do not, indeed, deny that he has made progress, but they
   say that he is in no degree entitled to be called wise, unless, by
   emerging, so to speak, from the depths, he suddenly springs forth into
   the free air of wisdom. For, as it matters not when a man is drowning
   whether the depth of water above him be many stadia or only the breadth
   of a hand or finger, so they say in regard to the progress of those who
   are advancing towards wisdom, that they are like men rising from the
   bottom of a whirlpool towards the air, but that unless they by their
   progress, so escape as to emerge wholly from folly as from an
   overwhelming flood, they have not virtue and are not wise; but that,
   when they have so escaped, they immediately have wisdom in perfection,
   and not a vestige of folly whence any sin could be originated remains.

   13. This simile, in which folly is compared to water and wisdom to air,
   so that the mind emerging, as it were, from the stifling influence of
   folly breathes suddenly the free air of wisdom, does not appear to me
   to harmonize sufficiently with the authoritative statement of our
   Scriptures; a better simile, so far, at least, as illustration of
   spiritual things can be borrowed from material things, is that which
   compares vice or folly to darkness, and virtue or wisdom to light. The
   way to wisdom is therefore not like that of a man rising from the water
   into the air, in which, in the moment of rising above the surface of
   the water, he suddenly breathes freely, but, like that of a man
   proceeding from darkness into light, on whom more light gradually
   shines as he advances. So long, therefore, as this is not fully
   accomplished, we speak of the man as of one going from the dark
   recesses of a vast cavern towards its entrance, who is more and more
   influenced by the proximity of the light as he comes nearer to the
   entrance of the cavern; so that whatever light he has proceeds from the
   light to which he is advancing, and whatever darkness still remains in
   him proceeds from the darkness out of which he is emerging. Therefore
   it is true that in the sight of God "shall no man living be justified,"
   [2766] and yet that "the just shall live by his faith." [2767] On the
   one hand, "the saints are clothed with righteousness," [2768] one more,
   another less; on the other hand, no one lives here wholly without
   sin--one sins more, another less, and the best is the man who sins
   least.

   Chap. IV.

   14. But why have I, as if forgetting to whom I address myself, assumed
   the tone of a teacher in stating the question regarding which I wish to
   be instructed by you? Nevertheless, as I had resolved to submit to your
   examination my opinion regarding the equality of sins (a subject
   involving a question closely bearing on the matter on which I was
   writing), let me now at last bring my statement to a conclusion. Even
   though it were true that he who has one virtue has all virtues, and
   that he who lacks one virtue has none, this would not involve the
   consequence that all sins are equal; for although it is true that where
   there is no virtue there is nothing right, it by no means follows that
   among bad actions one cannot be worse than another, or that divergence
   from that which is right does not admit of degrees. I think, however,
   that it is more agreeable to truth and consistent with the Holy
   Scriptures to say, that what is true of the members of the body is true
   of the different dispositions of the soul (which, though not seen
   occupying different places, are by their distinctive workings perceived
   as plainly as the members of the body), namely, that as in the same
   body one member is more fully shone upon by the light, another is less
   shone upon, and a third is altogether without light, and remains in the
   dark under some impervious covering, something similar takes place in
   regard to the various dispositions of the soul. If this be so, then
   according to the manner in which every man is shone upon by the light
   of holy love, he may be said to have one virtue and to lack another
   virtue, or to have one virtue in larger and another in smaller measure.
   For in reference to that love which is the fear of God, we may
   correctly say both that it is greater in one man than in another, and
   that there is some of it in one man, and none of it in another; we may
   also correctly say as to an individual that he has greater chastity
   than patience, and that he has either virtue in a higher degree than he
   had yesterday, if he is making progress, or that he still lacks
   self-control, but possesses, at the same time, a large measure of
   compassion.

   15. To sum up generally and briefly the view which, so far as relates
   to holy living, I entertain concerning virtue,--virtue is the love with
   which that which ought to be loved is loved. This is in some greater,
   in others less, and there are men in whom it does not exist at all; but
   in the absolute fulness which admits of no increase, it exists in no
   man while living on this earth; so long, however, as it admits of being
   increased there can be no doubt that, in so far as it is less than it
   ought to be, the shortcoming proceeds from vice. Because of this vice
   there is "not a just man upon earth that doeth good and sinneth not;"
   [2769] because of this vice, "in God's sight shall no man living be
   justified." [2770] On account of this vice, "if we say that we have no
   sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us." [2771] On
   account of this also, whatever progress we may have made, we must say,
   "Forgive us our debts," [2772] although all debts in word, deed, and
   thought were washed away in baptism. He, then, who sees aright, sees
   whence, and when, and where he must hope for that perfection to which
   nothing can be added. Moreover, if there had been no commandments,
   there would have been no means whereby a man might certainly examine
   himself and see from what things he ought to turn aside, whither he
   should aspire, and in what things he should find occasion for
   thanksgiving or for prayer. Great, therefore, is the benefit of
   commandments, if to free will so much liberty be granted that the grace
   of God may be more abundantly honoured.

   Chap. V.

   16. If these things be so, how shall a man who shall keep the whole
   law, and yet offend in one point, be guilty of all? May it not be, that
   since the fulfilling of the law is that love wherewith we love God and
   our neighbour, on which commandments of love "hang all the law and the
   prophets," [2773] he is justly held to be guilty of all who violates
   that on which all hang? Now, no one sins without violating this love;
   "for this, thou shalt not commit adultery; thou shall do no murder;
   thou shall not steal; thou shalt not covet; and if there be any other
   commandment, it is briefly comprehended in this saying, Thou shall love
   thy neighbour as thyself. Love worketh no ill to his neighbour:
   therefore love is the fulfilling of the law." [2774] No one, however,
   loves his neighbour who does not out of his love to God do all in his
   power to bring his neighbour also, whom he loves as himself, to love
   God, whom if he does not love, he neither loves himself nor his
   neighbour. Hence it is true that if a man shall keep the whole law, and
   yet offend in one point, he becomes guilty of all, because he does what
   is contrary to the love on which hangs the whole law. A man, therefore,
   becomes guilty of all by doing what is contrary to that on which all
   hang.

   17. Why, then, may not all sins be said to be equal? May not the reason
   be, that the transgression of the law of love is greater in him who
   commits a more grievous sin, and is less in him who commits a less
   grievous sin? And in the mere fact of his committing any sin whatever,
   he becomes guilty of all; but in committing a more grievous sin, or in
   sinning in more respects than one, he becomes more guilty; committing a
   less grievous sin, or sinning in fewer respects, he becomes less
   guilty,--his guilt being thus so much the greater the more he has
   sinned, the less the less he has sinned. Nevertheless, even though it
   be only in one point that he offend, he is guilty of all, because he
   violates that love on which all hang. If these things be true, an
   explanation is by this means found, clearing up that saying of the man
   of apostolic grace, "In many things we offend all." [2775] For we all
   offend, but one more grievously, another more slightly, according as
   each may have committed a more grievous or a less grievous sin; every
   one being great in the practice of sin in proportion as he is deficient
   in loving God and his neighbour, and, on the other hand, decreasing in
   the practice of sin in proportion as he increases in the love of God
   and of his neighbour. The more, therefore, that a man is deficient in
   love, the more is he full of sin. And perfection in love is reached
   when nothing of sinful infirmity remains in us.

   18. Nor, indeed, in my opinion, are we to esteem it a trifling sin "to
   have the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ with respect of persons," if we
   take the difference between sitting and standing, of which mention is
   made in the context, to refer to ecclesiastical honours; for who can
   bear to see a rich man chosen to a place of honour in the Church, while
   a poor man, of superior qualifications and of greater holiness, is
   despised? If, however, the apostle speaks there of our daily
   assemblies, who does not offend in the matter? At the same time, only
   those really offend here who cherish in their hearts the opinion that a
   man's worth is to be estimated according to his wealth; for this seems
   to be the meaning of the expression, "Are ye not then partial in
   yourselves, and are become judges of evil thoughts?"

   19. The law of liberty, therefore, the law of love, is that of which he
   says: "If ye fulfil the royal law according to the Scripture, Thou
   shalt love thy neighbour as thyself, ye do well: but if ye have respect
   to persons, ye commit sin, and are convinced of the law as
   transgressors. [2776] And then (after the difficult sentence,
   "Whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he is
   guilty of all," concerning which I have with sufficient fulness stated
   my opinion), making mention of the same law of liberty, he says: "So
   speak ye, and so do, as they that shall be judged by the law of
   liberty." And as he knew by experience what he had said a little
   before, "in many things we offend all," he suggests a sovereign remedy,
   to be applied, as it were day by day, to those less serious but real
   wounds which the soul suffers day by day, for he says: "He shall have
   judgment without mercy that hath showed no mercy." [2777] For with the
   same purpose the Lord says: "Forgive, and ye shall be forgiven: give,
   and it shall be given unto you." [2778] After which the apostle says:
   "But mercy rejoiceth over judgment:" it is not said that mercy prevails
   over judgment, for it is not an adversary of judgment, but it
   "rejoiceth" over judgment, because a greater number are gathered in by
   mercy; but they are those who have shown mercy, for, "Blessed are the
   merciful, for God shall have mercy on them." [2779]

   20. It is, therefore, by all means just that they be forgiven, because
   they have forgiven others, and that what they need be given to them,
   because they have given to others. For God uses mercy when He judgeth,
   and uses judgment when He showeth mercy. Hence the Psalmist says: "I
   will sing of mercy and of judgment unto Thee, O Lord." [2780] For if
   any man, thinking himself too righteous to require mercy, presumes, as
   if he had no reason for anxiety, to wait for judgment without mercy, he
   provokes that most righteous indignation through fear of which the
   Psalmist said: "Enter not into judgment with Thy servant." [2781] For
   this reason the Lord says to a disobedient people: "Wherefore will ye
   contend with me in judgment? [2782] For when the righteous King shall
   sit upon His throne, who shall boast that he has a pure heart, or who
   shall boast that he is clean from sin? What hope is there then unless
   mercy shall "rejoice over" judgment? But this it will do only in the
   case of those who have showed mercy, saying with sincerity, "Forgive us
   our debts, as we forgive our debtors," and who have given without
   murmuring, for "the Lord loveth a cheerful giver." [2783] To conclude,
   St. James is led to speak thus concerning works of mercy in this
   passage, in order that he may console those whom the statements
   immediately foregoing might have greatly alarmed, his purpose being to
   admonish us how those daily sins from which our life is never free here
   below may also be expiated by daily remedies; lest any man, becoming
   guilty of all when he offends in even one point, be brought, by
   offending in many points (since "in many things we all offend"), to
   appear before the bar of the Supreme Judge under the enormous amount of
   guilt which has accumulated by degrees, and find at that tribunal no
   mercy, because he showed no mercy to others, instead of rather meriting
   the forgiveness of his own sins, and the enjoyment of the gifts
   promised in Scripture, by his extending forgiveness and bounty to
   others.

   21. I have written at great length, which may perhaps have been tedious
   to you, as you, although approving of the statements now made, do not
   expect to be addressed as if you were but learning truths which you
   have been accustomed to teach to others. If, however, there be anything
   in these statements--not in the style of language in which they are
   expounded, for I am not much concerned as to mere phrases, but in the
   substance of the statements--which your erudite judgment condemns, I
   beseech you to point this out to me in your reply, and do not hesitate
   to correct my error. For I pity the man who, in view of the unwearied
   labour and sacred character of your studies, does not on account of
   them both render to you the honour which you deserve, and give thanks
   unto our Lord God by whose grace you are what you are. Wherefore, since
   I ought to be more willing to learn from any teacher the things of
   which to my disadvantage I am ignorant, than prompt to teach any others
   what I know, with how much greater reason do I claim the payment of
   this debt of love from you, by whose learning ecclesiastical literature
   in the Latin tongue has been, in the Lord's name, and by His help,
   advanced to an extent which had been previously unattainable.
   Especially, however, I ask attention to the sentence: "Whosoever shall
   keep the whole law, and offend in one point, is guilty of all." If you
   know any better way, my beloved brother, in which it can be explained,
   I beseech you by the Lord to favour us by communicating to us your
   exposition.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2746] Jas. ii. 10.

   [2747] Jas. ii. 1-6.

   [2748] Jas. ii. 6-9.

   [2749] Jerome, Contra Jovinianum, lib. ii.

   [2750] Astutia.

   [2751] Matt. x. 16.

   [2752] Prov. i. 4.

   [2753] Sallust, De Bello Catilinario.

   [2754] Ibid.

   [2755] Virum a quo denominata dictur virtus.

   [2756] 1 John i. 8.

   [2757] Jas. iii. 2.

   [2758] Jas. ii. 10.

   [2759] Job xxviii. 28, Sept. ver.

   [2760] 1 Tim. i. 5.

   [2761] Song of Sol. viii. 6.

   [2762] John xv. 13.

   [2763] 1 Cor. viii. 1.

   [2764] Job xxviii. 28.

   [2765] Rom. xiii. 10.

   [2766] Ps. cxliii. 2.

   [2767] Hab. ii. 4.

   [2768] Job xxix. 14.

   [2769] Eccles. v. 7.

   [2770] Ps. cxliii. 2.

   [2771] 1 John i. 8.

   [2772] Matt. vi. 12.

   [2773] Matt. xxii. 40.

   [2774] Rom. xiii. 9, 10.

   [2775] Jas. iii. 2.

   [2776] Jas. ii. 8, 9.

   [2777] Jas. ii. 13.

   [2778] Luke vi. 37, 38.

   [2779] Matt. v. 7.

   [2780] Ps. ci. 1.

   [2781] Ps. cxliii. 2.

   [2782] Jer. ii. 28, LXX.

   [2783] 2 Cor. ix. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXIX.

   (a.d. 415.)

   Bishop Augustin to Bishop Evodius.

   Chap. I.

   1. If acquaintance with the treatises which specially occupy me, and
   from which I am unwilling to be turned aside to anything else, is so
   highly valued by your Holiness, let some one be sent to copy them for
   you. For I have now finished several of those which had been commenced
   by me this year before Easter, near the beginning of Lent. For, to the
   three books on the City of God, in opposition to its enemies, the
   worshippers of demons, I have added two others, and in these five books
   I think enough has been said to answer those who maintain that the
   [heathen] gods must be worshipped in order to secure prosperity in this
   present life, and who are hostile to the Christian name from an idea
   that that prosperity is hindered by us. In the sequel I must, as I
   promised in the first book, [2784] answer those who think that the
   worship of their gods is the only way to obtain that life after death
   with a view to obtain which we are Christians. I have dictated also, in
   volumes of considerable size, expositions of three Psalms, the 68th,
   the 72d, and the 78th. Commentaries on the other Psalms--not yet
   dictated, nor even entered on--are eagerly expected and demanded from
   me. From these studies I am unwilling to be called away and hindered by
   any questions thrusting themselves upon me from another quarter; yea,
   so unwilling, that I do not wish to turn at present even to the books
   on the Trinity, which I have long had on hand and have not yet
   completed, because they require a great amount of labour, and I believe
   that they are of a nature to be understood only by few; on which
   account they claim my attention less urgently than writings which may,
   I hope, be useful to very many.

   2. For the words, "He that is ignorant shall be ignored," [2785] were
   not used by the apostle in reference to this subject, as your letter
   affirms; as if this punishment were to be inflicted on the man who is
   not able to discern by the exercise of his intellect the ineffable
   unity of the Trinity, in the same way as the unity of memory,
   understanding, and will in the soul of man is discerned. The apostle
   said these words with a wholly different design. Consult the passage
   and you will see that he was speaking of those things which might be
   for the edification of the many in faith and holiness, not of those
   which might with difficulty be comprehended by the few, and by them
   only in the small degree in which the comprehension of so great a
   subject is attainable in this life. The positions laid down by him
   were,--that prophesying was to be preferred to speaking with tongues;
   that these gifts should not be exercised in a disorderly manner, as if
   the spirit of prophecy compelled them to speak even against their will;
   that women should keep silence in the Church; and that all things
   should be done decently and in order. While treating of these things he
   says: "If any man think himself to be a prophet, or spiritual, let him
   know the things which I write to you, for they are the commands of the
   Lord. If any man be ignorant, he shall be ignored;" intending by these
   words to restrain and call to order persons who were specially ready to
   cause disorder in the Church, because they imagined themselves to excel
   in spiritual gifts, although they were disturbing everything by their
   presumptions conduct. "If any man think himself to be a prophet, or
   spiritual, let him know," he says, "the things which I write to you,
   for they are the commands of the Lord." If any man thinks himself to
   be, and in reality is not, a prophet, for he who is a prophet
   undoubtedly knows and does not need admonition and exhortation, because
   "he judgeth all things, and is himself judged of no man." [2786] Those
   persons, therefore, caused confusion and trouble in the Church who
   thought themselves to be in the Church what they were not. He teaches
   these to know the commandments of the Lord, for he is not a "God of
   confusion, but of peace." [2787] But "if any one is ignorant, he shall
   be ignored," that is to say, he shall be rejected; for God is not
   ignorant--so far as mere knowledge is concerned--in regard to the
   persons to whom He shall one day say, "I know you not," [2788] but
   their rejection is signified by this expression.

   3. Moreover, since the Lord says, "Blessed are the pure in heart, for
   they shall see God," [2789] and that sight is promised to us as the
   highest reward at the last, we have no reason to fear lest, if we are
   now unable to see clearly those things which we believe concerning the
   nature of God, this defective apprehension should bring us under the
   sentence, "He that is ignorant shall be ignored." For when "in the
   wisdom of God the world by wisdom knew not God, it pleased God by the
   foolishness of preaching to save those who believed." This foolishness
   of preaching and "foolishness of God which is wiser than man" [2790]
   draws many to salvation, in such a way that not only those who are as
   yet incapable of perceiving with clear intelligence the nature of God
   which in faith they hold, but even those who have not yet so learned
   the nature of their own soul as to distinguish between its incorporeal
   essence and the body as a whole with the same certainty with which they
   perceive that they live, understand, and will, are not on this account
   shut out from that salvation which that foolishness of preaching
   bestows on believers.

   4. For if Christ died for those only who with clear intelligence can
   discern these things, our labour in the Church is almost spent in vain.
   But if, as is the fact, crowds of common people, possessing no great
   strength of intellect, run to the Physician in the exercise of faith,
   with the result of being healed by Christ and Him crucified, that
   "where sin has abounded, grace may much more abound," [2791] it comes
   in wondrous ways to pass, through the depths of the riches of the
   wisdom and knowledge of God and His unsearchable judgments, that, on
   the one hand, some who do discern between the material and the
   spiritual in their own nature, while pluming themselves on this
   attainment, and despising that foolishness of preaching by which those
   who believe are saved, wander far from the only path which leads to
   eternal life; and, on the other hand, because not one perishes for whom
   Christ died, [2792] many glorying in the cross of Christ, and not
   withdrawing from that same path, attain, notwithstanding their
   ignorance of those things which some with most profound subtlety
   investigate, unto that eternity, truth, and love,--that is, unto that
   enduring, clear, and full felicity,--in which to those who abide, and
   see, and love, all things are plain.

   Chap. II.

   5. Therefore let us with steadfast piety believe in one God, the
   Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit; let us at the same time
   believe that the Son is not [the person] who is the Father, and the
   Father is not [the person] who is the Son, and neither the Father nor
   the Son is [the person] who is the Spirit of both the Father and the
   Son. Let it not be supposed that in this Trinity there is any
   separation in respect of time or place, but that these Three are equal
   and co-eternal, and absolutely of one nature: and that the creatures
   have been made, not some by the Father, and some by the Son, and some
   by the Holy Spirit, but that each and all that have been or are now
   being created subsist in the Trinity as their Creator; and that no one
   is saved by the Father without the Son and the Holy Spirit, or by the
   Son without the Father and the Holy Spirit, or by the Holy Spirit
   without the Father and the Son, but by the Father, the Son, and the
   Holy Spirit, the only one, true, and truly immortal (that is,
   absolutely unchangeable) God. At the same time, we believe that many
   things are stated in Scripture separately concerning each of the Three,
   in order to teach us that, though they are an inseparable Trinity, yet
   they are a Trinity. For, just as when their names are pronounced in
   human language they cannot be named simultaneously, although their
   existence in inseparable union is at every moment simultaneous, even so
   in some places of Scripture also, they are by certain created things
   presented to us distinctively and in mutual relation to each other: for
   example, [at the baptism of Christ] the Father is heard in the voice
   which said, "Thou art my Son;" the Son is seen in the human nature
   which, in being born of the Virgin, He assumed; the Holy Spirit is seen
   in the bodily form of a dove, [2793] --these things presenting the
   Three to our apprehension separately, indeed, but in no wise separated.

   6. To present this in a form which the intellect may apprehend, we
   borrow an illustration from the Memory, the Understanding, and the
   Will. For although we can speak of each of these faculties severally in
   its own order, and at a separate time, we neither exercise nor even
   mention any one of them without the other two. It must not, however, be
   supposed, from our using this comparison between these three faculties
   and the Trinity, that the things compared agree in every particular,
   for where, in any process of reasoning, can we find an illustration in
   which the correspondence between the things compared is so exact that
   it admits of application in every point to that which it is intended to
   illustrate? In the first place, therefore, the similarity is found to
   be imperfect in this respect, that whereas memory, understanding, and
   will are not the soul, but only exist in the soul, the Trinity does not
   exist in God, but is God. In the Trinity, therefore, there is
   manifested a singleness [simplicitas] commanding our astonishment,
   because in this Trinity it is not one thing to exist, and another thing
   to understand, or do anything else which is attributed to the nature of
   God; but in the soul it is one thing that it exists, and another thing
   that it understands, for even when it is not using the understanding it
   still exists. In the second place, who would dare to say that the
   Father does not understand by Himself but by the Son, as memory does
   not understand by itself but by the understanding, or, to speak more
   correctly, the soul in which these faculties are understands by no
   other faculty than by the understanding, as it remembers only by
   memory, and exercises volition only by the will? The point, therefore,
   to which the illustration is intended to apply is this,--that, whatever
   be the manner in which we understand, in regard to these three
   faculties in the soul, that when the several names by which they are
   severally represented are uttered, the utterance of each separate name
   is nevertheless accomplished only in the combined operation of all the
   three, since it is by an act of memory and of understanding and of will
   that it is spoken,--it is in the same manner that we understand, in
   regard to the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, that no created
   thing which may at any time be employed to present only one of the
   Three to our minds is produced otherwise than by the simultaneous,
   because essentially inseparable, operation of the Trinity; and that,
   consequently, neither the voice of the Father, nor the body and soul of
   the Son, nor the dove of the Holy Spirit, was produced in any other way
   than by the combined operation of the Trinity.

   7. Moreover, that sound of a voice was certainly not made indissolubly
   one with the person of the Father, for so soon as it was uttered it
   ceased to be. Neither was that form of a dove made indissolubly one
   with the person of Holy Spirit, for it also, like the bright cloud
   which covered the Saviour and His three disciples on the mount, [2794]
   or rather like the tongues of flame which once represented the same
   Holy Spirit, ceased to exist as soon as it had served its purpose as a
   symbol. But it was otherwise with the body and soul in which the Son of
   God was manifested: seeing that the deliverance of men was the object
   for which all these things were done, the human nature in which He
   appeared was, in a way marvellous and unique, assumed into real union
   with the person of the Word of God, that is, of the only Son of
   God,--the Word remaining unchangeably in His own nature, wherein it is
   not conceivable that there should be composite elements in union with
   which any mere semblance of a human soul could subsist. We read,
   indeed, that "the Spirit of wisdom is manifold;" [2795] but it is as
   properly termed simple. Manifold it is, indeed, because there are many
   things which it possesses; but simple, because it is not a different
   thing from what it possesses, as the Son is said to have life in
   Himself, and yet He is Himself that life. The human nature came to the
   Word; the Word did not come, with susceptibility of change, into the
   human nature; [2796] and therefore, in His union to the human nature
   which He has assumed, He is still properly called the Son of God; for
   which reason the same person is the Son of God immutable and co-eternal
   with the Father, and the Son of God who was laid in the grave,--the
   former being true of Him only as the Word, the latter true of Him only
   as a man.

   8. Wherefore it behoves us, in reading any statements made concerning
   the Son of God, to observe in reference to which of these two natures
   they are spoken. For by His assumption of the soul and body of a man,
   no increase was made in the number of Persons: the Trinity remained as
   before. For just as in every man, with the exception of that one whom
   alone He assumed into personal union, the soul and body constitute one
   person, so in Christ the Word and His human soul and body constitute
   one person. And as the name philosopher, for example, is given to a man
   certainly with reference only to his soul, and yet it is nothing
   absurd, but only a most suitable and ordinary use of language, for us
   to say the philosopher was killed, the philosopher died, the
   philosopher was buried, although all these events befell him in his
   body, not in that part of him in which he was a philosopher; in like
   manner the name of God, or Son of God, or Lord of Glory, or any other
   such name, is given to Christ as the Word, and it is, nevertheless,
   correct to say that God was crucified, seeing that there is no question
   that He suffered this death in his human nature, not in that in which
   He is the Lord of Glory. [2797]

   9. As for the sound of the voice, however, and the bodily form of a
   dove, and the cloven tongues which sat upon each of them, these, like
   the terrible wonders wrought at Sinai, [2798] and like the pillar of
   cloud by day and of fire by night, [2799] were produced only as
   symbols, and vanished when this purpose had been served. The thing
   which we must especially guard against in connection with them is, lest
   any one should believe that the nature of God--whether of the Father,
   or of the Son, or of the Holy Spirit--is susceptible of change or
   transformation. And we must not be disturbed by the fact that the sign
   sometimes receives the name of the thing signified, as when the Holy
   Spirit is said to have descended in a bodily form as a dove and abode
   upon Him; for in like manner the smitten rock is called Christ, [2800]
   because it was a symbol of Christ.

   Chap. III.

   10. I wonder, however, that, although you believe it possible for the
   sound of the voice which said, "Thou art my Son," to have been produced
   through a divine act, without the intermediate agency of a soul, by
   something the nature of which was corporeal, you nevertheless do not
   believe that a bodily form and movements exactly resembling those of
   any real living creature whatsoever could be produced in the same way,
   namely, through a divine act, without the intermediate agency of a
   spirit imparting life. For if inanimate matter obeys God without the
   instrumentality of an animating spirit, so as to emit sounds such as
   are wont to be emited by animated bodies, in order to bring to the
   human ear words articulately spoken, why should it not obey Him, so as
   to present to the human eye the figure and motions of a bird, by the
   same power of the Creator without the instrumentalist of any animating
   spirit? The objects of both sight and hearing--the sound which strikes
   the ear and the appearance which meets the eye, the articulations of
   the voice and the outlines of the members, every audible and visible
   motion--are both alike produced from matter contiguous to us; is it,
   then, granted to the sense of hearing, and not to the sense of sight,
   to tell us regarding the body which is perceived by this bodily sense,
   both that it is a true body, and that it is nothing beyond what the
   bodily sense perceives it to be? For in every living creature the soul
   is, of course, not perceived by any bodily sense. We do not, therefore,
   need to inquire how the bodily form of the dove appeared to the eye,
   just as we do not need to inquire how the voice of a bodily form
   capable of speech was made to fall upon the ear. For if it was possible
   to dispense with the intermediate agency of a soul in the case in which
   a voice, not something like a voice, is said to have been produced, how
   much more easily was it possible in the case in which it is said that
   the Spirit descended "like a dove," a phrase which signifies that a
   mere bodily form was exhibited to the eye, and does not affirm that a
   real living creature was seen! In like manner, it is said that on the
   day of Pentecost, "suddenly there came a sound from heaven as of a
   mighty rushing wind, and there appeared to them cloven tongues like as
   of fire," [2801] in which something like wind and like fire, i.e.
   resembling these common and familiar natural phenomena, is said to have
   been perceived, but it does not seem to be indicated that these common
   and familiar natural phenomena were actually produced.

   11. If, however, more subtle reasoning or more thorough investigation
   of the matter result in demonstrating that that which is naturally
   destitute of motion both in time and in space [i.e. matter] cannot be
   moved otherwise than through the intermediate agency of that which is
   capable of motion only in time, not in space [i.e. spirit], it will
   follow from this that all those things must have been done by the
   instrumentality of a living creature, as things are done by angels, on
   which subject a more elaborate discussion would be tedious, and is not
   necessary. To this it must be added, that there are visions which
   appear to the spirit as plainly as to the senses of the body, not only
   in sleep or delirium, but also to persons of sound mind in their waking
   hours,--visions which are due not to the deceitfulness of devils
   mocking men, but to some spiritual revelation accomplished by means of
   immaterial forms resembling bodies, and which cannot by any means be
   distinguished from real objects, unless they are by divine assistance
   more fully revealed and discriminated by the mind's intelligence, which
   is done sometimes (but with difficulty) at the time, but for the most
   part after they have disappeared. This being the case in regard to
   these visions which, whether their nature be really material, or
   material only in appearance but really spiritual, seem to manifest
   themselves to our spirit as if they were perceived by the bodily
   senses, we ought not, when these things are recorded in sacred
   Scripture, to conclude hastily to which of these two classes they are
   to be referred, or whether, if they belong to the former, they are
   produced by the intermediate agency of a spirit; while, at the same
   time, as to the invisible and immutable nature of the Creator, that is,
   of the supreme and ineffable Trinity, we either simply, without any
   doubt, believe, or, in addition to this, with some degree of
   intellectual apprehension, understand that it is wholly removed and
   separated both from the senses of fleshly mortals, and from all
   susceptibility of being changed either for the worse or for the better,
   or to anything whatever of a variable nature.

   Chap. IV.

   12. These things I send you in reference to two of your questions,--the
   one concerning the Trinity, and the other concerning the dove in which
   the Holy Spirit, not in His own nature, but in a symbolical form, was
   manifested, as also the Son of God, not in His eternal Sonship (of
   which the Father said: "Before the morning star I have begotten Thee"
   [2802] ), but in that human nature which He assumed from the Virgin's
   womb, was crucified by the Jews: observe that to you who are at leisure
   I have been able, notwithstanding immense pressure of business, to
   write so much. I have not, however, deemed it necessary to discuss
   everything which you have brought forward in your letter; but on these
   two questions which you wished me to solve, I think I have written as
   much as is exacted by Christian charity, though I may not have
   satisfied your vehement desire.

   13. Besides the two books added to the first three in the City of God,
   and the exposition of three psalms, as above mentioned, [2803] I have
   also written a treatise to the holy presbyter Jerome concerning the
   origin of the soul, [2804] asking him, in regard to the opinion which,
   in writing to Marcellinus of pious memory, he avowed as his own, that a
   new soul is made for each individual at birth, how this can be
   maintained without overthrowing that most surely established article of
   the Church's faith, according to which we firmly believe that all die
   in Adam, [2805] and are brought down under condemnation unless they be
   delivered by the grace of Christ, which, by means of His sacrament,
   works even in infants. I have, moreover, written to the same person to
   inquire his opinion as to the sense in which the words of James,
   "Whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he is
   guilty of all," are to be understood. [2806] In this letter I have also
   stated my own opinion: in the other, concerning the origin of the soul,
   I have only asked what was his opinion, submitting the matter to his
   judgment, and at the same time discussing it to some extent. I wrote
   these to Jerome because I did not wish to lose an opportunity of
   correspondence afforded by a certain very pious and studious young
   presbyter, Orosius, who, prompted only by burning zeal in regard to the
   Holy Scriptures, came to us from the remotest part of Spain, namely,
   from the shore of the ocean, and whom I persuaded to go on from us to
   Jerome. In answer to certain questions of the same Orosius, as to
   things which troubled him in reference to the heresy of the
   Priscillianists, and some opinions of Origen which the Church has not
   accepted, I have written a treatise of moderate size with as much
   brevity and clearness as was in my power. I have also written a
   considerable book against the heresy of Pelagius, [2807] being
   constrained to do this by some brethren whom he had persuaded to adopt
   his fatal error, denying the grace of Christ. If you wish to have all
   these, send some one to copy them all for you. Allow me, however, to be
   free from distraction in studying and dictating to my clerks those
   things which, being urgently required by many, claim in my opinion
   precedence over your questions, which are of interest to very few.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2784] De Civitate Dei, lib. I. ch. xxxvi.

   [2785] 1 Cor. xiv. 38.

   [2786] 1 Cor. ii. 15.

   [2787] 1 Cor. xiv. 33.

   [2788] Luke xiii. 27.

   [2789] Matt. v. 8.

   [2790] 1 Cor. i. 21, 25.

   [2791] Rom. v. 20.

   [2792] John xvii. 12.

   [2793] Luke iii. 22.

   [2794] Matt. xvii. 5.

   [2795] Wisd. vii. 22.

   [2796] Homo autem Verbo accessit, non Verbum in hominem convertibiliter
   accesit.

   [2797] 1 Cor. ii. 8.

   [2798] Ex. xix. 18.

   [2799] Ex. xiii. 21.

   [2800] 1 Cor. x. 4.

   [2801] Acts ii. 2, 3.

   [2802] Ps. cx. 3, LXX.

   [2803] Par. 1, p. 539.

   [2804] Letter CLXVI.

   [2805] 1 Cor. xv. 22.

   [2806] Letter CLXVII.

   [2807] The work on Nature and Grace, addressed to Timasius and
   Jacobus--translated in the fourth volume of this series, Antipelagian
   Writings, i. 233.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXXII.

   (a.d. 416.)

   To Augustin, My Truly Pious Lord and Father, Worthy of My Utmost
   Affection and Veneration, Jerome Sends Greeting in Christ.

   1. That honourable man, my brother, and your Excellency's son, the
   presbyter Orosius, I have, both on his own account and in obedience to
   your request, made welcome. But a most trying time has come upon us,
   [2808] in which I have found it better for me to hold my peace than to
   speak, so that our studies have ceased, lest what Appius calls "the
   eloquence of dogs" should be provoked into exercise. [2809] For this
   reason I have not been able at the present time to give to those two
   books dedicated to my name--books of profound erudition, and brilliant
   with every charm of splendid eloquence--the answer which I would
   otherwise have given; not that I think anything said in them demands
   correction, but because I am mindful of the words of the blessed
   apostle in regard to the variety of men's judgments, "Let every man be
   fully persuaded in his own mind." [2810] Certainly, whatever can be
   said on the topics there discussed, and whatever can be drawn by
   commanding genius from the fountain of sacred Scripture regarding them,
   has been in these letters stated in your positions, and illustrated by
   your arguments. But I beg your Reverence to allow me for a little to
   praise your genius. For in any discussion between us, the object aimed
   at by both of us is advancement in learning. But our rivals, and
   especially heretics, if they see different opinions maintained by us,
   will assail us with the calumny that our differences are due to mutual
   jealousy. For my part, however, I am resolved to love you, to look up
   to you, to reverence and admire you, and to defend your opinions as my
   own. I have also in a dialogue, which I recently published, made
   allusion to your Blessedness in suitable terms. Be it ours, therefore,
   rather to rid the Church of that most pernicious heresy which always
   feigns repentance, in order that it may have liberty to teach in our
   churches, and may not be expelled and extinguished, as it would be if
   it disclosed its real character in the light of day.

   2. Your pious and venerable daughters, Eustochium and Paula, continue
   to walk worthy of their own birth and of your counsels, and they send
   special salutations to your Blessedness: in which they are joined by
   the whole brotherhood of those who with us labour to serve the Lord our
   Saviour. As for the holy presbyter Firmus, we sent him last year to go
   on business of Eustochium and Paula, first to Ravenna, and afterwards
   to Africa and Sicily, and we suppose that he is now detained somewhere
   in Africa. I beseech you to present my respectful salutations to the
   saints who are associated with you. I have also sent to your care a
   letter from me to the holy presbyter Firmus; if it reaches you, I beg
   you to take the trouble of forwarding it to him. May Christ the Lord
   keep you in safety, and mindful of me, my truly pious lord and most
   blessed father.

   (As a postscript.) We suffer in this province from a grievous scarcity
   of clerks acquainted with the Latin language; this is the reason why we
   are not able to comply with your instructions, especially in regard to
   that version of the Septuagint which is furnished with distinctive
   asterisks and obelisks; [2811] for we have lost, through some one's
   dishonesty, the most of the results of our earlier labour.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2808] The allusion is probably to the acquittal of Pelagius in 415 by
   the Council of Diospolis (or Lydda, a place between Joppa and
   Jerusalem). Augustin viewed this Council's decisions more favourably
   than Jerome, who denounces it without measure as a pitiful assembly,
   which allowed itself to be imposed upon by the evasions and feigned
   recantation of Pelagius; to this he makes reference in the concluding
   sentence of this paragraph.

   [2809] We adopt here the reading found in Letter CCII. bis, sec. 3,
   where this sentence is quoted by Augustin in writing to Optatus, and we
   have "ne (instead of et) juxta Appium canina facundia exerceretur." On
   the phrase "canina facundia," see Lactantius, book vi. ch. 18.

   [2810] Rom. xiv. 5. Translated by Jerome: "Unusquisque in suo sensu
   abundet."

   [2811] Jerome probably alludes here to Augustin's request in Letter
   LXXI., sec. 3, 4; Letters, pp. 326, 327.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXXIII.

   (a.d. 416.)

   To Donatus, a Presbyter of the Donatist Party, Augustin, a Bishop of
   the Catholic Church, Sends Greeting.

   1. If you could see the sorrow of my heart and my concern for your
   salvation, you would perhaps take pity on your own soul, doing that
   which is pleasing to God, by giving heed to the word which is not ours
   but His; and would no longer give to His Scripture only a place in your
   memory, while shutting it out from your heart. You are angry because
   you are being drawn to salvation, although you have drawn so many of
   our fellow Christians to destruction. For what did we order beyond
   this, that you should be arrested, brought before the authorities, and
   guarded, in order to prevent you from perishing? As to your having
   sustained bodily injury, you have yourself to blame for this, as you
   would not use the horse which was immediately brought to you, and then
   dashed yourself violently to the ground; for, as you well know, your
   companion, who was brought along with you, arrived uninjured, not
   having done any harm to himself as you did.

   2. You think, however, that even what we have done to you should not
   have been done, because, in your opinion, no man should be compelled to
   that which is good. Mark, therefore, the words of the apostle: "If a
   man desire the office of a bishop, he desireth a good work," and yet,
   in order to make the office of a bishop be accepted by many men, they
   are seized against their will, [2812] subjected to importunate
   persuasion, shut up and detained in custody, and made to suffer so many
   things which they dislike, until a willingness to undertake the good
   work is found in them. How much more, then, is it fitting that you
   should be drawn forcibly away from a pernicious error, in which you are
   enemies to your own souls, and brought to acquaint yourselves with the
   truth, or to choose it when known, not only in order to your holding in
   a safe and advantageous way the honour belonging to your office, but
   also in order to preserve you from perishing miserably! You say that
   God has given us free will, and that therefore no man should be
   compelled even to good. Why, then, are those whom I have above referred
   to compelled to that which is good? Take heed, therefore, to something
   which you do not wish to consider. The aim towards which a good will
   compassionately devotes its efforts is to secure that a bad will be
   rightly directed. For who does not know that a man is not condemned on
   any other ground than because his bad will deserved it, and that no man
   is saved who has not a good will? Nevertheless, it does not follow from
   this that those who are loved should be cruelly left to yield
   themselves with impunity to their bad will; but in so far as power is
   given, they ought to be both prevented from evil and compelled to good.

   3. For if a bad will ought to be always left to its own freedom, why
   were the disobedient and murmuring Israelites restrained from evil by
   such severe chastisements, and compelled to come into the land of
   promise? If a bad will ought always to be left to its own freedom, why
   was Paul not left to the free use of that most perverted will with
   which he persecuted the Church? Why was he thrown to the ground that he
   might be blinded, and struck blind that he might be changed, and
   changed that he might be sent as an apostle, and sent that he might
   suffer for the truth's sake such wrongs as he had inflicted on others
   when he was in error? If a bad will ought always to be left to its own
   freedom, why is a father instructed in Holy Scripture not only to
   correct an obstinate son by words of rebuke, but also to beat his
   sides, in order that, being compelled and subdued, he may be guided to
   good conduct? [2813] For which reason Solomon also says: "Thou shalt
   beat him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soul from hell." [2814] If
   a bad will ought always to be left to its own freedom, why are
   negligent pastors reproved? and why is it said to them, "Ye have not
   brought back the wandering sheep, ye have not sought the perishing"?
   [2815] You also are sheep belonging to Christ, you bear the Lord's mark
   in the sacrament which you have received, but you are wandering and
   perishing. Let us not, therefore, incur your displeasure because we
   bring back the wandering and seek the perishing; for it is better for
   us to obey the will of the Lord, who charges us to compel you to return
   to His fold, than to yield consent to the will of the wandering sheep,
   so as to leave you to perish. Say not, therefore, what I hear that you
   are constantly saying, "I wish thus to wander; I wish thus to perish;"
   for it is better that we should so far as is in our power absolutely
   refuse to allow you to wander and perish.

   4. When you threw yourself the other day into a well, in order to bring
   death upon yourself, you did so no doubt with your free will. But how
   cruel the servants of God would have been if they had left you to the
   fruits of this bad will, and had not delivered you from that death! Who
   would not have justly blamed them? Who would not have justly denounced
   them as inhuman? And yet you, with your own free will, threw yourself
   into the water that you might be drowned. They took you against your
   will out of the water, that you might not be drowned. You acted
   according to your own will, but with a view to your destruction; they
   dealt with you against your will, but in order to your preservation.
   If, therefore, mere bodily safety behoves to be so guarded that it is
   the duty of those who love their neighhour to preserve him even against
   his own will from harm, how much more is this duty binding in regard to
   that spiritual health in the loss of which the consequence to be
   dreaded is eternal death! At the same time let me remark, that in that
   death which you wished to bring upon yourself you would have died not
   for time only but for eternity, because even though force had been used
   to compel you--not to accept salvation, not to enter into the peace of
   the Church, the unity of Christ's body, the holy indivisible charity,
   but--to suffer some evil things, it would not have been lawful for you
   to take away your own life.

   5. Consider the divine Scriptures, and examine them to the utmost of
   your ability, and see whether this was ever done by any one of the just
   and faithful, though subjected to the most grievous evils by persons
   who were endeavouring to drive them, not to eternal life, to which you
   are being compelled by us, but to eternal death. I have heard that you
   say that the Apostle Paul intimated the lawfulness of suicide, when he
   said, "Though I give my body to be burned," [2816] supposing that
   because he was there enumerating all the good things which are of no
   avail without charity, such as the tongues of men and of angels, and
   all mysteries, and all knowledge, and all prophecy, and the
   distribution of one's goods to the poor, he intended to include among
   these good things the act of bringing death upon one-self. But observe
   carefully and learn in what sense Scripture says that any man may give
   his body to be burned. Certainly not that any man may throw himself
   into the fire when he is harassed by a pursuing enemy, but that, when
   he is compelled to choose between doing wrong and suffering wrong, he
   should refuse to do wrong rather than to suffer wrong, and so give his
   body into the power of the executioner, as those three men did who were
   being compelled to worship the golden image, while he who was
   compelling them threatened them with the burning fiery furnace if they
   did not obey. They refused to worship the image: they did not cast
   themselves into the fire, and yet of them it is written that they
   "yielded their bodies, that they might not serve nor worship any god
   except their own God." [2817] This is the sense in which the apostle
   said, "If I give my body to be burned."

   6. Mark also what follows:--"If I have not charity, it profiteth me
   nothing." To that charity you are called; by that charity you are
   prevented from perishing: and yet you think, forsooth, that to throw
   yourself headlong to destruction, by your own act, will profit you in
   some measure, although, even if you suffered death at the hands of
   another, while you remain an enemy to charity it would profit you
   nothing. Nay, more, being in a state of exclusion from the Church, and
   severed from the body of unity and the bond of charity, you would be
   punished with eternal misery even though you were burned alive for
   Christ's name; for this is the apostle's declaration, "Though I give my
   body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing."
   Bring your mind back, therefore, to rational reflection and sober
   thought; consider carefully whether it is to error and to impiety that
   you are being called, and, if you still think so, submit patiently to
   any hardship for the truth's sake. If, however, the fact rather be that
   you are living in error and in impiety, and that in the Church to which
   you are called truth and piety are found, because there is Christian
   unity and the love (charitas) of the Holy Spirit, why do you labour any
   longer to be an enemy to yourself?

   7. For this end the mercy of the Lord appointed that both we and your
   bishops met at Carthage in a conference which had repeated meetings,
   and was largely attended, and reasoned together in the most orderly
   manner in regard to the grounds of our separation from each other. The
   proceedings of that conference were written down; our signatures are
   attached to the record: read it, or allow others to read it to you, and
   then choose which party you prefer. I have heard that you have said
   that you could to some extent discuss the statements in that record
   with us if we would omit these words of your bishops: "No case
   forecloses the investigation of another case, and no person compromises
   the position of another person." You wish us to leave out these words,
   in which, although they knew it not, the truth itself spoke by them.
   You will say, indeed, that here they made a mistake, and fell through
   want of consideration into a false opinion. But we affirm that here
   they said what was true, and we prove this very easily by a reference
   to yourself. For if in regard to these bishops of your own, chosen by
   the whole party of Donatus on the understanding that they should act as
   representatives, and that all the rest should regard whatever they did
   as acceptable and satisfactory, you nevertheless refuse to allow them
   to compromise your position by what you think to have been a rash and
   mistaken utterance on their part, in this refusal you confirm the truth
   of their saying: "No case forecloses the investigation of another case,
   and no person compromises the position of another person." And at the
   same time you ought to acknowledge, that if you refuse to allow the
   conjoint authority of so many of your bishops represented in these
   seven to compromise Donatus, presbyter in Mutugenna, it is incomparably
   less reasonable that one person, Cæcilianus, even had some evil been
   found in him, should compromise the position of the whole unity of
   Christ, the Church, which is not shut up within the one village of
   Mutugenna, but spread abroad throughout the entire world.

   8. But, behold, we do what you have desired; we treat with you as if
   your bishops had not said: "No case forecloses the investigation of
   another case, and no person compromises the position of another
   person." Discover, if you can, what they ought, rather than this, to
   have said in reply, when there was alleged against them the case and
   the person of Primianus, [2818] who, notwithstanding his joining the
   rest of the bishops in passing sentence of condemnation on those who
   had passed sentence of condemnation upon him, nevertheless received
   back into their former honours those whom he had condemned and
   denounced, and chose to acknowledge and accept rather than despise and
   repudiate the baptism administered by these men while they were "dead"
   (for of them it was said in the notable decree [of the Council of
   Bagai], that "the shores were full of dead men"), and by so doing swept
   away the argument which you are accustomed to rest on a perverse
   interpretation of the words: "Qui baptizatur a mortuo quid ei prodest
   lavacrum ejus?" [2819] If, therefore, your bishops had not said: "No
   case forecloses the investigation of another case, and no person
   compromises the position of another person," they would have been
   compelled to plead guilty in the case of Primianus; but, in saying
   this, they declared the Catholic Church to be, as we mentioned, not
   guilty in the case of Cæcilianus.

   9. However, read all the rest and examine it well. Mark whether they
   have succeeded in proving any charge of evil brought against Cæcilianus
   himself, through whose person they attempted to compromise the position
   of the Church. Mark whether they have not rather brought forward much
   that was in his favour, and confirmed the evidence that his case was a
   good one, by a number of extracts which, to the prejudice of their own
   case, they produced and read. Read these or let them be read to you.
   Consider the whole matter, ponder it carefully, and choose which you
   should follow: whether you should, in the peace of Christ, in the unity
   of the Catholic Church, in the love of the brethren, be partaker of our
   joy, or, in the cause of wicked discord, the Donatist faction and
   impious schism, continue to suffer the annoyance caused to you by the
   measures which out of love to you we are compelled to take.

   10. I hear that you have remarked and often quote the fact recorded in
   the gospels, that the seventy disciples went back from the Lord, and
   that they had been left to their own choice in this wicked and impious
   desertion, and that to the twelve who alone remained the Lord said,
   "Will ye also go away?" [2820] But you have neglected to remark, that
   at that time the Church was only beginning to burst into life from the
   recently planted seed, and that there was not yet fulfilled in her the
   prophecy: "All kings shall fall down before Him; yea, all nations shall
   serve Him;" [2821] and it is in proportion to the more enlarged
   accomplishment of this prophecy that the Church wields greater power,
   so that she may not only invite, but even compel men to embrace what is
   good. This our Lord intended then to illustrate, for although He had
   great power, He chose rather to manifest His humility. This also He
   taught, with sufficient plainness, in the parable of the Feast, in
   which the master of the house, after He had sent a message to the
   invited guests, and they had refused to come, said to his servants: "Go
   out quickly into the streets and lanes of the city, and bring in hither
   the poor, and the maimed, and the halt, and the blind. And the servant
   said, Lord, it is done as thou hast commanded, and yet there is room.
   And the Lord said unto the servant, Go out into the highways and
   hedges, and compel them to come in, that my house may be filled."
   [2822] Mark, now, how it was said in regard to those who came first,
   "bring them in;" it was not said, "compel them to come in,"--by which
   was signified the incipient condition of the Church, when it was only
   growing towards the position in which it would have strength to compel
   men to come in. Accordingly, because it was right that when the Church
   had been strengthened, both in power and in extent, men should be
   compelled to come in to the feast of everlasting salvation, it was
   afterwards added in the parable, "The servant said, Lord, it is done as
   thou hast commanded, and yet there is room. And the Lord said unto the
   servants, Go out into the highways and hedges, and compel them to come
   in." Wherefore, if you were walking peaceably, absent from this feast
   of everlasting salvation and of the holy unity of the Church, we should
   find you, as it were, in the "highways;" but since, by multiplied
   injuries and cruelties, which you perpetrate on our people, you are, as
   it were, full of thorns and roughness, we find you as it were in the
   "hedges," and we compel you to come in. The sheep which is compelled is
   driven whither it would not wish to go, but after it has entered, it
   feeds of its own accord in the pastures to which it was brought.
   Wherefore restrain your perverse and rebellious spirit, that in the
   true Church of Christ you may find the feast of salvation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2812] An example is furnished in the case of Castorius, Letter LXIX.;
   Letters, p. 326.

   [2813] Eccles. xxx. 12.

   [2814] Prov. xxiii. 14.

   [2815] Ezek. xxxiv. 4.

   [2816] 1 Cor. xiii. 3.

   [2817] Dan. iii. 28.

   [2818] Primianus, Donatist bishop in Carthage, was in 393 deposed by a
   factious clique of bishops, who appointed Maximianus in his place. The
   other Donatist bishops, however, assembled in the following year at
   Bagai in Numidia, and, reversing the decision of their co-bishops
   deposed them in turn, and passed a sentence to which, as stated in the
   text, they did not inexorably adhere. The matter is referred to in
   Letter XLIII. p. 276.

   [2819] Ecclus. xxxiv. 25, translated, accurately enough, in our English
   version: "He that washeth himself after touching a dead body, if he
   touch it again, what availeth his washing?" The Donatist, in quoting
   the passage to support their practice of re-baptizing Catholics,
   omitted the clause, "et iterum tangit mortuum," and translated the
   sentence thus: "He that is baptized by one who is dead, what availeth
   his baptism?" It would be difficult to quote from the annals of
   controversy a more flagrant example of ignorant ingenuity in the
   wresting of words to serve a purpose.

   [2820] John vi. 67.

   [2821] Ps. lxxii. 11.

   [2822] Luke xiv. 21-23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXXX.

   (a.d. 416.)

   To Oceanus, His Deservedly Beloved Lord and Brother, Honoured Among the
   Members of Christ, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. I received two letters from you at the same time, in one of which
   you mention a third, and state that you had sent it before the others.
   This letter I do not remember having received, or, rather, I think I
   may say the testimony of my memory is, that I did not receive it; but
   in regard to those which I have received, I return you many thanks for
   your kindness to me. To these I would have returned an immediate
   answer, had I not been hurried away by a constant succession of other
   matters urgently demanding attention. Having now found a moment's
   leisure from these, I have chosen rather to send some reply, however
   imperfect, than continue towards a friend so true and kind a protracted
   silence, and become more annoying to you by saying nothing than by
   saying too much.

   2. I already knew the opinion of the holy Jerome as to the origin of
   souls, and had read the words which in your letter you have quoted from
   his book. The difficulty which perplexes some in regard to this
   question, "How God can justly bestow souls on the offspring of persons
   guilty of adultery?" does not embarrass me, seeing that not even their
   own sins, much less the sins of their parents, can prove prejudicial to
   persons of virtuous lives, converted to God, and living in faith and
   piety. The really difficult question is, if it be true that a new soul
   created out of nothing is imparted to each child at its birth, how can
   it be that the innumerable souls of those little ones, in regard to
   whom God knew with certainty that before attaining the age of reason,
   and before being able to know or understand what is right or wrong,
   they were to leave the body without being baptized, are justly given
   over to eternal death by Him with whom "there is no unrighteousness!"
   [2823] It is unnecessary to say more on this subject, since you know
   what I intend, or rather what I do not at present intend to say. I
   think what I have said is enough for a wise man. If, however, you have
   either read, or heard from the lips of Jerome, or received from the
   Lord when meditating on this difficult question, anything by which it
   can be solved, impart it to me, I beseech you, that I may acknowledge
   myself under yet greater obligation to you.

   3. As to the question whether lying is in any case justifiable and
   expedient, it has appeared to you that it ought to be solved by the
   example of our Lord's saying, concerning the day and hour of the end of
   the world, "Neither doth the Son know it." [2824] When I read this, I
   was charmed with it as an effort of your ingenuity; but I am by no
   means of opinion that a figurative mode of expression can be rightly
   termed a falsehood. For it is no falsehood to call a day joyous because
   it renders men joyous, or a lupine harsh because by its bitter flavour
   it imparts harshness to the countenance of him who tastes it, or to say
   that God knows something when He makes man know it (an instance quoted
   by yourself in these words of God to Abraham, "Now I know that thou
   fearest God"). [2825] These are by no means false statements, as you
   yourself readily see. Accordingly, when the blessed Hilary explained
   this obscure statement of the Lord, by means of this obscure kind of
   figurative language, saying that we ought to understand Christ to
   affirm in these words that He knew not that day with no other meaning
   than that He, by concealing it, caused others not to know it, he did
   not by this explanation of the statement apologize for it as an
   excusable falsehood, but he showed that it was not a falsehood, as is
   proved by comparing it not only with these common figures of speech,
   but also with the metaphor, a mode of expression very familiar to all
   in daily conversation. For who will charge the man who says that
   harvest fields wave and children bloom with speaking falsely, because
   he sees not in these things the waves and the flowers to which these
   words are literally applied?

   4. Moreover, a man of your talent and learning easily perceives how
   different from these metaphorical expressions is the statement of the
   apostle, "When I saw that they walked not uprightly, according to the
   truth of the gospel, I said unto Peter before them all, If thou, being
   a Jew, livest after the manner of the Gentiles, and not as do the Jews,
   why compellest thou the Gentiles to live as do the Jews?" [2826] Here
   there is no obscurity of figurative language; these are literal words
   of a plain statement. Surely, in addressing persons "of whom he
   travailed in birth till Christ should be formed in them," [2827] and to
   whom, in solemnly calling God to confirm his words, he said: "The
   things which I write unto you, behold, before God, I lie not," [2828]
   the great teacher of the Gentiles affirmed in the words above quoted
   either what was true or what was false; if he said what was false,
   which God forbid, you see the consequences which would follow; and
   Paul's own assertion of his veracity, together with the example of
   wondrous humility in the Apostle Peter, may warn you to recoil from
   such thoughts. [2829]

   5. But why say more? This question the venerable Father Jerome and I
   have discussed fully in letters [2830] which we exchanged, and in his
   latest work, published under the name of Critobulus, against Pelagius,
   [2831] he has maintained the same opinion concerning that transaction
   and the words of the apostle which, in accordance with the views of the
   blessed Cyprian, [2832] I myself have held. In regard to the question
   as to the origin of souls, I think there is reasonable ground for
   inquiry, not as to the giving of souls to the offspring of adulterous
   parents, but as to the condemnation (which God forbid) of those who are
   innocent. If you have learned anything from a man of such character and
   eminence as Jerome which might form a satisfactory answer to those in
   perplexity on this subject, I pray you not to refuse to communicate it
   to me. In your correspondence, you have approved yourself so learned
   and so affable that it is a rivilege to hold intercourse with you by
   letter. I ask you not to delay to send a certain book by the same man
   of God, which the presbyter Orosius brought and gave to you to copy, in
   which the resurrection of the body is treated of by him in a manner
   said to merit distinguished praise. We have not asked it earlier,
   because we knew that you had both to copy and to revise it; but for
   both of these we think we have now given you ample time. Live to God,
   and be mindful of us.

   [For translation of Letter CLXXXV. to Count Boniface, containing an
   exhaustive history of the Donatist schism, see Anti-Donatist Writings.]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2823] Rom. ix. 14.

   [2824] Mark xiii. 32.

   [2825] Gen. xxii. 12.

   [2826] Gal. ii. 14.

   [2827] Gal. iv. 19.

   [2828] Gal. i. 20.

   [2829] We have left the word ambo in "ambo ista exhorrescas"
   untranslated. Critics are agreed that a few words of the original are
   probably wanting here, only one alternative of the dilemma being stated
   by St. Augustin in the text.

   [2830] In Letters XXVIII., XL., LXXV., and LXXXII., translated in
   Letters, pp. 251, 272, 333, 349.

   [2831] Adversus Pelagium, book i.

   [2832] Letters of Cyprian, LXXI.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXXXVIII.

   (a.d. 416.)

   To the Lady Juliana, Worthy to Be Honoured in Christ with the Service
   Due to Her Rank, Our Daughter Deservedly Distinguished, Alypius and
   Augustin Send Greeting in the Lord.

   Chap. I.

   1. Lady, worthy to be honoured in Christ with the service due to your
   rank, and daughter deservedly distinguished, it was very pleasant and
   agreeable to us that your letter reached us when together at Hippo, so
   that we might send this joint reply to you, to express our joy in
   hearing of your welfare, and with sincere reciprocation of your love to
   let you know of our welfare, in which we are sure that you take an
   affectionate interest. We are well aware that you are not ignorant how
   great Christian affection we consider due to you, and how much, both
   before God and among men, we are interested in you. For though we knew
   you, at first by letter, afterwards by personal intercourse, to be
   pious and Catholic, that is, true members of the body of Christ,
   nevertheless, our humble ministry also was of use to you, for when you
   had received the word of God from us, "you received it," as says the
   apostle, "not as the word of men, but as it is in truth the word of
   God." [2833] Through the grace and mercy of the Saviour, so great was
   the fruit arising from this ministery of ours in your family, that when
   preparations for her marriage [2834] were already completed, the holy
   Demetrias preferred the spiritual embrace of that Husband who is fairer
   than the sons of men, and in espousing themselves to whom virgins
   retain their virginity, and gain more abundant spiritual fruitfulness.
   We should not, however, yet have known how this exhortation of ours had
   been received by the faithful and noble maiden, as we departed shortly
   before she took on her the vow of chastity, had we not learned from the
   joyful announcement and reliable testimony of your letter, that this
   great gift of God, planted and watered indeed by means of His servants,
   but owing its increase to Himself, had been granted to us as labourers
   in His vineyard.

   2. Since these things are so, no one may charge us with presuming, if,
   on the ground of this closer spiritual relation, we manifest our
   solicitude for your welfare by warning you to avoid opinions opposed to
   the grace of God. For though the apostle commands us in preaching the
   word to be "instant in season and out of season," [2835] yet we do not
   reckon you among the number of those to whom a word or a letter from us
   exhorting you carefully to avoid what is inconsistent with sound
   doctrine would seem "out of season." Hence it was that you received our
   admonition in so kindly a manner, that, in the letter to which we are
   now replying, you say, "I thank you heartily for the pious advice which
   your Reverence gave me, not to lend an ear to those men who, by their
   mischievous writings, often corrupt our holy faith."

   3. In this letter you go on to say, "But your Reverence knows that I
   and my household are entirely separated from persons of this
   description; and all our family follow so strictly the Catholic faith
   as never at any time to have wandered from it, or fallen into any
   heresy,--I speak not of the heresy of sects who have erred in a measure
   hardly admiting of expiation, but of those whose errors seem to be
   trivial." This statement renders it more and more necessary for us, in
   writing to you, not to pass over in silence the conduct of those who
   are attempting to corrupt even those who are sound in the faith. We
   consider your house to be no insignificant Church of Christ, nor indeed
   is the error of those men trivial who think that we have of ourselves
   whatever righteousness, temperance, piety, chastity is in us, on the
   ground that God has so formed us, that beyond the revelation which He
   has given He imparts to us no further aid for performing by our own
   choice those things which by study we have ascertained to be our duty;
   declaring nature and knowledge to be the grace of God, and the only aid
   for living righteously and justly. For the possession, indeed, of a
   will inclined to what is good, whence proceed the life of uprightness
   and that love which so far excels all other gifts that God Himself is
   said to be love, and by which alone is fulfilled in us as far as we
   fulfil them, the divine law and council,--for the possession, I say, of
   such a will, they hold that we are not indebted to the aid of God, but
   affirm that we ourselves of our own will are sufficient for these
   things. Let it not appear to you a trifling error that men should wish
   to profess themselves Christians, and yet be unwilling to hear the
   apostle of Christ, who, having said, "The love of God is shed abroad in
   our hearts," lest any one should think that he had this love through
   his own free will, immediately subjoined, "by the Holy Spirit who is
   given unto us." [2836] Understand, then, how greatly and how fatally
   that man errs who does not acknowledge that this is the "great gift of
   the Saviour," [2837] who, when He ascended on high, "led captivity
   captive, and gave gifts unto men." [2838]

   Chap. II.

   4. How, then, could we so far conceal our true feelings as not to warn
   you, in whom we feel so deep an interest, to beware of such doctrines,
   after we had read a certain book addressed to the holy Demetrias?
   Whether this book has reached you, [2839] and who is its author, we are
   desirous to hear in your answer to this. In this book, were it lawful
   for such a one to read it, a virgin of Christ would read that her
   holiness and all her spiritual riches are to spring from no other
   source than herself, and thus, before she attains to the perfection of
   blessedness, she would learn,--which may God forbid!--to be ungrateful
   to God. For the words addressed to her in the said book are
   these:--"You have here, then, those things on account of which you are
   deservedly, nay more, more especially to be preferred before others;
   for your earthly rank and wealth are understood to be derived from your
   relatives, not from yourself, but your spiritual riches no one can have
   conferred on you but yourself; for these, then, you are justly to be
   praised, for these you are deservedly to be preferred to others, for
   they can exist only from yourself, and in yourself." [2840]

   5. You see, doubtless, how dangerous is the doctrine in these words,
   against which you must be on your guard. For the affirmation, indeed,
   that these spiritual riches can exist only in yourself, is very well
   and truly said: that evidently is food; but the affirmation that they
   cannot exist except from you is unmixed poison. Far be it from any
   virgin of Christ willingly to listen to statements like these. Every
   virgin of Christ understands the innate poverty of the human heart, and
   therefore declines to have it adorned otherwise than by the gifts of
   her Spouse. Let her rather listen to the apostle when he says: "I have
   espoused you to one husband, that I may present you as a chaste virgin
   to Christ. But I fear, lest by any means, as the serpent beguiled Eve
   through his subtilty, so your minds should be corrupted from the
   simplicity that is in Christ." [2841] And therefore in regard to these
   spiritual riches let her listen, not to him who says: "No one can
   confer them on you except yourself, and they cannot exist except from
   you and in you;" but to him who says: "We have this treasure in earthen
   vessels, that the excellency of the power may be of God, and not of
   us." [2842]

   6. In regard to that sacred virginal chastity, also, which does not
   belong to her from herself, but is the gift of God, bestowed, however,
   on her who is believing and willing, let her hear the same truthful and
   pious teacher, who when he treats of this subject says: "I would that
   all men were even as I myself: but every man hath his proper gift of
   God, one after this manner, and another after that." [2843] Let her
   hear also Him who is the only Spouse, not only of herself, but of the
   whole Church, thus speaking of this chastity and purity: "All cannot
   receive this saying, save they to whom it is given;" [2844] that she
   may understand that for her possession of this so great and excellent
   gift, she ought rather to render thanks to our God and Lord, than to
   listen to the words of any one who says that she possessed it from
   herself,--words which we may not designate as those of a flatterer
   seeking to please, lest we seem to judge rashly concerning the hidden
   thoughts of men, but which are assuredly those of a misguided eulogist.
   For "every good gift and every perfect gift," as the Apostle James
   says, "is from above, and cometh down from the Father of Lights;"
   [2845] from this source, therefore, cometh this holy virginity, in
   which you who approve of it, and rejoice in it, have been excelled by
   your daughter, who, coming after you in birth, has gone before you in
   conduct; descended from you in lineage, has risen above you in honour;
   following you in age, has gone beyond you in holiness; in whom also
   that begins to be yours which could not be in your own person. For she
   did not contract an earthly marriage, that she might be, not for
   herself only, but also for you, spiritually enriched, in a higher
   degree than yourself, since you, even with this addition, are inferior
   to her, because you contracted the marriage of which she is the
   offspring. These things are gifts of God, and are yours, indeed, but
   are not from yourselves; for you have this treasure in earthly bodies,
   which are still frail as the vessels of the potter, that the excellency
   of the power may be of God, and not of you. And be not surprised
   because we say that these things are yours, and not from you, for we
   speak of "daily bread" as ours, but yet add, [2846] "give it to us,"
   lest it should be thought that it was from ourselves.

   7. Wherefore obey the precept of Scripture, "Pray without ceasing. In
   everything give thanks;" [2847] for you pray in order that you may have
   constantly and increasingly these gifts, you render thanks because you
   have them not of yourself. For who separates you from that mass of
   death and perdition derived from Adam? Is it not He "who came to seek
   and to save that which was lost?" [2848] Was, then, a man, indeed, on
   hearing the apostle's question, "Who maketh thee to differ?" to reply,
   "My own good will, my faith, my righteousness," and to disregard what
   immediately follows? "What hast thou that thou didst not receive? Now,
   if thou didst receive it, why dost thou glory as if thou hadst not
   received it?" [2849] We are unwilling, then, yea, utterly unwilling,
   that a consecrated virgin, when she hears or reads these words: "Your
   spiritual riches no one can have conferred on you; for these you are
   justly to be praised, for these you are deservedly to be preferred to
   others, for they can exist only from yourself, and in yourself," should
   thus boast of her riches as if she had not received them. Let her say,
   indeed, "In me are Thy vows, O God, I will render praises unto Thee;"
   [2850] but since they are in her, not from her, let her remember also
   to say, "Lord, by Thy will Thou hast furnished strength to my beauty,"
   [2851] because, though it be from her, inasmuch as it is the acting of
   her own will, without which we cannot do what is good, yet we are not
   to say, as he said, that it is "only from her." For our own will,
   unless it be aided by the grace of God, cannot alone be even in name
   good will, for, says the apostle, "it is God who worketh in us, both to
   will, and to do according to good will," [2852] --not, as these persons
   think, merely by revealing knowledge, that we may know what we ought to
   do, but also by inspiring Christian love, that we may also by choice
   perform the things which by study we have learned.

   8. For doubtless the value of the gift of continence was known to him
   who said, "I perceived that no man can be continent unless God bestowed
   the gift." He not only knew then how great a benefit it was, and how
   eagerly it ought to be coveted, but also that, unless God gave it, it
   could not exist; for wisdom had taught him this for he says, "This also
   was a point of wisdom, to know whose gift it was; and the knowledge did
   not suffice him, but he says, "I went to the Lord and made my
   supplication to Him." [2853] God then aids us in this matter, not only
   by making us know what is to be done, but also by making us do through
   love what we already know through learning. No one, therefore, can
   possess, not only knowledge, but also continence, unless God give it to
   him. Whence it was that when he had knowledge he prayed that he might
   have continence, that it might be in him, because he knew that it was
   not from him; or if on account of the freedom of his will it was in a
   certain sense from himself, yet it was not from himself alone, because
   no one can be continent unless God bestow on him the gift. But he whose
   opinions I am censuring, in speaking of spiritual riches, among which
   is doubtless that bright and beautiful gift of continence, does not say
   that they may exist in you, and from yourself, but says that they can
   exist only from you, and in you, in such a way that, as a virgin of
   Christ has these things nowhere else than in herself, so it can be
   believed possible for her to have them from no other source than from
   herself, and in this way (which may a merciful God avert from her
   heart!) she shall so boast as if she had not received them!

   Chap. III.

   9. We indeed hold such an opinion concerning the training of this holy
   virgin, and the Christian humility in which she was nourished and
   brought up, as to be assured that when she read these words, if she did
   read, them, she would break out into lamentations, and humbly smite her
   breast, and perhaps burst into tears, and pray in faith to the Lord to
   whose service she was dedicated and by whom she was sanctified,
   pleading with Him that these were not her own words, but another's, and
   asking that her faith might not be such as to believe that she had
   anything whereof to glory in herself and not in the Lord. For her glory
   is in herself, not in the words of another, as the apostle says: "Let
   every man prove his own work, and then shall he have glory (rejoicing)
   in himself alone, and not in another." [2854] But God forbid that her
   glory should be in herself, and not in Him to whom the Psalmist says,
   "Thou art my glory, and the lifter up of mine head." [2855] For her
   glory is then profitably in herself, when God, who is in her, is
   Himself her glory, from whom she has every good, by which she is good,
   and shall have all things by which she shall be made better, in as far
   as she may become better in this life, and by which she shall be made
   perfect when rendered so by divine grace, not by human praise. "For her
   soul shall be praised in the Lord," [2856] "who satisfieth her desire
   with good things," [2857] because He Himself has inspired this desire,
   that His virgin should not boast of any good, as if she had not
   received it.

   10. Inform us, then, in reply to this letter, whether we have judged
   truly in supposing these to be your daughter's sentiments. For we know
   well that you and all your family are, and have been, worshippers of
   the indivisible Trinity. But human error insinuates itself in other
   forms than in erroneous opinions concerning the indivisible Trinity.
   There are other subjects also, in regard to which men fall into very
   dangerous errors. As, for example, that of which we have spoken in this
   letter at greater length, perhaps, than might have sufficed to a person
   of your stedfast and pure wisdom. And yet we know not to whom, except
   to God, and therefore to the Trinity, wrong is done by the man who
   denies that the good that comes from God is from God; which evil may
   God avert from you, as we believe He does! May God altogether forbid
   that the book out of which we have thought it our duty to extract some
   words, that they might be more easily understood, should produce any
   such impression, we do not say on your mind, or on that of the holy
   virgin your daughter, but on the mind of the least deserving of your
   male or female servants.

   11. But if you study more carefully even those words in which the
   writer appears to speak in favour of grace or the aid of God, you will
   find them so ambiguous that they may have reference either to nature or
   to knowledge, or to forgiveness of sins. For even in regard to that
   which they are forced to acknowledge, that we ought to pray that we may
   not enter into temptation, they may consider that the words mean that
   we are so far helped to it that, by our praying and knocking, the
   knowledge of the truth is so revealed to us that we may learn what it
   is our duty to do, not so far as that our will receives strength,
   whereby we may do that which we learn to be our duty; and as to their
   saying that it is by the grace or help of God that the Lord Christ has
   been set before us as an example of holy living, they interpret this so
   as to teach the same doctrine, affirming, namely, that we learn by His
   example how we ought to live, but denying that we are so aided as to do
   through love what we know by learning.

   12. Find in this book, if you can, anything in which, excepting nature
   and the freedom of the will (which pertains to the same nature), and
   the remission of sin and the revealing of doctrine, any such aid of God
   is acknowledged as that which he acknowledges who said: "When I
   perceived that no man can be continent unless God bestow the gift, and
   that this also is a point of wisdom to know whose gift it is, I went to
   the Lord, and made my supplication to Him." [2858] For he did not
   desire to receive, in answer to his prayer, the nature in which he was
   made; nor was he solicitous to obtain the natural freedom of the will
   with which he was made; nor did he crave the remission of sins, seeing
   that he prayed rather for continence, that he might not sin; nor did he
   desire to know what he ought to do, seeing that he already confessed
   that he knew whose gift this continence was; but he wished to receive
   from the Spirit of wisdom such strength of will, such ardour of love,
   as should suffice for fully practising the great virtue of continence.
   If, therefore, you succeed in finding any such statement in that book,
   we will heartily thank you if, in your answer, you deign to inform us
   of it.

   13. It is impossible for us to tell how greatly we desire to find in
   the writings of these men, whose works are read by very many for their
   pungency and eloquence, the open confession of that grace which the
   apostle vehemently commends, who says that "God has given to every man
   the measure of faith," [2859] "without which it is impossible to please
   God," [2860] "by which the just live," [2861] "which worketh by love,"
   [2862] before which and without which no works of any man are in any
   respect to be reckoned good, since "whatsoever is not of faith is sin."
   [2863] He affirms that God distributes to every man, [2864] and that we
   receive divine assistance to live piously and justly, not only by the
   revelation of that knowledge which without charity "puffeth up," [2865]
   but by our being inspired with that "love which is the fulfilling of
   the law," [2866] and which so edifies our heart that knowledge does not
   puff it up. But hitherto I have failed to find any such statements in
   the writings of these men.

   14. But especially we should wish that these sentiments should be found
   in that book from which we have quoted the words in which the author,
   praising a virgin of Christ as if no one except herself could confer on
   her spiritual riches, and as if these could not exist except from
   herself, does not wish her to glory in the Lord, but to glory as if she
   had not received them. In this book, though it contain neither his name
   nor your own honoured name, he nevertheless mentions that a request had
   been made to him by the mother of the virgin to write to her. In a
   certain epistle of his, however, to which he openly attaches his name,
   and does not conceal the name of the sacred virgin, the same Pelagius
   says that he had written to her, and endeavours to prove, by appealing
   to the said work, that he most openly confessed the grace of God, which
   he is alleged to have passed over in silence, or denied. But we beg you
   to condescend to inform us, in your reply, whether that be the very
   book in which he has inserted these words about spiritual riches, and
   whether it has reached your Holiness.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2833] 1 Thess. ii. 13.

   [2834] In a letter of Jerome (the eighth) to Demetrias, we have a very
   graphic narrative of the manner in which Demetrias formed and carried
   into effect the vow for which she is here commended.

   [2835] 2 Tim. iii. 2.

   [2836] Rom. v. 5.

   [2837] Eph. iv. 7.

   [2838] Ps. lxviii. 18.

   [2839] In the end of this letter, Augustin distinctly ascribes to
   Pelagius the authorship of the letter to Demetrias, as also in his work
   on The Grace of Christ, ch. xxii.

   [2840] Epistle to Demetrias, ch. xi.

   [2841] 2 Cor. xi. 2, 3.

   [2842] 2 Cor. iv. 7.

   [2843] 1 Cor. iv. 7.

   [2844] Matt. xix. 11.

   [2845] Jas. i. 17.

   [2846] Luke xi. 3.

   [2847] 1 Thess. v. 17, 18.

   [2848] Luke xix. 10.

   [2849] 1 Cor. iv. 7.

   [2850] Ps. lvi. 12.

   [2851] Ps. xxx. 7, LXX.

   [2852] Phil. ii. 13.

   [2853] Wisd. viii. 21.

   [2854] Gal. vi. 4.

   [2855] Ps. iii. 3.

   [2856] Ps. xxxiv. 2.

   [2857] Ps. ciii. 5.

   [2858] Wisd. viii. 21.

   [2859] Rom. xii. 3.

   [2860] Heb. xi. 6.

   [2861] Rom. i. 17.

   [2862] Gal. v. 6.

   [2863] Rom. xiv. 23.

   [2864] Rom. xii. 3.

   [2865] 1 Cor. viii. 1.

   [2866] Rom. xiii. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CLXXXIX.

   (a.d. 418.)

   To Boniface, [2867] My Noble Lord and Justly Distinguished and
   Honourable Son, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I had already written a reply to your Charity, but while I was
   waiting for an opportunity of forwarding the letter, my beloved son
   Faustus arrived here on his way to your Excellency. After he had
   received the letter which I had intended to be carried by him to your
   Benevolence, he stated to me that you were very desirous that I should
   write you something which might build you up unto the eternal salvation
   of which you have hope in Christ Jesus our Lord. And, although I was
   busily occupied at the time, he insisted, with an earnestness
   corresponding to the love which, as you know, he bears to you, that I
   should do this without delay. To meet his convenience, therefore, as he
   was in haste to depart, I thought it better to write, though
   necessarily without much time for reflection, rather than put off the
   gratification of your pious desire, my noble lord and justly
   distinguished and honourable son.

   2. All is contained in these brief sentences: "Love the Lord thy God
   with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy strength:
   and love thy neighbour as thyself;" [2868] for these are the words in
   which the Lord, when on earth, gave an epitome of religion, saying in
   the gospel, "On these two commandments hang all the law and the
   prophets." Daily advance, then, in this love, both by praying and by
   well-doing, that through the help of Him, who enjoined it on you, and
   whose gift it is, it may be nourished and increased, until, being
   perfected, it render you perfect. "For this is the love which," as the
   apostle says, "is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost, which is
   given unto us." [2869] This is "the fulfilling of the law;" [2870] this
   is the same love by which faith works, of which he says again, "Neither
   circumcision availeth anything, nor uncircumcision; but faith, which
   worketh by love." [2871]

   3. In this love, then, all our holy fathers, patriarchs, prophets, and
   apostles pleased God. In this all true martyrs contended against the
   devil even to the shedding of blood, and because in them it neither
   waxed cold nor failed, they became conquerors. In this all true
   believers daily make progress, seeking to acquire not an earthly
   kingdom, but the kingdom of heaven; not a temporal, but an eternal
   inheritance; not gold and silver, but the incorruptible riches of the
   angels; not the good things of this life, which are enjoyed with
   trembling, and which no one can take with him when he dies, but the
   vision of God, whose grace and power of imparting felicity transcend
   all beauty of form in bodies not only on earth but also in heaven,
   transcend all spiritual loveliness in men, however just and holy,
   transcend all the glory of the angels and powers of the world above,
   transcend not only all that language can express, but all that thought
   can imagine concerning Him. And let us not despair of the fulfilment of
   such a great promise because it is exceeding great, but rather believe
   that we shall receive it because He who has promised it is exceeding
   great, as the blessed Apostle John says: "Now are we the sons of God;
   and it doth not yet appear what we shall be: but we know that, when He
   shall appear, we shall be like Him; for we shall see Him as He is."
   [2872]

   4. Do not think that it is impossible for any one to please God while
   engaged in active military service. Among such persons was the holy
   David, to whom God gave so great a testimony; among them also were many
   righteous men of that time; among them was also that centurion who said
   to the Lord: "I am not worthy that Thou shouldest come under my roof,
   but speak the word only, and my servant shall be healed: for I am a man
   under authority, having soldiers under me: and I say to this man, Go,
   and he goeth; and to another, Come, and he cometh; and to my servant,
   Do this, and he doeth it;" and concerning whom the Lord said: "Verily,
   I say unto you, I have not found so great faith, no, not in Israel."
   [2873] Among them was that Cornelius to whom an angel said: "Cornelius,
   thine alms are accepted, and thy prayers are heard," [2874] when he
   directed him to send to the blessed Apostle Peter, and to hear from him
   what he ought to do, to which apostle he sent a devout soldier,
   requesting him to come to him. Among them were also the soldiers who,
   when they had come to be baptized by John,--the sacred forerunner of
   the Lord, and the friend of the Bridegroom, of whom the Lord says:
   "Among them that are born of women there hath not arisen a greater than
   John the Baptist," [2875] --and had inquired of him what they should
   do, received the answer, "Do violence to no man, neither accuse any
   falsely; and be content with your wages." [2876] Certainly he did not
   prohibit them to serve as soldiers when he commanded them to be content
   with their pay for the service.

   5. They occupy indeed a higher place before God who, abandoning all
   these secular employments, serve Him with the strictest chastity; but
   "every one," as the apostle says, "hath his proper gift of God, one
   after this manner, and another after that." [2877] Some, then, in
   praying for you, fight against your invisible enemies; you, in fighting
   for them, contend against the barbarians, their visible enemies. Would
   that one faith existed in all, for then there would be less weary
   struggling, and the devil with his angels would be more easily
   conquered; but since it is necessary in this life that the citizens of
   the kingdom of heaven should be subjected to temptations among erring
   and impious men, that they may be exercised, and "tried as gold in the
   furnace," [2878] we ought not before the appointed time to desire to
   live with those alone who are holy and righteous, so that, by patience,
   we may deserve to receive this blessedness in its proper time.

   6. Think, then, of this first of all, when you are arming for the
   battle, that even your bodily strength is a gift of God; for,
   considering this, you will not employ the gift of God against God. For,
   when faith is pledged, it is to be kept even with the enemy against
   whom the war is waged, how much more with the friend for whom the
   battle is fought! Peace should be the object of your desire; war should
   be waged only as a necessity, and waged only that God may by it deliver
   men from the necessity and preserve them in peace. For peace is not
   sought in order to the kindling of war, but war is waged in order that
   peace may be obtained. Therefore, even in waging war, cherish the
   spirit of a peacemaker, that, by conquering those whom you attack, you
   may lead them back to the advantages of peace; for our Lord says:
   "Blessed are the peacemakers; for they shall be called the children of
   God." [2879] If, however, peace among men be so sweet as procuring
   temporal safety, how much sweeter is that peace with God which procures
   for men the eternal felicity of the angels! Let necessity, therefore,
   and not your will, slay the enemy who fights against you. As violence
   is used towards him who rebels and resists, so mercy is due to the
   vanquished or the captive, especially in the case in which future
   troubling of the peace is not to be feared.

   7. Let the manner of your life be adorned by chastity, sobriety, and
   moderation; for it is exceedingly disgraceful that lust should subdue
   him whom man finds invincible, and that wine should overpower him whom
   the sword assails in vain. As to worldly riches, if you do not possess
   them, let them not be sought after on earth by doing evil; and if you
   possess them, let them by good works be laid up in heaven. The manly
   and Christian spirit ought neither to be elated by the accession, nor
   crushed by the loss of this world's treasures. Let us rather think of
   what the Lord says: "Where your treasure is, there will your heart be
   also;" [2880] and certainly, when we hear the exhortation to lift up
   our hearts, it is our duty to give unfeignedly the response which you
   know that we are accustomed to give. [2881]

   8. In these things, indeed, I know that you are very careful, and the
   good report which I hear of you fills me with great delight, and moves
   me to congratulate you on account of it in the Lord. This letter,
   therefore, may serve rather as a mirror in which you may see what you
   are, than as a directory from which to learn what you ought to be:
   nevertheless, whatever you may discover, either from this letter or
   from the Holy Scriptures, to be still wanting to you in regard to a
   holy life, persevere in urgently seeking it both by effort and by
   prayer; and for the things which you have, give thanks to God as the
   Fountain of goodness, whence you have received them; in every good
   action let the glory be given to God, and humility be exercised by you,
   for, as it is written, "Every good gift and every perfect gift is from
   above, and cometh down from the Father of lights." [2882] But however
   much you may advance in the love of God and of your neighbour, and in
   true piety, do not imagine, as long as you are in this life, that you
   are without sin, for concerning this we read in Holy Scripture: "Is not
   the life of man upon earth a life of temptation?" [2883] Wherefore,
   since always, as long as you are in this body, it is necessary for you
   to say in prayer, as the Lord taught us: "Forgive us our debts, as we
   forgive our debtors," [2884] remember quickly to forgive, if any one
   shall do you wrong and shall ask pardon from you, that you may be able
   to pray sincerely, and may prevail in seeking pardon for your own sins.

   These things, my beloved friend, I have written to you in haste, as the
   anxiety of the bearer to depart urged me not to detain him; but I thank
   God that I have in some measure complied with your pious wish. May the
   mercy of God ever protect you, my noble lord and justly distinguished
   son.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2867] Count Boniface, to whom St. Augustin also addressed Letters
   CLXXXV. and CCXX., was governor of the province of Africa under
   Placidia, who for twenty-five years ruled the empire in the name of her
   son Valentinian. By his perfidious rival Ætius, Boniface was persuaded
   to disobey the order of Placidia, when, under the instigation of Ætius
   himself, she recalled him from the government of Africa. The necessity
   of powerful allies in order to maintain his position led him to invite
   the Vandals to pass from Spain into Africa. They came, under Genseric,
   and the fertile provinces of Northern Africa fell an easy prey to their
   invading armies. When the treachery of Ætius was discovered, Placidia
   received Boniface again into favour, and he devoted all his military
   talents to the task of expelling the barbarians whom his own invitation
   had made masters of North Africa. But it was now too late to wrest this
   Roman province from the Vandals; defeated in a great battle, Boniface
   was compelled in 430 to retire into Hippo Regius, where he succeeded in
   resisting the besieging army for fourteen months. It was during this
   siege, and after it had continued three months, that Augustin died.
   Reinforced by troops from Constantinople, Boniface fought one more
   desperate but unsuccessful battle, after which he left Hippo in the
   hands of Genseric, and returned by order of Placidia to Italy. For
   fuller particulars of his history, see Gibbon's History of the Decline
   and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch. xxxiii.

   [2868] Matt. xxii. 37-40.

   [2869] Rom. v. 5.

   [2870] Rom. xiii. 10.

   [2871] Gal. v. 6.

   [2872] John iii. 2.

   [2873] Matt. viii. 8-10.

   [2874] Acts x. 4.

   [2875] Matt. xi. 11.

   [2876] Luke iii. 14.

   [2877] 1 Cor. vii. 7.

   [2878] Wisd. iii. 6.

   [2879] Matt. v. 9.

   [2880] Matt. vi. 21.

   [2881] The allusion is evidently to the ancient formulary in public
   worship, first mentioned by Cyprian in his treatise on the Lord's
   Prayer. To the presbyter's exhortation, "Sursum corda!" the people
   responded "Habemus ad Dominum." For an account of this formulary and a
   most beautiful exposition of it, quoted from Cyril of Jerusalem, see
   Riddle's Christian Antiquities, book IV. ch. i. sec. 2.

   [2882] Jas. i. 17.

   [2883] Job. vii. 1, LXX.

   [2884] Matt. vi. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXCI.

   (a.d. 418.)

   To My Venerable Lord and Pious Brother and Co-Presbyter Sixtus, [2885]
   Worthy of Being Received in the Love of Christ, Augustin Sends Greeting
   in the Lord.

   1. Since the arrival of the letter which, in my absence, your Grace
   forwarded by our holy brother the presbyter Firmus, and which I read on
   my return to Hippo, but not until after the bearer had departed, the
   present is my first opportunity of sending to you any reply, and it is
   with great pleasure that I entrust it to our very dearly beloved son,
   the acolyte Albinus. Your letter, addressed to Alypius and myself
   jointly, came at a time when we were not together, and this is the
   reason why you will now receive a letter from each of us, instead of
   one from both, in reply. For the bearer of this letter has just gone,
   meanwhile, from me to visit my venerable brother and co-bishop Alypius,
   who will write a reply for himself to your Holiness, and he has carried
   with him your letter, which I had already perused. As to the great joy
   with which that letter filled my heart, why should a man attempt to say
   what it is impossible to express? Indeed, I do not think that you
   yourself have any adequate idea of the amount of good done by your
   sending that letter to us; but take our word for it, for as you bear
   witness to your feelings, so do we bear witness to ours, declaring how
   profoundly we have been moved by the perfectly transparent soundness of
   the views declared in that letter. For if, when you sent a very short
   letter on the same subject to the most blessed aged Aurelius, by the
   acolyte Leo, we transcribed it with joyful alacrity, and read it with
   enthusiastic interest to all who were within our reach, as an
   exposition of your sentiments, both in regard to that most fatal dogma
   [of Pelagius], and in regard to the grace of God freely given by Him to
   small and great, to which that dogma is diametrically opposed; how
   great, think you, is the joy with which we have read this more extended
   statement in your writing, how great the zeal with which we take care
   that it be read by all to whom we have been able already or may yet be
   able to make it known! For what could be read or heard with greater
   satisfaction than so clear a defence of the grace of God against its
   enemies, from the mouth of one who was before this proudly claimed by
   these enemies as a mighty supporter of their cause? [2886] Or is there
   anything for which we ought to give more abundant thanksgivings to God,
   than that His grace is so ably defended by those to whom it is given,
   against those to whom it is not given, or by whom, when given, it is
   not accepted, because in the secret and just judgment of God the
   disposition to accept it is not given to them?

   2. Wherefore, my venerable lord, and holy brother worthy of being
   received in the love of Christ, although you render a most excellent
   service when you thus write on this subject to brethren before whom the
   adversaries are wont to boast themselves of your being their friend,
   nevertheless, there remains upon you the yet greater duty of seeing not
   only that those be punished with wholesome severity who dare to prate
   more openly their declaration of that error, most dangerously hostile
   to the Christian name, but also that with pastoral vigilance, on behalf
   of the weaker and simpler sheep of the Lord, most strenuous precautions
   be used against those who more covertly, indeed, and timidly, but
   perseveringly, and in whispers, as it were, teach this error, "creeping
   into houses," as the apostle says, and doing with practised impiety all
   those other things which are mentioned immediately afterwards in that
   passage. [2887] Nor ought those to be overlooked who under the
   restraint of fear hide their sentiments under the most profound
   silence, yet have not ceased to cherish the same perverse opinions as
   before. For some of their party might be known to you before that
   pestilence was denounced by the most explicit condemnation of the
   apostolic see, whom you perceive to have now become suddenly silent;
   nor can it be ascertained whether they have been really cured of it,
   otherwise than through their not only forbearing from the utterance of
   these false dogmas, but also defending the truths which are opposed to
   their former errors with the same zeal as they used to show on the
   other side. These are, however, to be more gently dealt with; for what
   need is there for causing further terror to those whom their silence
   itself proves to be sufficiently terrified already? At the same time,
   though they should not be frightened, they should be taught; and in my
   opinion they may more easily, while their fear of severity assists the
   teacher of the truth, be so taught that by the Lord's help, after they
   have learned to understand and love His grace, they may speak out as
   antagonists of the error which meanwhile they dare not confess.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2885] Sixtus, afterwards Sixtus III., Bishop of Rome, the immediate
   successor of Cælestine, to whom the next letter is addressed. His name
   is the forty-third in the list of Popes, and he was in office from 432
   to 440 A.D. The 194th letter of Augustin was addressed to the same
   Sixtus, and is a very elaborate dissertation on Pelagianism. It is
   omitted from this selection as being rather a theological treatise than
   a letter.

   [2886] Sixtus had been not without reason reckoned as a sympathiser
   with Pelagius, until their views were finally condemned in this year
   418 by Zosimus.

   [2887] 2 Tim. iii. 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXCII.

   (a.d. 418.)

   To My Venerable Lord and Highly Esteemed and Holy Brother, Cælestine,
   [2888] Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I was at a considerable distance from home when the letter of your
   Holiness addressed to me at Hippo arrived by the hands of the clerk
   Projectus. When I had returned home, and, having read your letter, felt
   myself to be owing you a reply, I was still waiting for some means of
   communicating with you, when, lo! a most desirable opportunity
   presented itself in the departure of our very dear brother the acolyte
   Albinus, who leaves us immediately. Rejoicing, therefore, in your
   health, which is most earnestly desired by me, I return to your
   Holiness the salutation which I was owing. But I always owe you love,
   the only debt which, even when it has been paid, holds him who has paid
   it a debtor still. For it is given when it is paid, but it is owing
   even after it has been given, for there is no time at which it ceases
   to be due. Nor when it is given is it lost, but it is rather multiplied
   by giving it; for in possessing it, not in parting with it, it is
   given. And since it cannot be given unless it is possessed, so neither
   can it be possessed unless it is given; nay, at the very time when it
   is given by a man it increases in that man, and, according to the
   number of persons to whom it is given, the amount of it which is gained
   becomes greater. Moreover, how can that be denied to friends which is
   due even to enemies? To enemies, however, this debt is paid with
   caution, whereas to friends it is repaid with confidence. Nevertheless,
   it uses every effort to secure that it receives back what it gives,
   even in the case of those to whom it renders good for evil. For we wish
   to have as a friend the man whom, as an enemy, we truly love, for we do
   not sincerely love him unless we wish him to be good, which he cannot
   be until he be delivered from the sin of cherished enmities.

   2. Love, therefore, is not paid away in the same manner as money; for,
   whereas money is diminished, love is increased by paying it away. They
   differ also in this,--that we give evidence of greater goodwill to the
   man to whom we may have given money if we do not seek to have it
   returned; but no one can be a true donor of love unless he lovingly
   insist on its repayment. For money, when it is received, accrues to him
   to whom it is given, but forsakes him by whom it is given; love, on the
   contrary, even when it is not repaid, nevertheless increases with the
   man who insists on its repayment by the person whom he loves; and not
   only so, but the person by whom it is returned to him does not begin to
   possess it till he pays it back again.

   Wherefore, my lord and brother, I willingly give to you, and joyfully
   receive from you, the love which we owe to each other. The love which I
   receive I still claim, and the love which I give I still owe. For we
   ought to obey with docility the precept of the One Master, whose
   disciples we both profess to be, when He says to us by His apostle:
   "Owe no man anything, but to love one another." [2889]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2888] Cælestine, who was at the date of this letter a deacon in Rome,
   was raised in 423 to succeed Boniface as Bishop of Rome; he stands
   forty-second in the list of Popes. Letter CCIX. is addressed to him.

   [2889] Rom. xiii. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CXCV.

   (a.d. 418.)

   To His Holy Lord and Most Blessed Father, [2890] Augustin, Jerome Sends
   Greeting.

   At all times I have esteemed your Blessedness with becoming reverence
   and honour, and have loved the Lord and Saviour dwelling in you. But
   now we add, if possible, something to that which has already reached a
   climax, and we heap up what was already full, so that we do not suffer
   a single hour to pass without the mention of your name, because you
   have, with the ardour of unshaken faith, stood your ground against
   opposing storms, and preferred, so far as this was in your power, to be
   delivered from Sodom, though you should come forth alone, rather than
   linger behind with those who are doomed to perish. Your wisdom
   apprehends what I mean to say. Go on and prosper! You are renowned
   throughout the whole world; Catholics revere and look up to you as the
   restorer of the ancient faith, and--which is a token of yet more
   illustrious glory--all heretics abhor you. They persecute me also with
   equal hatred, seeking by imprecation to take away the life which they
   cannot reach with the sword. May the mercy of Christ the Lord preserve
   you in safety and mindful of me, my venerable lord and most blessed
   father. [2891]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2890] Papa.

   [2891] In two Mss. this letter has, as a postscript, the letter already
   translated as CXXIII.; see page 451. The reason for that letter being
   supposed to belong to the year 410 is the interpretation which some put
   upon one of its obscure sentences as alluding to the fall of Rome in
   that year. If, however, the sentence in question referred to the
   ecclesiastical difficulties disturbing Jerusalem and all the East in
   connection with the Pelagian controversy, there is nothing to forbid
   the conjecture which its place in the Mss. aforesaid suggests, namely,
   that it was sent at the same time as this letter, with which in them it
   stands connected.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCI.

   (a.d. 419.)

   The Emperors Honorius Augustus and Theodosius Augustus to Bishop
   Aurelius Send Greeting.

   1. It had been indeed long ago decreed that Pelagius and Celestius, the
   authors of an execrable heresy, should, as pestilent corruptors of the
   Catholic truth, be expelled from the city of Rome, lest they should, by
   their baneful influence, pervert the minds of the ignorant. In this our
   clemency followed up the judgment of your Holiness, according to which
   it is beyond all question that they were unanimously condemned after an
   impartial examination of their opinions. Their obstinate persistence in
   the offence having, however, made it necessary to issue the decree a
   second time, we have enacted further by a recent edict, that if any
   one, knowing that they are concealing themselves in any part of the
   provinces, shall delay either to drive them out or to inform on them,
   he, as an accomplice, shall be liable to the punishment prescribed.

   2. To secure, however, the combined efforts of the Christian zeal of
   all men for the destruction of this preposterous heresy, it will be
   proper, most dearly beloved father, that the authority of your Holiness
   be applied to the correction of certain bishops, who either support the
   evil reasonings of these men by their silent consent, or abstain from
   assailing them with open opposition. Let your Reverence, then, by
   suitable writings, cause all bishops to be admonished (as soon as they
   shall know, by the order of your Holiness, that this order is laid upon
   them) that whoever shall, through impious obstinacy, neglect to
   vindicate the purity of their doctrine by subscribing the condemnation
   of the persons before mentioned, shall, after being punished by the
   loss of their episcopal office, be cut off by excommunication and
   banished for life from their sees. For as, by a sincere confession of
   the truth, we ourselves, in obedience to the Council of Nice, worship
   God as the Creator of all things, and as the Fountain of our imperial
   sovereignty, your Holiness will not suffer the members of this odious
   sect, inventing, to the injury of religion, notions new and strange, to
   hide in writings privately circulated an error condemned by public
   authority. For, most beloved and loving father, the guilt of heresy is
   in no degree less grievous in those who either by dissimulation lend
   the error their secret support, or by abstaining from denouncing it
   extend to it a fatal approbation.

   (In another hand.) May the Divinity preserve you in safety for many
   years!

   Given at Ravenna, on the 9th day of June, in the Consulship of Monaxius
   and Plinta.

   A letter, in the same terms, was also sent to the holy Bishop Augustin.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCII.

   (a.d. 419.)

   To the Bishops Alypius and Augustin, My Lords Truly Holy, and
   Deservedly Loved and Reverenced, Jerome Sends Greeting in Christ.
   [2892]

   Chap. I.

   1. The holy presbyter Innocentius, who is the bearer of this letter,
   did not last year take with him a letter from me to your Eminences, as
   he had no expectation of returning to Africa. We thank God, however,
   that it so happened, as it afforded you an opportunity of overcoming
   [evil with good in requiting] our silence by your letter. Every
   opportunity of writing to you, revered fathers, is most acceptable to
   me. I call God to witness that, if it were possible, I would take the
   wings of a dove and fly to be folded in your embrace. Loving you,
   indeed, as I have always done, from a deep sense of your worth, but now
   especially because your co-operation and your leadership have succeeded
   in strangling the heresy of Celestius, a heresy which has so poisoned
   the hearts of many, that, though they felt they were vanquished and
   condemned, yet they did not lay aside their venomous sentiments, and,
   as the only thing that remained in their power, hated us by whom they
   imagined that they had lost the liberty of teaching heretical
   doctrines.

   Chap. II.

   2. As to your inquiry whether I have written in opposition to the books
   of Annianus, this pretended deacon [2893] of Celedæ, who is amply
   provided for in order that he may furnish frivolous accounts of the
   blasphemies of others, know that I received these books, sent in loose
   sheets by our holy brother, the presbyter Eusebius, not long ago. Since
   then I have suffered so much through the attacks of disease, and
   through the falling asleep of your distinguished and holy daughter
   Eustochium, that I almost thought of passing over these writings with
   silent contempt. For he flounders from beginning to end in the same
   mud, and, with the exception of some jingling phrases which are not
   original, says nothing he had not said before. Nevertheless, I have
   gained much in the fact, that in attempting to answer my letter he has
   declared his opinions with less reserve, and has published to all men
   his blasphemies; for every error which he disowned in the wretched
   synod of Diospolis he in this treatise openly avows. It is indeed no
   great thing to answer his superlatively silly puerilities, but if the
   Lord spare me, and I have a sufficient staff of amanuenses, I will in a
   few brief lucubrations answer him, not to refute a defunct heresy, but
   to silence his ignorance and blasphemy by arguments: and this your
   Holiness could do better than I, as you would relieve me from the
   necessity of praising my own works in writing to the heretic. Our holy
   daughters Albina and Melania, and our son Pinianus, salute you
   cordially. I give to our holy presbyter Innocentius this short letter
   to convey to you from the holy place Bethlehem. Your niece Paula
   piteously entreats you to remember her, and salutes you warmly. May the
   mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ preserve you safe and mindful of me, my
   lords truly holy, and fathers deservedly loved and reverenced.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2892] [The last letter of Jerome, who died at Bethlehem, 419.]

   [2893] Pseudodiaconus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCIII.

   (a.d. 420.)

   To My Noble Lord and Most Excellent and Loving Son, Largus, Augustin
   Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   I received the letter of your Excellency, in which you ask me to write
   to you. This assuredly you would not have done unless you had esteemed
   acceptable and pleasant that which you suppose me capable of writing to
   you. In other words, I assume that, having desired the vanities of this
   life when you had not tried them, now, after the trial has been made,
   you despise them, because in them the pleasure is deceitful, the labour
   fruitless, the anxiety perpetual, the elevation dangerous. Men seek
   them at first through imprudence, and give them up at last with
   disappointment and remorse. This is true of all the things which, in
   the cares of this mortal life, are coveted with more eagerness than
   wisdom by the uneasy solicitude of the men of the world. But it is
   wholly otherwise with the hope of the pious: very different is the
   fruit of their labours, very different the reward of their dangers.
   Fear and grief, and labour and danger are unavoidable, so long as we
   live in this world; but the great question is, for what cause, with
   what expectation, with what aim a man endures these things. When,
   indeed, I contemplate the lovers of this world, I know not at what time
   wisdom can most opportunely attempt their moral improvement; for when
   they have apparent prosperity, they reject disdainfully her salutary
   admonitions, and regard them as old wives fables; when, again, they are
   in adversity, they think rather of escaping merely from present
   suffering than of obtaining the real remedy by which they may be made
   whole, and may arrive at that place where they shall be altogether
   exempt from suffering. Occasionally, however, some open their ears and
   hearts to the truth,--rarely in prosperity, more frequently in
   adversity. These are indeed the few, for such it is predicted that they
   shall be. Among these I desire you to be, because I love you truly, my
   noble lord and most excellent and loving son. Let this counsel be my
   answer to your letter, because though I am unwilling that you should
   henceforth suffer such things as you have endured, yet I would grieve
   still more if you were found to have suffered these things without any
   change for the better in your life.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCVIII.

   (a.d. 423.)

   To the Lady Felicia, His Daughter in the Faith, and Worthy of Honour
   Among the Members of Christ, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I do not doubt, when I consider both your faith and the weakness or
   wickedness of others, that your mind has been disturbed, for even a
   holy apostle, full of compassionate love, confesses a similiar
   experience, saying, "Who is weak, and I am not weak? who is offended,
   and I burn not?" [2894] Wherefore, as I myself share your pain, and am
   solicitous for your welfare in Christ, I have thought it my duty to
   address this letter, partly consolatory, partly hortatory, to your
   Holiness, because in the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, in which all
   His members are one, you are very closely related to us, being loved as
   an honourable member in that body, and partaking with us of life in His
   Holy Spirit.

   2. I exhort you, therefore, not to be too much troubled by those
   offences which for this very reason were foretold as destined to come,
   that when they came we might remember that they had been foretold, and
   not be greatly disconcerted by them. For the Lord Himself in His gospel
   foretold them, saying, "Woe unto the world because of offences! for it
   must needs be that offences come; but woe unto that man by whom the
   offence cometh!" [2895] These are the men of whom the apostle said,
   "They seek their own, not the things that are Jesus Christ's." [2896]
   There are, therefore, some who hold the honourable office of shepherds
   in order that they may provide for the flock of Christ; others occupy
   that position that they may enjoy the temporal honours and secular
   advantages connected with the office. It must needs happen that these
   two kinds of pastors, some dying, others succeeding them, should
   continue in the Catholic Church even to the end of time, and the
   judgment of the Lord. If, then, in the times of the apostles there were
   men such that Paul, grieved by their conduct, enumerates among his
   trials, "perils among false brethren," [2897] and yet he did not
   haughtily cast them out, but patiently bore with them, how much more
   must such arise in our times, since the Lord most plainly says
   concerning this age which is drawing to a close, "that because iniquity
   shall abound the love of many shall wax cold." [2898] The word which
   follows, however, ought to console and exhort us, for He adds, "He that
   shall endure to the end, the same shall be saved."

   3. Moreover, as there are good shepherds and bad shepherds, so also in
   flocks there are good and bad. The good are represented by the name of
   sheep, but the bad are called goats: they feed, nevertheless, side by
   side in the same pastures, until the Chief Shepherd, who is called the
   One Shepherd, shall come and separate them one from another according
   to His promise, "as a shepherd divideth the sheep from the goats." On
   us He has laid the duty of gathering the flock; to Himself He has
   reserved the work of final separation, because it pertains properly to
   Him who cannot err. For those presumptuous servants, who have lightly
   ventured to separate before the time which the Lord has reserved in His
   own hand, have, instead of separating others, only been separated
   themselves from Catholic unity; for how could those have a clean flock
   who have by schism become unclean?

   4. In order, therefore, that we may remain in the unity of the faith,
   and not, stumbling at the offences occasioned by the chaff, desert the
   threshing-floor of the Lord, but rather remain as wheat till the final
   winnowing, [2899] and by the love which imparts stability to us bear
   with the beaten straw, our great Shepherd in the gospel admonishes us
   concerning the good shepherds, that we should not, on account of their
   good works, place our hope in them, but glorify our heavenly Father for
   making them such; and concerning the bad shepherds (whom He designed to
   point out under the name of Scribes and Pharisees), He reminds us that
   they teach that which is good though they do that which is evil. [2900]

   5. Concerning the good shepherds He thus speaks: "Ye are the light of
   the world. A city that is set on an hill cannot be hid. Neither do men
   light a candle, and put it under a bushel, but on a candlestick; and it
   giveth light unto all that are in the house. Let your light so shine
   before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father
   who is in heaven." [2901] Concerning the bad shepherds He admonishes
   the sheep in these words: "The Scribes and the Pharisees sit in Moses'
   seat: all, therefore, whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and
   do; but do not ye after their works: for they say, and do not." [2902]
   When these are listened to, the sheep of Christ, even through evil
   teachers, hear His voice, and do not forsake the unity of His flock,
   because the good which they hear them teach belongs not to the
   shepherds but to Him, and therefore the sheep are safely fed, since
   even under bad shepherds they are nourished in the Lord's pastures.
   They do not, however, imitate the actions of the bad shepherds, because
   such actions belong not to the world but to the shepherds themselves.
   In regard, however, to those whom they see to be good shepherds, they
   not only hear the good things which they teach, but also imitate the
   good actions which they perform. Of this number was the apostle, who
   said: "Be ye followers of me, even as I also am of Christ." [2903] He
   was a light kindled by the Eternal Light, the Lord Jesus Christ
   Himself, and was placed on a candlestick because He gloried in His
   cross, concerning which he said: "God forbid that I should glory, save
   in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ." [2904] Moreover, since he
   sought not his own things, but the things which are Jesus Christ's,
   whilst he exhorts to the imitation of his own life those whom he had
   "begotten through the gospel," [2905] he yet severely reproved those
   who, by the names of apostles, introduced schisms, and he chides those
   who said, "I am of Paul; was Paul crucified for you? or were ye
   baptized in the name of Paul?" [2906]

   6. Hence we understand both that the good shepherds are those who seek
   not their own, but the things of Jesus Christ, and that the good sheep,
   though imitating the works of the good shepherds by whose ministry they
   have been gathered together, do not place their hope in them, but
   rather in the Lord, by Whose blood they are redeemed; so that when they
   may happen to be placed under bad shepherds, preaching Christ's
   doctrine and doing their own evil works, they will do what they teach,
   but will not do what they do, and will not, on account of these sons of
   wickedness, forsake the pastures of the one true Church. For there are
   both good and bad in the Catholic Church, which, unlike the Donatist
   sect, is extended and spread abroad, not in Africa only, but through
   all nations; as the apostle expresses it, "bringing forth fruit, and
   increasing in the whole world." [2907] But those who are separated from
   the Church, as long as they are opposed to it cannot be good; although
   an apparently praiseworthy conversation seems to prove some of them to
   be good, their separation from the Church itself renders them bad,
   according to the saying of the Lord: "He that is not with me is against
   me; and he that gathereth not with me scattereth." [2908]

   7. Therefore, my daughter, worthy of all welcome and honour among the
   members of Christ, I exhort you to hold faithfully that which the Lord
   has committed to you, and love with all your heart Him and His Church
   who suffered you not, by joining yourself with the lost, to lose the
   recompense of your virginity, or perish with them. For if you should
   depart out of this world separated from the unity of the body of
   Christ, it will avail you nothing to have preserved inviolate your
   virginity. But God, who is rich in mercy, has done in regard to you
   that which is written in the gospel: when the invited guests excused
   themselves to the master of the feast, he said to the servants, "Go ye,
   therefore, into the highways and hedges, and as many as ye shall find
   compel them to come in." [2909] Although, however, you owe sincerest
   affection to those good servants of His through whose instrumentality
   you were compelled to come in, yet it is your duty, nevertheless, to
   place your hope on Him who prepared the banquet, by whom also you have
   been persuaded to come to eternal and blessed life. Committing to Him
   your heart, your vow, and your sacred virginity, and your faith, hope,
   and charity, you will not be moved by offences, which shall abound even
   to the end; but, by the unshaken strength of piety, shall be safe and
   shall triumph in the Lord, continuing in the unity of His body even to
   the end. Let me know, by your answer, with what sentiments you regard
   my anxiety for you, to which I have to the best of my ability given
   expression in this letter. May the grace and mercy of God ever protect
   you!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2894] 2 Cor. xi. 29.

   [2895] Matt. xviii. 7.

   [2896] Phil. ii. 21.

   [2897] 1 Cor. xi. 26.

   [2898] Matt. xxiv. 12, 13.

   [2899] Matt. iii. 12.

   [2900] Matt. iii. 12.

   [2901] Matt. v. 14, 15, 16.

   [2902] Matt. xxiii. 2, 3.

   [2903] 1 Cor. xi. 1.

   [2904] Gal. vi. 14.

   [2905] 1 Cor. iv. 15.

   [2906] 1 Cor. i. 12, 13.

   [2907] Col. i. 6. The words "kai auxanomenon," here translated by
   Augustin, are found in some Mss. but omitted in the Textus Receptus.

   [2908] Matt. xii. 30.

   [2909] Matt. xxii. 9; Luke xiv. 23.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCIX.

   (a.d. 423.)

   To Cælestine, [2910] My Lord Most Blessed, and Holy Father Venerated
   with All Due Affection, Augustin Sends Greeting in The Lord.

   1. First of all I congratulate you that our Lord God has, as we have
   heard, established you in the illustrious chair which you occupy
   without any division among His people. In the next place, I lay before
   your Holiness the state of affairs with us, that not only by your
   prayers, but with your council and aid you may help us. For I write to
   you at this time under deep affliction, because, while wishing to
   benefit certain members of Christ in our neighbourhood, I brought on
   them a great calamity by my want of prudence and caution.

   2. Bordering on the district of Hippo, there is a small town, [2911]
   named Fussala: formerly there was no bishop there, but, along with the
   contiguous district, it was included in the parish of Hippo. That part
   of the country had few Catholics; the error of the Donatists held under
   its miserable influence all the other congregations located in the
   midst of a large population, so that in the town of Fussala itself
   there was not one Catholic. In the mercy of God, all these places were
   brought to attach themselves to the unity of the Church; with how much
   toil, and how many dangers it would take long to tell,--how the
   presbyters originally appointed by us to gather these people into the
   fold were robbed, beaten, maimed, deprived of their eyesight, and even
   put to death; whose sufferings, however, were not useless and
   unfruitful, seeing that by them the re-establishment of unity was
   achieved. But as Fussala is forty miles distant from Hippo, and I saw
   that in governing its people, and gathering together the remnant,
   however small, of persons of both sexes, who, not threatening others,
   but fleeing for their own safety, were scattered here and there, my
   work would be extended farther than it ought, and that I could not give
   the attention which I clearly perceived to be necessary, I arranged
   that a bishop should be ordained and appointed there.

   3. With a view to the carrying out of this, I sought for a person who
   might be suitable to the locality and people, and at the same time
   acquainted with the Punic language; and I had in my mind a presbyter
   fitted for the office. Having applied by letter to the holy senior
   bishop who was then Primate of Numidia, I obtained his consent to come
   from a great distance to ordain this presbyter. After his coming, when
   all our minds were intent on an affair of so great consequence, at the
   last moment, the person whom I believed to be ready to be ordained
   disappointed us by absolutely refusing to accept the office. Then I
   myself, who, as the event showed, ought rather to have postponed than
   precipitated a matter so perilous, being unwilling that the very
   venerable and holy old man, who had come with so much fatigue to us,
   should return home without accomplishing the business for which he had
   journeyed so far, offered to the people, without their seeking him, a
   young man, Antonius, who was then with me. He had been from childhood
   brought up in a monastery by us, but, beyond officiating as a reader,
   he had no experience of the labours pertaining to the various degrees
   of rank in the clerical office. The unhappy people, not knowing what
   was to follow, submissively trusting me, accepted him on my suggestion.
   What need I say more? The deed was done; he entered on his office as
   their bishop.

   4. What shall I do? I am unwilling to accuse before your venerable
   Dignity one whom I brought into the fold, and nourished with care; and
   I am unwilling to forsake those in seeking whose ingathering to the
   Church I have travailed, amid fears and anxieties; and how to do
   justice to both I cannot discover. The matter has come to such a
   painful crisis, that those who, in compliance with my wishes, had, in
   the belief that they were consulting their own interests, chosen him
   for their bishop, are now bringing charges against him before me. When
   the most serious of these, namely, charges of gross immorality, which
   were brought forward not by those whose bishop he was, but by certain
   other individuals, were found to be utterly unsupported by evidence,
   and he seemed to us fully acquitted of the crimes laid most
   ungenerously to his charge, he was on this account regarded, both by
   ourselves and by others, with such sympathy that the things complained
   of by the people of Fussala and the surrounding district,--such as
   intolerable tyranny and spoliation, and extortion, and oppression of
   various kinds,--by no means seemed so grievous that for one, or for all
   of them taken together, we should deem it necessary to deprive him of
   the office of bishop; it seemed to us enough to insist that he should
   restore what might be proved to have been taken away unjustly.

   5. In fine, we so mixed clemency with severity in our sentence, that
   while reserving to him his office of bishop, we did not leave
   altogether unpunished offences which behoved neither to be repeated
   again by himself, nor held forth to the imitation of others. We
   therefore, in correcting him, reserved to the young man the rank of his
   office unimpaired, but at the same time, as a punishment, we took away
   his power, appointing that he should not any longer rule over those
   with whom he had dealt in such a manner that with just resentment they
   could not submit to his authority, and might perhaps manifest their
   impatient indignation by breaking forth into some deeds of violence
   fraught with danger both to themselves and to him. That this was the
   state of feeling evidently appeared when the bishops dealt with them
   concerning Antonius, although at present that conspicuous man Celer, of
   whose powerful interference against him he complained, possesses no
   power, either in Africa or elsewhere.

   6. But why should I detain you with further particulars? I beseech you
   to assist us in this laborious matter, blessed lord and holy father,
   venerated for your piety, and revered with due affection; and command
   all the documents which have been forwarded to be read aloud to you.
   Observe in what manner Antonius discharged his duties as bishop; how,
   when debarred from communion until full restitution should be made to
   the men of Fussala, he submitted to our sentence, and has now set apart
   a sum out of which to pay what may after inquiry be deemed just for
   compensation, in order that the privilege of communion might be
   restored to him; with what crafty reasoning he prevailed on our aged
   primate, a most venerable man, to believe all his statements, and to
   recommend him as altogether blameless to the venerable Pope Boniface.
   But why should I rehearse all the rest, seeing that the venerable old
   man, aforesaid must have reported the entire matter to your Holiness?

   7. In the numerous minutes of procedure in which our judgment regarding
   him is recorded, I should have feared that we might appear to you to
   have passed a sentence less severe than we ought to have done, did I
   not know that you are so prone to mercy that you will deem it your duty
   to spare not us only, because we spared him, but also the man himself.
   But what we did, whether in kindness or laxity, he attempts to turn to
   account, and use as a legal objection to our sentence. He boldly
   protests: "Either I ought to sit in my own episcopal chair, or ought
   not to be a bishop at all," as if he were now sitting in any seat but
   his own. For, on this very account, those places were set apart and
   assigned to him in which he had previously been bishop, that he might
   not be said to be unlawfully translated to another see, contrary to the
   statutes of the Fathers; [2912] or is it to be maintained that one
   ought to be so rigid an advocate, either for severity or for lenity, as
   to insist, either that no punishment be inflicted on those who seem not
   to deserve deposition from the office of bishop, or that the sentence
   of deposition be pronounced on all who seem to deserve any punishment?

   8. There are cases on record, in which the Apostolic See, either
   pronouncing judgment or confirming the judgment of others, sanctioned
   decisions by which persons, for certain offences, were neither deposed
   from their episcopal office nor left altogether unpunished. I shall not
   bring forward those which occurred at a period very remote from our own
   time; I shall mention recent instances. Let Priscus, a bishop of the
   province of Cæsarea, protest boldly: "Either the office of primate
   should be open to me, as to other bishops, or I ought not to remain a
   bishop." Let Victor, another bishop of the same province, with whom,
   when involved in the same sentence as Priscus, no bishop beyond his own
   diocese holds communion, let him, I say, protest with similar
   confidence: "Either I ought to have communion everywhere, or I ought
   not to have it in my own district." Let Laurentius, a third bishop of
   the same province, speak, and in the precise words of this man he may
   exclaim: "Either I ought to sit in the chair to which I have been
   ordained, or I ought not to be a bishop." But who can find fault with
   these judgments, except one who does not consider that, neither on the
   one hand ought all offences to be left unpunished, nor on the other
   ought all to be punished in one way.

   9. Since, then, the most blessed Pope Boniface, speaking of Bishop
   Antonius, has in his epistle, with the vigilant caution becoming a
   pastor, inserted in his judgment the additional clause, "if he has
   faithfully narrated the facts of the case to us," receive now the facts
   of the case, which in his statement to you he passed over in silence,
   and also the transactions which took place after the letter of that man
   of blessed memory had been read in Africa, and in the mercy of Christ
   extend your aid to men imploring it more earnestly than he does from
   whose turbulence they desire to be freed. For either from himself, or
   at least from very frequent rumors, threats are held out that the
   courts of justiciary, and the public authorities, and the violence of
   the military, are to carry into force the decision of the Apostolic
   See; the effect of which is that these unhappy men, being now Catholic
   Christians, dread greater evils from a Catholic bishop than those
   which, when they were heretics, they dreaded from the laws of Catholic
   emperors. Do not permit these things to be done, I implore you, by the
   blood of Christ, by the memory of the Apostle Peter, who has warned
   those placed over Chistian people against violently "lording it over
   their brethren." [2913] I commend to the gracious love of your Holiness
   the Catholics of Fussala, my children in Christ, and also Bishop
   Antonius, my son in Christ, for I love both, and I commend both to you.
   I do not blame the people of Fussala for bringing to your ears their
   just complaint against me for imposing on them a man whom I had not
   proved, and who was in age at least not yet established, by whom they
   have been so afflicted; nor do I wish any wrong done to Antonius, whose
   evil covetousness I oppose with a determination proportioned to my
   sincere affection for him. Let your compassion be extended to both,--to
   them, so that they may not suffer evil; to him, so that he may not do
   evil: to them, so that they may not hate the Catholic Church, if they
   find no aid in defence against a Catholic bishop extended to them by
   Catholic bishops, and especially by the Apostolic See itself; to him,
   on the other hand, so that he may not involve himself in such grievous
   wickedness as to alienate from Christ those whom against their will he
   endeavours to make his own.

   10. As for myself, I must acknowledge to your Holiness, that in the
   danger which threatens both, I am so racked with anxiety and grief that
   I think of retiring from the responsibilities of the episcopal office,
   and abandoning myself to demonstrations of sorrow corresponding to the
   greatness of my error, if I shall see (through the conduct of him in
   favour of whose election to the bishopric I imprudently gave my vote)
   the Church of God laid waste, and (which may God forbid) even perish,
   involving in its destruction the man by whom it was laid waste.
   Recollecting what the apostle says: "If we would judge ourselves, we
   should not be judged." [2914] I will judge myself, that He may spare me
   who is hereafter to judge the quick and the dead. If, however, you
   succeed in restoring the members of Christ in that district from their
   deadly fear and grief, and in comforting my old age by the
   administration of justice tempered with mercy, He who brings
   deliverance to us through you in this tribulation, and who has
   established you in the seat which you occupy, shall recompense unto you
   good for good, both in this life and in that which is to come.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2910] The successor of Boniface as Bishop of Rome. See note to Letter
   CXCII. For a summary of the arguments which may be used on both sides
   in regard to the genuineness of this letter, which is found in only one
   Ms., see Dupin's remarks upon it in his Ecclesiastical History, 5th
   century.

   [2911] Castellum.

   [2912] Translations from one see to another, now permitted, had been
   forbidden by the Councils of Nice, Sardis, and Antioch.

   [2913] 1 Pet. v. 3.

   [2914] 1 Cor. xi. 31.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCX.

   (a.d. 423.)

   To the Most Beloved and Most Holy Mother Felicitas, [2915] and Brother
   Rusticus, and to the Sisters Who are with Them, Augustin and Those Who
   are with Him Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Good is the Lord, and to every place extends His mercy, which
   comforts us by your love to us in Him. How much He loves those who
   believe and hope in Him, and who both love Him and love one another,
   and what blessings He keeps in store for them hereafter, He proves most
   remarkably in this, that on the unbelieving, the abandoned, and the
   perverse, whom He threatens with eternal fire, if they persevere in
   their evil disposition to the end, He does in this life bestow so many
   benefits, making "His sun to rise on the evil and on the good," "on the
   just and on the unjust," [2916] words in which, for the sake of
   brevity, some instances are mentioned that many more may be suggested
   to reflection; for who can reckon up how many gracious benefits the
   wicked receive in this life from Him whom they despise? Amongst these,
   this is one of great value, that by the experience of the occasional
   afflictions, which like a good physician He mingles the pleasures of
   this life, He admonishes them, if only they will give heed, to flee
   from the wrath to come, and while they are in the way, that is, in this
   life, to agree with the word of God, which they have made an adversary
   to themselves by their wicked lives. What, then, is not bestowed in
   mercy on men by the Lord God, since even affliction sent by Him is a
   blessing? For prosperity is a gift of God when He comforts, adversity a
   gift of God when He warns; and if He bestows these things, as I have
   said, even on the wicked, what does He prepare for those who bear with
   one another? Into this number you rejoice that through His grace you
   have been gathered, "forbearing one another in love; endeavouring to
   keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." [2917] For there
   shall not be awanting occasion for your bearing one with another till
   God shall have so purified you, that, death being "swallowed up in
   victory," [2918] "God shall be all in all." [2919]

   2. We ought never, indeed, to take pleasure in quarrels; but however
   averse we may be to them, they occasionally either arise from love, or
   put it to the test. For how difficult is it to find any one willing to
   be reproved; and where is the wise man of whom it is said, "Rebuke a
   wise man, and he will love thee"? [2920] But are we on that account not
   to reprove and find fault with a brother, to prevent him from going
   down through false security to death? For it is a common and frequent
   experience, that when a brother is found fault with he is mortified at
   the time, and resists and contradicts his friend, but afterwards
   reconsiders the matter in silence alone with God, where he is not
   afraid of giving offence to men by submitting to correction, but is
   afraid of offending God by refusing to be reformed, and thenceforward
   refrains from doing that for which he has been justly reproved; and in
   proportion as he hates his sin, he loves the brother whom he feels to
   have been the enemy of his sin. But if he belong to the number of those
   of whom it is said, "Reprove not a scorner lest he hate thee," [2921]
   the quarrel does not arise from love on the part of the reproved, but
   it exercises and tests the love of the reprover; for he does not return
   hatred for hatred, but the love which constrains him to find fault
   endures unmoved, even when he who is found fault with requites it with
   hatred. But if the reprover renders evil for evil to the man who takes
   offence at being reproved, he was not worthy to reprove another, but
   evidently deserves to be himself reproved. Act upon these principles,
   so that either quarrels may not arise, or, if they do arise, may
   quickly terminate in peace. Be more earnest to dwell in concord than to
   vanquish each other in controversy. For as vinegar corrodes a vessel if
   it remain long in it, so anger corrodes the heart if it is cherished
   till the morrow. These things, therefore, observe, and the God of peace
   shall be with you. Pray also unitedly for us, that we may cheerfully
   practise the good advices which we give to you.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2915] The prioress of the nunnery at Hippo, appointed to that office
   after the death of the sister of Augustin.

   [2916] Matt. v. 45.

   [2917] Eph. iv. 2, 3.

   [2918] 1 Cor. xv. 24.

   [2919] 1 Cor. xv. 28.

   [2920] Prov. ix. 8.

   [2921] Prov. ix. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXI.

   (a.d. 423.)

   In This Letter Augustin Rebukes the Nuns of the Monastery in Which His
   Sister Had Been Prioress, for Certain Turbulent Manifestations of
   Dissatisfaction with Her Successor, and Lays Down General Rules for
   Their Guidance. [2922]

   1. As severity is ready to punish the faults which it may discover, so
   charity is reluctant to discover the faults which it must punish. This
   was the reason of my not acceding to your request for a visit from me,
   at a time when, if I had come, I must have come not to rejoice in your
   harmony, but to add more vehemence to your strife. For how could I have
   treated your behaviour with indifference, or have allowed it to pass
   unpunished, if so great a tumult had arisen among you in my presence,
   as that which, when I was absent, assailed my ears with the din of your
   voices, although my eyes did not witness your disorder? For perhaps
   your rising against authority would have been even more violent in my
   presence, since I must have refused the concessions which you
   demanded,--concessions involving, to your own disadvantage, some most
   dangerous precedents, subversive of sound discipline; and I must thus
   have found you such as I did not desire, and must have myself been
   found by you such as you did not desire.

   2. The apostle, writing to the Corinthians, says: "Moreover, I call God
   for a record upon my soul, that to spare you I came not as yet to
   Corinth. Not for that we have dominion over your faith, but are helpers
   of your joy." [2923] I also say the same to you; to spare you I have
   not come to you. I have also spared myself, that I might not have
   sorrow upon sorrow, and have chosen not to see you face to face, but to
   pour out my heart to God on your behalf, and to plead the cause of your
   great danger not in words before you, but in tears before God;
   entreating Him that He may not turn into grief the joy wherewith I am
   wont to rejoice in you, and that amid the great offences with which
   this world everywhere abounds, I may be comforted at times by thinking
   of your number, your pure affection, your holy conversation, and the
   abundant grace of God which is given to you, so that you not only have
   renounced matrimony, but have chosen to dwell with one accord in
   fellowship under the same roof, that you may have one soul and one
   heart in God.

   3. When I reflect on these good things, these gifts of God in you, my
   heart, amid the many storms by which it is agitated through evils
   elsewhere, is wont to find perfect rest. "Ye did run well; who did
   hinder you, that ye should not obey the truth? This persuasion cometh
   not of Him that calleth you." [2924] "A little leaven "-- [2925] I am
   unwilling to complete the sentence, for I rather desire, entreat, and
   exhort that the leaven itself be transformed into something better,
   lest it change the whole lump for the worse, as it has already almost
   done. If, therefore, you have begun to put forth again the buddings of
   a sound discernment as to your duty, pray that you enter not into
   temptation, nor fall again into strifes, emulations, animosities,
   divisions, evil speaking, seditions, whisperings. For we have not
   laboured as we have done in planting and watering the garden of the
   Lord among you, that we may reap these thorns from you. If, however,
   your weakness be still disturbed by turbulence, pray that you may be
   delivered from this temptation. As for the troublers of your peace, if
   such there be still among you, they shall, unless they amend their
   conduct, bear their judgment, whoever they be.

   4. Consider how evil a thing it is, that at the very time when we
   rejoice in the return of the Donatists to our unity, we have to lament
   internal discord within our monastery. Be stedfast in observing your
   good vows, and you will not desire to change for another the prioress
   whose care of the monastery has been for so many years unwearied, under
   whom also you have both increased in numbers and advanced in age, and
   who has given you the place in her heart which a mother gives to her
   own children. All of you when you came to the monastery found her
   there, either discharging satisfactorily the duties of assistant to the
   late holy prioress, my sister, or, after her own accession to that
   office, giving you a welcome to the sisterhood. Under her you spent
   your noviciate, under her you took the veil, under her your number has
   been multiplied, and yet you are riotously demanding that she should be
   replaced by another, whereas, if the proposal to put another in her
   place had come from us, it would have been seemly for you to have
   mourned over such a proposal. For she is one whom you know well; to her
   you came at first, and under her you have for so many years advanced in
   age and in numbers. No official previously unknown to you has been
   appointed, excepting the prior; if it be on his account that you seek a
   change, and if through aversion to him you thus rebel against your
   mother, why do you not rather petition for his removal? If, however,
   you recoil from this suggestion, for I know how you reverence and love
   him in Christ, why do you not all the more for his sake reverence and
   love her? For the first measures of the recently appointed prior in
   presiding over you are so hindered by your disorderly behaviour, that
   he is himself disposed to leave you, rather than be subjected on your
   account to the dishonour and odium which must arise from the report
   going abroad, that you would not have sought another prioress unless
   you had begun to have him as your prior. May God therefore calm and
   compose your minds: let not the work of the devil prevail in you, but
   may the peace of Christ gain the victory in your hearts; and do not
   rush headlong to death, either through vexation of spirit, because what
   you desire is refused, or through shame, because of having desired what
   you ought not to have desired, but rather by repentance resume the
   conscientious discharge of duty; and imitate not the repentance of
   Judas the traitor, but the tears of Peter the shepherd.

   5. The rules which we lay down to be observed by you as persons settled
   in a monastery are these:--First of all, in order to fulfil the end for
   which you have been gathered into one community, dwell in the house
   with oneness of spirit, and let your hearts and minds be one in God.
   Also call not anything the property of any one, but let all things be
   common property, and let distribution of food and raiment be made to
   each of you by the prioress,--not equally to all, because you are not
   all equally strong, but to every one according to her need. For you
   read in the Acts of the Apostles: "They had all things common: and
   distribution was made to every man according as he had need." [2926]
   Let those who had any worldly goods when they entered the monastery
   cheerfully desire that these become common property. Let those who had
   no worldly goods not ask within the monastery for luxuries which they
   could not have while they were outside of its walls; nevertheless, let
   the comforts which the infirmity of any of them may require be given to
   such, though their poverty before coming in to the monastery may have
   been such that they could not have procured for themselves the bare
   necessaries of life; and let them in such case be careful not to reckon
   it the chief happiness of their present lot that they have found within
   the monastery food and raiment, such as was elsewhere beyond their
   reach.

   6. Let them, moreover, not hold their heads high because they are
   associated on terms of equality with persons whom they durst not have
   approached in the outer world; but let them rather lift their hearts on
   high, and not seek after earthly possessions, lest, if the rich be made
   lowly but the poor puffed up with vanity in our monasteries, these
   institutions become useful only to the rich, and hurtful to the poor.
   On the other hand, however, let not those who seemed to hold some
   position in the world regard with contempt their sisters, who in coming
   into this sacred fellowship have left a condition of poverty; let them
   be careful to glory rather in the fellowship of their poor sisters,
   than in the rank of their wealthy parents. And let them not lift
   themselves up above the rest because of their having, perchance,
   contributed something from their own resources to the maintenance of
   the community, lest they find in their riches more occasion for pride,
   because they divide them with others in a monastery, than they might
   have found if they had spent them in their own enjoyment in the world.
   For every other kind of sin finds scope in evil works, so that by it
   they are done, but pride lurks even in good works, so that by it they
   are undone; and what avails it to lavish money on the poor, and become
   poor oneself, if the unhappy soul is rendered more proud by despising
   riches than it had been by possessing them? Live, then, all of you, in
   unanimity and concord, and in each other give honour to that God whose
   temples you have been made.

   7. Be regular (instate) in prayers at the appointed hours and times. In
   the oratory let no one do anything else than the duty for which the
   place was made, and from which it has received its name; so that if any
   of you, having leisure, wish to pray at other hours than those
   appointed, they may not be hindered by others using the place for any
   other purpose. In the psalms and hymns used in your prayers to God, let
   that be pondered in the heart which is uttered by the voice; chant
   nothing but what you find prescribed to be chanted; whatever is not so
   prescribed is not to be chanted.

   8. Keep the flesh under by fastings and by abstinence from meat and
   drink, so far as health allows. When any one is not able to fast, let
   her not, unless she be ill, take any nourishment except at the
   customary hour of repast. From the time of your coming to table until
   you rise from it, listen without noise and wrangling to whatever may be
   in course read to you; let not your mouths alone be exercised in
   receiving food, let your ears be also occupied in receiving the word of
   God.

   9. If those who are weak in consequence of their early training are
   treated somewhat differently in regard to food, this ought not to be
   vexatious or seem unjust to others whom a different training has made
   more robust. And let them not esteem these weaker ones more favoured
   than themselves, because they receive a fare somewhat less frugal than
   their own, but rather congratulate themselves on enjoying a vigour of
   constitution which the others do not possess. And if to those who have
   entered the monastery after a more delicate upbringing at home, there
   be given any food, clothing, couch, or covering which to others who are
   stronger, and in that respect more favourably circumstanced, is not
   given, the sisters to whom these indulgences are not given ought to
   consider how great a descent the others have made from their style of
   living in the world to that which they now have, although they may not
   have been able to come altogether down to the severe simplicity of
   others who have a more hardy constitution. And when those who were
   originally more wealthy see others receiving--not as mark of higher
   honour, but out of consideration for infirmity--more largely than they
   do themselves, they ought not to be disturbed by fear of any such
   detestable perversion of monastic discipline as this, that the poor are
   to be trained to luxury in a monastery in which the wealthy are, so far
   as they can bear it, trained to hardships. For, of course, as those who
   are ill must take less food, otherwise they would increase their
   disease, so after illness, those who are convalescent must, in order to
   their more rapid recovery, be so nursed--even though they may have come
   from the lowest poverty to the monastery--as if their recent illness
   had conferred on them the same claim for special treatment as their
   former style of living confers upon those who, before entering the
   monastery, were rich. So soon, however, as they regain their wonted
   health, let them return to their own happier mode of living, which, as
   involving fewer wants, is more suitable for those who are servants of
   God; and let not inclination detain them when they are strong in that
   amount of ease to which necessity had raised them when they were weak.
   Let those regard themselves as truly richer who are endowed with
   greater strength to bear hardships. For it is better to have fewer
   wants than to have larger resources.

   10. Let your apparel be in no wise conspicuous; and aspire to please
   others by your behaviour rather than by your attire. Let your
   head-dresses not be so thin as to let the nets below them be seen. Let
   your hair be worn wholly covered, and let it neither be carelessly
   dishevelled nor too scrupulously arranged when you go beyond the
   monastery. When you go anywhere, walk together; when you come to the
   place to which you were going, stand together. In walking, in standing,
   in deportment, and in all your movements let nothing be done which
   might attract the improper desires of any one, but rather let all be in
   keeping with your sacred character. Though a passing glance be directed
   towards any man, let your eyes look fixedly at none; for when you are
   walking you are not forbidden to see men, but you must neither let your
   desires go out to them, nor wish to be the objects of desire on their
   part. For it is not only by touch that a woman awakens in any man or
   cherishes towards him such desire, this may be done by inward feelings
   and by looks. And say not that you have chaste minds though you may
   have wanton eyes, for a wanton eye is the index of a wanton heart. And
   when wanton hearts exchange signals with each other in looks, though
   the tongue is silent, and are, by the force of sensual passion, pleased
   by the reciprocation of inflamed desire, their purity of character is
   gone, though their bodies are not defiled by any act of uncleanness.
   Nor let her who fixes her eyes upon one of the other sex, and takes
   pleasure in his eye being fixed on her, imagine that the act is not
   observed by others; she is seen assuredly by those by whom she supposes
   herself not to be remarked. But even though she should elude notice,
   and be seen by no human eye, what shall she do with that Witness above
   us from whom nothing can be concealed? Is He to be regarded as not
   seeing because His eye rests on all things with a long-suffering
   proportioned to His wisdom? Let every holy woman guard herself from
   desiring sinfully to please man by cherishing a fear of displeasing
   God; let her check the desire of sinfully looking upon man by
   remembering that God's eye is looking upon all things. For in this very
   matter we are exhorted to cherish fear of God by the words of
   Scripture:--"He that looks with a fixed eye is an abomination to the
   Lord." [2927] When, therefore, you are together in the church, or in
   any other place where men also are present, guard your chastity by
   watching over one another, and God, who dwelleth in you, will thus
   guard you by means of yourselves.

   11. And if you perceive in any one of your number this frowardness of
   eye, warn her at once, so that the evil which has begun may not go on,
   but be checked immediately. But if, after this admonition, you see her
   repeat the offence, or do the same thing on any other subsequent day,
   whoever may have had the opportunity of seeing this must now report her
   as one who has been wounded and requires to be healed, but not without
   pointing her out to another, and perhaps a third sister, so that she
   may be convicted by the testimony of two or three witnesses, [2928] and
   may be reprimanded with necessary severity. And do not think that in
   thus informing upon one another you are guilty of malevolence. For the
   truth rather is, that you are not guiltless if by keeping silence you
   allow sisters to perish, whom you may correct by giving information of
   their faults. For if your sister had a wound on her person which she
   wished to conceal through fear of the surgeon's lance, would it not be
   cruel if you kept silence about it, and true compassion if you made it
   known? How much more, then, are you bound to make known her sin, that
   she may not suffer more fatally from a neglected spiritual wound. But
   before she is pointed out to others as witnesses by whom she may be
   convicted if she deny the charge, the offender ought to be brought
   before the prioress, if after admonition she has refused to be
   corrected, so that by her being in this way more privately rebuked, the
   fault which she has committed may not become known to all the others.
   If, however, she then deny the charge, then others must be employed to
   observe her conduct after the denial, so that now before the whole
   sisterhood she may not be accused by one witness, but convicted by two
   or three. When convicted of the fault, it is her duty to submit to the
   corrective discipline which may be appointed by the prioress or the
   prior. If she refuse to submit to this, and does not go away from you
   of her own accord, let her be expelled from your society. For this is
   not done cruelly but mercifully, to protect very many from perishing
   through infection of the plague with which one has been stricken.
   Moreover, what I have now said in regard to abstaining from wanton
   looks should be carefully observed, with due love for the persons and
   hatred of the sin, in observing, forbidding, reporting, proving, and
   punishing of all other faults. But if any one among you has gone on
   into so great sin as to receive secretly from any man letters or gifts
   of any description, let her be pardoned and prayed for if she confess
   this of her own accord. If, however, she is found out and is convicted
   of such conduct, let her be more severely punished, according to the
   sentence of the prioress, or of the prior, or even of the bishop.

   12. Keep your clothes in one place, under the care of one or two, or as
   many as may be required to shake them so as to keep them from being
   injured by moths; and as your food is supplied from one storeroom, let
   your clothes be provided from one wardrobe. And whatever may be brought
   out to you as wearing apparel suitable for the season, regard it, if
   possible, as a matter of no importance whether each of you receives the
   very same article of clothing which she had formerly laid aside, or one
   receive what another formerly wore, provided only that what is
   necessary be denied to no one. But if contentions and murmurings are
   occasioned among you by this, and some one of you complains that she
   has received some article of dress inferior to that which she formerly
   wore, and thinks it beneath her to be so clothed as her other sister
   was, by this prove your own selves, and judge how far deficient you
   must be in the inner holy dress of the heart, when you quarrel with
   each other about the clothing of the body. Nevertheless, if your
   infirmity is indulged by the concession that you are to receive again
   the identical article which you had laid aside, let whatever you put
   past be nevertheless, kept in one place, and in charge of the ordinary
   keepers of the wardrobe; it being, of course, understood that no one is
   to work in making any article of clothing or for the couch, or any
   girdle, veil, or head-dress, for her own private comfort, but that all
   your works be done for the common good of all, with greater zeal and
   more cheerful perseverance than if you were each working for your
   individual interest. For the love concerning which it is written,
   "Charity seeketh not her own," [2929] is to be understood as that which
   prefers the common good to personal advantage, not personal advantage
   to the common good. Therefore the more fully that you give to the
   common good a preference above your personal and private interests, the
   more fully will you be sensible of progress in securing that, in regard
   to all those things which supply wants destined soon to pass away, the
   charity which abides may hold a conspicuous and influential place. An
   obvious corollary from these rules is, that when persons of either sex
   bring to their own daughters in the monastery, or to inmates belonging
   to them by any other relationship, presents of clothing or of other
   articles which are to be regarded as necessary, such gifts are not to
   be received privately, but must be under the control of the prioress,
   that, being added to the common stock, they may be placed at the
   service of any inmate to whom they may be necessary. If any one conceal
   any gift bestowed on her, let sentence be passed on her as guilty of
   theft.

   13. Let your clothes be washed, whether by yourselves or by
   washerwomen, at such intervals as are approved by the prioress, lest
   the indulgence of undue solicitude about spotless raiment produce
   inward stains upon your souls. Let the washing of the body and the use
   of baths be not constant, but at the usual interval assigned to it,
   i.e. once in a month. In the case, however, of illness rendering
   necessary the washing of the person, let it not be unduly delayed; let
   it be done on the physician's recommendation without complaint; and
   even though the patient be reluctant, she must do at the order of the
   prioress what health demands. If, however, a patient desires the bath,
   and it happen to be not for her good, her desire must not be yielded
   to, for sometimes it is supposed to be beneficial because it gives
   pleasure, although in reality it may be doing harm. Finally, if a
   handmaid of God suffers from any hidden pain of body, let her statement
   as to her suffering be believed without hesitation; but if there be any
   uncertainty whether that which she finds agreeable be really of use in
   curing her pain, let the physician be consulted. To the baths, or to
   any place whither it may be necessary to go, let no fewer than three go
   at any time. Moreover, the sister requiring to go anywhere is not to go
   with those whom she may choose herself, but with those whom the
   prioress may order. The care of the sick, and of those who require
   attention as convalescents, and of those who, without any feverish
   symptoms, are labouring under debility, ought to be committed to some
   one of your number, who shall procure for them from the storeroom what
   she shall see to be necessary for each. Moreover, let those who have
   charge, whether in the storeroom, or in the wardrobe, or in the
   library, render service to their sisters without murmuring. Let
   manuscripts be applied for at a fixed hour every day, and let none who
   ask them at other hours receive them. But at whatever time clothes and
   shoes may be required by one in need of these, let not those in charge
   of this department delay supplying the want.

   14. Quarrels should be unknown among you, or at least, if they arise,
   they should as quickly as possible be ended, lest anger grow into
   hatred, and convert "a mote into a beam," [2930] and make the soul
   chargeable with murder. For the saying of Scripture: "He that hateth
   his brother is a murderer," [2931] does not concern men only, but women
   also are bound by this law through its being enjoined on the other sex,
   which was prior in the order of creation. Let her, whoever she be, that
   shall have injured another by taunt or abusive language, or false
   accusation, remember to remedy the wrong by apology as promptly as
   possible, and let her who was injured grant forgiveness without further
   disputation. If the injury has been mutual, the duty of both parties
   will be mutual forgiveness, because of your prayers, which, as they are
   more frequent, ought to be all the more sacred in your esteem. But the
   sister who is prompt in asking another whom she confesses that she has
   wronged to grant her forgiveness is, though she may be more frequently
   betrayed by a hasty temper, better than another who, though less
   irascible, is with more difficulty persuaded to ask forgiveness. Let
   not her who refuses to forgive her sister expect to receive answers to
   prayer: as for any sister who never will ask forgiveness, or does not
   do it from the heart, it is no advantage to such an one to be in a
   monastery, even though, perchance, she may not be expelled. Wherefore
   abstain from hard words; but if they have escaped your lips, be not
   slow to bring words of healing from the same lips by which the wounds
   were inflicted. When, however, the necessity of discipline compels you
   to use hard words in restraining the younger inmates, even though you
   feel that in these you have gone too far, it is not imperative on you
   to ask their forgiveness, lest while undue humility is observed by you
   towards those who ought to be subject to you, the authority necessary
   for governing them be impaired; but pardon must nevertheless be sought
   from the Lord of all, who knows with what goodwill you love even those
   whom you reprove it may be with undue severity. The love which you bear
   to each other must be not carnal, but spiritual: for those things which
   are practised by immodest women in shameful frolic and sporting with
   one another ought not even to be done by those of your sex who are
   married, or are intending to marry, and much more ought not to be done
   by widows or chaste virgins dedicated to be hand-maids of Christ by a
   holy vow.

   15. Obey the prioress as a mother, giving her all due honour, that God
   may not be offended by your forgetting what you owe to her: still more
   is it incumbent on you to obey the presbyter who has charge of you all.
   To the prioress most specially belongs the responsibility of seeing
   that all these rules be observed, and that if any rule has been
   neglected, the offence be not passed over, but carefully corrected and
   punished; it being, of course, open to her to refer to the presbyter
   any matter that goes beyond her province or power. But let her count
   herself happy not in exercising the power which rules, but in
   practising the love which serves. In honour in the sight of men let her
   be raised above you, but in fear in the sight of God let her be as it
   were beneath your feet. Let her show herself before all a "pattern of
   good works." [2932] Let her "warn the unruly, comfort the
   feeble-minded, support the weak, be patient toward all." [2933] Let her
   cheerfully observe and cautiously impose rules. And, though both are
   necessary, let her be more anxious to be loved than to be feared by
   you; always reflecting that for you she must give account to God. For
   this reason yield obedience to her out of compassion not for yourselves
   only but also for her, because, as she occupies a higher position among
   you, her danger is proportionately greater than your own.

   16. The Lord grant that you may yield loving submission to all these
   rules, as persons enamoured of spiritual beauty, and diffusing a sweet
   savour of Christ by means of a good conversation, not as bondwomen
   under the law, but as established in freedom under grace. That you may,
   however, examine yourselves by this treatise as by a mirror, and may
   not through forgetfulness neglect anything, let it be read over by you
   once a week; and in so far as you find yourselves practising the things
   written here, give thanks for this to God, the Giver of all good; in so
   far, however, as any of you finds herself to be in some particular
   defective, let her lament the past and be on her guard in the time to
   come, praying both that her debt may be forgiven, and that she may not
   be led into temptation.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2922] This letter is of historical value, as embodying the rules of
   nunneries belonging to the Augustinian orders. In the end of the first
   volume of the Benedictine edition of his writings, this rule of
   monastic life is given, adapted by some later writer to convents of
   monks.

   [2923] 2 Cor. i. 23.

   [2924] Gal. v. 7, 8.

   [2925] 1 Cor. v. 6.

   [2926] Acts iv. 32, 35.

   [2927] Prov. xxvii. 20, LXX. bdelugma kurio sterizon ophthalmon.

   [2928] Matt. xviii. 16.

   [2929] 1 Cor. xiii. 5.

   [2930] Matt. vii. 3.

   [2931] 1 John iii. 15.

   [2932] Titus ii. 7.

   [2933] 1 Thess. v. 14.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXII.

   (a.d. 423.)

   To Quintilianus, My Lord Most Blessed and Brother and Fellow Bishop
   Deservedly Venerable, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   Venerable father, I commend to you in the love of Christ these
   honourable servants of God and precious members of Christ, Galla, a
   widow (who has taken on herself sacred vows), and her daughter
   Simplicia, a consecrated virgin, who is subject to her mother by reason
   of her age, but above her by reason of her holiness. We have nourished
   them as far as we have been able with the word of God; and by this
   epistle, as if it were with my own hand, I commit them to you, to be
   comforted and aided in every way which their interest or necessity
   requires. This duty your Holiness would doubtless have undertaken
   without any recommendation from me; for if it is our duty on account of
   the Jerusalem above, of which we are all citizens, and in which they
   desire to have a place of distinguished holiness, to cherish towards
   them not only the affection due to fellow-citizens, but even brotherly
   love, how much stronger is their claim on you, who reside in the same
   country in this earth in which these ladies, for the love of Christ,
   renounced the distinctions of this world! I also ask you to condescend
   to receive with the same love with which I have offered it my official
   salutation, and to remember me in your prayers. These ladies carry with
   them relics of the most blessed and glorious martyr Stephen: your
   Holiness knows how to give due honour to these, as we have done. [2934]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2934] A memorial chapel for the reception of relics of Saint Stephen
   had been built at Hippo.--See City of God, book XXII.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXIII.

   (September 26TH, a.d. 426.)

   Record, Prepared by St. Augustin, of the Proceedings on the Occasion of
   His Designating Eraclius to Succeed Him in the Episcopal Chair, and to
   Relieve Him Meanwhile in His Old Age of a Part of His Responsibilities.

   In the Church of Peace in the district of Hippo Regius, on the 26th day
   of September in the year of the twelfth consulship of the most renowned
   Theodosius, and of the second consulship of Valentinian Augustus:
   [2935] --Bishop Augustin having taken his seat along with his fellow
   bishops Religianus and Martinianus, there being present Saturninus,
   Leporius, Barnabas, Fortunatianus, Rusticus, Lazarus, and
   Eraclius,--presbyters,--while the clergy and a large congregation of
   laymen stood by,--Bishop Augustin said:--

   "The business which I brought before you yesterday, my beloved, as one
   in connection with which I wished you to attend, as I see you have done
   in greater numbers than usual, must be at once disposed of. For while
   your minds are anxiously preoccupied with it, you would scarcely listen
   to me if I were to speak of any other subject. We all are mortal, and
   the day which shall be the last of life on earth is to every man at all
   times uncertain; but in infancy there is hope of entering on boyhood,
   and so our hope goes on, looking forward from boyhood to youth, from
   youth to manhood, and from manhood to old age: whether these hopes may
   be realized or not is uncertain, but there is in each case something
   which may be hoped for. But old age has no other period of this life to
   look forward to with expectation: how long old age may in any case be
   prolonged is uncertain, but it is certain that no other age destined to
   take its place lies beyond. I came to this town--for such was the will
   of God--when I was in the prime of life. I was young then, but now I am
   old. I know that churches are wont to be disturbed after the decease of
   their bishops by ambitious or contentious parties, and I feel it to be
   my duty to take measures to prevent this community from suffering, in
   connection with my decease, that which I have often observed and
   lamented elsewhere. You are aware, my beloved, that I recently visited
   the Church of Milevi; for certain brethren, and especially the servants
   of God there, requested me to come, because some disturbance was
   apprehended after the death of my brother and fellow bishop Severus, of
   blessed memory. I went accordingly, and the Lord was in mercy pleased
   so to help us that they harmoniously accepted as bishop the person
   designated by their former bishop his lifetime; for when this
   designation had become known to them, they willingly acquiesced in the
   choice which he had made. An omission, however, had occurred by which
   some were dissatisfied; for brother Severus, believing that it might be
   sufficient for him to mention to the clergy the name of his successor,
   did not speak of the matter to the people, which gave rise to
   dissatisfaction in the minds of some. But why should I say more? By the
   good pleasure of God, the dissatisfaction was removed, joy took its
   place in the minds of all, and he was ordained as bishop whom Severus
   had proposed. To obviate all such occasion of complaint in this case, I
   now intimate to all here my desire, which I believe to be also the will
   of God: I wish to have for my successor the presbyter Eraclius."

   The people shouted, "To God be thanks! To Christ be praise" (this was
   repeated twenty-three times). "O Christ, hear us; may Augustin live
   long!" (repeated sixteen times). "We will have thee as our father, thee
   as our bishop" (repeated eight times).

   2. Silence having been obtained, Bishop Augustin said:--

   "It is unnecessary for me to say anything in praise of Eraclius; I
   esteem his wisdom and spare his modesty; it is enough that you know
   him: and I declare that I desire in regard to him what I know you also
   to desire, and if I had not known it before, I would have had proof of
   it today. This, therefore, I desire; this I ask from the Lord our God
   in prayers, the warmth of which is not abated by the chill of age; this
   I exhort, admonish, and entreat you also to pray for along with
   me,--that God may confirm that, which He has wrought in us [2936] by
   blending and fusing together the minds of all in the peace of Christ.
   May He who has sent him to me preserve him! preserve him safe, preserve
   him blameless, that as he gives me joy while I live, he may fill my
   place when I die.

   "The notaries of the church are, as you observe, recording what I say,
   and recording what you say; both my address and your acclamations are
   not allowed to fall to the ground. To speak more plainly, we are making
   up an ecclesiastical record of this day's proceedings; for I wish them
   to be in this way confirmed so far as pertains to men."

   The people shouted thirty-six times, "To God be thanks! To Christ be
   praise!" O Christ, hear us; may Augustin live long!" was said thirteen
   times. "Thee, our father! thee, our bishop!" was said eight times. "He
   is worthy and just," was said twenty times. "Well deserving, well
   worthy!" was said five times. "He is worthy and just!" was said six
   times.

   3. Silence having been obtained, Bishop Augustin said:--

   "It is my wish, as I was just now saying, that my desire and your
   desire be confirmed, so far as pertains to men, by being placed on an
   ecclesiastical record; but so far as pertains to the will of the
   Almighty, let us all pray, as I said before, that God would confirm
   that which He has wrought in us."

   The people shouted, saying sixteen times, "We give thanks for your
   decision:" then twelve times, "Agreed! Agreed!" and then six times,
   "Thee, our father! Eraclius, our bishop!"

   4. Silence having been obtained, Bishop Augustin said:--

   "I approve of that of which you also express your approval; [2937] but
   I do not wish that to be done in regard to him which was done in my own
   case. What was done many of you know; in fact, all of you, excepting
   only those who at that time were not born, or had not attained to the
   years of understanding. When my father and bishop, the aged Valerius,
   of blessed memory, was still living, I was ordained bishop and occupied
   the episcopal see along with him which I did not know to have been
   forbidden by the Council of Nice; and he was equally ignorant of the
   prohibition. I do not wish to have my son here exposed to the same
   censure as was incurred in my own case."

   The people shouted, saying thirteen times, "To God be thanks! To Christ
   be praise!"

   5. Silence having been obtained, Bishop Augustin said:--

   "He shall be as he now is, a presbyter, meanwhile; but afterwards, at
   such time as may please God, your bishop. But now I will assuredly
   begin to do, as the compassion of Christ may enable me, what I have not
   hitherto done. You know what for several years I would have done, had
   you permitted me. It was agreed between you and me that no one should
   intrude on me for five days of each week, that I might discharge the
   duty in the study of Scripture which my brethren and fathers the
   co-bishops were pleased to assign to me in the two councils of Numidia
   and Carthage. The agreement was duly recorded, you gave your consent,
   you signified it by acclamations. The record of your consent and of
   your acclamations, was read aloud to you. For a short time the
   agreement was observed by you; afterwards, it was violated without
   consideration, and I am not permitted to have leisure for the work
   which I wish to do: forenoon and afternoon alike, I am involved in the
   affairs of other people demanding my attention. I now beseech you, and
   solemnly engage you, for Christ's sake, to suffer me to devolve the
   burden of this part of my labours on this young man, I mean on
   Eraclius, the presbyter, whom today I designate in the name of Christ
   as my successor in the office of bishop."

   The people shouted, saying twenty-six times, "We give thanks for your
   decision."

   6. Silence having been obtained, Bishop Augustin said:--

   "I give thanks before the Lord our God for your love and your goodwill;
   yes, I give thanks to God for these. Wherefore, henceforth, my
   brethren, let everything which was wont to be brought by you to me be
   brought to him. In any case in which he may think my advice necessary,
   I will not refuse it; far be it from me to withdraw this: nevertheless,
   let everything be brought to him which used to be brought to me. Let
   Eraclius himself, if in any case, perchance, he be at a loss as to what
   should be done, either consult me, or claim an assistant in me, whom he
   has known as a father. By this arrangement you will, on the one hand,
   suffer no disadvantage, and I will at length, for the brief space
   during which God may prolong my life, devote the remainder of my days,
   be they few or many, not to idleness nor to the indulgence of a love of
   ease, but, so far as Eraclius kindly gives me leave, to the study of
   the sacred Scriptures: this also will be of service to him, and through
   him to you likewise. Let no one therefore grudge me this leisure, for I
   claim it only in order to do important work.

   "I see that I have now transacted with you all the business necessary
   in the matter for which I called you together. The last thing I have to
   ask is, that as many of you as are able be pleased to subscribe your
   names to this record. At this point I require a response from you. Let
   me have it: show your assent by some acclamations."

   The people shouted, saying twenty-five times, "Agreed! agreed!" then
   twenty-eight times, "It is worthy, it is just!" then fourteen times,
   "Agreed! agreed!" then twenty-five times, "He has long been worthy, he
   has long been deserving!" then thirteen times, "We give thanks for your
   decision!" then eighteen times, "O Christ, hear us; preserve Eraclius!"

   7. Silence having been obtained, Bishop Augustin said:--

   "It is well that we are able to transact around His sacrifice those
   things which belong to God; and in this hour appointed for our
   supplications, I especially exhort you, beloved, to suspend all your
   occupations and business, and pour out before the Lord your petitions
   for this church, and for me, and for the presbyter Eraclius."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2935] A.D. 426.

   [2936] Ps. lxviii. 28.

   [2937] Referring to their last words, giving to Eraclius the title of
   bishop.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXVIII.

   (a.d. 426.)

   To Palatinus, My Well-Beloved Lord and Son, Most Tenderly Longed For,
   Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. Your life of eminent fortitude and fruitfulness towards the Lord our
   God has brought to us great joy. For "you have made choice of
   instruction from your youth upwards, that you may still find wisdom
   even to grey hairs;" [2938] for "wisdom is the grey hair unto men, and
   an unspotted life is old age;" [2939] which may the Lord, who knoweth
   how to give good gifts unto His children, give to you asking, seeking,
   knocking. [2940] Although you have many counsellors and many counsels
   to direct you in the path which leads to eternal glory, and although,
   above all, you have the grace of Christ, which has so effectually
   spoken in saving power in your heart, nevertheless we also, as in duty
   bound by the love which we owe to you, offer to you, in hereby
   reciprocating your salutation, some words of counsel, designed not to
   awaken you as one hindered by sloth or sleep, but to stimulate and
   quicken you in the race which you are already running.

   2. You require wisdom, my son, for stedfastness in this race, as it was
   under the influence of wisdom that you entered on it at first. Let this
   then be "a part of your wisdom, to know whose gift it is." [2941]
   "Commit thy way unto the Lord; trust also in Him, and He shall bring it
   to pass: and He shall bring forth thy righteousness as the light, and
   thy judgment as the noonday." [2942] "He will make straight thy path,
   and guide thy steps in peace." [2943] As you despised your prospects of
   greatness in this world, lest you should glory in the abundance of
   riches which you had begun to covet after the manner of the children of
   this world, so now, in taking up the yoke of the Lord and His burden,
   let not your confidence be in your own strength; so shall "His yoke be
   easy, and His burden light." [2944] For in the book of Psalms those are
   alike censured "who trust in their strength," and "who boast themselves
   in the multitude of their riches." [2945] Therefore, as formerly you
   did not seek glory in riches, but most wisely despised that which you
   had begun to desire, so now be on your guard against insidious
   temptation to trust in your strength; for you are but man, and "cursed
   is every one that trusteth in man." [2946] But by all means trust in
   God with your whole heart, and He will Himself be your strength,
   wherein you may trust with piety and thankfulness, and to Him you may
   say with humility and boldness, "I will love thee, O Lord, my strength;
   [2947] because even the love of God, which, when it is perfect,
   "casteth out fear," [2948] is shed abroad in our hearts, not by our
   strength, that is, by any human power, but, as the apostle says, "by
   the Holy Ghost, which is given unto us." [2949]

   3. "Watch, therefore, and pray that you enter not into temptation."
   [2950] Such prayer is indeed in itself an admonition to you that you
   need the help of the Lord, and that you ought not to rest upon yourself
   your hope of living well. For now you pray, not that you may obtain the
   riches and honours of this present world, or any unsubstantial human
   possession, but that you may not enter into temptation, a thing which
   would not be asked in prayer if a man could accomplish it for himself
   by his own will. Wherefore we would not pray that we may not enter into
   temptation if our own will sufficed for our protection and yet if the
   will to avoid temptation were wanting to us, we could not so pray. It
   may, therefore, be present with us to will, [2951] when we have through
   his own gift been made wise, but we must pray that we may be able to
   perform that which we have so willed. In the fact that you have begun
   to exercise this true wisdom, you have reason to give thanks. "For what
   have you which you have not received? But if you have received it,
   beware that you boast not as if you had not received it," [2952] that
   is, as if you could have had it of yourself. Knowing, however, whence
   you have received it, ask Him by whose gift it was begun to grant that
   it may be perfected. "Work out your own salvation with fear and
   trembling: for it is God that worketh in you, both to will and to do,
   of His good pleasure;" [2953] for "the will is prepared by God," [2954]
   and "the steps of a good man are ordered by the Lord, and He delighteth
   in his way." [2955] Holy meditation on these things will preserve you,
   so that your wisdom shall be piety, that is, that by God's gift you
   shall be good, and not ungrateful for the grace of Christ.

   4. Your parents, unfeignedly rejoicing with you in the better hope
   which in the Lord you have begun to cherish, are longing earnestly for
   your presence. But whether you be absent from us or present with us in
   the body, we desire to have you with us in the one Spirit by whom love
   is shed abroad in our hearts, so that, in whatever place our bodies may
   sojourn, our spirits may be in no degree sundered from each other.

   We have most thankfully received the cloaks of goat's-hair cloth [2956]
   which you sent to us, in which gift you have yourself anticipated me in
   admonition as to the duty of being often engaged in prayer, and of
   practising humility in our supplications.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2938] Ecclus. vi. 18.

   [2939] Wisd. iv. 9.

   [2940] Matt. vii. 11.

   [2941] Wisd. viii. 20.

   [2942] Ps. xxxvii. 5, 6.

   [2943] Prov. iv. 27, LXX.

   [2944] Matt. xi. 30.

   [2945] Ps. xlix. 6, LXX.

   [2946] Jer. xvii. 5.

   [2947] Ps. xviii. 1.

   [2948] 1 John iv. 18.

   [2949] Rom. v. 5.

   [2950] Mark xiv. 38.

   [2951] Rom. vii. 18.

   [2952] 1 Cor. iv. 7.

   [2953] Phil. ii. 12, 13.

   [2954] Prov. viii. 35, LXX.

   [2955] Ps. xxxvii. 23.

   [2956] Cilicia.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXIX.

   (a.d. 436.)

   To Proculus and Cylinus, Brethren Most Beloved and Honourable, and
   Partners in the Sacerdotal Office, Augustin, Florentius, and Secundinus
   Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. When our son Leporius, whom for his obstinacy in error you had
   justly and fitly rebuked, came to us after he had been expelled by you,
   we received him as one afflicted for his good, whom we should, if
   possible, deliver from error and restore to spiritual health. For, as
   you obeyed in regard to him the apostolic precept, "Warn the unruly,"
   so it was our part to obey the precept immediately annexed, "Comfort
   the feeble-minded, and support the weak." [2957] His error was indeed
   not unimportant, seeing that he neither approved what is right nor
   perceived what is true in some things relating to the only-begotten Son
   of God, of whom it is written that, "In the beginning was the Word, and
   the Word was with God, and the Word was God," but that when the fulness
   of time had come, "the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us;" [2958]
   for he denied that God became man, regarding it as a doctrine from
   which it must follow necessarily that the divine substance in which He
   is equal to the Father suffered some unworthy change or corruption, and
   not seeing that he was thus introducing into the Trinity a fourth
   person, which is utterly contrary to the sound doctrine of the Creed
   and of Catholic truth. Since, however, dearly beloved and honourable
   brethren, he had as a fallible man" been overtaken" in this error, we
   did our utmost, the Lord helping us, to instruct him "in the spirit of
   meekness," especially remembering that when the "chosen vessel "gave
   this command to which we refer, he added, "Considering thyself, lest
   thou also be tempted,"--lest some, perchance, should so rejoice in the
   measure of spiritual progress as to imagine that they could no longer
   be tempted like other men,--and joined with it the salutary and
   peace-promoting sentence, "Bear ye one another's burdens, and so fulfil
   the law of Christ. For if a man think himself to be something, when he
   is nothing, he deceiveth himself." [2959]

   2. This restoration of Leporius we could perhaps in nowise have
   accomplished, had you not previously censured and punished those things
   in him which required correction. So then the same Lord, our Divine
   Physician, using His own instruments and servants, has by you wounded
   him when he was proud, and by us healed him when he was penitent,
   according to his own saying, "I wound, and I heal." [2960] The same
   Divine Ruler and Overseer of His own house has by you thrown down what
   was defective in the building, and has by us replaced with a
   well-ordered structure what he had removed. The same Divine Husbandman
   has in His careful diligence by you rooted up what was barren and
   noxious in His field, and by us planted what is useful and fruitful.
   Let us not, therefore, ascribe glory to ourselves, but to the mercy of
   Him in whose hand both we and all our words are. And as we humbly
   praise the work which you have done as His ministers in the case of our
   son aforesaid, so do you rejoice with holy joy in the work performed by
   us. Receive, then, with the love of fathers and of brethren, him whom
   we have with merciful severity corrected. For although one part of the
   work was done by you and another part by us, both parts, being
   indispensable to our brother's salvation, were done by the same love.
   The same God was therefore working in both, for "God is love." [2961]

   3. Wherefore, as he has been welcomed into fellowship by us on the
   ground of his repentance, let him be welcomed by you on the ground of
   his letter, [2962] to which letter we have thought it right to adhibit
   our signatures attesting its genuiness. We have not the least doubt
   that you, in the exercise of Christian love, will not only hear with
   pleasure of his amendment, but also make it known to those to whom his
   error was a stumbling-block. For those who came with him to us have
   also been corrected and restored along with him, as is declared by
   their signatures, which have been adhibited to the letter in our
   presence. It remains only that you, being made joyful by the salvation
   of a brother, condescend to make us joyful in our turn by sending a
   reply to our communication. Farewell in the Lord, most beloved and
   honourable brethren; such is our desire on your behalf: remember us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2957] 1 Thess. v. 14.

   [2958] John i. 1, 14.

   [2959] Gal. vi. 1, 3.

   [2960] Deut. xxxii. 39.

   [2961] 1 John iv. 8, 16.

   [2962] A formal written retractation of his errors, called elsewhere
   "emendations libellum."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXX.

   (a.d. 427.)

   To My Lord Boniface, [2963] My Son Commended to the Guardianship and
   Guidance of Divine Mercy, for Present and Eternal Salvation, Augustin
   Sends Greeting.

   1. Never could I have found a more trustworthy man, nor one who could
   have more ready access to your ear when bearing a letter from me, than
   this servant and minister of Christ, the deacon Paulus, a man very dear
   to both of us, whom the Lord has now brought to me in order that I may
   have the opportunity of addressing you, not in reference to your power
   and the honour which you hold in this evil world, nor in reference to
   the preservation of your corruptible and mortal body,--because this
   also is destined to pass away, and how soon no one can tell,--but in
   reference to that salvation which has been promised to us by Christ,
   who was here on earth despised and crucified in order that He might
   teach us rather to despise than to desire the good things of this
   world, and to set our affections and our hope on that world which He
   has revealed by His resurrection. For He has risen from the dead, and
   now "dieth no more; death hath no more dominion over Him." [2964]

   2. I know that you have no lack of friends, who love you so far as life
   in this world is concerned, and who in regard to it give you counsels,
   sometimes useful, sometimes the reverse; for they are men, and
   therefore, though they use their wisdom to the best of their ability in
   regard to what is present, they know not what may happen on the morrow.
   But it is not easy for any one to give you counsel in reference to God,
   to prevent the perdition of your soul, not because you lack friends who
   would do this, but because it is difficult for them to find an
   opportunity of speaking with you on these subjects. For I myself have
   often longed for this, and never found place or time in which I might
   deal with you as I ought to deal with a man whom I ardently love in
   Christ. You know besides in what state you found me at Hippo, when you
   did me the honor to come to visit me,--how I was scarcely able to
   speak, being prostrated by bodily weakness. Now, then, my son, hear me
   when I have this opportunity of addressing you at least by a letter,--a
   rare opportunity, for it was not in my power to send such communication
   to you in the midst of your dangers, both because I apprehended danger
   to the bearer, and because I was afraid lest my letter should reach
   persons into whose hands I was unwilling that it should fall. Wherefore
   I beg you to forgive me if you think that I have been more afraid than
   I should have been; however this may be, I have stated what I feared.

   3. Hear me, therefore; nay, rather hear the Lord our God speaking by
   me, His feeble servant. Call to remembrance what manner of man you were
   while your former wife, of hallowed memory, still lived, and how under
   the stroke of her death, while that event was yet recent, the vanity of
   this world made you recoil from it, and how you earnestly desired to
   enter the service of God. We know and we can testify what you said as
   to your state of mind and your desires when you conversed with us at
   Tubunæ. My brother Alypius and I were alone with you. [I beseech you,
   then, to call to remembrance that conversation], for I do not think
   that the worldly cares with which you are now engrossed can have such
   power over you as to have effaced this wholly from your memory. You
   were then desirous to abandon all the public business in which you were
   engaged, and to withdraw into sacred retirement, and live like the
   servants of God who have embraced a monastic life. And what was it that
   prevented you from acting according to these desires? Was it not that
   you were influenced by considering, on our representation of the
   matter, how much service the work which then occupied you might render
   to the churches of Christ if you pursued it with this single aim, that
   they, protected from all disturbance by barbarian hordes, might live "a
   quiet and peaceable life," as the apostle says, "in all godliness and
   honesty;" [2965] resolving at the same time for your own part to seek
   no more from this world than would suffice for the support of yourself
   and those dependent on you, wearing as your girdle the cincture of a
   perfectly chaste self-restraint, and having underneath the
   accoutrements of the soldier the surer and stronger defence of
   spiritual armour.

   4. At the very time when we were full of joy that you had formed this
   resolution, you embarked on a voyage and you married a second wife.
   Your embarkation was an act of the obedience due, as the apostle has
   taught us, to the "higher powers;" [2966] but you would not have
   married again had you not, abandoning the continence to which you had
   devoted yourself, been overcome by concupiscence. When I learned this,
   I was, I must confess it, dumb with amazement; but, in my sorrow, I was
   in some degree comforted by hearing that you refused to marry her
   unless she became a Catholic before the marriage, and yet the heresy of
   those who refuse to believe in the true Son of God has so prevailed in
   your house, that by these heretics your daughter was baptized. Now, if
   the report be true (would to God that it were false!) that even some
   who were dedicated to God as His handmaids have been by these heretics
   re-baptized, with what floods of tears ought this great calamity to be
   bewailed by us! Men are saying, moreover, perhaps it is an unfounded
   slander,--that one wife does not satisfy your passions, and that you
   have been defiled by consorting with some other women as concubines.

   5. What shall I say regarding these evils--so patent to all, and so
   great in magnitude as well as number--of which you have been, directly
   or indirectly, the cause since the time of your being married? You are
   a Christian, you have a conscience, you fear God; consider, then, for
   yourself some things which I prefer to leave unsaid, and you will find
   for how great evils you ought to do penance; and I believe that it is
   to afford you an opportunity of doing this in the way in which it ought
   to be done, that the Lord is now sparing you and delivering you from
   all dangers. But if you will listen to the counsel of Scripture, I pray
   you, "make no tarrying to turn to the Lord, and put not off from day to
   day." [2967] You allege, indeed, that you have good reason for what you
   have done, and that I cannot be a judge of the sufficiency of that
   reason, because I cannot hear both sides of the question; [2968] but,
   whatever be your reason, the nature of which it is not necessary at
   present either to investigate or to discuss, can you, in the presence
   of God, affirm that you would ever have come into the embarrassments of
   your present position had you not loved the good things of this world,
   which, being a servant of God, such as we knew you to be formerly, it
   was your duty to have utterly despised and esteemed as of no
   value,--accepting, indeed, what was offered to you, that you might
   devote it to pious uses, but not so coveting that which was denied to
   you, or was entrusted to your care, as to be brought on its account
   into the difficulties of your present position, in which, while good is
   loved, evil things are perpetrated,--few, indeed, by you, but many
   because of you, and while things are dreaded which, if hurtful, are so
   only for a short time, things are done which are really hurtful for
   eternity?

   6. To mention one of these things,--who can help seeing that many
   persons follow you for the purpose of defending your power or safety,
   who, although they may be all faithful to you, and no treachery is to
   be apprehended from any of them, are desirous of obtaining through you
   certain advantages which they also covet, not with a godly desire, but
   from worldly motives? And in this way you, whose duty it is to curb and
   check your own passions, are forced to satisfy those of others. To
   accomplish this, many things which are displeasing to God must be done;
   and yet, after all, these passions are not thus satisfied, for they are
   more easily mortified finally in those who love God, than satisfied
   even for a time in those who love the world. Therefore the Divine
   Scripture says: "Love not the world, nor the things that are in the
   world. If any man love the world, the love of the Father is not in him.
   For all that is in the world, the lust of the flesh, and the lust of
   the eyes, and pride of life, is not of the Father, but is of the world.
   And the world passeth away, and the lust thereof: but he that doeth the
   will of God abideth for ever, as God abideth for ever." [2969]
   Associated, therefore, as you are with such multitudes of armed men,
   whose passions must be humoured, and whose cruelty is dreaded, how can
   the desires of these men who love the world ever be, I do not say
   satiated, but even partially gratified by you, in your anxiety to
   prevent still greater widespread evils, unless you do that which God
   forbids, and in so doing become obnoxious to threatened judgment? So
   complete has been the havoc wrought in order to indulge their passions,
   that it would be difficult now to find anything for the plunderer to
   carry away.

   7. But what shall I say of the devastation of Africa at this hour by
   hordes of African barbarians, to whom no resistance is offered, while
   you are engrossed with such embarrassments in your own circumstances,
   and are taking no measures for averting this calamity? Who would ever
   have believed, who would have feared, after Boniface had become a Count
   of the Empire and of Africa, and had been placed in command in Africa
   with so large an army and so great authority, that the same man who
   formerly, as Tribune, kept all these barbarous tribes in peace, by
   storming their strongholds, and menacing them with his small band of
   brave confederates, should now have suffered the barbarians to be so
   bold, to encroach so far, to destroy and plunder so much, and to turn
   into deserts such vast regions once densely peopled? Where were any
   found that did not predict that, as soon as you obtained the authority
   of Count, the African hordes would be not only checked, but made
   tributaries to the Roman Empire? And now, how completely the event has
   disappointed men's hopes you yourself perceive; in fact, I need say
   nothing more on this subject, because your own reflection must suggest
   much more than I can put in words.

   8. Perhaps you defend yourself by replying that the blame here ought
   rather to rest on persons who have injured you, and, instead of justly
   requiting the services rendered by you in your office, have returned
   evil for good. These matters I am not able to examine and judge. I
   beseech you rather to contemplate and inquire into the matter, in which
   you know that you have to do not with men at all, but with God; living
   in Christ as a believer, you are bound to fear lest you offend Him. For
   my attention is more engaged by higher causes, believing that men ought
   to ascribe Africa's great calamities to their own sins. Nevertheless, I
   would not wish you to belong to the number of those wicked and unjust
   men whom God uses as instruments in inflicting temporal punishments on
   whom He pleases; for He who justly employs their malice to inflict
   temporal judgments on others, reserves eternal punishments for the
   unjust themselves if they be not reformed. Be it yours to fix your
   thoughts on God, and to look to Christ, who has conferred on you so
   great blessings and endured for you so great sufferings. Those who
   desire to belong to His kingdom, and to live for ever happily with Him
   and under Him, love even their enemies, do good to them that hate them,
   and pray for those from whom they suffer persecution; [2970] and if, at
   any time, in the way of discipline they use irksome severity, yet they
   never lay aside the sincerest love. If these benefits, though earthly
   and transitory, are conferred on you by the Roman Empire,--for that
   empire itself is earthly, not heavenly, and cannot bestow what it has
   not in its power,--if, I say, benefits are conferred on you, return not
   evil for good; and if evil be inflicted on you, return not evil for
   evil. Which of these two has happened in your case I am unwilling to
   discuss, I am unable to judge. I speak to a Christian--return not
   either evil for good, nor evil for evil.

   9. You say to me, perhaps: In circumstances so difficult, what do you
   wish me to do? If you ask counsel of me in a worldly point of view how
   your safety in this transitory life may be secured, and the power and
   wealth belonging to you at present may be preserved or even increased,
   I know not what to answer you, for any counsel regarding things so
   uncertain as these must partake of the uncertainty inherent in them.
   But if you consult me regarding your relation to God and the salvation
   of your soul, and if you fear the word of truth which says: "What is a
   man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"
   [2971] I have a plain answer to give. I am prepared with advice to
   which you may well give heed. But what need is there for my saying
   anything else than what I have already said. "Love not the world,
   neither the things, that are in the world. If any man love the world,
   the love of the Father is not in him. For all that is in the world, the
   lust of the flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life, is
   not of the Father, but is of the world. And the world passeth away, and
   the lust thereof: but he that doeth the will of God abideth forever."
   [2972] Here is counsel! Seize it and act on it. Show that you are a
   brave man. Vanquish the desires with which the world is loved. Do
   penance for the evils of your past life, when, vanquished by your
   passions, you were drawn away by sinful desires. If you receive this
   counsel, and hold it fast, and act on it, you will both attain to those
   blessings which are certain, and occupy yourself in the midst of these
   uncertain things without forfeiting the salvation of your soul.

   10. But perhaps you again ask of me how you can do these things,
   entangled as you are with so great worldly difficulties. Pray
   earnestly, and say to God, in the words of the Psalm: "Bring Thou me
   out of my distresses," [2973] for these distresses terminate when the
   passions in which they originate are vanquished. He who has heard your
   prayer and ours on your behalf, that you might be delivered from the
   numerous and great dangers of visible wars in which the body is exposed
   to the danger of losing the life which sooner or later must end, but in
   which the soul perishes not unless it be held captive by evil
   passions,--He, I say, will hear your prayer that you may, in an
   invisible and spiritual conflict, overcome your inward and invisible
   enemies, that is to say, your passions themselves, and may so use the
   world, as not abusing it, so that with its good things you may do good,
   not become bad through possessing them. Because these things are in
   themselves good, and are not given to men except by Him who has power
   over all things in heaven and earth. Lest these gifts of His should be
   reckoned bad, they are given also to the good; at the same time, lest
   they should be reckoned great, or the supreme good, they are given also
   to the bad. Further, these things are taken away from the good for
   their trial, and from the bad for their punishment.

   11. For who is so ignorant, who so foolish, as not to see that the
   health of this mortal body, and the strength of its corruptible
   members, and victory over men who are our enemies, and temporal honours
   and power, and all other mere earthly advantages are given both to the
   good and to the bad, and are taken away both from the good and from the
   bad alike? But the salvation of the soul, along with immortality of the
   body, and the power of righteousness, and victory over hostile
   passions, and glory, and honour, and everlasting peace, are not given
   except to the good. Therefore love these things, covet these things,
   and seek them by every means in your power. With a view to acquire and
   retain these things, give alms, pour forth prayers, practise fasting as
   far as you can without injury to your body. But do not love these
   earthly goods, how much soever they may abound to you. So use them as
   to do many good things by them, but not one evil thing for their sake.
   For all such things will perish; but good works, yea, even those good
   works which are performed by means of the perishable good things of
   this world, shall never perish.

   12. If you had not now a wife, I would say to you what we said at
   Tubunæ, that you should live in the holy state of continence, and would
   add that you should now do what we prevented you from doing at that
   time, namely, withdraw yourself so far as might be possible without
   prejudice to the public welfare from the labours of military service,
   and take to yourself the leisure which you then desired for that life
   in the society of the saints in which the soldiers of Christ fight in
   silence, not to kill men, but to "wrestle against principalities and
   powers, and spiritual wickedness," [2974] that is, the devil and his
   angels. For the saints gain their victories over enemies whom they
   cannot see, and yet they gain the victory over these unseen enemies by
   gaining the victory over things which are the objects of sense. I am,
   however, prevented from exhorting you to that mode of life by your
   having a wife, since without her consent it is not lawful for you to
   live under a vow of continence; because, although you did wrong in
   marrying again after the declaration which you made at Tubunæ, she,
   being not aware of this became your wife innocently and without
   restrictions. Would that you could persuade her to agree to a vow of
   continence, that you might without hindrance render to God what you
   know to be due to Him! If, however, you cannot make this agreement with
   her, guard carefully by all means conjugal chastity, and pray to God,
   who will deliver you out of difficulties, that you may at some future
   time be able to do what is meanwhile impossible. This, however, does
   not affect your obligation to love God and not to love the world, to
   hold the faith stedfastly even in the cares of war, if you must still
   be engaged in them, and to seek peace; to make the good things of this
   world serviceable in good works, and not to do what is evil in
   labouring to obtain these earthly good things,--in all these duties
   your wife is not, or, if she is, ought not to be, a hindrance to you.

   These things I have written, my dearly beloved son, at the bidding of
   the love with which I love you with regard not to this world, but to
   God; and because, mindful of the words of Scripture, "Reprove a wise
   man, and he will love thee; reprove a fool, and he will hate thee
   more," [2975] I was bound to think of you as certainly not a fool but a
   wise man.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2963] See note to Letter CLXXXIX, p. 552.

   [2964] Rom. vi. 9.

   [2965] 1 Tim. ii. 2.

   [2966] Rom. xiii. 1.

   [2967] Ecclus. v. 8.

   [2968] See note on Letter CLXXXIX. p. 552.

   [2969] 1 John ii. 15-17.

   [2970] Matt. v. 44.

   [2971] Matt. xvi. 26.

   [2972] 1 John ii. 15-17.

   [2973] Ps. xxv. 17.

   [2974] Eph. vi. 12.

   [2975] Prov. ix. 8.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXXVII.

   (a.d. 428 or 429.)

   To the Aged Alypius, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   Brother Paulus has arrived here safely: he reports that the pains
   devoted to the business which engaged him have been rewarded with
   success; the Lord will grant that with these his trouble in that matter
   may terminate. He salutes you warmly, and tells us tidings concerning
   Gabinianus which give us joy, namely, that having by God's mercy
   obtained a prosperous issue in his case, he is now not only in name a
   Christian, but in sincerity a very excellent convert to the faith, and
   was baptized recently at Easter, having both in his heart and on his
   lips the grace which he received. How much I long for him I can never
   express; but you know that I love him.

   The president of the medical faculty, [2976] Dioscorus, has also
   professed the Christian faith, having obtained grace at the same time.
   Hear the manner of his conversion, for his stubborn neck and his bold
   tongue could not be subdued without some miracle. His daughter, the
   only comfort of his life, was sick, and her sickness became so serious
   that her life was, according even to her father's own admission,
   despaired of. It is reported, and the truth of the report is beyond
   question, for even before brother Paul's return the fact was mentioned
   to me by Count Peregrinus, a most respectable and truly Christian man,
   who was baptized at the same time with Dioscorus and Gabinianus,--it is
   reported, I say, that the old man, feeling himself at last constrained
   to implore the compassion of Christ, bound himself by a vow that he
   would become a Christian if he saw her restored to health. She
   recovered, but he perfidiously drew back from fulfilling his vow.
   Nevertheless the hand of the Lord was still stretched forth, for
   suddenly he is smitten with blindness, and immediately the cause of
   this calamity was impressed upon his mind. He confessed his fault
   aloud, and vowed again that if his sight were given back he would
   perform what he had vowed. He recovered his sight, fulfilled his vow,
   and still the hand of God was stretched forth. He had not committed the
   Creed to memory, or perhaps had refused to commit it, and had excused
   himself on the plea of inability. God had seen this. Immediately after
   all the ceremonies of his reception he is seized with paralysis,
   affecting many, indeed almost all his members, and even his tongue.
   Then, being warned by a dream, he confesses in writing that it had been
   told to him that this had happened because he had not repeated the
   Creed. After that confession the use of all his members was restored to
   him, except the tongue alone; nevertheless he, being still under this
   affliction, made manifest by writing that he had, notwithstanding,
   learned the Creed, and still retained it in his memory; and so that
   frivolous loquacity which, as you know, blemished his natural
   kindliness, and made him, when he mocked Christians, exceedingly
   profane, was altogether destroyed in him. What shall I say, but, "Let
   us sing a hymn to the Lord, and highly exalt Him for ever! Amen."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2976] Archiater.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXXVIII.

   (a.d. 428 or 429.)

   To His Holy Brother and Co-Bishop Honoratus, [2977] Augustin Sends
   Greeting in the Lord.

   1. I thought that by sending to your Grace a copy of the letter which I
   wrote to our brother and co-bishop Quodvultdeus, [2978] I had earned
   exemption from the burden which you have imposed upon me, by asking my
   advice as to what you ought to do in the midst of the dangers which
   have befallen us in these times. For although I wrote briefly, I think
   that I did not pass over anything that was necessary either to be said
   by me or heard by my questioner in correspondence on the subject: for I
   said that, on the one hand, those who desire to remove, if they can, to
   fortified places are not to be forbidden to do so; and, on the other
   hand, we ought not to break the ties by which the love of Christ has
   bound us as ministers not to forsake the churches which it is our duty
   to serve. The words which I used in the letter referred to were:
   "Therefore, however small may be the congregation of God's people among
   whom we are, if our ministry is so necessary to them that it is a clear
   duty not to withdraw it from them, it remains for us to say to the
   Lord, Be Thou to us a God of defence, and a strong fortress.'" [2979]

   2. But this counsel does not commend itself to you, because, as you say
   in your letter, it does not become us to endeavour to act in opposition
   to the precept or example of the Lord, admonishing us that we should
   flee from one city to another. We remember, indeed, the words of the
   Lord, "When they persecute you in one city, flee to another;" [2980]
   but who can believe that the Lord wished this to be done in cases in
   which the flocks which He purchased with His own blood are by the
   desertion of their pastors left without that necessary ministry which
   is indispensable to their life? Did Christ do this Himself, when,
   carried by His parents, He fled into Egypt in His infancy? No; for He
   had not then gathered churches which we could affirm to have been
   deserted by Him. Or, when the Apostle Paul was "let down in a basket
   through a window," to prevent his enemies from seizing him, and so
   escaped their hands, [2981] was the church in Damascus deprived of the
   necessary labours of Christ's servants? Was not all the service that
   was requisite supplied after his departure by other brethren settled in
   that city? For the apostle had done this at their request, in order
   that he might preserve for the Church's good his life, which the
   persecutor on that occasion specially sought to destroy. Let those,
   therefore, who are servants of Christ, His ministers in word and
   sacrament, do what he has commanded or permitted. When any of them is
   specially sought for by persecutors, let him by all means flee from one
   city to another, provided that the Church is not hereby deserted, but
   that others who are not specially sought after remain to supply
   spiritual food to their fellow-servants, whom they know to be unable
   otherwise to maintain spiritual life. When, however, the danger of all,
   bishops, clergy, and laity, is alike, let not those who depend upon the
   aid of others be deserted by those on whom they depend. In that case,
   either let all remove together to fortified places, or let those who
   must remain be not deserted by those through whom in things pertaining
   to the Church their necessities must be provided for; and so let them
   share life in common, or share in common that which the Father of their
   family appoints them to suffer.

   3. But if it shall happen that all suffer, whether some suffer less,
   and others more, or all suffer equally, it is easy to see who among
   them are suffering for the sake of others: they are obviously those
   who, although they might have freed themselves from such evils by
   flight, have chosen to remain rather than abandon others to whom they
   are necessary. By such conduct especially is proved the love commended
   by the Apostle John in the words: "Christ laid down His life for us:
   and we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren." [2982] For those
   who betake themselves to flight, or are prevented from doing so only by
   circumstances thwarting their design, if they be seized and made to
   suffer, endure this suffering only for themselves; not for their
   brethren; but those who are involved in suffering because of their
   resolving not to abandon others, whose Christian welfare depended on
   them, are unquestionably "laying down their lives for the brethren."

   4. For this reason, the saying which we have heard attributed to a
   certain bishop, namely: "If the Lord has commanded us to flee, in those
   persecutions in which we may reap the fruit of martyrdom, how much more
   ought we to escape by flight, if we can, from barren sufferings
   inflicted by the hostile incursions of barbarians!" is a saying true
   and worthy of acceptation, but applicable only to those who are not
   confined by the obligations of ecclesiastical office. For the man who,
   having it in his power to escape from the violence of the enemy,
   chooses not to flee from it, lest in so doing he should abandon the
   ministry of Christ, without which men can neither become Christians nor
   live as such, assuredly finds a greater reward of his love, than the
   man who, fleeing not for his brethren's sake but for his own, is seized
   by persecutors, and, refusing to deny Christ, suffers martyrdom.

   5. What, then, shall we say to the position which you thus state in
   your former epistle:--"I do not see what good we can do to ourselves or
   to the people by continuing to remain in the churches, except to see
   before our eyes men slain, women outraged, churches burned, ourselves
   expiring amid torments applied in order to extort from us what we do
   not possess"? God is powerful to hear the prayers of His children and
   to avert those things which they fear; and we ought not, on account of
   evils that are uncertain, to make up our minds absolutely to the
   desertion of that ministry, without which the people must certainly
   suffer ruin, not in the affairs of this life, but of that other life
   which ought to be cared for with incomparably greater diligence and
   solicitude. For if those evils which are apprehended, as possibly
   visiting the places in which we are, were certain, all those for whose
   sake it was our duty to remain would take flight before us, and would
   thus exempt us from the neccessity of remaining; for no one says that
   ministers are under obligation to remain in any place where none remain
   to whom their ministry is necessary. In this way some holy bishops fled
   from Spain when their congregations had, before their flight, been
   annihilated, the members having either fled, or died by the sword, or
   perished in the siege of their towns, or gone into captivity: but many
   more of the bishops of that country remained in the midst of these
   abounding dangers, because those for whose sakes they remained were
   still remaining there. And if some have abandoned their flocks, this is
   what we say ought not to be done, for they were not taught to do so by
   divine authority, but were, through human infirmity, either deceived by
   an error or overcome by fear.

   6. [We maintain, as one alternative, that they were deceived by an
   error,] for why do they think that indiscriminate compliance must be
   given to the precept in which they read of fleeing from one city to
   another, and not shrink with abhorrence from the character of the
   "hireling," who "seeth the wolf coming, and fleeth, because he careth
   not for the sheep"? [2983] Why do they not honour equally both of these
   true sayings of the Lord, the one in which flight is permitted or
   enjoined, the other in which it is rebuked and censured, by taking
   pains so to understand them as to find that they are, as is indeed the
   case, not opposed to each other? And how is their reconciliation to be
   found, unless that which I have above proved be borne in mind, that
   under pressure of persecution we who are ministers of Christ ought to
   flee from the places in which we are only in one or other of two cases,
   namely, either that there is no congregation to which we may minister,
   or that there is a congregation, but that the ministry necessary for it
   can be supplied by others who have not the same reason for flight as
   makes it imperative on us? Of which we have one example, as already
   mentioned, in the Apostle Paul escaping by being let down from the wall
   in a basket, when he was personally sought by the persecutor, there
   being others on the spot who had not the same necessity for flight,
   whose remaining would prevent the Church from being destitute of the
   service of ministers. Another example we have in the holy Athanasius,
   Bishop of Alexandria, who fled when the Emperor Constantius wished to
   seize him specially, the Catholic people who remained in Alexandria not
   being abandoned by the other servants of God. But when the people
   remain and the servants of God flee, and their service is withdrawn,
   what is this but the guilty flight of the "hireling" who careth not for
   the sheep? For the wolf will come,--not man, but the devil, who has
   very often perverted to apostasy believers to whom the daily ministry
   of the Lord's body was wanting; and so, not "through thy knowledge,"
   but through thine ignorance, "shall the weak brother perish for whom
   Christ died." [2984]

   7. As for those, however, who flee not because they are deceived by an
   error, but because they have been overcome by fear, why do they not
   rather, by the compassion and help of the Lord bestowed on them,
   bravely fight against their fear, lest evils incomparably heavier and
   much more to be dreaded befall them? This victory over fear is won
   wherever the flame of the love of God, without the smoke of
   worldliness, burns in the heart. For love says, "Who is weak, and I am
   not weak? who is offended, and I burn not?" [2985] But love is from
   God. Let us, therefore, beseech Him who requires it of us to bestow it
   on us, and under its influence let us fear more lest the sheep of
   Christ should be slaughtered by the sword of spiritual wickedness
   reaching the heart, than lest they should fall under the sword that can
   only harm that body in which men are destined at any rate, at some
   time, and in some way or other, to die. Let us fear more lest the
   purity of faith should perish through the taint of corruption in the
   inner man, than lest our women should be subjected by violence to
   outrage; for if chastity is preserved in the spirit, it is not
   destroyed by such violence, since it is not destroyed even in the body
   when there is no base consent of the sufferer to the sin, but only a
   submission without the consent of the will to that which another does.
   Let us fear more lest the spark of life in "living stones" be quenched
   through our absence, than lest the stones and timbers of our earthly
   buildings be burned in our presence. Let us fear more lest the members
   of Christ's body should die for want of spiritual food, than lest the
   members of our own bodies, being overpowered by the violence of
   enemies, should be racked with torture. Not because these are things
   which we ought not to avoid when this is in our power, but because we
   ought to prefer to suffer them when they cannot be avoided without
   impiety, unless, perchance, any one be found to maintain that that
   servant is not guilty of impiety who withdraws the service necessary to
   piety at the very time when it is peculiarly necessary.

   8. Do we forget how, when these dangers have reached their extremity,
   and there is no possibility of escaping from them by flight, an
   extraordinary crowd of persons, of both sexes and of all ages, is wont
   to assemble in the church,--some urgently asking baptism, others
   reconciliation, others even the doing of penance, and all calling for
   consolation and strengthening through the administration of sacraments?
   If the ministers of God be not at their posts at such a time, how great
   perdition overtakes those who depart from this life either not
   regenerated or not loosed from their sins! [2986] How deep also is the
   sorrow of their believing kindred, who shall not have these lost ones
   with them in the blissful rest of eternal life! In fine, how loud are
   the cries of all, and the indignant imprecations of not a few, because
   of the want of ordinances and the absence of those who should have
   dispensed them! See what the fear of temporal calamities may effect,
   and of how great a multitude of eternal calamities it may be the
   procuring cause. But if the ministers be at their posts, through the
   strength which God bestows upon them, all are aided,--some are
   baptized, others reconciled to the Church. None are defrauded of the
   communion of the Lord's body; all are consoled, edified, and exhorted
   to ask of God, who is able to do so, to avert all things which are
   feared,--prepared for both alternatives, so that "if the cup may not
   pass" from them, His will may be done [2987] who cannot will anything
   that is evil.

   9. Assuredly you now see (what, according to your letter, you did not
   see before) how great advantage the Christian people may obtain if, in
   the presence of calamity, the presence of the servants of Christ be not
   withdrawn from them. You see, also, how much harm is done by their
   absence, when "they seek their own, not the things that are Jesus
   Christ's," [2988] and are destitute of that charity of which it is
   said, "it seeketh not her own," [2989] and fail to imitate him who
   said, "I seek not mine own profit, but the profit of many, that they
   may be saved," [2990] and who, moreover, would not have fled from the
   insidious attacks of the imperial persecutor, had he not wished to save
   himself for the sake of others to whom he was necessary; on which
   account he says, "I am in a strait betwixt two, having a desire to
   depart, and to be with Christ; which is far better: nevertheless to
   abide in the flesh is more needful for you." [2991]

   10. Here, perhaps, some one may say that the servants of God ought to
   save their lives by flight when such evils are impending, in order that
   they may reserve themselves for the benefit of the Church in more
   peaceful times. This is rightly done by some, when others are not
   wanting by whom the service of the Church may be supplied, and the work
   is not deserted by all, as we have stated above that Athanasius did;
   for the whole Catholic world knows how necessary it was to the Church
   that he should do so, and how useful was the prolonged life of the man
   who by his word and loving service defended her against the Arian
   heretics. But this ought by no means to be done when the danger is
   common to all; and the thing to be dreaded above all is, lest any one
   should be supposed to do this not from a desire to secure the welfare
   of others, but from fear of losing his own life, and should therefore
   do more harm by the example of deserting the post of duty than all the
   good that he could do by the preservation of his life for future
   service. Finally, observe how the holy David acquiesced in the urgent
   petition of his people, that he should not expose himself to the
   dangers of battle, and, as it is said in the narrative, "quench the
   light of Israel," [2992] but was not himself the first to propose it;
   for had he been so, he would have made many imitate the cowardice which
   they might have attributed to him, supposing that he had been prompted
   to this not through regard to the advantage of others, but under the
   agitation of fear as to his own life.

   11. Another question which we must not regard as unworthy of notice is
   suggested here. For if the interests of the Church are not to be lost
   sight of, and if these make it necessary that when any great calamity
   is impending some ministers should flee, in order that they may survive
   to minister to those whom they may find remaining after the calamity is
   passed,--the question arises, what is to be done when it appears that,
   unless some flee, all must perish together? what if the fury of the
   destroyer were so restricted as to attack none but the ministers of the
   Church? What shall we reply? Is the Church to be deprived of the
   service of her ministers because of fleeing from their work through
   fear lest she should be more unhappily deprived of their service
   because of their dying in the midst of their work? Of course, if the
   laity are exempted from the persecution, it is in their power to
   shelter and conceal their bishops and clergy in some way, as He shall
   help them under whose dominion all things are, and who, by His wondrous
   power, can preserve even one who does not flee from danger. But the
   reason for our inquiring what is the path of our duty in such
   circumstances is, that we may not be chargeable with tempting the Lord
   by expecting divine miraculous interposition on every occasion.

   There is, indeed, a difference in the severity of the tempest of
   calamity when the danger is common to both laity and clergy, as the
   perils of stormy weather are common to both merchants and sailors on
   board of the same ship. But far be it from us to esteem this ship of
   ours so lightly as to admit that it would be right for the crew, and
   especially for the pilot, to abandon her in the hour of peril, although
   they might have it in their power to escape by leaping into a small
   boat, or even swimming ashore. For in the case of those in regard to
   whom we fear lest through our deserting our work they should perish,
   the evil which we fear is not temporal death, which is sure to come at
   one time or other, but eternal death, which may come or may not come,
   according as we neglect or adopt measures whereby it may be averted.
   Moreover, when the lives of both laity and clergy are exposed to common
   danger, what reason have we for thinking that in every place which the
   enemy may invade all the clergy are likely to be put to death, and not
   that all the laity shall also die, in which event the clergy, and those
   to whom they are necessary, would pass from this life at the same time?
   Or why may we not hope that, as some of the laity are likely to
   survive, some of the clergy may also be spared, by whom the necessary
   ordinances may be dispensed to them?

   12. Oh that in such circumstances the question debated among the
   servants of God were which of their number should remain, that the
   Church might not be left destitute by all fleeing from danger, and
   which of their number should flee, that the Church might not left
   destitute by all perishing in the danger. Such a contest will arise
   among the brethren who are all alike glowing with love and satisfying
   the claims of love. And if it were in any case impossible otherwise to
   terminate the debate, it appears to me that the persons who are to
   remain and who are to flee should be chosen by lot. For those who say
   that they, in preference to others, ought to flee, will appear to be
   chargeable either with cowardice, as persons unwilling to face
   impending danger, or with arrogance, as esteeming their own lives more
   necessary to be preserved for the good of the Church than those of
   other men. Again, perhaps, those who are better will be the first to
   choose to lay down their lives for the brethren; and so preservation by
   flight will be given to men whose life is less valuable because their
   skill in counselling and ruling the Church is less; yet these, if they
   be pious and wise, will resist the desires of men in regard to whom
   they see, on the one hand, that it is more important for the Church
   that they should live, and on the other hand, that they would rather
   lose their lives than flee from danger. In this case, as it is written,
   "the lot causeth contentions to cease, and parteth between the mighty;"
   [2993] for, in difficulties of this kind, God judges better than men,
   whether it please Him to call the better among His servants to the
   reward of suffering, and to spare the weak, or to make the weak
   stronger to endure trials, and then to withdraw them from this life, as
   persons whose lives could not be so serviceable to the Church as the
   lives of the others who are stronger than they. If such an appeal to
   the lot be made, it will be, I admit, an unusual proceeding, but if it
   is done in any case, who will dare to find fault with it? Who but the
   ignorant or the prejudiced will hesitate to praise with the approbation
   which it deserves? If, however, the use of the lot is not adopted
   because there is no precedent for such an appeal, let it by all means
   be secured that the Church be not, through the flight of any one, left
   destitute of that ministry which is more especially necessary and due
   to her in the midst of such great dangers. Let no one hold himself in
   such esteem because of apparent superiority in any grace as to say that
   he is more worthy of life than others, and therefore more entitled to
   seek safety in flight. For whoever thinks this is too self-satisfied,
   and whoever utters this must make all dissatisfied with him.

   13. There are some who think that bishops and clergy may, by not
   fleeing but remaining in such dangers, cause the people to be misled,
   because, when they see those who are set over them remaining, this
   makes them not flee from danger. It is easy for them, however, to
   obviate this objection, and the reproach of misleading others, by
   addressing their congregations, and saying: "Let not the fact that we
   are not fleeing from this place be the occasion of misleading you, for
   we remain here not for our own sakes but for yours, that we may
   continue to minister to you whatever we know to be necessary to your
   salvation, which is in Christ; therefore, if you choose to flee, you
   thereby set us also at liberty from the obligations by which we are
   bound to remain." This, I think, ought to be said, when it seems to be
   truly advantageous to remove to places of greater security. If, after
   such words have been spoken in their hearing, either all or some shall
   say: "We are at His disposal from whose anger none can escape
   whithersoever they may go, and whose mercy may be found wherever their
   lot is cast by those who, whether hindered by known insuperable
   difficulties, or unwilling to toil after unknown refuges, in which
   perils may be only changed not finished, prefer not to go away
   elsewhere,"--most assuredly those who thus resolve to remain ought not
   to be left destitute of the service of Christian ministers. If, on the
   other hand after hearing their bishops and clergy speak as above, the
   people prefer to leave the place, to remain behind them is not now the
   duty of those who were only remaining for their sakes, because none are
   left there on whose account it would still be their duty to remain.

   14. Whoever, therefore, flees from danger in circumstances in which the
   Church is not deprived, through his flight, of necessary service, is
   doing that which the Lord has commanded or permitted. But the minister
   who flees when the consequence of his flight is the withdrawal from
   Christ's flock of that nourishment by which its spiritual life is
   sustained, is an "hireling who seeth the wolf coming, and fleeth
   because he careth not for the sheep."

   With love, which I know to be sincere, I have now written what I
   believe to be true on this question, because you asked my opinion, my
   dearly beloved brother; but I have not enjoined you to follow my
   advice, if you can find any better than mine. Be that as it may, we
   cannot find anything better for us to do in these dangers than
   continually beseech the Lord our God to have compassion on us. And as
   to the matter about which I have written, namely, that ministers should
   not desert the churches of God, some wise and holy men have by the gift
   of God been enabled both to will and to do this thing, and have not in
   the least degree faltered in the determined prosecution of their
   purpose, even though exposed to the attacks of slanderers.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2977] Bishop of Thiaba in Mauritania.

   [2978] This letter is not extant.

   [2979] Ps. xxxi. 3, LXX.

   [2980] Matt. x. 23.

   [2981] 2 Cor. xi. 33.

   [2982] 1 John iii. 16.

   [2983] John x. 12, 13.

   [2984] 1 Cor. viii. 9, 11.

   [2985] 2 Cor. xi. 29.

   [2986] Ligati.

   [2987] Matt. xxvi. 42.

   [2988] Phil. ii. 21.

   [2989] 1 Cor. xiii. 5.

   [2990] 1 Cor. x. 33.

   [2991] Phil. i. 23, 24.

   [2992] 2 Sam. xxi. 17.

   [2993] Prov. xviii. 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXXIX.

   (a.d. 429.)

   To Darius, [2994] His Deservedly Illustrious and Very Powerful Lord and
   Dear Son Christ, Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Your character and rank I have learned from my holy brothers and
   co-bishops, Urbanus and Novatus. The former of these became acquainted
   with you near Carthage, in the town of Hilari, and more recently in the
   town of Sicca; the latter at Sitifis. Through them it has come to pass
   that I cannot regard you as unknown to me. For though my bodily
   weakness and the chill of age do not permit me to converse with you
   personally, it cannot on this account be said that I have not seen you;
   for the conversation of Urbanus, when he kindly visited me, and the
   letters of Novatus, so described to me the features, not of your face
   but of your mind, that I have seen you, and have seen you with all the
   more pleasure, because I have seen not the outward appearance but the
   inner man. These features of your character are joyfully seen both by
   us, and through the mercy of God by yourself also, as in a mirror in
   the holy Gospel, in which it is written in words uttered by Him who is
   truth: "Blessed are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the
   children of God." [2995]

   2. Those warriors are indeed great and worthy of singular honour, not
   only for their consummate bravery, but also (which is a higher praise)
   for their eminent fidelity, by whose labours and dangers, along with
   the blessing of divine protection and aid, enemies previously unsubdued
   are conquered, and peace obtained for the State, and the provinces
   reduced to subjection. But it is a higher glory still to stay war
   itself with a word, than to slay men with the sword, and to procure or
   maintain peace by peace, not by war. For those who fight, if they are
   good men, doubtless seek for peace; nevertheless it is through blood.
   Your mission, however, is to prevent the shedding of blood. Yours,
   therefore, is the privilege of averting that calamity which others are
   under the necessity of producing. Therefore, my deservedly illustrious
   and very powerful lord and very dear son in Christ, rejoice in this
   singularly great and real blessing vouchsafed to you, and enjoy it in
   God, to whom you owe that you are what you are, and that you undertook
   the accomplishment of such a work. May God "strengthen that which He
   hath wrought for us through you." [2996] Accept this our salutation,
   and deign to reply. From the letter of my brother Novatus, I see that
   he has taken pains that your learned Excellency should become
   acquainted with me also through my works. If, then, you have read what
   he has given you, I also shall have become known to your inward
   perception. As far as I can judge, they will not greatly displease you
   if you have read them in a loving rather than a critical spirit. It is
   not much to ask, but it will be a great favour, if for this letter and
   my works you send us one letter in reply. I salute with due affection
   the pledge of peace, [2997] which through the favour of our Lord and
   God you have happily received.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2994] This Darius was an officer of distinction in the service of the
   Empress Placidia, and was the instrument of effecting a reconciliation
   between her and Count Boniface. He was also successful in obtaining a
   truce with the Vandals, on which Augustin congratulates him in this
   letter.

   [2995] Matt. v. 9.

   [2996] Ps. lxviii. 29.

   [2997] Verimodus, the son of Darius.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXXXI.

   (a.d. 429.)

   To Darius, His Son, and a Member of Christ, Augustin, a Servant of
   Christ and of the Members of Christ, Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. You requested an answer from me as a proof that I had gladly
   received your letter. [2998] Behold, then, I write again; and yet I
   cannot express the pleasure I felt, either by this answer or by any
   other, whether I write briefly or at the utmost length, for neither by
   few words nor by many is it possible for me to express to you what
   words can never express. I, indeed, am not eloquent, though ready in
   speech; but I could by no means allow any man, however eloquent, even
   though he could see as well into my mind as I do myself, to do that
   which is beyond my own power, viz. to describe in a letter, however
   able and however long, the effect which your epistle had on my mind. It
   remains, then, for me so to express to you what you wished to know,
   that you may understand as being in my words that which they do not
   express. What, then, shall I say? That I was delighted with your
   letter, exceedingly delighted;--the repetition of this word is not a
   mere repetition, but, as it were, a perpetual affirmation; because it
   was impossible to be always saying it, therefore it has been at least
   once repeated, for in this way perhaps my feelings may be expressed.

   2. If some one inquire here what after all delighted me so exceedingly
   in your letter,--"Was it its eloquence?" I will answer, No; and he,
   perhaps, will reply, "Was it, then, the praises bestowed on yourself?"
   but again I will reply, No; and I shall reply thus not because these
   things are not in that letter, for the eloquence in it is so great that
   it is very clearly evident that you are naturally endowed with the
   highest talents, and that you have been most carefully educated; and
   your letter is undeniably full of my praises. Some one then may say,
   "Do not these things delight you?" Yes, truly, for "my heart is not,"
   as the poet says, "of horn, [2999] so that I should either not observe
   these things or observe them without delight. These things do delight;
   but what have these things to do with that with which I said I was
   highly delighted? Your eloquence delights me since it is at once genial
   in sentiment and dignified in expression; and though assuredly I am not
   delighted with all sorts of praise from all sorts of persons, but only
   with such praises as you have thought me worthy of, and only coming
   from those who are such as you are--that is, from persons who, for
   Christ's sake, love His servants, I cannot deny that I am delighted
   with the praises bestowed upon me in your letter.

   3. Thoughtful and experienced men will be at no loss as to the opinion
   which they should form of Themistocles (if I remember the name
   rightly), who, having refused at a banquet to play on the lyre, a thing
   which the distinguished and learned men of Greece were accustomed to
   do, and having been on that account regarded as uneducated, was asked,
   when he expressed his contempt for that sort of amusement, "What, then,
   does it delight you to hear?" and is reported to have answered: "My own
   praises." Thoughtful and experienced men will readily see with what
   design and in what sense these words must have been used by him, or
   must be understood by them, if they are to believe that he uttered
   them; for he was in the affairs of this world a most remarkable man, as
   may be illustrated by the answer which he gave when he was further
   pressed with the question: "What, then, do you know?" "I know," he
   replied, "how to make a small republic great." As to the thirst for
   praise spoken of by Ennius in the words: "All men greatly desire to be
   praised," I am of opinion that it is partly to be approved of, partly
   guarded against. For as, on the one hand, we should vehemently desire
   the truth, which is undoubtedly to be eagerly sought after as alone
   worthy of praise, even though it be not praised: so, on the other hand,
   we must carefully shun the vanity which readily insinuates itself along
   with praise from men: and this vanity is present in the mind when
   either the things which are worthy of praise are not reckoned worth
   having unless the man be praised for them by his fellow-men, or things
   on account of possessing which any man wishes to be much praised are
   deserving either of small praise, or it may be of severe censure. Hence
   Horace, a more careful observer than Ennius, says: "Is fame your
   passion? Wisdom's powerful charm if thrice read over shall its power
   disarm." [3000]

   4. Thus the poet thought that the malady arising from the love of human
   praise, which was thoroughly attacked with his satire, was to be
   charmed away by words of healing power. The great Teacher has
   accordingly taught us by His apostle, that we ought not to do good with
   a view to be praised by men, that is, we ought not to make the praises
   of men the motive for our well-doing; and yet, for the sake of men
   themselves, He teaches us to seek their approbation. For when good men
   are praised, the praise does not benefit those on whom it is bestowed,
   but those who bestowed it. For to the good, so far as they are
   themselves concerned, it is enough that they are good; but those are to
   be congratulated whose interest it is to imitate the good when the good
   are praised by them, since they thus show that the persons whom they
   sincerely praise are persons whose conduct they appreciate. The apostle
   says in a certain place, "If I yet pleased men, I should not be the
   servant of Christ;" [3001] and the same apostle says in another place,
   "I please all men in all things," and adds the reason, "Not seeking
   mine own profit, but the profit of many, that they may be saved."
   [3002] Behold what he sought in the praise of men, as it is declared in
   these words: "Finally, my brethren, whatsoever things are true,
   whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever
   things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of
   good report; if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, think
   on these things. Those things, which ye have both learned, and
   received, and heard, and seen in me, do: and the God of peace shall be
   with you." [3003] All the other things which I have named above, he
   summed up under the name of Virtue, saying, "If there be any virtue;"
   but the definition which he subjoined, "Whatsoever things are of good
   report," he followed up by another suitable word, "If there be any
   praise." What the apostle says, then, in the first of these passages,
   "If I yet pleased men, I should not be the servant of Christ," is to be
   understood as if he said, If the good things which I do were done by me
   with human praise as my motive, if I were puffed up with the love of
   praise, I should not be the servant of Christ. The apostle, then,
   wished to please all men, and rejoiced in pleasing them, not that he
   might himself be inflated with their praises, but that he being praised
   might build them up in Christ. Why, then, should it not delight me to
   be praised by you, since you are too good a man to speak insincerely,
   and you bestow your praise on things which you love, and which it is
   profitable and wholesome to love, even though they be not in me? This,
   moreover, does not benefit you alone, but also me. For if they are not
   in me, it is good for me that I am put to the blush, and am made to
   burn with desire to possess them. And in regard to anything in your
   praise which I recognise as in my possession, I rejoice that I possess
   it, and that such things are loved by you, and that I am loved for
   their sake. And in regard to those things which I do not recognise as
   belonging to me, I not only desire to obtain them, that I may possess
   them for myself, but also that those who love me sincerely may not
   always be mistaken in praising me for them.

   5. Behold how many things I have said, and still I have not yet spoken
   of that in your letter which delighted me more than your eloquence, and
   far more than the praises you bestowed on me. What do you think, O
   excellent man, that this can be? It is that I have acquired the
   friendship of so distinguished a man as you are, and that without
   having even seen you; if, indeed, I ought to speak of one as unseen
   whose soul I have seen in his own letters, though I have not seen his
   body. In which letters I rest my opinion concerning you on my own
   knowledge, and not, as formerly, on the testimony of my brethren. For
   what your character was I had already heard, but how you stood affected
   to me I knew not until now. From this, your friendship to me, I doubt
   not that even the praises bestowed on me, which give me pleasure for a
   reason about which I have already said enough, will much more
   abundantly benefit the Church of Christ, since the fact that you
   possess, and study, and love, and commend my labours in defence of the
   gospel against the remnant of impious idolaters, secures for me a wider
   influence in these writings in proportion to the high position which
   you occupy; for, illustrious yourself, you insensibly shed a lustre
   upon them. You, being celebrated, give celebrity to them, and wherever
   you shall see that the circulation of them might do good, you will not
   suffer them to remain altogether unknown. If you ask me how I know
   this, my reply is, that such is the impression concerning you produced
   on me by reading your letters. Herein you will now see how great
   delight your letter could impart to me, for if your opinion of me be
   favourable, you are aware how great delight is given to me by gain to
   the cause of Christ. Moreover, when you tell me concerning yourself
   that, although, as you say, you belong to a family which not for one or
   two generations, but even to remote ancestors, has been known as able
   to accept the doctrine of Christ, you have nevertheless been aided by
   my writings against the Gentile rites so to understand these as you
   never had done before, can I esteem it a small matter how great benefit
   our writings, commended and circulated by you, may confer upon others,
   and to how many and how illustrious persons your testimony may bring
   them, and how easily and profitably through these persons they may
   reach others? Or, reflecting on this, can the joy diffused in my heart
   be small or moderate in degree?

   6. Since, then, I cannot in words express how great delight I have
   received from your letter, I have spoken of the reason why it delighted
   me, and may that which I am unable adequately to utter on this subject
   I leave to you to conjecture. Accept, then, my son--accept, O excellent
   man, Christian not by outward profession merely, but by Christian
   love--accept, I say, the books containing my "Confessions," which you
   desired to have. In these behold me, that you may not praise me beyond
   what I am; in these believe what is said of me, not by others, but by
   myself; in these contemplate me, and see what I have been in myself, by
   myself; and if anything in me please you, join me, because of it, in
   praising Him to whom, and not to myself, I desire praise to be given.
   For "He hath made us, and not we ourselves;" [3004] indeed, we had
   destroyed ourselves, but He who made us has made us anew. When,
   however, you find me in these books, pray for me that I may not fail,
   but be perfected. Pray, my son; pray. I feel what I say; I know what I
   ask. Let it not seem to you a thing unbecoming, and, as it were, beyond
   your merits. You will defraud me of a great help if you do not do so.
   Let not only you yourself, but all also who by your testimony shall
   come to love me, pray for me. Tell them that I have entreated this, and
   if you think highly of us, consider that we command what we have asked;
   in any case, whether as granting a request or obeying a command, pray
   for us. Read the Divine Scriptures, and you will find that the apostles
   themselves, the leaders of Christ's flock, requested this from their
   sons, or enjoined it on their hearers. I certainly, since you ask it of
   me, will do this for you as far as I can. He sees this who is the
   Hearer of prayer, and who saw that I prayed for you before you asked
   me; but let this proof of love be reciprocated by you. We are placed
   over you; you are the flock of God. Consider and see that our dangers
   are greater than yours, and pray for us, for this becomes both us and
   you, that we may give a good account of you to the Chief Shepherd and
   Head over us all, and may escape both from the trials of this world and
   its allurements, which are still more dangerous, except when the peace
   of this world has the effect for which the apostle has directed us to
   pray, "That we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and
   honesty." [3005] For if godliness and honesty be wanting, what is a
   quiet and peaceful exemption from the evils of the world but an
   occasion either of inviting men to enter, or assisting men to follow, a
   course of self-indulgence and perdition? Do you, then, ask for us what
   we ask for you, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all
   godliness and honesty. Let us ask this for each other wherever you are
   and wherever we are, for He whose we are is everywhere present.

   7. I have sent you also other books which you did not ask, that I might
   not rigidly restrict myself to what you asked:--my works on Faith in
   Things Unseen, on Patience, on Continence, on Providence, and a large
   work on Faith, Hope, and Charity. If, while you are in Africa, you
   shall read all these, either send your opinion of them to me, or let it
   be sent to some place whence it may be sent us by my lord and brother
   Aurelius, though wherever you shall be we hope to have letters from
   you; and do you expect letters from us as long as we are able. I most
   gratefully received the things you sent to me, in which you deigned to
   aid me both in regard to my bodily health, [3006] since you desire me
   to be free from the hindrance of sickness in devoting my time to God,
   and in regard to my library, that I may have the means to procure new
   books and repair the old. May God recompense you, both in the present
   life and in that to come, with those favours which He has prepared for
   such as He has willed you to be. I request you now to salute again for
   me, as before, the pledge of peace entrusted to you, very dear to both
   of us.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [2998] Referring to Darius' reply (Letter CCXXX.) to the foregoing
   Letter (CCXXIX.). In it, Darius, after reciprocating in the warmest
   manner every expression of admiration and esteem, expresses his hope
   that the peace concluded with the Vandals may be permanent, entreats
   Augustin to pray for him (alluding to the letter said to have been
   written by Abgaris, king ot Edessa, to our Saviour), and asks him to
   send a copy of his Confessions along with his reply to this
   communication.

   [2999] Persius, Sat. i. line 47. "Cornea."

   [3000] Horace, Book 1. Ep. i. lines 36-37. Francis' translation.

   [3001] Gal. i. 10.

   [3002] 1 Cor. x. 33.

   [3003] Phil. iv. 8-9.

   [3004] Ps. c. 3.

   [3005] 1 Tim. ii. 2.

   [3006] The reference is to some medicines sent by Darius, and mentioned
   by him in the end of his letters.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Fourth Division.

   [Hitherto the order followed in the arrangement of the letters has been
   the chronological. It being impossible to ascertain definitely the date
   of composition of thirty-nine of the letters, these have been placed by
   the Benedictine editors in the fourth division, and in it they are
   arranged under two principal divisions, the first embracing some
   controversial letters, and the second a number of those which were
   occasioned either by Augustin's interest in the welfare of individuals,
   or by the claims of official duty.]

   Letter CCXXXII.

   To the People of Madaura, My Lords Worthy of Praise, and Brethren Most
   Beloved, Augustin Sends Greeting, in Reply to the Letter Received by
   the Hands of Brother Florentinus.

   1. If, perchance, such a letter as I have received was sent to me by
   those among you who are Catholic Christians, the only thing at which I
   am surprised is, that it was sent in the name of the municipality, and
   not in their own name. If, however, it has pleased all or almost all of
   your men of rank to send a letter to me, I am surprised at the title
   "Father" and the "salutation in the Lord" addressed to me by you, of
   whom I know certainly, and with much regret, that you regard with
   superstitious veneration those idols against which your temples are
   more easily shut than your hearts; or, I should rather say, those idols
   which are not more truly shut up in your temples than in your hearts.
   [3007] Can it be that you are at last, after wise reflection, seriously
   thinking of that salvation which is in the Lord, in whose name you have
   chosen to salute me? For if it be not so, I ask you, my lords worthy of
   all praise, and brethren most beloved, in what have I injured, in what
   have I offended your benevolence, that you should think it right to
   treat me with ridicule rather than with respect in the salutation
   prefixed to your letter?

   2. For when I read the words, "To Father Augustin, eternal salvation in
   the Lord," I was suddenly elated with such fulness of hope, that I
   believed you either already converted to the Lord Himself, and to that
   eternal salvation of which He is the author, or desirous, through our
   ministry, to be so converted. But when I read the rest of the letter my
   heart was chilled. I inquired, however, from the bearer of the letter,
   whether you were already Christians or were desirous to be so. After I
   learned from his answer that you were in no way changed, I was deeply
   grieved that you thought it right not only to reject the name of
   Christ, to whom you already see the whole world submitting, but even to
   insult His name in my person; for I could not think of any other Lord
   than Christ the Lord in whom a bishop could be addressed by you as a
   father, and if there had been any doubt as to the meaning to be
   attached to your words, it would have been removed by the closing
   sentence of your letter, where you say plainly, "We desire that, for
   many years, your lordship may always, in the midst of your clergy, be
   glad in God and His Christ." After reading and pondering all these
   things, what could I (or, indeed, could any man) think but that these
   words were written either as the genuine expression of the mind of the
   writers, or with an intention to deceive? If you write these things as
   the genuine expression of your mind, who has barred your way to the
   truth? Who has strewn it with thorns? What enemy has placed masses of
   rock across your path? In fine, if you are desiring to come in, who has
   shut the door of our places of worship against you, so that you are
   unwilling to enjoy the same salvation with us in the same Lord in whose
   name you salute us? But if you write these things deceitfully and
   mockingly, do you, then, in the very act of imposing on me the care of
   your affairs, presume to insult, with the language of feigned
   adulation, the name of Him through whom alone I can do anything,
   instead of honouring Him with the veneration which is due to Him?

   3. Be assured, dearest brethren, that it is with inexpressible
   trembling of heart on your account that I write this letter to you, for
   I know how much greater in the judgment of God must be your guilt and
   your doom if I shall have said these things to you in vain. In regard
   to everything in the history of the human race which our forefathers
   observed and handed down to us, and not less in regard to everything
   connected with the seeking and holding of true religion which we now
   see and put on record for those who come after us, the Divine
   Scriptures have not been silent; so far from this, all things come to
   pass exactly according to the predictions of Scripture. You cannot deny
   that you see the Jewish people torn from the abodes of their ancestry,
   dispersed and scattered over almost every country: now, the origin of
   that people, their gradual increase, their losing of the kingdom, their
   dispersion through all the world, have happened exactly as foretold.
   You cannot deny that you see that the word of the Lord, and the law
   coming forth from that people through Christ, who was miraculously born
   among their nation, has taken and retained possession of the faith of
   all nations: now we read of all these announced beforehand as we see
   them. You cannot deny that you see what we call heresies and schisms,
   that is, many cut off from the root of the Christian society, which by
   means of the Apostolic Sees, and the successions of bishops, is spread
   abroad in an indisputably world-wide diffusion, claiming the name of
   Christians, and as withering branches boasting of the mere appearance
   of being derived from the true vine: all this has been foreseen,
   predicted, and described in Scripture. You cannot deny that you see
   some temples of the idols fallen into ruin through neglect, others
   thrown down by violence, others closed, and some applied to other
   purposes; you see the idols themselves either broken to pieces, or
   burnt, or shut up, or destroyed, and the same powers of this world, who
   in defence of idols persecuted Christians, now vanquished and subdued
   by Christians, who did not fight for the truth but died for it, and
   directing their attacks and their laws against the very idols in
   defence of which they put Christians to death, and the highest
   dignitary of the noblest empire laying aside his crown and kneeling as
   a suppliant at the tomb of the fisherman Peter.

   4. The Divine Scriptures, which have now come into the hands of all,
   testified long before that all these things would come to pass. We
   rejoice that all these things have happened, with a faith which is
   strong in proportion to the discovery thereby made of the greatness of
   the authority with which they are declared in the sacred Scriptures.
   Seeing, then, that all these things have come to pass as foretold, are
   we, I ask, to suppose that the judgment of God, which we read of in the
   same Scriptures as appointed to separate finally between the believing
   and the unbelieving, is the only event in regard to which the prophecy
   is to fail? Yea, certainly, as all these events have come, it shall
   also come. Nor shall there be a man of our time who shall be able in
   that day to plead anything in defence of his unbelief. For the name of
   Christ is on the lips of every man: it is invoked by the just man in
   doing justice, by the perjurer in the act of deceiving, by the king to
   confirm his rule, by the soldier to nerve himself for battle, by the
   husband to establish his authority, by the wife to confess her
   submission, by the father to enforce his command, by the son to declare
   his obedience, by the master in supporting his right to govern, by the
   slave in performing his duty, by the humble in quickening piety, by the
   proud in stimulating ambition, by the rich man when he gives, and by
   the poor when he receives an alms, by the drunkard at his wine-cup, by
   the beggar at the gate, by the good man in keeping his word, by the
   wicked man in violating his promises: all frequently use the name of
   Christ, the Christian with genuine reverence, the Pagan with feigned
   respect; and they shall undoubtedly give to that same Being whom they
   invoke an account both of the spirit and of the language in which they
   repeat His name.

   5. There is One invisible, from whom, as the Creator and First Cause,
   all things seen by us derive their being: He is supreme, eternal,
   unchangeable, and comprehensible by none save Himself alone. There is
   One by whom the supreme Majesty utters and reveals Himself, namely, the
   Word, not inferior to Him by whom it is begotten and uttered, by which
   Word He who begets it is manifested. There is One who is holiness, the
   sanctifier of all that becomes holy, who is the inseparable and
   undivided mutual communion between this unchangeable Word by whom that
   First Cause is revealed, and that First Cause who reveals Himself by
   the Word which is His equal. But who is able with perfectly calm and
   pure mind to contemplate this whole Essence (whom I have endeavoured to
   describe without giving His name, instead of giving His name without
   describing Him), and to draw blessedness from that contemplation, and
   by sinking, as it were, in the rapture of such meditation, to become
   oblivious of self, and to press on to that the sight of which is beyond
   our sphere of perception; in other words, to be clothed with
   immortality, and obtain that eternal salvation which you were pleased
   to desire on my behalf in your greeting? Who, I say, is able to do this
   but the man who, confessing his sins, shall have levelled with the dust
   all the vain risings of pride, and prostrated himself in meekness and
   humility to receive God as his Teacher?

   6. Since, therefore, it is necessary that we be first brought down from
   vain self-sufficiency to lowliness of spirit, that rising thence we may
   attain to real exaltation, it was not possible that this spirit could
   be produced in us by any method at once more glorious and more gentle
   (subduing our haughtiness by persuasion instead of violence) than that
   the Word by whom the Father reveals Himself to angels, who is His Power
   and Wisdom, who could not be discerned by the human heart so long as it
   was blinded by love for the things which are seen, should condescend to
   assume our nature, and so to exercise and manifest His personality when
   incarnate as to make men more afraid of being elated by the pride of
   man, than of being brought low after the example of God. Therefore the
   Christ who is preached throughout the whole world is not Christ adorned
   with an earthly crown, nor Christ rich in earthly treasures, nor Christ
   illustrious for earthly prosperity, but Christ crucified. This was
   ridiculed, at first, by whole nations of proud men, and is still
   ridiculed by a remnant among the nations, but it was the object of
   faith at first to a few and now to whole nations, because when Christ
   crucified was preached at that time, notwithstanding the ridicule of
   the nations, to the few who believed, the lame received power to walk,
   the dumb to speak, the deaf to hear, the blind to see, and the dead
   were restored to life. Thus, at length, the pride of this world was
   convinced that, even among the things of this world, there is nothing
   more powerful than the humility of God, [3008] so that beneath the
   shield of a divine example that humility, which it is most profitable
   for men to practise, might find defence against the contemptuous
   assaults of pride.

   7. O men of Madaura, my brethren, nay, my fathers, [3009] I beseech you
   to awake at last: this opportunity of writing to you God has given to
   me. So far as I could, I rendered my service and help in the business
   of brother Florentinus, by whom, as God willed it, you wrote to me; but
   the business was of such a nature, that even without my assistance it
   might have been easily transacted, for almost all the men of his
   family, who reside at Hippo, know Florentinus, and deeply regret his
   bereavement. But the letter was sent by you to me, that, having
   occasion to reply, it might not seem presumptuous on my part, when the
   opportunity was afforded me by yourselves, to say something concerning
   Christ to the worshippers of idols. But I beseech you, if you have not
   taken His name in vain in that epistle, suffer not these things which I
   write to you to be in vain; but if in using His name you wished to mock
   me, fear Him whom the world formerly in its pride scorned as a
   condemned criminal, and whom the same world now, subjected to His sway,
   awaits as its Judge. For the desire of my heart for you, expressed as
   far as in my power by this letter, shall witness against you at the
   judgment-seat of Him who shall establish for ever those who believe in
   Him and confound the unbelieving. May the one true God deliver you
   wholly from the vanity of this world, and turn you to Himself, my lords
   worthy of all praise and brethren most beloved.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [3007] Reference is here made to the laws of Honorius against idolatry,
   passed in A.D. 399. See below in sec. 3.

   [3008] 1 Cor. i. 23-25.

   [3009] Referring to his birth at Tagaste (not far distant from
   Madaura), and to Madaura as the scene of the studies of his boyhood.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXXXVII.

   This letter was addressed to Ceretius, a bishop, who had sent to
   Augustin certain apocryphal writings, on which the Spanish heretical
   sect called Priscillianists [3010] founded some of their doctrines.
   Ceretius had especially directed his attention to a hymn which they
   alleged to have been composed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and given by
   Him to His disciples on that night on which He was betrayed, when they
   sang an "hymn" before going out to the Mount of Olives. The length of
   the letter precludes its insertion here, but we believe it will
   interest many to read the few lines of this otherwise long-forgotten
   hymn, which Augustin has here preserved. They are as follows:--

   "Salvare volo et salvari volo;

   Solvere volo et solvi volo;

   Ornare volo et ornari volo;

   Generari volo;

   Cantare volo, saltate cuncti:

   Plangere volo, tundite vos omnes:

   Lucerna sum tibi, ille qui me vides;

   Janua sum tibi, quicunque me pulsas;

   Qui vides quod ago, tace opera mea;

   Verbo illusi cuncta et non sum illusus in totum."

   The reader who ponders these extracts, and remembers the occasion on
   which the hymn is alleged to have been composed, will agree with us
   that Augustin employs a very unnecessary fulness of argument in
   devoting several paragraphs to demolish the claims advanced on its
   behalf as a revelation more profound and sacred than anything contained
   in the canonical Scriptures. Augustin also brings against the
   Priscillianists the charge of justifying perjury when it might be of
   service in concealing their real opinions, and quotes a line in which,
   as he had heard from some who once belonged to that sect, the
   lawfulness of such deceitful conduct was taught:--

   "Jura, perjura, secretum prodere noli."
     __________________________________________________________________

   [3010] See p. 268, note 6.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXLV.

   To Possidius, [3011] My Most Beloved Lord and Venerable Brother and
   Partner in the Sacerdotal Office, and to the Brethren Who are with Him,
   Augustin and the Brethren Who are with Him Send Greeting in the Lord.

   1. It requires more consideration to decide what to do with those who
   refuse to obey you, than to discover how to show them that things which
   they do are unlawful. Meanwhile, however, the letter of your Holiness
   has come upon me when I am exceedingly pressed with business, and the
   very hasty departure of the bearer has made it necessary for me to
   write you in reply, but has not given me time to answer as I ought to
   have done in regard to the matters on which you have consulted me. Let
   me say, however, in regard to ornaments of gold and costly dress, that
   I would not have you come to a precipitate decision in the way of
   forbidding their use, except in the case of those who, neither being
   married nor intending to marry, are bound to consider only how they may
   please God. But those who belong to the world have also to consider how
   they may in these things please their wives if they be husbands, their
   husbands if they be wives; [3012] with this limitation, that it is not
   becoming even in married women to uncover their hair, since the apostle
   commands women to keep their heads covered. [3013] As to the use of
   pigments by women in colouring the face, in order to have a ruddier or
   a fairer complexion, this is a dishonest artifice, by which I am sure
   that even their own husbands do not wish to be deceived; and it is only
   for their own husbands that women ought to be permitted to adorn
   themselves, according to the toleration, not the injunction, of
   Scripture. For the true adorning, especially of Christian men and
   women, consists not only in the absence of all deceitful painting of
   the complexion, but in the possession not of magnificent golden
   ornaments or rich apparel, but of a blameless life.

   2. As for the accursed superstition of wearing amulets (among which the
   earrings worn by men at the top of the ear on one side are to be
   reckoned), it is practised with the view not of pleasing men, but of
   doing homage to devils. But who can expect to find in Scripture express
   prohibition of every form of wicked superstition, seeing that the
   apostle says generally, "I would not that ye should have fellowship
   with devils," [3014] and again, "What concord hath Christ with Belial?"
   [3015] unless, perchance, the fact that he named Belial, while he
   forbade in general terms fellowship with devils, leaves it open for
   Christians to sacrifice to Neptune, because we nowhere read an express
   prohibition of the worship of Neptune! Meanwhile, let those unhappy
   people be admonished that, if they persist in disobedience to salutary
   precepts, they must at least forbear from defending their impieties,
   and thereby involving themselves in greater guilt. But why should we
   argue at all with them if they are afraid to take off their earrings,
   and are not afraid to receive the body of Christ while wearing the
   badge of the devil?

   As to ordaining a man who was baptized in the Donatist sect, I cannot
   take the responsibility of recommending you to do this; it is one thing
   for you to do it if you are left without alternative, it is another
   thing for me to advise that you should do it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [3011] Possidius, a disciple of Augustin, spoken of in Letter CI. sec.
   1, p. 412 was the Bishop of Calama who made the narrow escape recorded
   in Letter XCI. sec. 8, p. 379. He was for forty years an intimate
   friend of Augustin, was with him at his death, and wrote his biography.

   [3012] 1 Cor. vii. 32-34.

   [3013] 1 Cor. xi. 5-13.

   [3014] 1 Cor. x. 20.

   [3015] 2 Cor. vi. 15.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCXLVI.

   To Lampadius, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   1. On the subject of Fate and Fortune, by which, as I perceived when I
   was with you, and as I now know in a more gratifying and more reliable
   way by your own letter, your mind is seriously disturbed, I ought to
   write you a considerable volume; the Lord will enable me to explain it
   in the manner which He knows to be best fitted to preserve your faith.
   For it is no small evil that when men embrace perverse opinions they
   are not only drawn by the allurement of pleasure to commit sin, but are
   also turned aside to vindicate their sin rather than seek to have it
   healed by acknowledging that they have done wrong.

   2. Let me, therefore, briefly remind you of one thing bearing on the
   question which you certainly know, that all laws and all means of
   discipline, commendations, censures, exhortations, threatenings,
   rewards, punishments, and all other things by which mankind are managed
   and ruled, are utterly subverted and overthrown, and found to be
   absolutely devoid of justice, unless the will is the cause of the sins
   which a man commits. How much more legitimate and right, therefore, is
   it for us to reject the absurdities of astrologers [mathematici], than
   to submit to the alternative necessity of condemning and rejecting the
   laws proceeding from divine authority, or even the means needful for
   governing our own families. In this the astrologers themselves ignore
   their own doctrine as to Fate and Fortune, for when any one of them,
   after selling to moneyed simpletons his silly prognostications of Fate,
   calls back his thoughts from the ivory tablets to the management and
   care of his own house, he reproves his wife, not with words only, but
   with blows, if he finds her, I do not say jesting rather forwardly, but
   even looking too much out of the window. Nevertheless, if she were to
   expostulate in such a case, saying: "Why beat me? beat Venus, rather,
   if you can, since it is under that planet's influence that I am
   compelled to do what you complain of,"--he would certainly apply his
   energies not to invent some of the absurd jargon by which he cajoles
   the public, but to inflict some of the just correction by which he
   maintains his authority at home.

   3. When, therefore, any one, upon being reproved, affirms that Fate is
   the cause of the action, and insists that therefore he is not to be
   blamed, because he says that under the compulsion of Fate he did the
   action which is censured, let him come back to apply this to his own
   case, let him observe this principle in managing his own affairs: let
   him not chastise a dishonest servant; let him not complain of a
   disrespectful son; let him not utter threats against a mischievous
   neighbour. For in doing which of these things would he act justly, if
   all from whom he suffers such wrong are impelled to commit it by Fate,
   not by any fault of their own? If, however, from the fight inherent in
   himself, and the duty incumbent on him as the head of a family towards
   all whom for the time he has under his control, he exhorts them to do
   good, deters them from doing evil, commands them to obey his will,
   honours those who yield implicit obedience, inflicts punishment on
   those who set him at naught, gives thanks to those who do him good, and
   hates those who are ungrateful,--shall I wait to prove the absurdity of
   the astrologers calculations of Fate, when I find him proclaiming, not
   by words but by deeds, things so conclusive against his pretensions
   that he seems to destroy almost with his own hands every hair on the
   heads of the astrologers?

   If your eager desire is not satisfied with these few sentences, and
   demands a book which will take longer time to read on this subject, you
   must wait patiently until I get some respite from other duties; and you
   must pray to God that He may be pleased to allow both leisure and
   capacity to write, so as to set your mind at rest on this matter. I
   will, however, do this with more willing readiness, if your Charity
   does not grudge to remind me of it by frequent letters, and to show me
   in your reply what you think of this letter.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCL.

   To His Beloved Lord and Venerable Brother and Partner in the Priestly
   Office, Auxilius, [3016] Augustin Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. Our son Classicianus, a man of rank, has addressed to me a letter
   complaining bitterly that he has suffered excommunication wrongfully at
   the hand of your Holiness. His account of the matter is, that he came
   to the church with a small escort suitable to his official authority,
   and begged of you that you would not, to the detriment of their own
   spiritual welfare, extend the privilege of the sanctuary to men who,
   after violating an oath which they had taken on the Gospel, were
   seeking in the house of faith itself assistance and protection in their
   crime of breaking faith; that thereafter the men themselves, reflecting
   on the sin which they had committed, went forth from the church, not
   under violent compulsion, but of their own accord; and that because of
   this transaction your Holiness was so displeased with him, that with
   the usual forms of ecclesiastical procedure you smote him and all his
   household with a sentence of excommunication.

   On reading this letter from him, being very much troubled, the thoughts
   of my heart being agitated like the waves of a stormy sea, I felt it
   impossible to forbear from writing to you, to beg that if you have
   thoroughly examined your judgment in this matter, and have proved it by
   irrefragable reasoning or Scripture testimonies, you will have the
   kindness to teach me also the grounds on which it is just that a son
   should be anathematized for the sin of his father, or a wife for the
   sin of her husband, or a servant for the sin of his master, or how it
   is just that even the child as yet unborn should lie under an anathema,
   and be debarred, even though death were imminent, from the deliverance
   provided in the laver of regeneration, if he happen to be born in a
   family at the time when the whole household is under the ban of
   excommunication. For this is not one of those judgments merely
   affecting the body, in which, as we read in Scripture, some despisers
   of God were slain with all their households, though these had not been
   sharers in their impiety. In those cases, indeed, as a warning to the
   survivors, death was inflicted on bodies which, as mortal, were
   destined at some time to die; but a spiritual judgment, founded on what
   is written, "That which ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in
   heaven," [3017] --is binding on souls, concerning which it is said, "As
   the soul of the father is mine, so also the soul of the son is mine:
   the soul that sinneth it shall die." [3018]

   2. It may be that you have heard that other priests of great reputation
   have in some cases included the household of a transgressor in the
   anathema pronounced on him; but these could, perchance, if they were
   required, give a good reason for so doing. For my own part, although I
   have been most grievously troubled by the cruel excesses with which
   some men have vexed the Church, I have never ventured to do as you have
   done, for this reason, that if any one were to challenge me to justify
   such an act, I could give no satisfactory reply. But if, perchance, the
   Lord has revealed to you that it may be justly done, I by no means
   despise your youth and your inexperience, as having been but recently
   elevated to high office in the Church. Behold, though far advanced in
   life, I am ready to learn from one who is but young; and
   notwithstanding the number of years for which I have been a bishop, I
   am ready to learn from one who has not yet been a twelvemonth in the
   same office, if he undertakes to teach me how we can justify our
   conduct, either before men or before God, if we inflict a spiritual
   punishment on innocent souls because of another person's crime, in
   which they are not involved in the same way as they are involved in the
   original sin of Adam, in whom "all have sinned." For although the son
   of Classicianus derived through his father, from our first parent,
   guilt which behoved to be washed away by the sacred waters of baptism,
   who hesitates for a moment to say that he is in no way responsible for
   any sin which his father may have committed, since he was born, without
   his participation? What shall I say of his wife? What of so many souls
   in the entire household?--of which if even one, in consequence of the
   severity which included the whole household in the excommunication,
   should perish through departing from the body without baptism, the loss
   thus occasioned would be an incomparably greater calamity than the
   bodily death of an innumerable multitude, even though they were
   innocent men, dragged from the courts of the sanctuary and murdered.
   If, therefore, you are able to give a good reason for this, I trust
   that you will in your reply communicate it to me, that I also may be
   able to do the same; but if you cannot, what right have you to do,
   under the promptings of inconsiderate excitement, an act for which, if
   you were asked to give a satisfactory reason, you could find none?

   3. What I have said hitherto applies to the case even on the
   supposition that our son Classicianus has done something which might
   appear to demand most righteously at your hands the punishment of
   excommunication. But if the letter which he sent to me contained the
   truth, there was no reason why even he himself (even though his
   household had been exempted from the stroke) should have been so
   punished. As to this, however, I do not interfere with your Holiness; I
   only beseech you to pardon him when he asks forgiveness, if he
   acknowledges his fault; and if, on the other hand, you, upon
   reflection, acknowledge that he did nothing wrong, since in fact the
   right rather lay on his side who earnestly demanded that in the house
   of faith, faith should be sacredly kept, and that it should not be
   broken in the place where the sinfulness of such breach of faith is
   taught from day to day, do, in this event, what a man of, piety ought
   to do,--that is to say, if to you as a man anything has happened such
   as was confessed by one who was truly a man of God in the words of the
   psalm, "Mine eye was discomposed by anger," [3019] fail not to cry to
   the Lord, as he did, "Have pity on me, O Lord, for I am weak," [3020]
   so that He may stretch forth His right hand to you, rebuking the storm
   of your passion, and making your mind calm that you may see and may
   perform what is just; for, as it is written, "the wrath of man worketh
   not the righteousness of God." [3021] And think not that, because we
   are bishops, it is impossible for unjust passionate resentment to gain
   secretly upon us; let us rather remember that, because we are men, our
   life in the midst of temptation's snares is, beset with the greatest
   possible dangers. Cancel, therefore, the ecclesiastical sentence which,
   perhaps under the influence of unusual excitement, you have passed; and
   let the mutual love which, even from the time when you were a
   catechumen, has united him and you, be restored again; let strife be
   banished and peace invited to return, lest this man who is your friend
   be lost to you, and the devil who is your enemy rejoice over you both.
   Mighty is the mercy of our God; it may be that His compassion shall
   hear even my prayer, imploring of Him that my sorrow on your account
   may not be increased, but that rather what I have begun to suffer may
   be removed; and may your youth, not despising my old age, be encouraged
   and made full of joy by His grace! Farewell!

   [Annexed to this letter is a fragment of a letter written at the same
   time to Classicianus; it is as follows:--

   To restrain those who for the offence of one soul bind a transgressor's
   entire household, that is, a large number of souls, under one sentence
   of excommunication, and especially to prevent any one from departing
   this life unbaptized in consequence of such an anathema,--also to
   decide the question whether persons ought not to be driven forth even
   from a church, who seek a refuge there in order that they may break the
   faith pledged to sureties, I desire with the Lord's help to use the
   necessary measures in our Council, and, if it be necessary, to write to
   the Apostolic See; that, by a unanimous authoritative decision of all,
   we may have the course which ought to be followed in these cases
   determined and established. One thing I say deliberately as an
   unquestionable truth, that if any believer has been wrongfully
   excommunicated, the sentence will do harm rather to him who pronounces
   it than to him who suffers this wrong. For it is by the Holy Spirit
   dwelling in holy persons that any one is loosed or bound, and He
   inflicts unmerited punishment upon no one; for by Him the love which
   worketh not evil is shed abroad in our hearts. [3022] ]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [3016] Probably the Bishop of Nurco, named Auxilius, who was present at
   the conference in Carthage in 411.

   [3017] Matt. xvi. 19.

   [3018] Ezek. xviii. 14.

   [3019] Ps. vi. 8, LXX.

   [3020] Ps. vi. 3.

   [3021] Jas. i. 20.

   [3022] This noble vindication of Christian liberty merits quotation in
   the original:--"Illud plane non temere dixerim, quod si quisquam
   fidelium fuerit anathematus injuste, ei potius oberit qui faciet quam
   ei qui hanc patietur injuriam. Spiritus enim sanctus habitans in
   sanctis, per quem quisque ligatur aut solvitur, immeritam nulli pænam
   ingerit: per eum quippe diffunditur charitas in cordibus nostris quæ
   non agit perperam."
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCLIV.

   To Benenatus, My Most Blessed Lord, My Esteemed and Amiable Brother and
   Partner in the Priestly Office, and to the Brethren Who are with Him,
   Augustin and the Brethren Who are with Him Send Greeting in the Lord.

   The maiden [3023] about whom your Holiness wrote to me is at present
   disposed to think, that if she were of full age she would refuse every
   proposal of marriage. She is, however, so young, that even if she were
   disposed to marriage, she ought not yet to be either given or betrothed
   to any one. Besides this, my lord Benenatus, brother revered and
   beloved, it must be remembered that God takes her under guardianship in
   His Church with the design of protecting her against wicked men;
   placing her, therefore, under my care not so as that she can be given
   by me to whomsoever I might choose, but so as that she cannot be taken
   away against my will by any person who would be an unsuitable partner.
   The proposal which you have been pleased to mention is one which, if
   she were disposed and prepared to marry, would not displease me; but
   whether she will marry any one,--although for my own part, I would much
   prefer that she carried out what she now talks of,--I do not in the
   meantime know, for she is at an age in which her declaration that she
   wishes to be a nun is to be received rather as the flippant utterance
   of one talking heedlessly, than as the deliberate promise of one making
   a solemn vow. Moreover, she has an aunt by the mother's side married to
   our honourable brother Felix, with whom I have conferred in regard to
   this matter,--for I neither could, nor indeed should have avoided
   consulting him,--and he has not been reluctant to entertain the
   proposal, but has, on the contrary, expressed his satisfaction; but he
   expressed not unreasonably his regret that nothing had been written to
   him on the subject, although his relationship entitled him to be
   apprised of it. For, perhaps, the mother of the maiden will also come
   forward, though in the meantime she does not make herself known, and to
   a mother's wishes in regard to the giving away of a daughter, nature
   gives in my opinion the precedence above all others, unless the maiden
   herself be already old enough to have legitimately a stronger claim to
   choose for herself what she pleases. I wish your Honour also to
   understand, that if the final and entire authority in the matter of her
   marriage were committed to me, and she herself, being of age and
   willing to marry, were to entrust herself to me under God as my Judge
   to give her to whomsoever I thought best,--I declare, and I declare the
   truth, in saying that the proposal which you mention pleases me
   meanwhile, but because of God being my Judge I cannot pledge myself to
   reject on her behalf a better offer if it were made; but whether any
   such proposal shall at any future time be made is wholly uncertain.
   Your Holiness perceives, therefore, how many important considerations
   concur to make it impossible for her to be, in the meantime, definitely
   promised to any one.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [3023] The maiden referred to was an orphan whom a magistrate (vir
   spectabilis) had requested Augustin to bring up as a ward of the
   Church. Four letters written by him concerning her have been preserved,
   viz. the 252d, in which he intimates to Felix that he can decide
   nothing in regard to her without consulting the friend by whom she had
   been placed under his guardianship; the 253d, expressing to Benenatus
   his surprise that he should propose for her a marriage which would not
   strengthen the Church; the 254th, addressed also to Benenatus, which we
   have translated as a specimen of the series; and the 255th, in which,
   writing to Rusticus, a Pagan who had sought her hand for his son,
   Augustin bluntly denies his request, referring him for the grounds of
   the refusal to his correspondence with Benenatus.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCLXIII.

   To the Eminently Religious Lady and Holy Daughter Sapida, Augustin
   Sends Greeting in the Lord.

   1. The gift prepared by the just and pious industry of your own hands,
   and kindly presented by you to me, I have accepted, lest I should
   increase the grief of one who needs, as I perceive, much rather to be
   comforted by me; especially because you expressed yourself as esteeming
   it no small consolation to you if I would wear this tunic, which you
   had made for that holy servant of God your brother, since he, having
   departed from the land of the dying, is raised above the need of the
   things which perish in the using. I have, therefore, complied with your
   desire, and whatever be the kind and degree of consolation which you
   may feel this to yield, I have not refused it to your affection for
   your brother. [3024] The tunic which you sent I have accordingly
   accepted, and have already begun to wear it before writing this to you.
   Be therefore of good cheer; but apply yourself, I beseech you, to far
   better and far greater consolations, in order that the cloud which,
   through human weakness, gathers darkness closely round your heart, may
   be dissipated by the words of divine authority; and, at all times, so
   live that you may live with your brother, since he has so died that he
   lives still.

   2. It is indeed a cause for tears that your brother, who loved you, and
   who honoured you especially for your pious life, and your profession as
   a consecrated virgin, is no more before your eyes, as hitherto, going
   in and out in the assiduous discharge of his ecclesiastical duties as a
   deacon of the church of Carthage, and that you shall no more hear from
   his lips the honourable testimony which, with kindly, pious, and
   becoming affection, he was wont to render to the holiness of a sister
   so dear to him. When these things are pondered, and are regretfully
   desired [3025] with all the vehemence of long-cherished affection, the
   heart is pierced, and, like blood from the pierced heart, tears flow
   apace. But let your heart rise heavenward, and your eyes will cease to
   weep. [3026] The things over the loss of which you mourn have indeed
   passed away, for they were in their nature temporary, but their loss
   does not involve the annihilation of that love with which Timotheus
   loved [his sister] Sapida, and loves her still: it abides in its own
   treasury, and is hidden with Christ in God. Does the miser lose his
   gold when he stores it in a secret place? Does he not then become, so
   far as lies in his power, more confidently assured that the gold is in
   his possession when he keeps it in some safer hiding-place, where it is
   hidden even from his eyes? Earthly covetousness believes that it has
   found a safer guardianship for its loved treasures when it no longer
   sees them; and shall heavenly love sorrow as if it had lost for ever
   that which it has only sent before it to the garner of the upper world?
   O Sapida, give yourself wholly to your high calling, and set your
   affections [3027] on things above, where, at the right hand of God,
   Christ sitteth, who condescended for us to die, that we, though we were
   dead, might live, and to secure that no man should fear death as if it
   were destined to destroy him, and that no one of those for whom the
   Life died should after death be mourned for as if he had lost life.
   Take to yourself these and other similar divine consolations, before
   which human sorrow may blush and flee away.

   3. There is nothing in the sorrow of mortals over their dearly beloved
   dead which merits displeasure; but the sorrow of believers ought not to
   be prolonged. If, therefore, you have been grieved till now, let this
   grief suffice, and sorrow not as do the heathen, "who have no hope."
   [3028] For when the Apostle Paul said this, he did not prohibit sorrow
   altogether, but only such sorrow as the heathen manifest who have no
   hope. For even Martha and Mary, pious sisters, and believers, wept for
   their brother Lazarus, of whom they knew that he would rise again,
   though they knew not that he was at that time to be restored to life;
   and the Lord Himself wept for that same Lazarus, whom He was going to
   bring back from death; [3029] wherein doubtless He by His example
   permitted, though He did not by any precept enjoin, the shedding of
   tears over the graves even of those regarding whom we believe that they
   shall rise again to the true life. Nor is it without good reason that
   Scripture saith in the book of Ecclesiasticus: "Let tears fall down
   over the dead, and begin to lament as if thou hadst suffered great harm
   thyself;" but adds, a little further on, this counsel, "and then
   comfort thyself for thy heaviness. For of heaviness cometh death, and
   the heaviness of the heart breaketh strength." [3030]

   4. Your brother, my daughter, is alive as to the soul, is asleep as to
   the body: "Shall not he who sleeps also rise again from sleep?" [3031]
   God, who has already received his spirit, shall again give back to him
   his body, which He did not take away to annihilate, but only took aside
   to restore. There is therefore no reason for protracted sorrow, since
   there is a much stronger reason for everlasting joy. For even the
   mortal part of your brother, which has been buried in the earth, shall
   not be for ever lost to you;--that part in which he was visibly present
   with you, through which also he addressed you and conversed with you,
   by which he spoke with a voice not less thoroughly known to your ear
   than was his countenance when presented to your eyes, so that, wherever
   the sound of his voice was heard, even though he was not seen, he used
   to be at once recognised by you. These things are indeed withdrawn so
   as to be no longer perceived by the senses of the living, that the
   absence of the dead may make surviving friends mourn for them. But
   seeing that even the bodies of the dead shall not perish (as not even a
   hair of the head shall perish), [3032] but shall, after being laid
   aside for a time, be received again never more to be laid aside, but
   fixed finally in the higher condition of existence into which they
   shall have been changed, certainly there is more cause for thankfulness
   in the sure hope for an immeasurable eternity, than for sorrow in the
   transient experience of a very short span of time. This hope the
   heathen do not possess, because they know not the Scriptures nor the
   power of God, [3033] who is able to restore what was lost, to quicken
   what was dead, to renew what has been subjected to corruption, to
   re-unite things which have been severed from each other, and to
   preserve thenceforward for evermore what was originally corruptible and
   shortlived. These things He has promised, who has, by the fulfilment of
   other promises, given our faith good ground to believe that these also
   shall be fulfilled. Let your faith often discourse now to you on these
   things, because your hope shall not be disappointed, though your love
   may be now for a season interrupted in its exercise; ponder these
   things; in them find more solid and abundant consolation. For if the
   fact that I now wear (because he could not) the garment which you had
   woven for your brother yields some comfort to you, how much more full
   and satisfactory the comfort which you should find in considering that
   he for whom this was prepared, and who then did not require an
   imperishable garment, shall be clothed with incorruption and
   immortality!
     __________________________________________________________________

   [3024] The hesitation which Augustin here indicates in regard to
   accepting this gift may be understood from the following sentences of
   one of his sermons:--"Let no one give me a present of clothing, whether
   linen, or tunic, or any other article of dress, except as a gift to be
   used in common by my brethren and myself. I will accept nothing for
   myself which is not to be of service to our community, because I do not
   wish to have anything which does not equally belong to all the rest.
   Wherefore I request you, my brethren, to offer me no gift of apparel
   which may not be worn by the others as suitably as by me. A gift of
   costly raiment, for example, may sometimes be presented to me as
   becoming apparel for a bishop to wear; but it is not becoming for
   Augustin, who is poor, and who is the son of poor parents. Would you
   have men say that in the Church I found means to obtain richer clothing
   than I could have had in my father's house, or in the pursuit of
   secular employment? That would be a shame to me! The clothing worn by
   me must be such that I can give it to my brethren if they require it. I
   do not wish anything which would not be suitable for a presbyter, a
   deacon, or a sub-deacon, for I receive everything in common with them.
   If gifts of more costly apparel be given to me, I shall sell them, as
   has been my custom hitherto, in order that, if the dress be not
   available for all, the money realized by the sale may be a common
   benefit. I sell them accordingly, and distribute their price among the
   poor. Wherefore if any wish me to wear articles of clothing presented
   to me as gifts let them give such clothing as shall not make me blush
   when I use it. For I assure you that a costly dress makes me blush,
   because it is not in harmony with my profession, or with such
   exhortations as I now give to you, and ill becomes one whose frame is
   bent, and whose locks are whitened, as you see, by age."--Sermon 356,
   Bened. edition, vol. v. col. 1389, quoted by Tillemont, xiii. p. 222.

   [3025] For requiritur the Benedictine editors suggest recurrit, as a
   conjectural emendation of the text. We propose, and adopt in the
   translation, a simpler and perhaps more probable alteration, and read
   requiruntur.

   [3026] Sursum sit cor et sicci erunt oculi.

   [3027] In the Latin word sapere here employed, there is an allusion to
   her name (Sapida), which he has with a view to this repeated
   immediately before.

   [3028] 1 Thess. iv. 12.

   [3029] John xi. 19-35.

   [3030] Ecclus. xxxviii. 16-18.

   [3031] Ps. xli. 8, LXX.

   [3032] Luke xxi. 18.

   [3033] Matt. xxii. 29.
     __________________________________________________________________

   Letter CCLXIX.

   To Nobilius, My Most Blessed and Venerable Brother and Partner in the
   Priestly Office, Augustin Sends Greeting.

   So important is the solemnity at which your brotherly affection invites
   me to be present, that my heart's desire would carry my poor body to
   you, were it not that infirmity renders this impossible. I might have
   come if it had not been winter; I might have braved the winter if I had
   been young: for in the latter case the warmth of youth would have borne
   uncomplainingly the cold of the season; in the former case the warmth
   of summer would have met with gentleness the chill languor of old age.
   For the present, my lord most blessed, my holy and venerable partner in
   the priestly office, I cannot undertake in winter so long a journey,
   carrying with me as I must the frigid feebleness of very many years. I
   reciprocate the salutation due to your worth, on behalf of my own
   welfare I ask an interest in your prayers, and I myself beseech the
   Lord God to grant that the prosperity of peace may follow the
   dedication of so great an edifice to His sacred service. [3034]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [3034] This letter, probably one of the latest from the pen of
   Augustin, is the last of his letters in the Benedictine edition; the
   only remaining one, the 270th, was not written by Augustin, but
   addressed to him by an unknown correspondent.
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________
     __________________________________________________________________

                        THE CONFESSIONS OF ST. AUGUSTIN

                               INDEX OF SUBJECTS

   Abraham's bosom, 131 and note, [1]192 (note)

   Academics

   Augustin has a leaning towards the philosophy of the, [2]86

   they doubted everything, [3]86, [4]88

   Academies, the three, [5]86 (note)

   Actions of the patriarchs, [6]65

   Adam

   averted death by partaking of the tree of life, [7]73 (note)

   the first and second, [8]162 (note)

   Adeodatus, Augustin's son

   helps his father in writing The Master, [9]134 and note

   he is baptized by Ambrose, [10]134 (note)

   Adversity

   the blessing of the New Testament, prosperity of the Old, [11]76 (note)

   uses of, [12]159 (note)

   Aeneas, the wanderings of, [13]51

   AEneid quotations from the, [14]51, [15]53

   Affections

   in darkened, lies distance from God, [16]53

   inordinate, bring their own punishment, [17]51, 53, [18]55

   Agentes in rebus,

   their office, [19]123 and note

   Evodius is one of the, [20]135

   Agonistic garland, Augustin receives the, 69

   Allegories

   in Scripture, [21]92 (note)

   Augustin was fond of, [22]189 (note)

   Altar, Augustin begs that his mother may be remembered at the, [23]141

   Alypius, bishop of Thagaste, [24]90 (note)

   was born at that city, [25]94

   had studied there and at Carthage, [26]94

   his love of the circus, [27]94

   was taken up as a thief at Carthage, [28]96

   how his innocence was proved, [29]96

   his integrity in judgment and at Milan, [30]97

   his discussion with Augustin as to celibacy, 98

   Augustin undertakes to write the life of, [31]99 (note)

   retires with Augustin into the garden, [32]124

   the conversion of, [33]128.

   Ambrose, bishop of Milan,

   effect of his preaching, [34]45

   his ministry, [35]45 and note

   Augustin makes his acquaintance, and is received by him in a fatherly
   way, [36]88

   his eloquence, [37]88

   distinction between his teaching and that of Faustus, and its
   influence, [38]88

   Monica's love for, [39]89, [40]90

   celibacy of, [41]91

   in his study, [42]91

   he expounded the Scriptures every Lord's day, 91

   Simplicianus succeeds him as bishop, [43]116

   the Song of, and Augustin, [44]134 (note)

   is persecuted by Justina, the mother of Valentinian, [45]134 and note

   miracles wrought in behalf of, [46]134

   Amelius the Platonist, [47]107 (note)

   Ampitheatre of Titus, Gibbon's description of the, [48]95 (note)

   Anaximenes of Miletus, his notions about God, 144 and note

   Angels

   source of their blessedness, [49]112 (note)

   God's eternity manifest in their unchangeableness, [50]179

   Augustin asserts that they are changeable, 180

   misery of, shows their former excellence, 192

   Answer to prayer of Monica, [51]67, [52]84

   Augustin's faith strengthened by, [53]133

   Antony, an Egyptian monk

   the founder of Monachism, [54]122

   was born at Thebes, and visited Paul in the desert before his death,
   [55]122 (note)

   Anubis, [56]119

   Apokatastasis, the doctrine unnecessary, [57]79 (note)

   Apollinaris, bishop of Laodicea, [58]113 (note)

   Approbation,

   Augustin's love of, [59]75

   especially that of Hierius, [60]75

   Arcesilas, teaching of, [61]86 (note)

   Arche, "The Beginning," applied to Christ, [62]166 (note)

   Architect,

   God the great, [63]72 (note), [64]157

   Alypius and the, [65]97

   Argument, Augustin's power in, [66]67 and note

   Arians, the Empress Justina seduced by the, 131

   Aristotle's Ten Predicaments, [67]77

   categories of, [68]77 and note

   he and Zeno prepared the way for Neo-Platonism, [69]86 (note)

   Arius, Victorinus wrote some books against, 117 (note)

   Arts, liberal, Augustin understood the books relating to the, unaided,
   [70]77

   Asceticism,

   of Paul of Thebais, [71]122 (note)

   Manichæan, as compared with Christian, [72]122 (note)

   by embracing, we virtually deny the right use of God's gifts, [73]155
   (note)

   Astrologers,

   Augustin's classification of, [74]69 (note)

   belief of the Jews in, [75]69 (note)

   divinations of the, [76]105

   were called mathematicians, [77]106 (note)

   Astrology, refutation of, [78]105, [79]106

   Atoms, in nature no two touch, [80]127 (note)

   Atonement, the, [81]162

   Augustin,

   describes his infancy, [82]47 etc

   his boyhood, [83]49-54

   how he learns to speak, [84]49

   he prays to God that he may not be beaten, 49

   his fondness for play, [85]49

   educated from his mother's womb in the true faith, [86]50

   he was signed with the cross, and seasoned with salt, [87]50 and note

   his hatred of study and the Greek language, but delight in Latin and
   the empty fables of the poets, [88]51

   the reason of this, [89]52

   Homer distasteful to him because it was in Greek, [90]52

   he entreats that whatever he learnt as a boy may be dedicated to God,
   [91]52

   his declamation applauded above that of his fellows, [92]53

   he was more afraid of making a mistake in grammar than of offending
   God, [93]53

   he committed petty thefts and sought dishonest victories at play,
   [94]54

   he deplores the wickedness of his youth, 55

   especially that of his sixteenth year, 56

   he used to go to Madaura to learn grammar and rhetoric

   his father, though only a poor freeman of Thagaste, made a great
   sacrifice to send his son to Carthage, 56

   he plumes himself upon being more licentious than his fellows

   his mother unwisely opposes his marrying, 57

   he robs a neighbouring pear-tree from a love of mischief, [95]57

   he is caught in the snares of a licentious passion, 60

   his love of stage-plays, [96]60

   he is affected by a foul spiritual disease, 61

   his sacrilegious curiosity, [97]61

   not even to church does he suppress his desires, [98]61

   he becomes head in the school of rhetoric, 61

   he begins to study eloquence, [99]61

   his father dies in his seventeenth year, [100]61

   in his nineteenth year he is led by the Hortensius of Cicero to
   philosophy, [101]61

   he rejects the Sacred Scriptures as too simple, [102]62

   he falls into the errors of the Manichæans, 62, [103]76

   his longing after truth, [104]62, [105]63

   Manichæan system peculiarly enthralling to an ardent mind like his,
   [106]63 (note)

   his desire for knowledge caused him to join the Manichæans, [107]64
   (note)

   his victory over inexperienced persons, [108]67 and note

   the nine years from his nineteenth year, 68-78

   he teaches rhetoric, [109]68

   he has a mistress, [110]68

   he receives the Agonistic garland, [111]70

   he is given to divination, [112]70

   his friend's illness and death, [113]70

   his grief, [114]70, [115]71

   he leaves Thagaste and goes to Carthage, 72

   he writes books on the "Fair and Fit," [116]73

   he dedicates them to Hierius; he longs for his commendation, [117]74,
   [118]75

   he turns his attention to the nature of the mind, [119]75

   in what he conceived the chief good to consist, [120]75

   he calls it a Monad, and the chief evil a Duad, [121]76

   when scarce twenty, he understood Aristotle's Ten Predicaments, [122]77

   his ready understanding of the liberal arts, 77, and sciences, [123]77

   his wit a snare to him, [124]77

   the twenty-ninth year of his age, [125]79-88

   he begins to appreciate the knowledge of God above secular learning,
   [126]81

   he points out the fallacy of the Manichæan belief as to the Paraclete,
   [127]81 (note)

   he withdraws from the errors of the Manichæans, being remarkably aided
   by God, [128]83

   he leaves Carthage to go to Rome, [129]84

   he deceives his mother, [130]84

   he is attacked by fever, [131]84

   is restored [132]85

   becomes one of the "elect" of the Manichæans, 86

   his view of Arcesilas' philosophy, [133]86 (note)

   his erroneous views as to Christianity, [134]86

   he goes to Milan to teach rhetoric, and there makes the acquaintance of
   Ambrose, [135]88

   he resolves to abandon the Manichæans and become a catechumen, [136]88

   his thirtieth year, [137]88-101

   his mother follows him over the sea, [138]89

   he recognises the falsity of his old opinions, 92

   he describes how Alypius, led into the circus by his fellow-students,
   becomes fascinated by the fights held there, [139]95, [140]96

   he becomes inflamed with the love of wisdom, 98

   he is troubled in mind, [141]98, [142]100

   he is prevented from marrying by Alypius, 98

   he undertakes to write the life of Alypius, [143]99 (note)

   is urged by his mother to marry, and a maiden sought for him, [144]99

   he sends his mistress back to Africa, but takes another, [145]100

   in his thirty-first year he recalls the beginning of his youth,
   [146]102-115

   his conception of God, [147]102 and note, [148]103, 104

   his mind is severely exercised as to the origin of evil, [149]106

   is stimulated to wisdom by the Hortensius of Cicero, [150]107 (note),
   [151]123

   his conception of Christ, [152]112

   he rejoices that he proceeded from Plato to the Scriptures, and not the
   reverse, [153]114

   he found in the latter what was not in the former, [154]114

   he consults Simplicianus as to the renewing of his mind, [155]116

   he describes the thirty-second year of his age, [156]116, [157]128

   he is still held by the love of women, [158]116

   he burns to imitate Victorinus, [159]120

   his review of his life, [160]123;

   he retires with Alypius into the garden, 124

   his trouble of spirit, [161]125

   he refutes the Manichæan notion of two kinds of minds, [162]125,
   [163]126

   was still enthralled by his old loves, [164]126

   he retires into solitude to meditate, and hears a voice saying, "Take
   up and read," [165]127

   his reason for giving up his professorship, 129, [166]130 (note)

   his lungs become affected, [167]130

   he retires to the villa of his friend Verecundus, [168]130

   he finally gives up the professorship, [169]131

   he found in retirement preparation for future work, [170]131 (note)

   effect of the Psalms on him, especially the fourth, [171]131, [172]132

   his anger against the Manichæans, [173]132

   in his thirty fourth year he writes his book The Master, a dialogue
   between him and his son, 133;

   he suffers from toothache, but loses it in answer to prayer, [174]133

   he attributes all that he was to his mother's tears, [175]135 (note)

   his last conversation with his mother, [176]137

   his grief at her death, [177]139-140

   he is troubled that he was so long without God, [178]152

   effect of church music on him, [179]156

   object and use of his Confessions [180]143, [181]163

   he entreats of God that he may be led to the truth through the
   Scriptures, [182]163, [183]164

   he designates Eraclius as his successor, 163;

   he prays to be taught by God, [184]170

   his old notions as to matter, [185]177

   his longings for the heavenly Jerusalem, 182

   was addicted to the allegorical explanation of Scripture, [186]190

   Authority,

   and morals, [187]65

   of the holy writings, [188]93 and note

   Bacon, the sentiments of, concerning friendship, [189]72 (note)

   Baptism

   Augustin being seized with illness, prays for, 50

   on his recovery it was postponed, [190]50

   in Augustin's days often deferred till death approached, [191]50 (note)

   wrongly deferred, [192]50 (note)

   guilt after, greater than before, [193]50 and note

   those who attended stage-plays were excluded from, by the Fathers,
   [194]60 (note)

   that of Nebridius took place when he was ill and unconscious, [195]70

   candidates for, seasoned with salt, [196]89 (note)

   martyrdom described as a second [197]90 (note)

   the washing of, called illumination, [198]118 (note), [199]194

   renunciation of Satan before, [200]118 (note)

   customs of the Eastern Churches at, [201]119 (note)

   being the sacrament of initiation, is not so profitable without the
   Lord's Supper, [202]199 (note)

   gives life, Lord's Supper maintains it, 199

   the entrance into the Church [203]199 (note)

   [Hebrew] and [Hebrew] distinguished, [204]115 (note)

   Basilica, the Portian, [205]134 and note

   Bath, soothing powers of the, [206]139

   Bauto, the consul at Milan, [207]94 (note)

   Beasts of the field,

   symbolical of those given to carnal pleasures, 80 (note), [208]81

   clean and unclean, explanation of the division of, [209]91 (note)

   Beautiful, love of the, [210]74

   Beauty of God, [211]46, [212]63

   Beggar, the joyous, [213]94

   Beginning,

   Christ the, of all things; the Word the, 166

   the words, "In the beginning," interpreted differently, [214]183,
   [215]187

   Bible

   literary, merit of the, [216]62 (note), [217]81 (note)

   the Psalms "a Bible in little," [218]131 (note)

   Birds of the air symbolical of pride, [219]80 (note)

   Blessedness, true, to be attained only by adhering to God, [220]190
   (note)

   Blind man, the, cured, [221]134

   his vow, [222]134 (note)

   Blindness, Augustin compares sin to, [223]192 (note)

   Body, soul, and spirit, [224]111 (note)

   as distinct from soul, [225]111, [226]112

   the mind commands the [227]125

   Books, the Manichæan, [228]83

   Boyhood, Augustin's fondness for play in, 50

   he thanks God for his, [229]54

   Caesar, Christ paid tribute to, [230]80

   Calling upon God, [231]45

   Carthage, Augustin sent by his father to pursue his studies at,
   [232]56, [233]60

   he leaves that city on account of the violent habits of the students
   there, [234]84

   Cassiacum, Verecundus' villa at, [235]130

   Catechumens, seasoned with salt, [236]50 and note, 89 (note)

   or "Hearers" of the Manichæans, their privileges, [237]66 (note)

   Augustin resolves to become one in the Catholic Church, [238]88

   customs of, at baptism, [239]119 (note)

   before baptism, [240]197 (note)

   when ready for, they were termed Competentes, 197(note)

   Categories of Aristotle maybe classed under two heads, [241]77and note

   Catiline loved not his villanies, but had a motive for committing them,
   [242]58

   Cavils, Manichæan [243]167, 174

   Celibacy, discussion of Augustin and Alypius concerning, [244]98,
   [245]99

   Chief evil, nature of the, [246]76

   Chief good,

   Augustin's conception of the, [247]75

   Varro gives [248]288different opinions as regards the, [249]75(note)

   God the, [250]194, 151(note)

   Childhood,

   the sins of, found in manhood; an emblem of humility, [251]54

   Christ, the fulness of the Godhead is in, 62

   perfect human sympathy of, [252]71 (note)

   humiliation of, for us, [253]74and note

   our very life, [254]74

   paid tribute to Caesar, [255]80

   humanity of, [256]85 (note), [257]108

   Manichæan belief as to the human birth of, 87(note)

   fulness of, [258]108

   the Mediator, [259]112, [260]114 (note)

   a perfect man, [261]113

   the two natures of, [262]113 (note), [263]161 and note, 162

   as God, the country to which we go, as man, the way by which we go,
   [264]114

   healing in Him alone, [265]114

   the Victor and Victim, Priest and Sacrifice, 162

   the Beginning, [266]166

   Christian, certainty of the faith of the, as compared with the
   uncertainty of the teaching of the philosophers, 86(note)

   the almost and altogether, [267]121(note)

   Christianity gives the golden key to happiness, [268]75(note)

   Augustin's erroneous views as to, [269]86(note)

   Church, the,

   history of, creation type of the, [270]194

   music of, its effect on Augustin, [271]156

   Circensian games, Alypius' love of the, [272]94

   how cured of it, [273]95

   he becomes Augustin's pupil, and is involved in the same superstition
   as his friend, [274]95

   Augustin becomes carried away by the love of the, [275]95

   they were put a stop to by the sacrifice of Telemachus the monk,
   [276]96 (note)

   Cicero's writings as compared with the Word of God, [277]81(note)

   his opinion concerning Arcesilas' teaching, 86(note)

   Augustin studies his Hortensius, [278]61, and is stimulated to wisdom
   thereby, [279]107(note), 123, [280]124

   Circus, games of the, [281]95and note, 158(note)

   Classics, highly esteemed in Augustin's day, 51

   objections to the study of the, [282]53

   Commandments, modes of dividing the Ten, [283]65and note

   Community, Augustin and his friends propose to establish a, [284]99,
   [285]100

   Companions, influence of bad, [286]59

   Competentes, name given to catechumens when ready for baptism, [287]197

   Conception of Christ, Augustin's, [288]112

   of God, [289]102 and note, [290]103, [291]104

   Confession to God, Augustin urges the duty of, 79

   is piety, [292]81

   useof Augustin's, [293]143

   object of his, [294]163

   Confirmation sometimes called a sacrament by the Fathers,
   [295]118(note)

   Constantine was not baptized till the end of his life, [296]50(note)

   his controversy with Sylvester, [297]69(note)

   Constantius enacted laws against Paganism, 120

   Contemplation, the Christian ascends the mount of, by faith,
   [298]181(note)

   the reward of practical duties, [299]197

   of things eternal, [300]197 (note)

   Continency, false and seducing, of the Manichæans [301]95and note

   beauty of, [302]126

   imposed on us, [303]153,

   Continentia and Sustinentia, difference between, [304]153(note)

   Conversion, Monica's dream of her son's, 66

   of Victorinus, [305]119

   of Paul, [306]120 and note, [307]138(note)

   of Alypius, [308]128

   Converts, how received in Justin Martyr's time, [309]118 (note)

   Corporeal brightness, Augustin thought of God as a, [310]71(note),
   [311]77

   of the Manichæans [312]109 (note)

   forms, Augustin's mind ranges through, [313]75, [314]76, but later on
   he repudiates the notion of a, [315]92

   Corruption, the five regions of, [316]103

   Courtiers, history of the two, [317]122-123

   Creasti, explanation of, [318]115

   Creation praises God, [319]79, 110

   harmony of the, [320]110-111

   testifies to a Creator, [321]165

   time began from the not it from time, [322]188 (note)

   doctrine of the Trinity emblemized in the, 191

   history of the, a type of the Church,

   Creator, true joy to be found only in the, 58

   putting the creature above the, [323]81

   God the, [324]165

   Credulity of the Manichæans, [325]93(note)

   Cross of Christ symbolized, [326]52(note)

   Curds, the mountain of, [327]130and note

   Curiosity, a help to learning, [328]52

   affects a desire for knowledge, [329]58

   Augustin's sacrilegious, [330]61

   fishes of the sea symbolical of, [331]80(note)

   evil of, to Augustin, [332]95

   a snare to Alypius, [333]99

   temptation of, stimulated by the lust of the eyes, [334]157, [335]158

   for experiment's sake, [336]158

   manifold temptations of, [337]158

   Curtain of Ps. civ. 2, rendered "skin," [338]195(note)

   Custom, force of, [339]52

   true inner righteousness doth not judge according to, [340]64

   versus law, [341]84

   conforming to, [342]90 (note)

   the weight of carnal, [343]111

   power of, [344]121

   Customs, human, to be obeyed, [345]65

   Cyprian, oratory in memory of, [346]84

   Danae, [347]52

   Daniel praying in captivity, [348]181(note)

   Darkness and light, [349]103 (note)

   Dead, prayers for the, [350]90 (note), [351]139, [352]141 (note)

   festivals in honour of the, [353]90

   origin of the custom, [354]90 (note)

   Death, origin of the law of, [355]73 (note)

   Augustin says Adam was able to avert it by partaking of the tree of
   life, [356]73 (note)

   Death-bed baptism of Nebridius, [357]70

   Declamation, Augustin's, applauded above that of his fellow-students,
   [358]53

   "Deep, the great," Augustin's interpretation of the, [359]191 (note),
   [360]194 (note)

   Dido, [361]51

   Distentio, distraction, [362]174 and notes

    Divination, the soothsayers used sacrifices in their, [363]68

   the mathematicians did not do so, [364]69

   Augustin's obstinate belief in, but his friend Nebridius scoffs at it,
   [365]70

   afterwards influenced by Augustin, he too believes in it, [366]70

   of the astrologers, [367]105, [368]106

   Divinity of Christ, [369]113 (note)

   Docetae, belief of the, [370]113 (note)

   Donatism, how developed in Augustin's time, [371]90 (note)

   spiritual pride of the Donatists, [372]162 (note)

   Drachma, the woman and the, [373]119, [374]149

   Dream

   of Monica concerning her son's conversion, 66

   temptation in, [375]154

   Augustin's view of, [376]154 (note)

   Thorwaldsen's, result of, [377]154 (note)

   Drunkenness forbidden by God, [378]154, [379]155

   Duad, Monad and, [380]76 and note

   how this dualistic belief affected the Manichæan notion of Christ,
   [381]87 (note)

   Dust, the mathematicians drew their figures in, [382]77 (note)

   Ear, the delights of the, [383]156

   Earth, beauty of the, [384]144 (note)

   East, turning to the, at baptism, [385]119, (note)

   Education, Augustin disapproves of the mode of, in his day, [386]52

   Egyptians,

   Faustus' objection to the spoiling of the, [387]66 (note)

   gold of the, belongs to God, [388]109 and note

   "Elect" of the Manichæans, [389]66 and note, [390]68, 83 (note)

   Augustin becomes one of the, [391]86

   divine substance in the, [392]103, [393]104, [394]155 (note)

   Eloquence, wit and,

   baits to draw man to the Word, [395]45 (note)

   Augustin begins to study, [396]61

   Greek and Latin, Hierius' knowledge of, [397]75

   of Faustus, [398]82, [399]83

   of Ambrose, [400]88

   Endiathetos, "in the bosom of the Father," [401]108 (note), [402]166
   (note)

   Enemies of God, who are the, [403]79 (note)

   Epicureanism, [404]100

   popularity of, [405]100 (note)

   Eraclius, Augustin designates, as his successor, [406]163 (note)

   Esau, Jacob and, illustrations concerning, 106

   his longing after the Egyptian food, [407]108 and note

   Eternal, on comprehending the, [408]167, [409]175 (note)

   Eternity, of God, [410]48, [411]109 and note;

   relation of, to the mutable creature, [412]179

   time has no relation to, [413]167

   God's to-day is, [414]168;

   reason leads us to the necessity of a belief in, [415]173 (note)

   has no succession, [416]175 (note)

   Eucharist, oblations for the, [417]85 (note)

   regeneration necessary before the reception of the [418]118 (note),
   [419]138 (note)

   called by the ancients "the sacrament of perfection;" maintains life
   which baptism gives, [420]200

   Augustin's interpretation of the, [421]200 (note)

   Eunuchus, Terence's, [422]53 and note

   Eversores, or subverters, [423]61 and note

   Evil

   whence is? - see Manichæans

   Augustin's notions concerning, [424]64 (note)

   the chief Augustin calls a Duad, [425]76

   Manichæan doctrine of, [426]83 (note), [427]86, [428]87

   the cause of, [429]103, [430]104

   origin of, [431]104-106

   not a substance, [432]110, [433]111

   Augustin's notion of, [434]110 (note)

   Evil habits bind like iron, [435]120 and note, 121

   conviction powerless against, [436]121

   Evodius

   became associated with Augustin, [437]135

   he leads the singing at Monica's funeral, 139

   Augustin's endeavours to unravel his difficulties as to the spirits in
   prison, [438]164 (note)

   Excess, by grace we avoid, [439]155

   Eyes, the lust of the, [440]157, [441]158

   Fables, Manichæan, [442]83 and note

   old wives', [443]85

   the use of, common with mediaeval writers, [444]164 (note)

   "Fair and Fit, Augustin's book as to the, [445]74, 76

   Faith, preaching leads to, [446]45

   the Manichæans exalted reason at the expense of, [447]63 (note)

   the rule of, [448]67, [449]128

   reason and, [450]93 and note

   and sight, [451]201 (note)

   Fame, the emptiness of popular, [452]68

   Fasting enjoined by Justin Martyr as a preparation for baptism,
   [453]118 (note), [454]154 (note)

   Faustus, a bishop of the Manichæans,

   goes to Carthage, [455]80

   eloquence of, [456]82, [457]83

   his knowledge superficial, [458]82, [459]83

   distinction between his teaching and that of Ambrose, [460]88

   Fear, "pure," [461]69 (note)

   joy in proportion to past [462]119, [463]120

   Fever, Nebridius falls sick of a, and dies, 70

   Augustin is attacked by, [464]4

   Fichte's strange idea as to St. John's teaching concerning the word,
   [465]185 (note)

   Fictions, Augustin's love of, [466]52, [467]53

   evils of, [468]52, [469]53

   results of, to Augustin, [470]61

   Manichæan [471]63

   Augustin's reply to Faustus as to Manichæan 93 (note)

   Fideles, the, [472]89

   Fig-tree, Manichæan delusions concerning, 66

   Firmament, allegorical explanation of the, 195, [473]196, [474]199
   (note)

   Firminius,

   a friend of Augustin's, [475]105

   studies the constellations, and relates a story to disprove astrology,
   [476]105, [477]106;

   Fish of the sea, symbolical interpretation of the, [478]80 (note),
   [479]200 (note)

   Flesh,

   the Word made, [480]107 and note, [481]108, [482]112-113, 162

   as distinct from body, [483]164 (note)

   Forgetfulness the privation of memory, [484]148, 149

   Fortunatus, Augustin's controversy with, 103

   Free-will, [485]76 and note

   the cause of evil, [486]103, [487]104

   absence of, the punishment of former sin, 125

   the Pelagians held that through the power of, they could attain
   perfection, [488]140 (note)

   Friendship,

   of the world enmity to God, [489]51

   false, [490]59, [491]70

   between Augustin and Nebridius, [492]70

   of Pylades and Orestes, [493]71

   Lord Bacon's sentiments as to, [494]72 (note)

   Fruit, distinction between the "gift" and the, 203, [495]200

   of the earth allegorized, [496]203

   Funerals,

   Roman customs at, [497]139 (note)

   rites at Monica's, [498]139 and note

   Gassendi vitalized Epicureanism, [499]100 (note)

   Genesis,

   what Moses meant in the book of, [500]186

   repetition of the allegorical interpretation of, [501]206

   Gibbon, his description of the amphitheatre of Titus, [502]95 (note)

   his charge of Platonism against Christianity, 107 (note)

   Gifts,

   diversities of, given by the Spirit, [503]197

   distinction between the "gift" and the "fruit," [504]203-204

   Gnostic opinion as to the origin of the world, 205

   God,

   worthy of praise, [505]45, [506]79

   man desires to praise Him, His power and wisdom, [507]45

   true rest in Him only, [508]45, [509]59, [510]74, [511]161

   knowledge of, [512]45

   Augustin longs for that knowledge, [513]158 (note)

   omnipresence of, [514]79

   attributes of, [515]45-46, [516]58

   naught can contain, [517]46

   He filleth all things, [518]46

   by filling them He created them, [519]72

   majesty of, [520]46 and note

   unchangeableness of, [521]46, [522]63, [523]73, [524]79 (note), 116

   beauty of, [525]46, [526]63

   always working, yet always at rest, [527]46, 207

   imperfect man cannot comprehend the perfect, 46 (note)

   providence of, [528]47

   eternal, [529]48, [530]109 and note

   is Truth, [531]62, [532]72, [533]81, [534]109 and note, [535]151,
   [536]152, 187 and note

   sought wrongly not to be found, [537]63

   His care of us, [538]67

   held by the Manichæans to be an unmeasured light, [539]68 (note)

   the true light, [540]76 (note), [541]109 and note, 157

   the source of light, [542]112 (note)

   the fountain of light, [543]161

   the architect and artificer of His Church, [544]72 (note)

   wounds only to heal, [545]72 (note)

   should be our highest love, [546]72

   all good is from, [547]74

   unity of, [548]77

   our supreme good, [549]78, [550]151 (note)

   to be preferred to learning, [551]87

   Augustin's conception of, [552]102 and note, [553]103, 104

   incomprehensible, [554]102

   incorruptibility of, [555]103 and note, [556]104

   never suffers evil, [557]104

   the Chief Good, [558]105

   subjection to, our only safety, [559]107

   the Word, [560]108

   "I am that I am," [561]109, 110 (note)

   hope and joy in Him alone, [562]142,153

   searchings after, [563]144-145

   the Creator, [564]165

   the Immutable Light of wisdom, [565]190 (note)

   the mercy of, in conveying His truth by symbols, [566]199

   Gods, why the poets attributed wickedness to the, [567]52

   Homer transfers things human to the, [568]52

   Gold of Egypt, [569]109 and note

   Good,

   the Manichæans taught that good and evil were primeval, and had
   independent existence, [570]64 (note)

   all, is from God, [571]74

   Augustin's conception of the chief, [572]75, 105

   God our Supreme, [573]78, [574]151, [575]190 (note)

   and evil illustrated, [576]110 (note)

   God saw that everything in creation was, [577]204, 205

   Grace, the fulfilment of love, [578]183 (note)

   Grammar, the Christians forbidden by Julian to teach, [579]120

   Grammar schools entrances of, covered with veils, [580]51 and note

   Great,

   joy in the conversion of the, [581]120 and note

   influence of the, [582]120 (note)

   Greek,

   Augustin's dislike to, [583]51

   the reason of his dislike, [584]51, [585]52

   his knowledge of, [586]107 (note)

   eloquence, Hierius' knowledge of, [587]74, [588]75

   Greeks, led to Christ by philosophy, [589]107 (note)

   Grief, Augustin's,

   at the death of his friend, [590]70-71

   at his mother's death, [591]139, [592]140

   effect of time on, [593]72

   silence a good consoler in, [594]127 (note)

   at the death of friends natural, [595]139 (note)

   Habits, evil, bind like iron, [596]120 and note

   conviction powerless against, [597]121

   Happiness,

   Christianity gives the golden key to, [598]75 (note)

   knowledge of God the highest, [599]81

   the Word of God a fount of, [600]81 (note)

   whence comes true, [601]124

   consummation of, in heaven only, [602]131 (note)

   not joy merely, but joy in God, [603]152

   Happy life,

   longings after the, [604]160-161

   to be found in God only, [605]151

   Harts of the forests, [606]164 and note

   "Hearers" or catechumens,

   privileges of the, [607]66 (note)

   why Augustin never went beyond the rank of a, 68 (note)

   did not practise abstinence, [608]155 (note)

   Heart, the law written on the, [609]74 (note)

   humility exalts the, [610]74 (note)

   lifting up of the, [611]192 (note)

   of man, Augustin interprets the "deep" to mean, [612]194 (note)

   Heaven,

   rest in, [613]45 (note), [614]207

   the double, [615]176

   the third, [616]176

   the felicity of, [617]45 (note)

   fulness of reward in, [618]76 (note)

   consummation of happiness only in, [619]131 (note)

   a prepared place for prepared people, [620]192 (note)

   and earth shall pass away, but not the Word, 196

   the peace of, [621]207

   Heaven and earth, different interpretations of, [622]182, [623]183

   Heavenly bodies, motions of the, not time, 171, [624]172

   Hebrew, Augustin had no knowledge of, [625]164, [626]165 and note

   Hedonism and Epicureanism, [627]100 (note)

   Hedonists, their "good" is their own pleasure, 75 (note)

   Helpidius, disputes with the Manichæans, 87

   Heresies confirm the truth, [628]113

   Hierius,

   a native of Syria, an orator of Rome, [629]74

   Augustin dedicates his books on the " Fair and Fit " to, [630]74

   Hippocrates, Vindicianus early understood, 70

   Holy City, light, life, and joy of the, is in God, [631]191 (note)

   Holy Spirit,

   why spoken of in Genesis as "borne over," [632]191, 192

   brings us to God, [633]192

   Homer,

   distasteful to Augustin because it was Greek, 51

   fictions of, [634]52

   Honoratus, a friend of Augustin, at one time a Manichæan [635]88 (note)

   Hope,

   we are saved and made happy by, [636]76 (note)

   all, is in the mercy of God, [637]153

   Hope and joy in God alone, [638]142

   Horace, quotation from, [639]71

   Horoscope-casters, Vindicianus begs Augustin to throw away the books of
   the, [640]69

   Hortensius, Cicero's, [641]52

   Augustin's study of, [642]61

   he is stimulated to wisdom thereby, [643]107 (note), [644]123, [645]124

   Hour-glasses of Augustin's time, [646]163

   Human life a distraction, [647]174

   Humanity of Christ, [648]71 (note), [649]85 (note), [650]113 (note)

   Augustin thinks it profane to believe in the, 87

   Manichæans' belief as to the, [651]87 (note)

   Humiliation of Christ for us, [652]74

   to draw us to Himself, [653]74 (note)

   Humility,

   childhood the emblem of, [654]54

   exalts the heart, [655]74 (note)

   the holy, of Scripture, [656]93

   Hyle, or matter, the evil principle of the Manichæans [657]76 (note)

   Ichthus emblem of the, [658]200 (note)

   Ignorance, danger of, [659]47 (note)

   Illumination, the washing of baptism, [660]118 (note), [661]194 (note),
   [662]198 (note)

   Image of God, man created in the, [663]91 (note)

   Importunity, Monica's, to the bishop, [664]67

   Incarnation of Christ,

   Manichæans, notion of the, [665]87 (note)

   a mystery to Porphyry, [666]161 (note)

   Infancy,

   sin in, [667]47 (note)

   waywardness in, [668]47, [669]48

   prone to sin, [670]48, [671]49

   its innocence is not in its will, but in its weakness, [672]48

   Injury man does himself by sin, [673]79 (notes)

   Intuitionists, their "good" lies in following the dictates of
   conscience, [674]75 (note)

   Jacob and Esau, illustration concerning, 166

   Jerome, his knowledge of Hebrew, [675]165 (note)

   Jerusalem,

   Augustin longs for the heavenly, [676]182 and note

   the mother of us all, [677]192 (note)

   Jews, the,

   their influence on Neo-Platonism, [678]118 (note)

   Julian the Apostate favoured the, and encouraged them to rebuild the
   temple, [679]120 (note)

   Jove, [680]52

   Joy,

   true, to be found in the Creator only, [681]58

   true and false, [682]94

   source of true, [683]94, [684]151,

   in proportion to past fear, [685]119

   in the conversion of the great, [686]120 (note)

   and hope, in God alone, [687]142

   Julian, the Emperor,

   forbade the Christians to teach grammar and oratory, [688]120

   he favoured Paganism, the Donatists, and the Jews, [689]120

   Justice and mercy, illustration of God's, [690]133 (note)

   Justin Martyr, [691]107 (note)

   how converts were received in his time, [692]118 (note)

   Justina, persecution of Ambrose by, [693]134 and note

   qn' and br' distinguished, [694]115 (note)

   Knowledge of God, [695]45

   the highest happiness, [696]81

   Augustin's great aim was to attain, [697]158 (note)

   wonderful, [698]174, [699]175

   Knowledge, human,

   more sought than divine, [700]53, [701]54

   curiosity affects a desire for, [702]58

   Augustin's desire for, made him join the Manichæans, [703]64 (note)

   has to do with action, [704]197 (note)

   not to be an end, [705]158

   received by sight, [706]201

   difference between that and divine, [707]207

   Latin, Augustin's love of, [708]51, [709]52

   Law of God,

   the same in itself, but different in application, [710]64

   of development in Scripture, [711]64

   of death, [712]73 (note)

   written on the heart (lex occults), [713]74 (note)

   and custom, [714]84

   Levitical, concerning the division of beasts into clean and unclean,
   [715]91 (note)

   natural and moral, [716]196 (note)

   Laws, human, to be obeyed, [717]65

   God to be obeyed in, or contrary to laws, [718]65, 66 and note

   Learning,

   rudiments of, distasteful to Augustin, [719]51

   curiosity a help to, [720]52

   vanity of, [721]53

   knowledge of God to be appreciated above secular, [722]81

   to be preferred to money, and God to it, 87

   Lentile, the Egyptian food, [723]108 (note)

   Liberal arts and sciences, [724]68, [725]77, [726]80

   Faustus had no knowledge of the, [727]82

   Augustin sees that a knowledge of, does not lead to God, [728]158
   (note)

   Licentius' notion concerning truth, [729]123 (note)

   Life,

   seeking for the blessed, [730]74

   Christ our very, [731]74

   longing after the blessed, [732]150-152

   the misery of human, [733]153

   Light, the Manichæans held God to be an unmeasured, [734]68 (note)

   God the true, [735]76 and note, [736]157

   and darkness, [737]103 (note)

   God the unchangeable, [738]109 and note, [739]112

   God the source of, [740]112 (note)

   that seen by Tobias, [741]157

   that seen by Isaac and by Jacob, [742]157

   the fountain of, [743]161

   what Augustin understood by the Word in Genesis i. 3, [744]191

   Likeness to God, our, [745]91 (note)

   Little things, the power of, [746]135 (note), 136

   Logos, the, [747]107 (note), [748]113, [749]166

   Lord's Supper. See Eucharist

   Love,

   pure, [750]69 (note)

   God should be our highest, [751]72

   love not to be condemned, but love in God is to be preferred, [752]73

   of the beautiful, [753]74

   of the world, [754]79

   what it is to love God, [755]144

   of praise, [756]159, [757]160 (note)

   grace the fulfilment of, [758]182 (note)

   supremacy of the law of, [759]188 (note)

   Loving God purely, [760]69 and note

   Lust of the flesh, the,

   continency from, [761]153

   analogy between, and one of our Lord's temptations, [762]153 (note)

   eating and drinking a, [763]154, [764]155

   of the eyes, curiosity stimulated by the, [765]157, 158

   difference between it and love, [766]153 (note)

   Luther's Bible in Little, [767]131 (note)

   Madaura, formerly an episcopal city, now a village--Augustin learnt
   grammar and rhetoric there, [768]56

   Man,

   moved by God to delight in praising Him, 45

   his existence from God, [769]45, [770]46

   imperfect, cannot comprehend the perfect, [771]46 (note)

   made in God's image, [772]64, [773]91 (note)

   a great deep, [774]75

   injures himself, not God, by sin, [775]79 (notes)

   Christ as, [776]108

   a triad, [777]111

   the trichotomy of, [778]111 (note), [779]113 (note)

   the Mediator between God and, [780]112

   Christ a perfect, [781]113, [782]114 (note)

   knoweth not himself, [783]144

   God does not need, although He created him, 190, [784]191 and note

   faint signs of the Trinity in, [785]193 and note

   how Augustin interprets the dominion of, over the beasts, [786]200

   is renewed in the knowledge of God after His image, [787]201

   knoweth nothing but by the Spirit of God, 205

   on the creation of, [788]205

   difference between his knowledge and God's, 207

   Manichæans, their materialistic views of God, 46 (note), [789]68
   (note), [790]76, [791]86

   Augustin falls into the errors of the, [792]62

   the Scriptures obscured to their mocking spirit, [793]62 (note),
   [794]67 (note), [795]88 (note)

   Augustin later on accused them of professing to believe in the New
   Testament to entrap the unwary, [796]62 (note), [797]83 (note)

   their system peculiarly enthralling to an ardent mind like Augustin's,
   [798]63 (note)

   kindred in many ways to modern Rationalism, [799]63 (note)

   Augustin attacks their notions concerning evil, [800]63

   cavillings of the, [801]64, [802]87, [803]93, [804]167, [805]174

   their doctrine concerning good and evil, [806]64 (note), [807]76
   (note), [808]83 (note)

   their delusions concerning the fig-tree, 66

   their reason for refusing to give bread to any but their own sect,
   [809]66 and note, [810]68

   they held that God was an unmeasured light, [811]68 (note)

   their notion concerning the soul, [812]76 (note)

   when opposed, they pretended the Scriptures had been corrupted, [813]81
   (note), [814]87 and note

   their belief as to the humanity of Christ, [815]87 (note)

   their false and seducing continency, [816]95 and note

   Romanianus falls into the errors of, [817]100 (note)

   delusions of the, [818]103 (note)

   Augustin's anger against the, [819]132

   Augustin refutes they opinions as to the origin of the world, [820]205

   Manichæanism,

   cannot satisfy, [821]63

   a strange mixture of the pensive philosophy of Persia with Gnosticism
   and Christianity, [822]64 (note)

   Manichæus

   asserted that the Holy Ghost was personally resident in him, [823]81

   asceticism of his followers, [824]122 (note)

   Manna, meaning of, [825]48 and note

   Marriage, Augustin desires, but his parents oppose it, [826]57

   Mars, [827]117

   Martyrdom, reason for exalting, [828]90 (note)

   described as a second baptism, [829]90 (note)

   Martyrs,

   honour done to the, [830]90 and notes

   two of the, buried in the Ambrosian Basilica, 134 and note

   Materialists, the, seek the common "good" of all, [831]75 (note)

   Mathematicians

   used no sacrifices in their divinations [832]69

   they drew their figures in dust or sand, [833]77 (note), [834]106
   (note)

   Matter, or Hyle, the evil principle according to Faustus, [835]76
   (note)

   the Platonic theory concerning, [836]76 (note)

   God did not create the world from but by His word, [837]165

   the world not created out of, but by God's word, [838]165

   Augustin's old notion as to, [839]177

   not created out of God's substance, [840]177

   Augustin discusses whether it was from eternity or was made by God,
   [841]184

   Medea, [842]63

   Mediator,

   Christ the, [843]112, [844]114 (note)

   God and man, [845]162 and note

   or medius, [846]162

   Memory,

   nature and power of, [847]145, [848]149

   privation of, is forgetfulness, [849]149

   God cannot be attained unto by the power of, 149

   possessed, by beasts and birds, [850]149

   manifoldness of, [851]149, [852]150, [853]161

   God dwells in the, [854]152

   Mercy,

   and misery, [855]47 (note), [856]60

   of God, all hope is in the, [857]153

   Milan,

   Augustin is sent to teach rhetoric at, [858]87, 88

   he recites his panegyric to the Emperor at, [859]94 (note)

   Church hymns and psalms first introduced at, 134

   Mind,

   Augustin turns his attention to the nature of the, [860]75

   commands the body, [861]125

   Augustin refutes the Manichæan notion of two kinds of, [862]125

   four perturbations of the, [863]148

   time the impression of things on the future and past things in relation
   to the, [864]173

   Minerva, [865]117

   Ministers, how they should work, [866]200

   Miracles,

   the cessation of, and its probable result, [867]69 (note), [868]106
   (note)

   wrought in behalf of Ambrose, [869]134 and note

   necessary to some ignorant men, [870]200

   cessation of, [871]204 (note)

   Misery of the angels and their former excellence, [872]192

   Moderation in eating and drinking, [873]154

   Monachism, Antony the founder of, [874]122 and note

   Monad and Duad, [875]76 and notes

   Money, learning to be preferred to, [876]87

   Monica,

   the mother of Augustin, her obedience to her husband, [877]50

   her dream concerning her son's conversion, 66

   the wooden rule therein symbolical of the rule of faith, [878]66

   her anxiety about her son, [879]67

   she goes to consult a certain bishop, [880]67

   how her prayers for her son were answered, [881]67, 84

   her son deceives her, [882]84

   her sorrow at his deception, [883]84

   she never failed to make oblations at God's altar twice a day, [884]85

   object of her prayers, [885]85

   her visions, [886]67, [887]85, [888]89

   she follows her son over sea and land, and encourages the sailors in
   danger, [889]89

   her confidence that she could not die without seeing her son a Catholic
   Christian, [890]89

   her love for and her obedience to Ambrose, [891]89, 90

   she gives up making offerings at the oratories, [892]90

   she urges her son to marry, and chooses a wife for him, [893]99

   early training and life of, [894]135, [895]136

   her youthful love of wine, [896]135

   how cured of it, [897]136

   her conduct as a wife, [898]136

   her peace-making and endurance, [899]137

   she gains her husband to God, [900]137

   her death draws near, [901]137

   her last conversation with her son, [902]137, 138

   her death at Ostia, [903]138

   Monophysites, still turn to the west in renouncing Satan, [904]118
   (note)

   Montanus, the pretensions of, similar to that of the Manichæans,
   [905]82 (note)

   Moon, sun and, Manichean belief as to the, 63

   its falsity, [906]82, [907]83 and note

   influence of the, [908]103 (note)

   the natural man and the, [909]198

   Morality of the Manichæans, [910]95

   Morals, authority and, [911]65

   Mortality, skins the emblem of, [912]112 and note, 195

   Mortification, pain better than, [913]100 and note

   Moses [914]109 (note)

   on Mount Nebo, [915]181 (note)

   what he meant in book of Genesis, [916]186

   he is supposed to have perceived all the truth in its words, [917]188

   Mountain of milk and curds, [918]130 and note

   Mountains of God, Augustin's interpretation of the, [919]191

   Music, church, effect of, on Augustin, [920]156

   Mysteries, of Scripture, God's reason for the, 48 (note)

   the mystery and simplicity of Scripture, [921]62, 93

   the unfolding of God's, in the future life only, [922]124 (note)

   of Scripture, [923]164 (note)

   symbolized, [924]164 (note)

   well-regulated minds do not seek to pry into the, [925]193

   when revelation is clear and devoid of, [926]196 (note)

   of God can be revealed by Him alone, [927]207

   Mystery or "sacrament," [928]118 (note)

   Natures, the two, [929]125, [930]126

   Nebridius, a goodly youth Augustin's friend, 70, [931]105, [932]130

   he left Carthage for Milan to be near Augustin, [933]97

   tried to dissuade Augustin from belief in the astrologers, [934]70,
   [935]105

   his argument against Manichæanism, [936]103

   consented to teach under Verecundus, [937]122

   his humility, [938]122

   dies in Africa after the conversion of his household, [939]131

   letter of Augustin to, [940]131

   Neo-Platonism, Aristotle and Zeno prepared the way for, [941]86 (note)

   Amelius developed and formulated, [942]107 (note)

   doctrine of, as to the "Word," [943]107 (note)

   as to the soul's capacity, [944]198 (note)

   Augustin speaks with admiration of, [945]117 (note)

   Neptune, t [946]17

   New Song, the, of Praise [947]45 (note)

   New Testament, the Manichæans professed to believe in the, to entrap
   the unwary, [948]62 (note)

   adversity the blessing of the, [949]76 (note)

   the Manichæans asserted that the writings of, had been corrupted,
   [950]87 and note

   Obedience, to teachers enjoined, [951]49

   to princes, [952]65

   to God, in or against human laws, necessary, 65, [953]66

   Oblations, what they are, [954]85 (note)

   Monica made them twice a day, [955]85

   offered at Queen Victoria's coronation, [956]85 (note)

   at the tombs of the martyrs, [957]90 (note)

   Odours, the attraction of, [958]156

   Oil of sinners, [959]160 and note

   Old Testament, its histories, typical and allegorical, [960]65 (note)

   prosperity the blessing of the, [961]76 (note)

   Omnipresence of God, [962]45

   Onesiphorus, hospitality of, [963]203

   Oratories,

   in memory of Cyprian, [964]84

   in memory of the saints and martyrs, [965]90 and note

   offerings at the, forbidden by Ambrose and afterwards by Augustin,
   [966]90

   Monica discontinues hers, [967]90 and note

   Oratory,

   undue appreciation of, [968]53

   the Christians forbidden by Julian to teach, 120

   Orestes and Pylades, [969]71

   Origen's knowledge of Hebrew, [970]165 (note)

   Origin

   of the law of death, [971]73 (note)

   of evil, [972]104, [973]106

   of the human soul, Augustin on the, [974]183 (note)

   of the world, the Manichæan notion concerning the, [975]205

   Ostia, Augustin and his mother stay at, 137

   she dies at, and is buried there, [976]138

   Ovid, quotations from, [977]71 (note)

   Pachomius, the good done by the monks of, [978]122 (note)

   Paganism, Constantius enacted laws against, but Julian the Apostate
   reinstated it in its former splendour, [979]120 (note)

   Pain, spiritual and physical, better than mortification, [980]100 and
   note

   Paraclete, the, of the Manichæans [981]62

   Manichæus asserted that He was personally resident in him, [982]81 and
   note

   the Spirit of Truth, [983]132

   Paradise, allegorized by some, [984]92 (note)

   Parents, make light of the childish troubles of their offspring, [985]5

   ambition for their children's progress often injudicious, [986]50

   our first, doctrine of the early Church concerning their immortality
   had they not sinned, [987]73 (note)

   Past and future, in the, there is time, 169

   they exist only in the soul, [988]170

   Patriarchs, actions of the, prophetic, [989]65 and note

   Patricius, the father of Augustin,

   a poor freeman of Thagaste, he was only a catechumen when his son was
   to his sixteenth year, [990]56

   he dies when Augustin is sixteen, [991]61

   was at first unkind to his wife, but was melted by her enduring
   meekness, etc., [992]136

   is gained over to God by her, [993]137

   Paul, St., Augustin studies the writings of, 114

   conversion of, [994]120 and note

   his rejoicing at the good works of the Philippians, [995]203

   Paul of Thebais, asceticism of, [996]122 (note)

   Peace of heaven, the only true, [997]207 (note)

   Pearl of great price, Augustin compares Christ to the, [998]117 (note)

   Peiraterion a "warfare," [999]153 (note)

   Pelagians, they laid claim to the attainment of perfection through
   power of freewill, [1000]140 (note)

   Pelagius and the bishop, dispute between, 155

   Pelican, the fable of the, [1001]164 (note)

   Pen of the Spirit, [1002]114

   Phantasies, unreality of, [1003]63

   poetical fictions less dangerous than, [1004]63

   Phantasm, Augustin thinks of God as a, [1005]71, 72

   and of Christ also, [1006]85 (note), [1007]86, [1008]87

   Augustin ceases to look upon God as a, [1009]111

   Philo, the Therapeutae of, [1010]122 (note)

   Philosophy, made the beginning of Augustin's conversion, [1011]61

   in Greek, the love of wisdom is called [1012]62

   effect of, on the writings of the Fathers, [1013]61 (note)

   the various schools of, [1014]75 (note)

   revelation alone can reconcile the different systems of, [1015]75
   (note)

   the academic and other schools of, [1016]86 (note)

   unsatisfying, [1017]100 (note)

   led the Greeks to Christ, [1018]107 (note)

   Augustin's opinion of the various schools of, 107 (note)

   Plato's, the nearest to Christ, [1019]117

   Photimus heresy of, [1020]113,

   Pyrrhonists, doctrine of the, [1021]86 (note)

   Piety, confession to God is, [1022]81

   Plato, works of, compared with the Word of God, [1023]81 (note)

   dogmatic and sceptical sides of his philosophy, [1024]86 (note)

   doctrine of, in connection with Christianity, 107 (note), [1025]114

   parallels between his doctrine and that of God, [1026]109

   much in Platonism in common with asceticism, 122 (note)

   Platonic theory of matter, [1027]76 (note)

   Platonists, Augustin studies the books of the, probably those of
   Amelius, [1028]107 and note

   Pleasures, carnal, the beasts of the field symbolical of, [1029]80
   (note), [1030]81

   Plotinus, theories of, [1031]107 and note, [1032]112

   Pneuma the, [1033]111 (note), [1034]113 (note)

   Poetry, classical, evils of, [1035]51-53

   Pompey, the ruse of, [1036]135 (note)

   Pontitianus, a countryman of Augustin's, 122

   his delight at finding

   Augustin reading St. Paul's writings, [1037]122

   he relates to him the history of Antony, 122

   Porphyry's pride in regard to the Incarnation of Christ, [1038]161

   Poverty, in what that which displeases God consists, [1039]123 (note)

   Praise, God worthy of, [1040]45

   Augustin begins his book with, [1041]45 (note)

   man desires to praise God, [1042]45, [1043]79

   God's, is inexhaustible, [1044]45, [1045]46 and note

   silence the highest, to God, [1046]46 (note)

   love of worldly, [1047]159, [1048]160 and note

   sometimes not to be avoided, [1049]160

   Prayers, the manner of Easterns when at, [1050]66 (note), [1051]84

   God's answer to Monica's, [1052]67

   how He answered them, [1053]84

   Augustin's faith strengthened by answer to, 133

   for the dead, [1054]139, [1055]141

   Preaching, leads to faith, [1056]45

   effect of Ambrose's, [1057]45

   Pretium regium, meaning of, [1058]97 (note)

   Pride, debases the heart, [1059]74 (note)

   Augustin errs through, [1060]75-77

   birds of the air symbolical of, [1061]80 (note)

   temptation of, [1062]158

   Priority of origin illustrated, [1063]187

   Prodigal son, the, allusions to, [1064]53, [1065]63, 77

   Progress, the law of, in Scripture, [1066]64

   Prophorikos i.e. "made flesh," [1067]107 (note), [1068]166 (note)

   Prosperity the blessing of the Old Testament, adversity of the New,
   [1069]76 (note)

   Providence of God [1070]47

   Psalms and hymns first sung in church at Milan, [1071]134

   sung at death-beds and burials, [1072]139 (note)

   Psaltery of ten strings, [1073]65 and note

   Psuche the, [1074]111 (note), [1075]113 (note)

   Psuchikos "soulish" or "natural," [1076]112 (note)

   Punishment of sin, [1077]72, [1078]79 (note)

   the absence of free-will a, [1079]125

   Purgatory, prayers for the dead imply a belief in, [1080]141 (note)

   Pylades and Orestes, [1081]71

   rqy "the firmament," [1082]199

   Rationalem, term applied to holy things, [1083]203 (note)

   Rationalism, modern, Manichean system kindred to, [1084]63 (note)

   Reason,

   the Manichæans exalted it at the expense of faith, [1085]63 (note)

   and faith, [1086]93 and note

   leads us to a belief in the necessity of eternity, [1087]173 (note)

   Reddere, used of the creed [1088]118 (note)

   Regeneration, [1089]45 and notes

   necessary before receiving the Eucharist, [1090]118 (note)

   Rest, true, in God alone, [1091]45, [1092]58, [1093]59, [1094]74,
   [1095]94 (note)

   in heaven, ours here an earnest of the future, 45 (note)

   God ever worketh and yet is always at rest, 207

   Retirement, Augustin finds in, preparation for future work, [1096]131
   (note)

   Revelation, law of the development of, [1097]64 (note)

   can alone reconcile the difficulties of the various systems of
   philosophy, [1098]75 (note)

   is like a broad and deep river, [1099]178 (note)

   devoid of mystery, [1100]196 (note)

   Rhetoric, Augustin becomes head in the school of, [1101]61

   he teaches it at Thagaste, [1102]68,

   then at Carthage, [1103]72,

   then at Rome, [1104]83

   Romanianus, a relative of Alypius,

   rich and talented, and good to Augustin, [1105]100 and note

   is influenced by Augustin to embrace the Manichæan, heresy, [1106]100,
   (note)

   Augustin's explanation of his conversion to, 115 (note)

   Rome, Augustin's motive for wishing to go to, 83, [1107]84

   he leaves, [1108]88

   Rule, the wooden, seen by Monica in her dream, 66

   symbolical of the Rule of Faith, [1109]67, [1110]128

   the, or "line," of Ps. xix. 3, 4, [1111]199 (note)

   Rumination, spiritual, [1112]91 (note)

   of the harts, [1113]164 (note)

   Sacrament, or mystery, [1114]118 (note)

   confirmation, etc., sometimes spoken of by the Fathers as a, [1115]118
   (note), [1116]197 and note

   Sacrifices were used by the soothsayers in their divinations, [1117]68

   Saint, a Manichean [1118]66 and notes

   Sallust, quotation from, [1119]58

   Salt, seasoning with, on admission as a catechumen, [1120]52 and note,
   [1121]89 (note)

   Sarx the "flesh," [1122]112 (note)

   Satan, renunciation of, before baptism, 118

   Schools,

   Augustin disapproves of the method of instruction in, [1123]52,
   [1124]53

   the different, of philosophy, etc., [1125]107 (note)

   Science does not lead to God, [1126]80, [1127]158 (note)

   Sciences called "liberal," [1128]68

   Augustin read the books concerning, unaided, 77

   Faustus was reputed to be skilled in, [1129]80, but had no real
   knowledge of them, [1130]82, [1131]83

   Scipio's change of name, [1132]120 (note)

   Scripture, God's reason for the mysteries in, 48 (note)

   veiled in mysteries, [1133]62, [1134]94

   made plain to the "little ones," being obscured to the mocking spirit
   of the Manichæans, [1135]62 (note)

   Manichean perversion of, [1136]62 (note), [1137]67 (note)

   they tried to deprive it of all authority, [1138]63 (note)

   the law of progress in, [1139]64 and note

   the Manichæans, when opposed, pretended that the, had been corrupted,
   [1140]81 (note)

   what they censured in the, [1141]87

   Ambrose expounded the, every Lord's day, 91

   "letter"of, [1142]92 (note)

   types in, [1143]92 (note)

   Manichean cavillings at, [1144]93

   authority of, [1145]93, [1146]117 (note)

   belief in, [1147]93. (note)

   plainness and depth of, [1148]93 and note

   Augustin rejoices that he studied Plato before, and not the reverse,
   [1149]113, [1150]114

   Augustin entreats of God that he may be led to the truth through the
   study of, [1151]163, [1152]164, [1153]178 and note

   mysteries and right use of, [1154]164 (notes)

   symbolized, [1155]164 (note)

   the Hebrew and Greek, [1156]165

   awful depth of, [1157]180

   truth to be seen in, but not by all, [1158]182

   Sea, allegorical explanation of the, [1159]196 and notes

   Security, false, [1160]156 and note

   Self-deception, Augustin's, [1161]123

   Self-knowledge to be preferred to ignorance, 47 (note)

   Self-love and pride the sources of sin, 65

   Sense, God has given to each its proper pleasure as well as use,
   [1162]79 (note)

   Sermons, Goodwin's description of the effect of, [1163]89

   Shakespeare, quotation from, [1164]69 (note)

   Shame, false, [1165]53, [1166]57

   Sight, the allurements of, [1167]156

   knowledge received by, [1168]201

   faith and, [1169]201 (note)

   Silence,

   the highest form of praise to God, [1170]46 (note)

   a consoler in grief, [1171]127 (note)

   Simplicianus, and the Platonist, [1172]113 (note)

   Augustin consults him about the renewing of his mind, [1173]116,117

   he succeeded Ambrose as Bishop of Milan,. 117

   his skill, [1174]117

   his uncompromisingness, [1175]117

   Sin, in infancy, [1176]47, [1177]48

   original, [1178]47, [1179]48, [1180]84

   the Manichæans, denied, [1181]76 (note)

   guilt of, after baptism, greater than before, 50

   our motives to, [1182]57, [1183]58

   love of, for the sin's sake, [1184]59

   self-love and pride the sources of, [1185]65

   its own punishment, [1186]72, [1187]79 (note), [1188]143 (note)

   the absence of free-will the punishment of former sin, [1189]125

   forgiveness of, after baptism, [1190]140 and note, 141

   has not substance, only weakness, [1191]192 (note)

   Augustin compares it to blindness, [1192]192 (note)

   Sinners cannot escape God, [1193]79

   injure themselves, not God, [1194]79 (notes)

   Skins, Augustine makes, the emblems of mortality, [1195]112 and note,
   [1196]195 (note)

   Sodom, the sea of, [1197]60 and note

   Solomon, the enigma of, [1198]63

   Son, the prodigal, [1199]53

   Song of Ambrose and Augustin, [1200]134 (note)

   Soothsayer, the, promises Augustin victory on certain conditions which
   he despises, [1201]68

   Sorrow, why sent to us, [1202]72 (note)

   effect of time and consolations of friends on, 72

   effect of silence in, [1203]127 (note)

   Soul, Augustin fancied that he and Nebridius had only one soul between
   them, [1204]71

   invocation to it to return to God, [1205]73

   the Manichæan, notion concerning the, [1206]76 (note)

   sight or eye of the, [1207]92

   body, spirit, and, [1208]111 (note)

   speculations concerning it after death, [1209]164 (note)

   Augustin on the origin of the human, [1210]183 (note)

   Neo-Platonic idea as to its capacity for seeing God, [1211]198 (note)

   Sozomen's account of the origin of Monachism, 122 (note)

   Spirit,

   the letter and the, of Scripture, [1212]92 and note

   body, soul, and, [1213]111 (note)

   pen of the, [1214]114 (note)

   leadings of the, [1215]153

   gifts of the, [1216]197

   Spiritual body, the, [1217]112 (note)

   Stage-plays,

   Augustin's love of, [1218]60

   reprobated by the Fathers, those who went to them being excluded from
   baptism, [1219]60 (note)

   Stars, knowledge of the, etc., [1220]80, [1221]81

   Manichean teaching as to the, false, [1222]82

   the catechumen to be content with the light of the moon and the,
   [1223]197, [1224]198

   Stereoma the firmament, [1225]199 (note)

   Stoics, the great year of the, [1226]202 (note)

   Study,

   Augustin's distaste for, in boyhood, [1227]50

   Ambrose in his, [1228]91

   Substance, corporeal, Augustin's idea of God as a, [1229]102 and note,
   [1230]103

   God's substance incorruptible, [1231]104

   evil not a, [1232]110

   the two substances, [1233]111

   Augustin thinks of God as an incorruptible, 116

   matter not created out of God's, [1234]177

   sins have not, [1235]192 (note)

   Subverters, Augustin delighted in their friendship, although he
   abhorred their acts, [1236]61

   the name of a pestilent and licentious set of persons, also termed
   Eversores, [1237]61 and note

   Sun, the Christian should always aspire to look at the, [1238]108

   when able to do so, [1239]198

   Christ the central, [1240]198 (note)

   Sun and moon,

   Manichean belief as to the, [1241]63,

   proved false, [1242]82, [1243]83 and note

   influence of the, [1244]103 (note)

   Sustinentia and continentia, difference between, [1245]153 (note)

   Sylvester, bishop of Rome, before Constantine, 69 (note)

   Symbols, use of, [1246]91 (note)

   God's goodness in conveying His truth by, 189

   Symmachus the prefect sends Augustin to Milan, 87, [1247]88

   Sympathy, real and false, [1248]51, [1249]60, [1250]61

   Christ's perfect human, [1251]71 (note)

   Syria, Hierius a native of, [1252]74, [1253]75

   Tablets, matrimonial, [1254]136 and note

   Talmud, illustrations of God's majesty, in, [1255]46 (note)

   of His mercy and justice in, [1256]133 (note)

   Tears, why sweet to the unhappy, [1257]71

   Technites, or artificer, God a, [1258]72 (note)

   Te Deum, the song of Ambrose and Augustin, [1259]134 (note)

   Telemachus the monk sacrificed his life to put an end to the circus
   fights, [1260]96 (note)

   Temptation, the winds and waves of, stilled by Christ, [1261]144 (note)

   life a, [1262]153

   as a testing, [1263]153 (note)

   we should not court, [1264]156 (note)

   Christ's, typical, [1265]80 (note), [1266]153 (note)

   Terence, Eunuchus of, [1267]53

   Testament, the Old and New, [1268]76 (note), [1269]180

   Thagaste, Augustin's father a poor freeman of, 56

   Augustin taught rhetoric there, [1270]68

   it was there Augustin met Nebridius, [1271]70

   Augustin leaves to go to Carthage, [1272]72

   the birthplace of Alypius, [1273]94

   Thebes, Antony a native of

   Paul the hermit of, [1274]122 (note)

   Theft, Augustin commits, from his parents' table, [1275]54

   and later, he steals not from poverty, but the love of wrong-doing,
   [1276]57-59

   innocent Alypius is apprehended for, [1277]96

   Theophilus of Antioch's opinion concerning Adam's immortality, [1278]73
   (note)

   Theraputæ of Philo, the, [1279]122 (note)

   Thorwaldsen, the Danish sculptor, dream of, 153 (note)

   Time,

   effect of, on grief, [1280]72

   God speaks to us in, [1281]166

   has no relation to eternity, [1282]167

   itself a creature, therefore not before creation, [1283]167, [1284]168

   what is, [1285]168, [1286]169

   present, not long, [1287]168, [1288]169

   cannot be measured, [1289]169,172,173 and note

   nevertheless, there is past and future, 196

   motions of the heavenly bodies not, [1290]172

   of what is it the protraction? [1291]172

   the impression of things on the mind, [1292]173

   regarded as an agent, [1293]174 (note)

   Augustin argues that it and the world had one beginning, [1294]175

   begins from the creation, not the creation from it, [1295]188 (note)

   has no relation to God and His Word, [1296]205

   Titus, amphitheatre of, [1297]95 (note)

   Tobias, the light seen by, [1298]157

   Toothache, Augustin suffers from, [1299]133

   De Quincey on, [1300]133 (note)

   Tradition, Rabbinical, concerning the children of Israel, [1301]64
   (note)

   belief in, [1302]93 (note)

   Tree of life, able to avert death from Adam, 73

   Triad, man a, [1303]111

   Trichotomy of man, doctrine of the, [1304]111 (note), [1305]113 (note)

   Triers, the monastery at, [1306]122

   Trinity, the Manichean notion of the, [1307]62 (note)

   doctrine of the, conveyed in creation, [1308]191

   types of, in man, [1309]193 and note

   mystery of the doctrine of the, [1310]193 (note)

   illustrations of the, [1311]193 (note)

   Trouble, why sent to us, [1312]72 (note)

   effect of time on, [1313]72

   Truth, Augustin's desire and longing for, [1314]62, 63

   the Manichæans abused the word truth, [1315]62

   God is, [1316]62, [1317]72, [1318]81, [1319]151, [1320]152, [1321]186
   and note

   Augustin's despair of finding the, [1322]86

   is God's alone, [1323]109 (note)

   heresies confirm, [1324]113

   Licentius' and Trygetius' notions concerning

   the search after, and the finding, [1325]123 (note)

   joy in the, [1326]152

   he who finds, finds God, [1327]152

   Augustin begs that God will lead him to the, through the Scriptures,
   [1328]163-164

   wisdom and, [1329]166

   the discovery of, difficult, [1330]176

   to be seen in Scripture, but not by all, 183

   Trygetius' notion concerning truth, [1331]123 (note)

   Tully,

   Augustin at one time thought the Holy Scriptures not to be compared in
   dignity to, [1332]62

   his contrary opinion, [1333]81 (note)

   orations of, [1334]83

   Types in Scripture, [1335]92 (note)

   of the Trinity in man, [1336]193

   Universe, beauty of the, [1337]79 (note)

   Victorinus, conversion of, [1338]117

   Wax, writing on, [1339]133 and note

   Way, Christ the, [1340]114 (note), [1341]116

   Weeping, why sweet to the unhappy, [1342]71

   West, custom of turning to the, [1343]113 (note)

   Wife, Monica fears that a, would prove an encumbrance to her son,
   [1344]57

   but afterwards seeks for one for him, [1345]99

   Will, evil a perversion of the, [1346]111

   feebleness of, [1347]125

   conflict in the, [1348]125, [1349]126

   of God is eternal, [1350]180

   Wine-bibbing,

   Ambrose forbids it at oratories, [1351]90

   Monica's, in her youth, [1352]135

   how cured, [1353]136

   Wisdom, Augustin's love of, [1354]62, [1355]98

   the love of, called philosophy in Greek, 62

   God enjoins man to behold, [1356]81

   Augustin stimulated to the love of, by Cicero's Hortensius, [1357]107
   (note)

   and truth, [1358]166

   of God eternal, [1359]180, [1360]181

   the word of, given by the Spirit, [1361]197 and note

   Wit, [1362]45 (note)

   Augustin's, a snare to him [1363]77

   Wizards, Augustin's opinion of, [1364]68 (note)

   Woman, creation of, [1365]206 and note

   Wood, the cross called a ship of, [1366]52, [1367]53 (note), [1368]114
   (note)

   Word,

   wit and eloquence baits to draw man to the, [1369]45 (note)

   the written, likened to the swaddling-clothes of the child Jesus,
   [1370]64 (note)

   made flesh, [1371]107, [1372]108

   and note, [1373]112, [1374]113, [1375]162

   God the, [1376]108

   Christ the, [1377]112

   God created the world by His, [1378]165

   God speaks to us eternally in His, [1379]166

   the beginning of all things, [1380]166

   happiness of the spiritual creature to be found only in the, [1381]190

   the firmament the type of the, [1382]195, [1383]196

   heaven and earth shall pass away, but not the, 196

   Word of God, eternal, [1384]73

   a fount of happiness, [1385]81 (note)

   incorruptible, [1386]103 and note

   Words and ideas, [1387]49

   World,

   the things of this, are fleeting, [1388]73

   love of the, [1389]79

   the sea ened to the wicked, [1390]196 and notes

   the Manichæan, and Gnostic opinion as to the origin of the, [1391]205

   the, was created out of nothing, [1392]206

   Zeno and Aristotle prepared the way for Neo-Platonism, [1393]86 (note)
     __________________________________________________________________

LETTERS OF ST. AUGUSTIN

                               INDEX OF SUBJECTS

   Academic philosophy, [1394]401-[1395]407, [1396]444

   Acclamations in ecclesiastical meetings, [1397]569

   Ambrose, conversation of Monica with, [1398]270, [1399]300

   Anaxagoras refuted [1400]446

   Anaximenes refuted, [1401]446

   Anecdote of Vendicianus [1402]482

   Anecdote of Gennadius, [1403]514,

   Anecdote, humorous, [1404]533

   Anecdote of Dioscorus, [1405]576

   Anger, remarks on, [1406]271

   Apuleius of Madaura, [1407]487

   Astrology, absurdities of, [1408]588, [1409]589

   Baptism not to be repeated, [1410]243

   Baptism of infants, [1411]409, [1412]410, [1413]526-[1414]530,
   [1415]532

   Bishop, the office of

   its nature, [1416]277

   motives to resign or accept it, [1417]325, [1418]326

   Bodily infirmities, reference to Augustin's, [1419]271, [1420]452,
   [1421]509, [1422]593

   Catholic Church, the, [1423]388-[1424]390

   Catholic faith, restoration of Leporius to, [1425]572

   Christ commended to Licentius, [1426]248

   to Dioscorus, [1427]445

   to Volusianus, , [1428]478

   Christ, name of, known throughout the world, [1429]586

   Christ preaching to the spirits in prison, [1430]515-[1431]521

   Christian churches, social influence of, [1432]377, [1433]484

   resorted to in time of trouble and distress, [1434]579

   Christian Dispensation, epoch of, [1435]416-[1436]418

   Christian Dispensation, peculiarities of, [1437]418-[1438]420

   Christian meekness, [1439]483-[1440]486

   Christian excellence, a fine example of, [1441]507

   Christianity, evidences of, [1442]478-[1443]480

   Christianity favourable to national prosperity, [1444]485-[1445]487

   Conciliation, endeavours after,

   with Donatists, [1446]242, [1447]244, [1448]262, etc.

   with Jerome, [1449]329 [1450]331

   with unknown bishop, [1451]498

   Conscience, cases of, resolved, [1452]290, [1453]294

   Consolation to a bereaved sister, [1454]591-[1455]593

   Conversion of Dioscorus, marvellous, [1456]576

   Councils, authority of, [1457]282

   Cross, symbolical significance of the, [1458]311

   Cutzupits or mountain men, [1459]298

   Danger, bishops should not desert their sees in time of,
   [1460]577-[1461]581

   Death-bed, a triumphant, [1462]509-[1463]512

   Debate between Fortunius and Augustin, [1464]285-[1465]290

   Deliverance of Christian captive, remarkable, [1466]436

   Democritus refuted, [1467]448-[1468]450

   Disinterestedness of Augustin, [1469]362

   Dispensations, unity of Old and New Testament, [1470]481-[1471]483

   Donatists, controversy with [1472]276-[1473]285

   Dove, the form of a, symbol of the Holy Ghost, [1474]541, [1475]542

   Dreams, marvellous, [1476]510, [1477]512, [1478]513, [1479]514

   Dreams, phenomena inexplicable, [1480]513, [1481]514

   Dress of women, [1482]588

   Easter, observance of, [1483]308-[1484]312

   Ecclesiastical cases

   Timotheus, [1485]319, [1486]320

   Quintianus, [1487]321, [1488]332

   Abundantius, [1489]322

   Boniface and Spes, [1490]345-[1491]348

   Pinianus, [1492]459

   Antonius of Fussala, [1493]560-[1494]562

   Election of Augustin's successor, record of proceedings at,
   [1495]568-[1496]570

   Epicureans refuted, [1497]443

   Epicureans extinct in fifth century, [1498]442, [1499]445

   Epicurus refuted, [1500]448

   Eternity of punishment, [1501]420, [1502]422

   Eucharist to be taken fasting, [1503]301

   Excommunication, example of rash, [1504]589, [1505]590

   Faith, perfect understanding not essential to, [1506]425, [1507]426,
   [1508]539, [1509]540

   Falsehood in no case excusable, [1510]251, [1511]273, [1512]351,
   [1513]357, [1514]547, [1515]548

   Fasting before taking the Eucharist, [1516]302, [1517]303

   Feasts in honour of martyrs, censured, [1518]239-[1519]241

   abolished at Hippo, [1520]253-[1521]256

   Forbearance, duty of mutual, [1522]562-[1523]563

   Ghostly apparitions, [1524]511, [1525]512

   God not seen with the bodily eyes, [1526]498, [1527]499

   Grace, human dependence on, [1528]496, [1529]497, [1530]549-[1531]551,
   [1532]571

   Greek, Augustin's imperfect knowledge of, [1533]251, [1534]275

   Heavenly-mindedness, [1535]451, [1536]459-[1537]462

   Hebrew, Augustin's ignorance of, [1538]303, [1539]327

   Humility of Augustin, [1540]236, [1541]237, [1542]241, [1543]250,
   [1544]270, [1545]491, [1546]494

   Humility commended, [1547]454

   Hymn of Priscillianists, [1548]457

   Incarnation, nature of, [1549]474-[1550]477, [1551]541, [1552]542

   Infantile protest against idolatry, marvellous, [1553]408

   Infants, sufferings of, difficult to account for [1554]526,
   [1555]528-[1556]531

   Irony, [1557]234, [1558]235, [1559]267, [1560]295, [1561]298,
   [1562]377, [1563]378, [1564]588

   Jonah's gourd, discussion as to, [1565]327, [1566]342, [1567]361

   Jonah's history defended and allegorized, [1568]422, [1569]423

   Jupiter, Apollonius more respectable than, [1570]489

   Latin clerks scarce in Palestine, [1571]544

   Lent, observance of, [1572]312

   Letter to Jerome, tedious journey of, [1573]328

   Loaf exchanged between Christian friends, [1574]246, [1575]260

   Love of God, [1576]309, [1577]553

   Love, brotherly, [1578]55

   Manuscripts stolen from Jerome, [1579]544

   Martyrs of Suffectum, [1580]295

   Maundy Thursday, how observed, [1581]302, [1582]303

   Mercy to man recompensed with mercy from God, [1583]538

   Monks, counsels to, [1584]294, [1585]378, [1586]362

   Moon, the, a symbol of the Church, [1587]305, [1588]306

   Murder, judicial, of Marcellinus, [1589]505-[1590]508

   Music, symbolical value of, [1591]473, [1592]527

   Numbers, significance of, [1593]308-[1594]309, [1595]312-[1596]314

   Nun, on Demetrias becoming a, [1597]504

   Nuns rebuked for unseemly strife, [1598]563, [1599]564

   Nunneries, rule of Augustinian, [1600]564-[1601]568

   Oath, binding nature of an, [1602]453-[1603]455, [1604]458, [1605]459

   Occupations of Augustin, multifarious, [1606]223, [1607]414, [1608]489,
   [1609]539, [1610]543, [1611]570

   Ordination of Augustin, reference to, [1612]238, [1613]570

   Pagan objections to Christianity, [1614]233, [1615]234, [1616]422,
   [1617]423, [1618]472, [1619]473

   Paganism, arguments against, [1620]234, [1621]235, [1622]295,
   [1623]377, [1624]378, [1625]406, [1626]585-[1627]587

   Paper scarce, [1628]232

   Patience of Augustin, [1629]271

   Patience recommended, [1630]450, [1631]451, [1632]469

   Pelagianism, warnings against, [1633]549-[1634]552

   Pelagianism, measures against, [1635]554-[1636]556

   Persecution, earlier views of Augustin on, [1637]289

   later views of Augustin on, [1638]367, [1639]375, [1640]382-[1641]386,
   [1642]388-[1643]390, [1644]543, [1645]545, [1646]547

   Peter, successors of St., [1647]298

   Piety of Augustin, [1648]222, [1649]228, [1650]294, [1651]307

   Praise should not be vehemently desired, [1652]583

   Prayer, subjects of, [1653]462-[1654]464, [1655]466

   Prayer, continuance in, [1656]464, [1657]465

   Prayer, use of, [1658]465

   Preaching, example of Augustin's power in, [1659]253-[1660]255

   Preaching of presbyters, [1661]275

   Presents received by Augustin, [1662]504, [1663]572, [1664]597

   Pride censured, [1665]240, [1666]241

   Punic language, preaching in, [1667]364

   Reading of Scripture in churches, [1668]327

   Rebuke of worldliness in a priest, [1669]364, [1670]365

   Relics of St. Stephen, [1671]568

   Remorse, pangs of, [1672]508

   Resurrection of Christ and of Lazarus compared, [1673]414-[1674]417

   Riot at Calama, [1675]378

   Riotous election of Pinianus at Hippo, [1676]455, [1677]456

   Rites and ceremonies of the Church, [1678]300-[1679]315

   Rome, sieges of, referred to, [1680]410

   Rome, Bishop of, appealed to, [1681]560-[1682]562

   Sabbath, law of the, typical, [1683]310

   Saints, miracles wrought at tombs of, [1684]346

   Sanctuary, churches used as a, by offenders, [1685]436, [1686]437,
   [1687]589

   Scandals in the Church no reason for forsaking it, [1688]283,
   [1689]284, [1690]345, [1691]558-[1692]560

   Scriptures, Augustin's study of the, [1693]238, [1694]313

   Scriptures superior to all other writings, [1695]413, [1696]470,
   [1697]480

   Scriptures, authority of, [1698]490

   Septuagint version, Augustin's undue reverence for, [1699]347

   Sin, essential nature of, [1700]537-[1701]538

   Sin, true hatred of, [1702]496, [1703]497

   Soldier, advices to a, [1704]553, [1705]554, [1706]581, [1707]582

   Soul, nature of the, [1708]523-[1709]525

   Souls, origin of, [1710]491-[1711]494

   Souls, condition of disembodied, [1712]512-[1713]514

   Spirits in prison, who were the, [1714]519-[1715]521

   Stoics, doctrines of, refuted, [1716]443, [1717]444,
   [1718]534-[1719]537

   Stoics extinct in fifth century, [1720]442, [1721]445, [1722]446

   Sympathy, Christian, [1723]470, [1724]471

   Torture, examination by, [1725]470

   Trinity, mystery of the, [1726]229-[1727]230, [1728]540, [1729]541

   Violence of barbarians, [1730]433-[1731]437

   Violence of Donatists, [1732]264, [1733]371, [1734]372, [1735]433,
   [1736]470

   Virtue, degrees of, [1737]354, [1738]355

   Ward of the Church, concerning marriage of, [1739]591

   Widows especially called to pray, [1740]468

   World, vanity of this, [1741]558

   Worldliness, warnings against, [1742]573-[1743]576

   Worship, public, [1744]256, [1745]375

   Zeal, an example of Christian, in Orosius, [1746]523
     __________________________________________________________________

                                    Indexes
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References

   Genesis

   [1747]1:1   [1748]1:1   [1749]1:1   [1750]1:1   [1751]1:1   [1752]1:2
   [1753]1:2   [1754]1:2   [1755]1:2   [1756]1:2   [1757]1:3   [1758]1:3
   [1759]1:3   [1760]1:3-4   [1761]1:4   [1762]1:5   [1763]1:6
   [1764]1:6-8   [1765]1:7   [1766]1:9   [1767]1:9   [1768]1:11
   [1769]1:11   [1770]1:12   [1771]1:14   [1772]1:14   [1773]1:14
   [1774]1:15   [1775]1:17   [1776]1:20   [1777]1:20   [1778]1:26
   [1779]1:26-27   [1780]1:27   [1781]1:27   [1782]1:27   [1783]1:28
   [1784]1:29   [1785]1:30   [1786]1:30   [1787]1:31   [1788]1:31
   [1789]1:31   [1790]1:31   [1791]1:31   [1792]1:31   [1793]2:2
   [1794]2:2   [1795]2:3   [1796]2:7   [1797]2:7   [1798]3:8
   [1799]3:16   [1800]3:19   [1801]3:19   [1802]3:21   [1803]3:21
   [1804]4:3-4   [1805]9:3   [1806]9:27   [1807]12   [1808]12
   [1809]14:3   [1810]14:10   [1811]16:5   [1812]16:12   [1813]16:13-14
   [1814]18:2-9   [1815]18:6   [1816]18:27   [1817]18:27   [1818]19:1-3
   [1819]21:10   [1820]22:1   [1821]22:12   [1822]22:14   [1823]22:18
   [1824]22:18   [1825]22:18   [1826]25:33-34   [1827]25:34   [1828]26
   [1829]26:4   [1830]26:4   [1831]26:31   [1832]27:1   [1833]27:28
   [1834]31:53   [1835]42   [1836]43   [1837]46:27   [1838]48:13-19
   [1839]49:4

   Exodus

   [1840]3:14   [1841]3:21-22   [1842]4:24-25   [1843]5:9   [1844]6:12
   [1845]7   [1846]8   [1847]8:19   [1848]12   [1849]12:13   [1850]12:27
   [1851]12:35-36   [1852]13:21   [1853]16:3   [1854]16:15
   [1855]18:14-25   [1856]19   [1857]19:10-11   [1858]19:18   [1859]20
   [1860]20:1-17   [1861]20:7   [1862]20:17   [1863]23:15   [1864]31
   [1865]32:1-6   [1866]32:6   [1867]32:27   [1868]32:27-28
   [1869]33:20   [1870]34:28

   Leviticus

   [1871]19:18

   Numbers

   [1872]11   [1873]11   [1874]11:5   [1875]11:25   [1876]15:35
   [1877]16:2   [1878]16:19   [1879]16:31   [1880]16:31-33
   [1881]16:31-33   [1882]16:31-35   [1883]16:31-35   [1884]16:35
   [1885]21:5   [1886]22:28

   Deuteronomy

   [1887]4:24   [1888]5:6-21   [1889]5:11   [1890]5:21   [1891]6:5
   [1892]7:25-26   [1893]7:26   [1894]12:3   [1895]17:11   [1896]29:5
   [1897]29:29   [1898]32:7   [1899]32:39   [1900]32:39   [1901]32:49

   Joshua

   [1902]6:19   [1903]10:12-14   [1904]22:9-12

   Judges

   [1905]6:26

   1 Samuel

   [1906]1   [1907]8:6-7   [1908]17:40-51   [1909]24:7   [1910]28:14

   2 Samuel

   [1911]11:4   [1912]11:17   [1913]13:14   [1914]21:17   [1915]22:2-51
   [1916]23:15-17

   1 Kings

   [1917]17   [1918]17:6   [1919]17:22   [1920]18:4   [1921]18:40
   [1922]18:40   [1923]18:40   [1924]19:8

   2 Kings

   [1925]4:35

   1 Chronicles

   [1926]12:17-18   [1927]21:1

   2 Chronicles

   [1928]16:19

   Job

   [1929]1:10   [1930]1:12   [1931]2:6   [1932]2:13   [1933]7:1
   [1934]7:1   [1935]7:1   [1936]7:1   [1937]7:1   [1938]9:3
   [1939]11:7   [1940]14:1   [1941]14:4-5   [1942]14:13   [1943]15:26
   [1944]23:8   [1945]28:28   [1946]28:28   [1947]28:28   [1948]28:28
   [1949]29:14   [1950]38:11-12

   Psalms

   [1951]1:1   [1952]1:1   [1953]1:1-2   [1954]1:20   [1955]1:20
   [1956]2   [1957]2:1   [1958]2:2   [1959]2:7   [1960]2:7-8
   [1961]2:7-8   [1962]2:8   [1963]2:10-11   [1964]2:11   [1965]2:11
   [1966]2:11   [1967]3   [1968]3:3   [1969]4:1   [1970]4:1   [1971]4:1
   [1972]4:2   [1973]4:2   [1974]4:2   [1975]4:5   [1976]4:6   [1977]4:6
   [1978]4:6   [1979]4:7   [1980]4:7   [1981]4:7   [1982]4:7   [1983]4:8
   [1984]4:8   [1985]4:8   [1986]4:9   [1987]4:23   [1988]5:3
   [1989]5:6   [1990]5:12   [1991]6:2   [1992]6:3   [1993]6:3
   [1994]6:5   [1995]6:8   [1996]7:3-4   [1997]7:9   [1998]7:15
   [1999]7:15   [2000]8   [2001]8   [2002]8   [2003]8:2   [2004]8:3
   [2005]8:7-8   [2006]8:8   [2007]8:28   [2008]9:9   [2009]9:13
   [2010]10:3   [2011]10:3   [2012]11   [2013]11:2   [2014]11:3
   [2015]12:1   [2016]12:6   [2017]12:7   [2018]12:7   [2019]15:4
   [2020]16:2   [2021]16:2   [2022]16:2   [2023]16:3   [2024]16:10
   [2025]16:10   [2026]18:1   [2027]18:7   [2028]18:28   [2029]18:28
   [2030]18:31   [2031]18:35   [2032]19   [2033]19:3-4   [2034]19:3-4
   [2035]19:4   [2036]19:4   [2037]19:5   [2038]19:6   [2039]19:6
   [2040]19:7   [2041]19:8   [2042]19:9   [2043]19:9   [2044]19:12
   [2045]19:12   [2046]19:12-13   [2047]19:14   [2048]19:14   [2049]22
   [2050]22:2   [2051]22:7-8   [2052]22:16-18   [2053]22:16-18
   [2054]22:25   [2055]22:26   [2056]22:26   [2057]22:26   [2058]22:27
   [2059]22:27-28   [2060]22:27-28   [2061]23:5   [2062]23:5-6
   [2063]24:1   [2064]24:5   [2065]25:9   [2066]25:9   [2067]25:10
   [2068]25:11   [2069]25:15   [2070]25:15   [2071]25:15   [2072]25:17
   [2073]25:18   [2074]26:3   [2075]26:7   [2076]26:7   [2077]26:8
   [2078]26:8   [2079]26:12   [2080]27:1   [2081]27:4   [2082]27:4
   [2083]27:4   [2084]27:4   [2085]27:8   [2086]27:8   [2087]27:12
   [2088]27:14   [2089]28:1   [2090]29:5   [2091]29:5   [2092]29:9
   [2093]30:7   [2094]30:11   [2095]30:12   [2096]31:3   [2097]31:6
   [2098]31:10   [2099]31:10   [2100]31:14   [2101]31:18   [2102]31:20
   [2103]31:22   [2104]31:22   [2105]32:1   [2106]32:5   [2107]32:9
   [2108]33:6   [2109]33:9   [2110]33:11   [2111]33:15   [2112]34:1
   [2113]34:2   [2114]34:2   [2115]34:5   [2116]34:5   [2117]34:18
   [2118]35:3   [2119]35:3   [2120]35:10   [2121]35:10   [2122]35:10
   [2123]35:12   [2124]35:13   [2125]36   [2126]36   [2127]36:2
   [2128]36:5   [2129]36:6   [2130]36:6   [2131]36:6   [2132]36:6
   [2133]36:7   [2134]36:8-9   [2135]36:8-10   [2136]36:9   [2137]36:9
   [2138]36:9   [2139]36:10   [2140]37:4   [2141]37:4   [2142]37:5-6
   [2143]37:9-11   [2144]37:23   [2145]37:23   [2146]38   [2147]39:5
   [2148]39:11   [2149]39:11   [2150]39:11   [2151]41:4   [2152]41:4
   [2153]41:4   [2154]41:8   [2155]42:1-2   [2156]42:2   [2157]42:2-3
   [2158]42:3   [2159]42:4   [2160]42:5   [2161]42:5   [2162]42:5
   [2163]42:6   [2164]42:7   [2165]42:7   [2166]42:10   [2167]42:11
   [2168]43:5   [2169]45:2   [2170]45:11-16   [2171]45:13
   [2172]45:13-14   [2173]46:1   [2174]46:4   [2175]46:10   [2176]46:11
   [2177]48:2   [2178]48:3   [2179]49   [2180]49:6   [2181]49:12
   [2182]49:20   [2183]50:3   [2184]50:9   [2185]51:1   [2186]51:5
   [2187]51:6   [2188]51:8   [2189]51:10   [2190]51:13   [2191]51:17
   [2192]51:17   [2193]51:19   [2194]52:6   [2195]55:5-8   [2196]55:6
   [2197]55:7   [2198]55:14-15   [2199]55:18   [2200]55:22   [2201]56:12
   [2202]57:1   [2203]57:7-8   [2204]58:10   [2205]59:1   [2206]59:9
   [2207]61:2   [2208]62:1-2   [2209]62:10   [2210]63:1   [2211]63:1
   [2212]63:1   [2213]63:3   [2214]63:8   [2215]63:27   [2216]64:6
   [2217]64:10   [2218]65:11   [2219]67:1-2   [2220]68:2   [2221]68:5
   [2222]68:6   [2223]68:6   [2224]68:11   [2225]68:13   [2226]68:16
   [2227]68:18   [2228]68:28   [2229]68:29   [2230]69:3   [2231]69:12
   [2232]69:26   [2233]69:32   [2234]71:5   [2235]72:7   [2236]72:8
   [2237]72:11   [2238]72:11   [2239]72:17-19   [2240]72:18   [2241]73:7
   [2242]73:9   [2243]73:16   [2244]73:27   [2245]73:28   [2246]73:28
   [2247]73:28   [2248]74:16   [2249]74:21   [2250]76:7   [2251]77:2
   [2252]77:10   [2253]78:39   [2254]78:39   [2255]79:5   [2256]79:8
   [2257]79:11   [2258]80:5   [2259]80:7   [2260]80:17   [2261]80:19
   [2262]80:19   [2263]81:10   [2264]84:2   [2265]84:5   [2266]84:5
   [2267]84:6   [2268]84:6   [2269]85:5   [2270]85:11   [2271]86:1
   [2272]86:11   [2273]86:15   [2274]88:1   [2275]88:5   [2276]88:5
   [2277]89   [2278]89:11   [2279]89:30-33   [2280]89:39   [2281]90:12
   [2282]90:14-15   [2283]91:1   [2284]91:11   [2285]91:13   [2286]92:1
   [2287]93:20   [2288]94:1   [2289]94:8-9   [2290]94:12-13
   [2291]94:15   [2292]94:19   [2293]94:19   [2294]94:19   [2295]95:5
   [2296]96:4   [2297]96:5   [2298]100:3   [2299]100:3   [2300]100:3
   [2301]101:1   [2302]101:1   [2303]101:5   [2304]102:12   [2305]102:20
   [2306]102:26-27   [2307]102:27   [2308]102:27   [2309]102:27
   [2310]102:27   [2311]103:3   [2312]103:3   [2313]103:3   [2314]103:3
   [2315]103:3-5   [2316]103:3-5   [2317]103:5   [2318]103:10
   [2319]103:14   [2320]104:2   [2321]104:2   [2322]104:4   [2323]104:9
   [2324]104:15   [2325]104:24   [2326]104:24   [2327]106:2
   [2328]106:20   [2329]107:8   [2330]107:14   [2331]108:5
   [2332]109:22   [2333]110:3   [2334]111:10   [2335]112:10
   [2336]113:1-3   [2337]115:5-6   [2338]115:16   [2339]115:16
   [2340]116   [2341]116:8   [2342]116:9   [2343]116:10   [2344]116:10
   [2345]116:10   [2346]116:11   [2347]116:12   [2348]116:13
   [2349]116:15   [2350]116:16   [2351]116:16-17   [2352]116:16-17
   [2353]116:17   [2354]118:1   [2355]118:1   [2356]118:22
   [2357]119:18   [2358]119:37   [2359]119:53   [2360]119:71
   [2361]119:85   [2362]119:85   [2363]119:105   [2364]119:108
   [2365]119:120   [2366]119:122   [2367]119:133   [2368]119:142
   [2369]119:155   [2370]119:158   [2371]119:176   [2372]120:3-4
   [2373]120:6-7   [2374]121:4   [2375]122:1   [2376]122:1   [2377]124:8
   [2378]125:2   [2379]126:1   [2380]130:1   [2381]130:1   [2382]130:3
   [2383]132:1   [2384]132:8   [2385]136:4   [2386]138:6   [2387]139:2
   [2388]139:4   [2389]139:6   [2390]139:7   [2391]139:7-8   [2392]139:9
   [2393]139:12   [2394]139:16   [2395]139:21   [2396]139:22
   [2397]141:3-4   [2398]141:5   [2399]141:5   [2400]141:5   [2401]141:5
   [2402]142:5   [2403]142:7   [2404]143:2   [2405]143:2   [2406]143:2
   [2407]143:2   [2408]143:6   [2409]143:10   [2410]144:5   [2411]144:7
   [2412]144:9   [2413]144:11   [2414]144:15   [2415]145:3
   [2416]145:15   [2417]145:15-16   [2418]145:18   [2419]146
   [2420]146:8   [2421]147:5   [2422]147:6   [2423]148:1-12
   [2424]148:4   [2425]148:6   [2426]149:6

   Proverbs

   [2427]1:4   [2428]3:7   [2429]3:12   [2430]4:27   [2431]8:22
   [2432]8:22   [2433]8:25   [2434]8:35   [2435]9:8   [2436]9:8
   [2437]9:8   [2438]9:8   [2439]9:9   [2440]9:9   [2441]9:13
   [2442]9:14   [2443]9:17   [2444]9:18   [2445]10:6   [2446]10:19
   [2447]13:22   [2448]17:6   [2449]18:18   [2450]19:12   [2451]19:21
   [2452]21:20   [2453]21:31   [2454]22:15   [2455]23:14   [2456]26:27
   [2457]26:27   [2458]27:6   [2459]27:6   [2460]27:8   [2461]27:20
   [2462]27:21   [2463]29:19   [2464]30:3-4   [2465]30:8   [2466]30:8-9
   [2467]30:12

   Ecclesiastes

   [2468]1:9   [2469]3:4   [2470]5:3   [2471]5:7   [2472]11:2
   [2473]12:7   [2474]12:7   [2475]30:12

   Song of Solomon

   [2476]1:3   [2477]1:3-4   [2478]1:4   [2479]1:7   [2480]1:7
   [2481]1:7   [2482]1:8   [2483]2:2   [2484]2:2   [2485]2:9
   [2486]2:17   [2487]8:6

   Isaiah

   [2488]1:16   [2489]1:18   [2490]1:19   [2491]2:2   [2492]2:2
   [2493]3:12   [2494]6:2   [2495]6:3   [2496]7:9   [2497]8:14
   [2498]9:2   [2499]10:26   [2500]14:13   [2501]14:13-14   [2502]26:20
   [2503]26:20   [2504]26:20   [2505]28:15   [2506]28:16   [2507]32:13
   [2508]33:5   [2509]34:4   [2510]34:4   [2511]34:4   [2512]37:16
   [2513]40:6-8   [2514]40:26   [2515]42:3   [2516]46:4   [2517]48:10
   [2518]48:22   [2519]51:7-8   [2520]51:7-8   [2521]52:7   [2522]53:7
   [2523]56:8   [2524]57:18-19   [2525]58:7   [2526]58:8   [2527]58:10
   [2528]64:4   [2529]66:5

   Jeremiah

   [2530]2:13   [2531]2:27   [2532]2:28   [2533]2:30   [2534]4:25
   [2535]9:24   [2536]9:24   [2537]12:15   [2538]15:19   [2539]17:5
   [2540]17:5   [2541]23:24   [2542]23:24   [2543]31:31   [2544]31:31-32
   [2545]31:32   [2546]31:34   [2547]36:23   [2548]36:23   [2549]36:30
   [2550]43   [2551]51:6

   Lamentations

   [2552]3:48

   Ezekiel

   [2553]14:14   [2554]14:18   [2555]14:20   [2556]18:4   [2557]18:4
   [2558]18:14   [2559]20:25   [2560]20:25   [2561]28:3   [2562]34:4
   [2563]38   [2564]40   [2565]43:19

   Daniel

   [2566]2:34-35   [2567]3:28   [2568]6:23-24   [2569]9:3-20
   [2570]9:21   [2571]12:3

   Hosea

   [2572]2:8   [2573]5:11   [2574]12:1

   Joel

   [2575]2:26   [2576]2:32

   Amos

   [2577]5:4

   Jonah

   [2578]1   [2579]4:6   [2580]5

   Habakkuk

   [2581]2:4   [2582]2:4   [2583]2:4

   Zechariah

   [2584]5:4   [2585]12:1

   Malachi

   [2586]1:2   [2587]1:11   [2588]3:6   [2589]3:10

   Matthew

   [2590]1:20   [2591]1:22   [2592]2:16   [2593]3:2   [2594]3:4
   [2595]3:12   [2596]3:12   [2597]3:12   [2598]3:12   [2599]4:1
   [2600]4:2   [2601]4:3   [2602]4:4   [2603]5:3   [2604]5:3-9
   [2605]5:3-11   [2606]5:7   [2607]5:7   [2608]5:8   [2609]5:8
   [2610]5:8   [2611]5:8   [2612]5:9   [2613]5:9   [2614]5:9
   [2615]5:10   [2616]5:10   [2617]5:10   [2618]5:14   [2619]5:14
   [2620]5:14-16   [2621]5:16   [2622]5:16   [2623]5:16   [2624]5:16
   [2625]5:21   [2626]5:22   [2627]5:34   [2628]5:36   [2629]5:37
   [2630]5:39   [2631]5:39   [2632]5:39   [2633]5:39-41   [2634]5:39-41
   [2635]5:40   [2636]5:41   [2637]5:41   [2638]5:44   [2639]5:44
   [2640]5:45   [2641]5:45   [2642]5:45   [2643]5:48   [2644]6:2
   [2645]6:5   [2646]6:6   [2647]6:6   [2648]6:7-8   [2649]6:8
   [2650]6:12   [2651]6:12   [2652]6:12   [2653]6:13   [2654]6:13
   [2655]6:14   [2656]6:21   [2657]6:21   [2658]6:33   [2659]6:34
   [2660]7:1   [2661]7:2   [2662]7:2   [2663]7:3   [2664]7:4   [2665]7:6
   [2666]7:7   [2667]7:7   [2668]7:7   [2669]7:7   [2670]7:7-8
   [2671]7:7-11   [2672]7:11   [2673]7:11   [2674]7:12   [2675]7:13
   [2676]7:13   [2677]7:14   [2678]7:15-16   [2679]7:16   [2680]8:8
   [2681]8:8-10   [2682]8:11   [2683]8:20   [2684]8:22   [2685]8:22
   [2686]9:2   [2687]9:12-13   [2688]9:15   [2689]9:15   [2690]9:38
   [2691]10:16   [2692]10:16   [2693]10:16   [2694]10:20   [2695]10:23
   [2696]10:29   [2697]10:29-30   [2698]10:30   [2699]10:41-42
   [2700]11:11   [2701]11:12   [2702]11:13   [2703]11:19   [2704]11:25
   [2705]11:25   [2706]11:25   [2707]11:28   [2708]11:28-29
   [2709]11:28-29   [2710]11:28-30   [2711]11:29   [2712]11:29
   [2713]11:30   [2714]11:30   [2715]11:30   [2716]11:30   [2717]11:30
   [2718]11:30   [2719]12:8-12   [2720]12:20   [2721]12:28   [2722]12:29
   [2723]12:30   [2724]12:36   [2725]12:36   [2726]12:39-40   [2727]13:7
   [2728]13:22   [2729]13:24-30   [2730]13:24-39   [2731]13:29
   [2732]13:30   [2733]13:30-39   [2734]13:39   [2735]13:43
   [2736]13:46   [2737]16:18   [2738]16:19   [2739]16:24   [2740]16:26
   [2741]16:27   [2742]17:3   [2743]17:5   [2744]17:5   [2745]17:17
   [2746]17:26-27   [2747]17:27   [2748]18:7   [2749]18:7   [2750]18:7
   [2751]18:10   [2752]18:10   [2753]18:15   [2754]18:16   [2755]18:18
   [2756]18:35   [2757]19:8   [2758]19:11   [2759]19:12   [2760]19:12
   [2761]19:14   [2762]19:16   [2763]19:16-19   [2764]19:17
   [2765]19:20   [2766]19:21   [2767]19:21   [2768]19:21-26
   [2769]19:22   [2770]19:27   [2771]19:29   [2772]20:9-10   [2773]21:12
   [2774]21:25   [2775]21:44   [2776]22:9   [2777]22:10   [2778]22:29
   [2779]22:37-39   [2780]22:37-39   [2781]22:37-40   [2782]22:40
   [2783]22:40   [2784]22:40   [2785]23:2-3   [2786]23:3   [2787]23:3
   [2788]23:8   [2789]23:10   [2790]24:12   [2791]24:12-13
   [2792]24:12-13   [2793]24:12-13   [2794]24:12-13   [2795]24:12-13
   [2796]24:14   [2797]24:14   [2798]24:31   [2799]24:35   [2800]24:41
   [2801]25:21   [2802]25:21   [2803]25:27   [2804]26:2   [2805]26:3-4
   [2806]26:17   [2807]26:20-28   [2808]26:38   [2809]26:39
   [2810]26:42   [2811]26:52   [2812]26:53   [2813]26:75   [2814]28:1
   [2815]28:19

   Mark

   [2816]1:44   [2817]12:30-31   [2818]13:32   [2819]14:38   [2820]16:2
   [2821]16:12   [2822]16:14   [2823]16:16

   Luke

   [2824]2:14   [2825]2:19   [2826]2:36-37   [2827]2:46   [2828]3:5
   [2829]3:14   [2830]3:14   [2831]3:22   [2832]4:23   [2833]5:8
   [2834]5:32   [2835]6:12   [2836]6:29   [2837]6:37-38   [2838]7:9
   [2839]7:12-15   [2840]8:15   [2841]8:32   [2842]9:26   [2843]10:37
   [2844]11:3   [2845]11:5-8   [2846]11:9-13   [2847]11:20   [2848]11:22
   [2849]11:25   [2850]12:32   [2851]12:47-48   [2852]13:11-13
   [2853]13:27   [2854]14:14   [2855]14:21-23   [2856]14:23
   [2857]14:23   [2858]14:23   [2859]14:23   [2860]14:26-35
   [2861]14:46   [2862]15:4-10   [2863]15:5   [2864]15:8
   [2865]15:11-32   [2866]15:12   [2867]15:13   [2868]15:16
   [2869]15:18   [2870]15:24   [2871]15:32   [2872]15:32   [2873]15:32
   [2874]16:10   [2875]16:11-12   [2876]16:16   [2877]16:16
   [2878]16:21-23   [2879]16:22-23   [2880]16:23   [2881]16:26
   [2882]17:8   [2883]17:26-27   [2884]18:1-8   [2885]18:8
   [2886]18:11-12   [2887]18:22-23   [2888]19:6   [2889]19:9
   [2890]19:10   [2891]20:17   [2892]20:36   [2893]20:36   [2894]20:36
   [2895]21:18   [2896]21:34   [2897]22:20   [2898]22:43   [2899]23:34
   [2900]23:43   [2901]24:1   [2902]24:15-43   [2903]24:25   [2904]24:44
   [2905]24:44-47   [2906]24:47   [2907]24:47   [2908]24:49

   John

   [2909]1:1   [2910]1:1   [2911]1:1   [2912]1:1-5   [2913]1:1-5
   [2914]1:3   [2915]1:3   [2916]1:6-9   [2917]1:7-8   [2918]1:9
   [2919]1:9   [2920]1:9   [2921]1:9   [2922]1:9   [2923]1:10
   [2924]1:10   [2925]1:11   [2926]1:12   [2927]1:12   [2928]1:14
   [2929]1:14   [2930]1:14   [2931]1:14   [2932]1:14   [2933]1:16
   [2934]1:16   [2935]1:16   [2936]1:16-17   [2937]1:16-17   [2938]1:17
   [2939]1:18   [2940]1:29   [2941]1:33   [2942]1:33   [2943]2:4
   [2944]2:5   [2945]3:2   [2946]3:5   [2947]3:5   [2948]3:10
   [2949]3:18   [2950]3:20   [2951]3:29   [2952]3:29   [2953]3:29
   [2954]3:29   [2955]3:29   [2956]4:1-2   [2957]4:14   [2958]4:14
   [2959]4:22   [2960]4:24   [2961]4:24   [2962]4:24   [2963]4:48
   [2964]5:4-6   [2965]5:14   [2966]5:17   [2967]5:17   [2968]5:18
   [2969]5:18   [2970]5:24   [2971]5:25   [2972]5:29   [2973]6:27
   [2974]6:44   [2975]6:67   [2976]7:10   [2977]7:37   [2978]7:39
   [2979]7:39   [2980]8:23   [2981]8:25   [2982]8:25   [2983]8:36
   [2984]8:36   [2985]8:38   [2986]8:40   [2987]8:44   [2988]8:44
   [2989]8:44   [2990]10:1-2   [2991]10:12-13   [2992]10:16
   [2993]10:16   [2994]10:18   [2995]10:18   [2996]11:19-35
   [2997]12:35   [2998]13:1   [2999]13:2   [3000]13:10   [3001]13:36
   [3002]14:6   [3003]14:6   [3004]14:6   [3005]14:6   [3006]14:6
   [3007]14:6   [3008]14:6   [3009]14:6   [3010]14:8   [3011]14:16-17
   [3012]14:16-17   [3013]14:27   [3014]14:27   [3015]14:30
   [3016]14:30   [3017]15:2   [3018]15:2   [3019]15:13   [3020]16:12
   [3021]16:12   [3022]16:12-13   [3023]16:33   [3024]16:33
   [3025]17:12   [3026]17:17   [3027]17:21   [3028]18:23   [3029]18:38
   [3030]19:24   [3031]20:1   [3032]20:14-29   [3033]20:26   [3034]21:17
   [3035]21:22

   Acts

   [3036]1   [3037]1:8   [3038]1:8   [3039]1:15   [3040]2   [3041]2:1-4
   [3042]2:2-3   [3043]2:3   [3044]2:18   [3045]2:19   [3046]2:24
   [3047]2:27   [3048]2:27   [3049]2:28   [3050]3   [3051]3   [3052]3:7
   [3053]4:11   [3054]4:22   [3055]4:26   [3056]4:32   [3057]4:35
   [3058]7:22   [3059]8   [3060]9:4   [3061]9:5   [3062]10:4
   [3063]10:13-48   [3064]10:25-48   [3065]11:1-18   [3066]13:10
   [3067]13:12   [3068]14:27   [3069]15:1-12   [3070]15:9   [3071]15:41
   [3072]16:1-3   [3073]16:3   [3074]16:22-23   [3075]17:18
   [3076]17:28   [3077]18:17   [3078]18:18   [3079]18:18   [3080]19:5
   [3081]20:7   [3082]20:11   [3083]21:17-26   [3084]21:20-25
   [3085]21:21   [3086]21:23-24   [3087]21:24   [3088]21:26
   [3089]23:3-5   [3090]23:17-24   [3091]23:23   [3092]27:33
   [3093]28:14   [3094]28:30

   Romans

   [3095]1:3   [3096]1:3   [3097]1:14   [3098]1:17   [3099]1:20
   [3100]1:20   [3101]1:20   [3102]1:20   [3103]1:20   [3104]1:20
   [3105]1:20   [3106]1:20   [3107]1:20   [3108]1:21   [3109]1:21
   [3110]1:21   [3111]1:21   [3112]1:21   [3113]1:21-22   [3114]1:21-25
   [3115]1:22   [3116]1:22   [3117]1:23   [3118]1:23   [3119]1:24
   [3120]1:24-29   [3121]1:25   [3122]1:25   [3123]1:25   [3124]2:1
   [3125]2:5   [3126]2:6   [3127]2:6-7   [3128]3:4   [3129]3:21
   [3130]4:5   [3131]4:5   [3132]4:25   [3133]5:3-5   [3134]5:3-5
   [3135]5:5   [3136]5:5   [3137]5:5   [3138]5:5   [3139]5:5   [3140]5:5
   [3141]5:5   [3142]5:5   [3143]5:5   [3144]5:5   [3145]5:5   [3146]5:5
   [3147]5:6   [3148]5:8-9   [3149]5:12   [3150]5:12   [3151]5:18
   [3152]5:19   [3153]5:20   [3154]5:20   [3155]6:3-4   [3156]6:4
   [3157]6:4   [3158]6:4   [3159]6:6   [3160]6:6   [3161]6:9   [3162]6:9
   [3163]6:9   [3164]6:17   [3165]6:19   [3166]6:21   [3167]6:23
   [3168]7:13   [3169]7:13   [3170]7:17   [3171]7:18   [3172]7:20
   [3173]7:22   [3174]7:22-24   [3175]7:23   [3176]7:24-25
   [3177]7:24-25   [3178]7:24-25   [3179]8:3   [3180]8:3   [3181]8:6
   [3182]8:7   [3183]8:10   [3184]8:10   [3185]8:11   [3186]8:11
   [3187]8:13   [3188]8:16   [3189]8:18   [3190]8:20   [3191]8:23
   [3192]8:23   [3193]8:23   [3194]8:23-24   [3195]8:24   [3196]8:24
   [3197]8:24   [3198]8:24   [3199]8:24-25   [3200]8:24-25
   [3201]8:24-25   [3202]8:25   [3203]8:25-27   [3204]8:26   [3205]8:26
   [3206]8:26   [3207]8:28   [3208]8:28   [3209]8:31   [3210]8:32
   [3211]8:32   [3212]8:34   [3213]8:34   [3214]8:34   [3215]8:34
   [3216]8:34   [3217]8:34   [3218]8:35-39   [3219]8:37   [3220]9:5
   [3221]9:11-12   [3222]9:12   [3223]9:14   [3224]9:15   [3225]9:15
   [3226]9:21   [3227]9:33   [3228]10:2-3   [3229]10:3   [3230]10:3
   [3231]10:3   [3232]10:4   [3233]10:12   [3234]10:14   [3235]10:14
   [3236]10:18   [3237]10:18   [3238]11:23   [3239]11:23   [3240]11:33
   [3241]11:36   [3242]12:1   [3243]12:2   [3244]12:2   [3245]12:2
   [3246]12:2   [3247]12:2   [3248]12:3   [3249]12:3   [3250]12:11
   [3251]12:11   [3252]12:12   [3253]12:12   [3254]12:12   [3255]12:15
   [3256]12:15   [3257]12:16   [3258]12:17   [3259]12:17   [3260]13:1
   [3261]13:1   [3262]13:1-3   [3263]13:2-4   [3264]13:8   [3265]13:9-10
   [3266]13:10   [3267]13:10   [3268]13:10   [3269]13:10   [3270]13:10
   [3271]13:10   [3272]13:11-12   [3273]13:11-12   [3274]13:13
   [3275]13:13-14   [3276]13:13-14   [3277]13:14   [3278]13:14
   [3279]13:23   [3280]14:1   [3281]14:3   [3282]14:4   [3283]14:4
   [3284]14:5   [3285]14:16   [3286]14:20   [3287]14:20   [3288]14:23
   [3289]15:1   [3290]15:4   [3291]16:18

   1 Corinthians

   [3292]1:4-7   [3293]1:12-13   [3294]1:14   [3295]1:21   [3296]1:23-25
   [3297]1:24   [3298]1:25   [3299]1:27   [3300]1:27-28   [3301]1:30
   [3302]1:30-31   [3303]1:31   [3304]1:31   [3305]2:6   [3306]2:8
   [3307]2:9   [3308]2:9   [3309]2:11   [3310]2:11   [3311]2:11
   [3312]2:11   [3313]2:11   [3314]2:12   [3315]2:14   [3316]2:14
   [3317]2:14   [3318]2:15   [3319]2:15   [3320]3:1   [3321]3:1
   [3322]3:2   [3323]3:2   [3324]3:3   [3325]3:6   [3326]3:6   [3327]3:7
   [3328]3:11   [3329]4:2   [3330]4:3   [3331]4:3   [3332]4:4
   [3333]4:5   [3334]4:5   [3335]4:5   [3336]4:5   [3337]4:5   [3338]4:6
   [3339]4:6   [3340]4:7   [3341]4:7   [3342]4:7   [3343]4:7   [3344]4:7
   [3345]4:15   [3346]4:15   [3347]4:15   [3348]5:5   [3349]5:6
   [3350]5:7   [3351]5:7   [3352]5:8   [3353]5:11   [3354]5:11
   [3355]5:12   [3356]5:12   [3357]5:12-13   [3358]6:9-11   [3359]6:10
   [3360]6:13   [3361]7:1   [3362]7:7   [3363]7:7   [3364]7:10
   [3365]7:10-16   [3366]7:28   [3367]7:32-33   [3368]7:32-34
   [3369]8:1   [3370]8:1   [3371]8:1   [3372]8:1   [3373]8:1   [3374]8:6
   [3375]8:8   [3376]8:8   [3377]8:8   [3378]8:8   [3379]8:9
   [3380]8:11   [3381]8:11   [3382]8:11   [3383]9:13   [3384]9:15
   [3385]9:19-22   [3386]9:20   [3387]9:20   [3388]9:22   [3389]9:27
   [3390]9:27   [3391]9:27   [3392]9:27   [3393]10:4   [3394]10:4
   [3395]10:4   [3396]10:13   [3397]10:19-20   [3398]10:20
   [3399]10:25-26   [3400]10:28   [3401]10:31   [3402]10:33
   [3403]10:33   [3404]11:1   [3405]11:1   [3406]11:5-13   [3407]11:19
   [3408]11:20   [3409]11:20-22   [3410]11:26   [3411]11:29
   [3412]11:31   [3413]11:31   [3414]11:31-32   [3415]11:33-34
   [3416]12:1   [3417]12:6   [3418]12:7   [3419]12:8   [3420]12:8-11
   [3421]12:9-10   [3422]12:22   [3423]12:26   [3424]12:26   [3425]12:26
   [3426]12:30   [3427]12:31   [3428]13:2   [3429]13:3   [3430]13:3
   [3431]13:3   [3432]13:4   [3433]13:5   [3434]13:5   [3435]13:5
   [3436]13:7   [3437]13:8   [3438]13:11   [3439]13:12   [3440]13:12
   [3441]13:12   [3442]13:12   [3443]13:12   [3444]13:12   [3445]13:12
   [3446]13:12   [3447]13:12   [3448]13:12   [3449]14:20   [3450]14:22
   [3451]14:33   [3452]14:38   [3453]15:9   [3454]15:9   [3455]15:12
   [3456]15:14-15   [3457]15:16   [3458]15:21-22   [3459]15:22
   [3460]15:22   [3461]15:22   [3462]15:22   [3463]15:22   [3464]15:24
   [3465]15:26   [3466]15:26   [3467]15:28   [3468]15:28
   [3469]15:33-34   [3470]15:33-34   [3471]15:34   [3472]15:44
   [3473]15:51   [3474]15:51   [3475]15:52   [3476]15:53   [3477]15:53
   [3478]15:53   [3479]15:53   [3480]15:54   [3481]15:54   [3482]15:54
   [3483]15:54   [3484]15:54   [3485]15:54

   2 Corinthians

   [3486]1:11   [3487]1:22   [3488]1:23   [3489]2:7   [3490]2:7
   [3491]2:11   [3492]2:11   [3493]2:16   [3494]3:3   [3495]3:6
   [3496]3:6   [3497]3:18   [3498]3:18   [3499]4:6   [3500]4:7
   [3501]4:16   [3502]4:16   [3503]5:1   [3504]5:1   [3505]5:2
   [3506]5:2   [3507]5:2   [3508]5:4   [3509]5:4   [3510]5:4-8
   [3511]5:5   [3512]5:6   [3513]5:6-7   [3514]5:6-7   [3515]5:7
   [3516]5:7   [3517]5:15   [3518]5:17   [3519]5:21   [3520]6:7
   [3521]6:13-14   [3522]6:14   [3523]6:15   [3524]7:5   [3525]9:7
   [3526]10:17   [3527]11:2-3   [3528]11:3   [3529]11:9   [3530]11:12
   [3531]11:13-15   [3532]11:14   [3533]11:26   [3534]11:29
   [3535]11:29   [3536]11:29   [3537]11:29   [3538]11:29   [3539]11:33
   [3540]12:1   [3541]12:7   [3542]12:7-9   [3543]12:7-9   [3544]12:9
   [3545]12:10   [3546]12:14   [3547]13:12

   Galatians

   [3548]1:8   [3549]1:8   [3550]1:9   [3551]1:10   [3552]1:10
   [3553]1:17   [3554]1:18   [3555]1:20   [3556]1:20   [3557]1:20
   [3558]1:23-24   [3559]2:1-2   [3560]2:3-5   [3561]2:8   [3562]2:11-14
   [3563]2:11-14   [3564]2:11-21   [3565]2:11-21   [3566]2:14
   [3567]2:14   [3568]2:14   [3569]2:14   [3570]2:14   [3571]2:14
   [3572]2:18   [3573]2:20   [3574]2:21   [3575]3:1   [3576]3:1
   [3577]3:3   [3578]3:16   [3579]3:16   [3580]3:19   [3581]3:24
   [3582]3:27   [3583]3:28   [3584]4:4   [3585]4:4   [3586]4:11
   [3587]4:12   [3588]4:19   [3589]4:19   [3590]4:19   [3591]4:19
   [3592]4:19   [3593]4:24   [3594]4:26   [3595]4:26   [3596]4:27
   [3597]4:29   [3598]5:2   [3599]5:2   [3600]5:4   [3601]5:4
   [3602]5:6   [3603]5:6   [3604]5:6   [3605]5:6   [3606]5:6
   [3607]5:7-8   [3608]5:13   [3609]5:15   [3610]5:17   [3611]5:17
   [3612]5:17   [3613]5:18   [3614]5:18   [3615]5:19-21   [3616]5:19-21
   [3617]5:22-23   [3618]6:1   [3619]6:1   [3620]6:3   [3621]6:3
   [3622]6:4   [3623]6:5   [3624]6:14   [3625]6:14   [3626]6:15
   [3627]7:2

   Ephesians

   [3628]1:20   [3629]1:20   [3630]2:2   [3631]2:3   [3632]2:6
   [3633]2:10   [3634]2:15   [3635]2:15   [3636]3:14-19   [3637]3:17-18
   [3638]3:20   [3639]3:20   [3640]3:20   [3641]4:2-3   [3642]4:2-3
   [3643]4:3   [3644]4:3   [3645]4:7   [3646]4:8   [3647]4:10
   [3648]4:13-14   [3649]4:14   [3650]4:20-21   [3651]4:26   [3652]4:26
   [3653]4:32   [3654]5:1-2   [3655]5:8   [3656]5:8   [3657]5:8
   [3658]5:8   [3659]5:8   [3660]5:8   [3661]5:8   [3662]5:14
   [3663]5:14   [3664]5:19   [3665]5:27   [3666]5:27   [3667]5:39
   [3668]6:12   [3669]6:13-17   [3670]6:16

   Philippians

   [3671]1:15   [3672]1:15   [3673]1:17   [3674]1:18   [3675]1:23
   [3676]1:23-24   [3677]1:23-24   [3678]1:27   [3679]2:6   [3680]2:6-7
   [3681]2:6-11   [3682]2:8   [3683]2:9   [3684]2:12-13   [3685]2:13
   [3686]2:13   [3687]2:15   [3688]2:20-21   [3689]2:21   [3690]2:21
   [3691]2:21   [3692]2:27   [3693]3:2   [3694]3:8   [3695]3:8
   [3696]3:12-13   [3697]3:13   [3698]3:13   [3699]3:13   [3700]3:13
   [3701]3:14   [3702]3:15-16   [3703]3:15-16   [3704]3:19   [3705]3:19
   [3706]4:5   [3707]4:5-6   [3708]4:6   [3709]4:7   [3710]4:8-9
   [3711]4:9   [3712]4:10   [3713]4:11-13   [3714]4:11-14   [3715]4:13
   [3716]4:14   [3717]4:15-16   [3718]4:17   [3719]4:18

   Colossians

   [3720]1:6   [3721]1:16   [3722]1:18   [3723]1:20   [3724]2:3
   [3725]2:3   [3726]2:5   [3727]2:8   [3728]2:8-9   [3729]2:12
   [3730]2:14   [3731]2:14   [3732]2:16   [3733]2:17   [3734]3:1-2
   [3735]3:3   [3736]3:3-4   [3737]3:3-4   [3738]3:4   [3739]3:5
   [3740]3:5   [3741]3:9-10   [3742]3:10   [3743]3:10   [3744]3:10
   [3745]3:13

   1 Thessalonians

   [3746]2:5   [3747]2:7   [3748]2:12   [3749]2:13   [3750]3:12
   [3751]4:12   [3752]4:14   [3753]5:5   [3754]5:14   [3755]5:14
   [3756]5:17   [3757]5:17-18   [3758]5:19   [3759]5:23

   2 Thessalonians

   [3760]1:11   [3761]2:1-7

   1 Timothy

   [3762]1:5   [3763]1:5   [3764]1:5   [3765]1:5   [3766]1:5   [3767]1:5
   [3768]1:8   [3769]1:8   [3770]1:8   [3771]1:8   [3772]1:15
   [3773]1:17   [3774]1:20   [3775]2:2   [3776]2:2   [3777]2:5
   [3778]2:5   [3779]2:5   [3780]2:5   [3781]4:1-5   [3782]4:3
   [3783]4:4   [3784]4:4   [3785]4:4   [3786]4:8   [3787]4:12
   [3788]5:4   [3789]5:5   [3790]5:5   [3791]5:5-6   [3792]5:6
   [3793]5:9   [3794]5:10   [3795]5:10   [3796]5:14   [3797]5:20
   [3798]5:23   [3799]6:6-10   [3800]6:16   [3801]6:16   [3802]6:16
   [3803]6:16   [3804]6:16   [3805]6:17-19   [3806]6:20

   2 Timothy

   [3807]1:9   [3808]1:16   [3809]2:14   [3810]2:15   [3811]2:17
   [3812]2:17   [3813]2:20-21   [3814]2:21   [3815]2:24-26
   [3816]2:25-26   [3817]3:2   [3818]3:6   [3819]3:8   [3820]3:13
   [3821]4:2   [3822]4:16

   Titus

   [3823]1:9-11   [3824]1:9-13   [3825]1:10   [3826]1:13   [3827]1:15
   [3828]1:15   [3829]2:7   [3830]2:14   [3831]3:2   [3832]3:10-11

   Hebrews

   [3833]1:1   [3834]1:3   [3835]1:7   [3836]4:13   [3837]5   [3838]5:5
   [3839]5:12   [3840]6:4   [3841]11:6   [3842]11:8-40   [3843]11:40
   [3844]12:1   [3845]12:6   [3846]12:14

   James

   [3847]1:17   [3848]1:17   [3849]1:17   [3850]1:17   [3851]1:20
   [3852]2:1-6   [3853]2:6-9   [3854]2:8-9   [3855]2:10   [3856]2:10
   [3857]2:10   [3858]2:13   [3859]2:13   [3860]3:2   [3861]3:2
   [3862]3:2   [3863]4:4   [3864]4:6   [3865]4:6   [3866]4:6   [3867]4:6
   [3868]4:6   [3869]4:6   [3870]4:6   [3871]4:11   [3872]4:14
   [3873]5:12

   1 Peter

   [3874]1:23   [3875]2:1-2   [3876]2:2   [3877]2:2   [3878]2:4
   [3879]2:5   [3880]2:9   [3881]3:18-21   [3882]3:18-21   [3883]4:1
   [3884]4:1-3   [3885]4:6   [3886]4:6   [3887]4:8   [3888]4:8
   [3889]4:17   [3890]5:3   [3891]5:5   [3892]5:5   [3893]5:5
   [3894]5:5   [3895]5:8   [3896]5:8

   2 Peter

   [3897]1:19   [3898]2:19

   1 John

   [3899]1:1   [3900]1:5   [3901]1:5   [3902]1:8   [3903]1:8   [3904]1:8
   [3905]1:8   [3906]2:2   [3907]2:4   [3908]2:15-17   [3909]2:15-17
   [3910]2:16   [3911]2:16   [3912]2:16   [3913]2:16   [3914]2:16
   [3915]2:16   [3916]2:16   [3917]2:19   [3918]3:2   [3919]3:2
   [3920]3:2   [3921]3:2   [3922]3:2   [3923]3:2   [3924]3:2   [3925]3:2
   [3926]3:3   [3927]3:15   [3928]3:16   [3929]4:8   [3930]4:8
   [3931]4:12   [3932]4:16   [3933]4:16   [3934]4:16   [3935]4:18
   [3936]4:18   [3937]5:19   [3938]5:21   [3939]21:6   [3940]21:11

   3 John

   [3941]1:2

   Revelation

   [3942]1:5   [3943]2:1-3   [3944]2:4-5   [3945]3:5   [3946]5:5
   [3947]6:14   [3948]7:9   [3949]8:3   [3950]12:3   [3951]12:4
   [3952]21:2   [3953]22:11

   Tobit

   [3954]4   [3955]12:8   [3956]12:12   [3957]12:16

   Wisdom of Solomon

   [3958]2:26   [3959]3:6   [3960]4:9   [3961]5:3-4   [3962]5:6
   [3963]6:17   [3964]7:22   [3965]7:27   [3966]7:27   [3967]8:1
   [3968]8:2   [3969]8:20   [3970]8:21   [3971]8:21   [3972]8:21
   [3973]8:21   [3974]8:21   [3975]9:15   [3976]9:15   [3977]9:15
   [3978]10:1-2   [3979]10:21   [3980]11:20   [3981]13:1   [3982]13:9
   [3983]13:9   [3984]16:21

   Baruch

   [3985]3:37

   2 Maccabees

   [3986]7:1   [3987]7:1   [3988]7:18-19

   Sirach

   [3989]1:4   [3990]1:4   [3991]3:1   [3992]3:17   [3993]3:27
   [3994]4:21   [3995]5:8   [3996]6:18   [3997]10:9   [3998]10:13
   [3999]11:7   [4000]18:6   [4001]18:30   [4002]19:1   [4003]22:6
   [4004]23:6   [4005]23:6   [4006]27:12   [4007]27:29   [4008]34:25
   [4009]36:4   [4010]36:18   [4011]38:16-18   [4012]39:21
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

     * ebastasas: [4013]1
     * hoti ton agathon mou ou chreian echeis: [4014]1
     * Logos: [4015]1
     * balaneion: [4016]1
     * gennao: [4017]1
     * daimonia: [4018]1
     * euchas homoios kai eucharistias, hose dunamis auto, anapempei:
       [4019]1
     * euche: [4020]1
     * latreia: [4021]1
     * logikon gala: [4022]1
     * ou me sunagago tas sunagogas auton ex aimaton: [4023]1
     * palinodia: [4024]1
     * paredoken: [4025]1
     * periousios: [4026]1
     * pneuma: [4027]1
     * pnoe: [4028]1
     * pro de panton bounon genna me: [4029]1
     * stereoma: [4030]1
     * tas odinas tou thanatou: [4031]1
     * philosophia: [4032]1
     * aoratos kai akataskeuastos: [4033]1
     * aletheuein en agape: [4034]1
     * anthropou: [4035]1
     * apaugasma: [4036]1
     * apokatastasis: [4037]1
     * araiosis: [4038]1
     * hamartemata: [4039]1
     * arche: [4040]1 [4041]2
     * Apokatastasis: [4042]1
     * Arche: [4043]1
     * Hatina estin allegoroumena: [4044]1
     * ek logion philosophia: [4045]1
     * en ainigmati: [4046]1
     * en skotomene: [4047]1
     * endiathetos: [4048]1
     * ekgonon kakon dikaion eauton krinei, ten d' exodon autou ouk
       apenipsen: [4049]1
     * ektise: [4050]1
     * Ean me pisteusete, oude me sunete: [4051]1
     * Endiathetos: [4052]1
     * he epoptike theoria: [4053]1
     * he mia (ton) sabbaton: [4054]1
     * He mathesis ouk allo ti e an?mnesis: [4055]1
     * E Platon philonizei e Philon platonizei: [4056]1
     * ichthus: [4057]1 [4058]2
     * Idou he theosebea esti sophia: [4059]1
     * Iesous Christos Theou Huios Soter: [4060]1
     * Ichthus: [4061]1
     * ousia, poson, poion, prosti, pou, pote, keisthai, echein, poiein,
       paschein: [4062]1
     * ho thanatos ouden pros hemas: [4063]1
     * ho proestos: [4064]1
     * hoti ton agathon mou ou chreian echeis: [4065]1
     * On agnoountes eusebeite, touton ego katangello humin: [4066]1
     * huper tes antilepseos tes heothines: [4067]1
     * hule: [4068]1
     * ades: [4069]1
     * Eucharistia: [4070]1
     * EUTUChOS: [4071]1
     * IChThUN: [4072]1
     * IChThUS: [4073]1
     * Logos: [4074]1 [4075]2
     * Peiraterion: [4076]1
     * Pneuma: [4077]1
     * Prosthe leon, opithen de drakon, messe de chimaira: [4078]1
     * Prophorikos: [4079]1
     * Sarx: [4080]1
     * Stereoma: [4081]1
     * Technites,: [4082]1
     * Psuche: [4083]1
     * Psuchikos: [4084]1
     * ainigma: [4085]1
     * bios: [4086]1
     * bdelugma kurio sterizon ophthalmon: [4087]1
     * geenna: [4088]1
     * dia touto kai ta paidia baptizomen, kaitoi ?martemata ouk echonta,:
       [4089]1
     * drepanon: [4090]1
     * euaresteso: [4091]1
     * eusebeia: [4092]1
     * euchas pempomen: [4093]1
     * zoe: [4094]1
     * theosebeia: [4095]1
     * kissos: [4096]1
     * kai auxanomenon: [4097]1
     * katheloson ek tou phobou sou tas sarkas mou: [4098]1
     * ktaomai: [4099]1
     * ktizo: [4100]1
     * logos: [4101]1
     * logikon: [4102]1
     * mia sabbaton: [4103]1
     * paschein: [4104]1
     * puknosis: [4105]1
     * pos: [4106]1
     * palinodia: [4107]1
     * palinodi'a: [4108]1
     * palinodia: [4109]1
     * paradontos: [4110]1
     * parado: [4111]1
     * peiraterion: [4112]1
     * pneuma: [4113]1 [4114]2
     * pneumatikon: [4115]1
     * poluemros: [4116]1
     * proseuche: [4117]1
     * prophorikos: [4118]1
     * sarx: [4119]1
     * sunaitountes,: [4120]1
     * ten pneumatiken sunesin: [4121]1
     * ti esti: [4122]1
     * tikto: [4123]1
     * tis sunestrepsen hudor en imatio: [4124]1
     * to sullegomenon: [4125]1
     * teturomenos: [4126]1
     * technites: [4127]1
     * tou heliou legomene hemera: [4128]1
     * tou katatoxeusai en skotomene tous eutheis te kardia: [4129]1
     * psuche: [4130]1 [4131]2
     * psuchikon: [4132]1
     * Logos: [4133]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Hebrew Words and Phrases

     * gvynh: [4134]1
     * kyryh: [4135]1
     * qnny: [4136]1
     * rqy: [4137]1
     * thv vvhv: [4138]1
     * vr': [4139]1
     * by: [4140]1
     * br': [4141]1
     * gvnnym: [4142]1
     * gvn: [4143]1
     * ky: [4144]1
     * tsv': [4145]1
     * qvm: [4146]1
     * qgh: [4147]1
     * qn': [4148]1
     * qnh: [4149]1
     * rqy: [4150]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of German Words and Phrases

     * Anweisung zum seligen Leben: [4151]1
     * Gedanken über meinen Lebenslauf: [4152]1
     * Geschichte der Logik in Abendlande: [4153]1
     * Geschichte der Philosphie: [4154]1
     * Geschichtsphilosophie des heil.: [4155]1
     * Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie: [4156]1
     * Metaphysische Psychologie des heil. Augustinus: [4157]1
     * Vorlesungen über die christl. Dogmengeschichte: [4158]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of French Words and Phrases

     * ) nous passe, et ne nous est point nécessaire: [4159]1
     * ); mais le comment: [4160]1
     * Histoire de saint Augustin: [4161]1
     * Il en est de même des autres mystères, où les esprits modérés
       trouveront toujours une explication suffisante pour croire, et
       jamais autant qu'il en faut pour comprendre. Il nous suffit d'un
       certain ce que c'est: [4162]1
     * Il savait s'asseoir et se taire de longues heures: [4163]1
     * La phliosophie de saint Augustin: [4164]1
     * Les consolations indiscrètes ne font qu' aigrir les violentes
       afflictions. L' indifference et la froideur trouvent aisément des
       paroles, mais la tristesse et le silence: [4165]1
     * Si la philosophie est la recherché de la verité, jamais sans douse
       il ne s'est rencontre une ame plus philosophe que celle de saint
       Augustin. Car jamais ame n'a supporté avec plus d' impatience les
       anxiétés du doute et n'a fait plus d' efforts pour dissiper les
       fantomes de l'erreur.: [4166]1
     * Traduction de la Cité de Dieu: [4167]1
     * abbé: [4168]1
     * cet ouvrage unique, souvent imité, toujours parodié, où il
       s'accuse, se condamne et s'humilie, priére ardente, récit
       entrainant, metaphysique incomparable, histoire de tout un monde
       qui se refléte dans l'histoire d' une ame.: [4169]1
     * sur la translation de ia relique de saint Augustin de Pavie à
       Hippone: [4170]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

   [4171]iii  [4172]v  [4173]vi  [4174]vii  [4175]ix  [4176]1  [4177]2
   [4178]3  [4179]4  [4180]5  [4181]6  [4182]7  [4183]8  [4184]9
   [4185]10  [4186]11  [4187]12  [4188]13  [4189]14  [4190]15  [4191]16
   [4192]17  [4193]18  [4194]19  [4195]20  [4196]21  [4197]22  [4198]23
   [4199]24  [4200]25  [4201]27  [4202]29  [4203]30  [4204]31  [4205]32
   [4206]33  [4207]45  [4208]46  [4209]47  [4210]48  [4211]49  [4212]50
   [4213]51  [4214]52  [4215]53  [4216]54  [4217]55  [4218]56  [4219]57
   [4220]58  [4221]59  [4222]60  [4223]61  [4224]62  [4225]63  [4226]64
   [4227]65  [4228]66  [4229]67  [4230]68  [4231]69  [4232]70  [4233]71
   [4234]72  [4235]73  [4236]74  [4237]75  [4238]76  [4239]77  [4240]78
   [4241]79  [4242]80  [4243]81  [4244]82  [4245]83  [4246]84  [4247]85
   [4248]86  [4249]87  [4250]88  [4251]89  [4252]90  [4253]91  [4254]92
   [4255]93  [4256]94  [4257]95  [4258]96  [4259]97  [4260]98  [4261]99
   [4262]100  [4263]101  [4264]102  [4265]103  [4266]104  [4267]105
   [4268]106  [4269]107  [4270]108  [4271]109  [4272]110  [4273]111
   [4274]112  [4275]113  [4276]114  [4277]115  [4278]116  [4279]117
   [4280]118  [4281]119  [4282]120  [4283]121  [4284]122  [4285]123
   [4286]124  [4287]125  [4288]126  [4289]127  [4290]128  [4291]129
   [4292]130  [4293]131  [4294]132  [4295]133  [4296]134  [4297]135
   [4298]136  [4299]137  [4300]138  [4301]139  [4302]140  [4303]141
   [4304]142  [4305]143  [4306]144  [4307]145  [4308]146  [4309]147
   [4310]148  [4311]149  [4312]150  [4313]151  [4314]152  [4315]153
   [4316]154  [4317]155  [4318]156  [4319]157  [4320]158  [4321]159
   [4322]160  [4323]161  [4324]162  [4325]163  [4326]164  [4327]165
   [4328]166  [4329]167  [4330]168  [4331]169  [4332]170  [4333]171
   [4334]172  [4335]173  [4336]174  [4337]175  [4338]176  [4339]177
   [4340]178  [4341]179  [4342]180  [4343]181  [4344]182  [4345]183
   [4346]184  [4347]185  [4348]186  [4349]187  [4350]188  [4351]189
   [4352]190  [4353]191  [4354]192  [4355]193  [4356]194  [4357]195
   [4358]196  [4359]197  [4360]198  [4361]199  [4362]200  [4363]201
   [4364]202  [4365]203  [4366]204  [4367]205  [4368]206  [4369]207
   [4370]209  [4371]211  [4372]212  [4373]213  [4374]219  [4375]220
   [4376]221  [4377]222  [4378]223  [4379]224  [4380]225  [4381]226
   [4382]227  [4383]228  [4384]229  [4385]230  [4386]231  [4387]232
   [4388]233  [4389]234  [4390]235  [4391]236  [4392]237  [4393]238
   [4394]239  [4395]240  [4396]241  [4397]242  [4398]243  [4399]244
   [4400]245  [4401]246  [4402]247  [4403]248  [4404]249  [4405]250
   [4406]251  [4407]252  [4408]253  [4409]254  [4410]255  [4411]256
   [4412]257  [4413]258  [4414]259  [4415]260  [4416]261  [4417]262
   [4418]263  [4419]264  [4420]265  [4421]266  [4422]267  [4423]268
   [4424]269  [4425]270  [4426]271  [4427]272  [4428]273  [4429]274
   [4430]275  [4431]276  [4432]277  [4433]278  [4434]279  [4435]280
   [4436]281  [4437]282  [4438]283  [4439]284  [4440]285  [4441]286
   [4442]287  [4443]288  [4444]289  [4445]290  [4446]291  [4447]292
   [4448]293  [4449]294  [4450]295  [4451]296  [4452]297  [4453]298
   [4454]299  [4455]300  [4456]301  [4457]302  [4458]303  [4459]304
   [4460]305  [4461]306  [4462]307  [4463]308  [4464]309  [4465]310
   [4466]311  [4467]312  [4468]313  [4469]314  [4470]315  [4471]316
   [4472]317  [4473]318  [4474]319  [4475]320  [4476]321  [4477]322
   [4478]323  [4479]324  [4480]325  [4481]326  [4482]327  [4483]328
   [4484]329  [4485]330  [4486]331  [4487]332  [4488]333  [4489]334
   [4490]335  [4491]336  [4492]337  [4493]338  [4494]339  [4495]340
   [4496]341  [4497]342  [4498]343  [4499]344  [4500]345  [4501]346
   [4502]347  [4503]348  [4504]349  [4505]350  [4506]351  [4507]352
   [4508]353  [4509]354  [4510]355  [4511]356  [4512]357  [4513]358
   [4514]359  [4515]360  [4516]361  [4517]362  [4518]363  [4519]364
   [4520]365  [4521]366  [4522]367  [4523]368  [4524]369  [4525]370
   [4526]371  [4527]372  [4528]373  [4529]374  [4530]375  [4531]376
   [4532]377  [4533]378  [4534]379  [4535]380  [4536]381  [4537]382
   [4538]383  [4539]384  [4540]385  [4541]386  [4542]387  [4543]388
   [4544]389  [4545]390  [4546]391  [4547]392  [4548]393  [4549]394
   [4550]395  [4551]396  [4552]397  [4553]398  [4554]399  [4555]400
   [4556]401  [4557]402  [4558]403  [4559]404  [4560]405  [4561]406
   [4562]407  [4563]408  [4564]409  [4565]410  [4566]411  [4567]412
   [4568]413  [4569]414  [4570]415  [4571]416  [4572]417  [4573]418
   [4574]419  [4575]420  [4576]421  [4577]422  [4578]423  [4579]424
   [4580]425  [4581]426  [4582]427  [4583]428  [4584]429  [4585]430
   [4586]431  [4587]432  [4588]433  [4589]434  [4590]435  [4591]436
   [4592]437  [4593]438  [4594]439  [4595]440  [4596]441  [4597]442
   [4598]443  [4599]444  [4600]445  [4601]446  [4602]447  [4603]448
   [4604]449  [4605]450  [4606]451  [4607]452  [4608]453  [4609]454
   [4610]455  [4611]456  [4612]457  [4613]458  [4614]459  [4615]460
   [4616]461  [4617]462  [4618]463  [4619]464  [4620]465  [4621]466
   [4622]467  [4623]468  [4624]469  [4625]470  [4626]471  [4627]472
   [4628]473  [4629]474  [4630]475  [4631]476  [4632]477  [4633]478
   [4634]479  [4635]480  [4636]481  [4637]482  [4638]483  [4639]484
   [4640]485  [4641]486  [4642]487  [4643]488  [4644]489  [4645]490
   [4646]491  [4647]492  [4648]493  [4649]494  [4650]495  [4651]496
   [4652]497  [4653]498  [4654]499  [4655]500  [4656]501  [4657]502
   [4658]503  [4659]504  [4660]505  [4661]506  [4662]507  [4663]508
   [4664]509  [4665]510  [4666]511  [4667]512  [4668]513  [4669]514
   [4670]515  [4671]516  [4672]517  [4673]518  [4674]519  [4675]520
   [4676]521  [4677]522  [4678]523  [4679]524  [4680]525  [4681]526
   [4682]527  [4683]528  [4684]529  [4685]530  [4686]531  [4687]532
   [4688]533  [4689]534  [4690]535  [4691]536  [4692]537  [4693]538
   [4694]539  [4695]540  [4696]541  [4697]542  [4698]543  [4699]544
   [4700]545  [4701]546  [4702]547  [4703]548  [4704]549  [4705]550
   [4706]551  [4707]552  [4708]553  [4709]554  [4710]555  [4711]556
   [4712]557  [4713]558  [4714]559  [4715]560  [4716]561  [4717]562
   [4718]563  [4719]564  [4720]565  [4721]566  [4722]567  [4723]568
   [4724]569  [4725]570  [4726]571  [4727]572  [4728]573  [4729]574
   [4730]575  [4731]576  [4732]577  [4733]578  [4734]579  [4735]580
   [4736]581  [4737]582  [4738]583  [4739]584  [4740]585  [4741]586
   [4742]587  [4743]588  [4744]589  [4745]590  [4746]591  [4747]592
   [4748]593  [4749]597  [4750]598  [4751]599  [4752]600  [4753]601
   [4754]602  [4755]603  [4756]604  [4757]605  [4758]610  [4759]611
     __________________________________________________________________

            This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal
               Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org,
                   generated on demand from ThML source.

References

   1. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
   2. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
   3. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
   4. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
   5. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
   6. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
   7. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
   8. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XLIII-Page_162
   9. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
  10. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
  11. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
  12. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVI-Page_159
  13. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
  14. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
  15. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
  16. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
  17. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
  18. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#II_1-Page_55
  19. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
  20. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
  21. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
  22. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXXII-Page_189
  23. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XIII-Page_141
  24. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
  25. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
  26. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
  27. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
  28. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VIII-Page_96
  29. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VIII-Page_96
  30. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IX-Page_97
  31. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
  32. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VII-Page_124
  33. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XII-Page_128
  34. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
  35. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
  36. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
  37. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
  38. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
  39. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
  40. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
  41. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
  42. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
  43. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII-Page_116
  44. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
  45. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
  46. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
  47. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
  48. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
  49. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
  50. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XI-Page_179
  51. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
  52. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
  53. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_133
  54. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
  55. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
  56. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
  57. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
  58. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
  59. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
  60. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
  61. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
  62. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
  63. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
  64. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
  65. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IX-Page_97
  66. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
  67. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
  68. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
  69. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
  70. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
  71. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
  72. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
  73. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXI-Page_155
  74. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
  75. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
  76. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
  77. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
  78. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
  79. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
  80. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XI-Page_127
  81. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XLIII-Page_162
  82. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
  83. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VII-Page_49
  84. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VII-Page_49
  85. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VII-Page_49
  86. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
  87. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
  88. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
  89. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
  90. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
  91. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
  92. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
  93. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
  94. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVIII-Page_54
  95. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.III-Page_57
  96. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
  97. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
  98. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
  99. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 100. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 101. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 102. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 103. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 104. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 105. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 106. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 107. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 108. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 109. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 110. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 111. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 112. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 113. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 114. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 115. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
 116. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
 117. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 118. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 119. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 120. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 121. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 122. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 123. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 124. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 125. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 126. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 127. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 128. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 129. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 130. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 131. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 132. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 133. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
 134. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
 135. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
 136. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
 137. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
 138. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
 139. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 140. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VIII-Page_96
 141. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.X-Page_98
 142. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 143. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
 144. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
 145. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 146. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII-Page_102
 147. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII-Page_102
 148. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 149. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
 150. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 151. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
 152. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 153. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
 154. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
 155. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII-Page_116
 156. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII-Page_116
 157. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XII-Page_128
 158. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII-Page_116
 159. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 160. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
 161. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
 162. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
 163. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.X-Page_126
 164. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.X-Page_126
 165. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XI-Page_127
 166. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.II-Page_130
 167. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.II-Page_130
 168. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.II-Page_130
 169. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 170. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 171. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 172. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_132
 173. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_132
 174. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_133
 175. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
 176. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IX-Page_137
 177. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
 178. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXIII-Page_152
 179. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
 180. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.III-Page_143
 181. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI-Page_163
 182. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI-Page_163
 183. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
 184. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XVIII-Page_170
 185. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.IV-Page_177
 186. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII-Page_190
 187. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 188. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
 189. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 190. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
 191. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
 192. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
 193. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
 194. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
 195. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 196. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
 197. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 198. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 199. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-Page_194
 200. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 201. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
 202. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-Page_199
 203. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-Page_199
 204. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-Page_115
 205. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
 206. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
 207. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
 208. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 209. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
 210. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 211. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 212. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 213. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
 214. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVIII-Page_183
 215. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXVII-Page_187
 216. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 217. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 218. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 219. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
 220. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII-Page_190
 221. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
 222. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
 223. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
 224. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
 225. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
 226. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 227. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
 228. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 229. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVIII-Page_54
 230. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
 231. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 232. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.II-Page_56
 233. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
 234. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 235. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.II-Page_130
 236. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
 237. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
 238. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
 239. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
 240. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
 241. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 242. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
 243. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.IX-Page_167
 244. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.X-Page_98
 245. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
 246. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 247. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 248. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_288
 249. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 250. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-Page_194
 251. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVIII-Page_54
 252. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
 253. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 254. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 255. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
 256. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 257. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
 258. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
 259. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 260. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
 261. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 262. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 263. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XL-Page_161
 264. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
 265. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
 266. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
 267. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.V-Page_121
 268. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 269. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
 270. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-Page_194
 271. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
 272. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
 273. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 274. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 275. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 276. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VIII-Page_96
 277. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 278. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 279. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 280. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VII-Page_124
 281. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 282. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
 283. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 284. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
 285. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 286. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.VI-Page_59
 287. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
 288. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 289. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII-Page_102
 290. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 291. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
 292. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 293. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.III-Page_143
 294. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI-Page_163
 295. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 296. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
 297. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
 298. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XV-Page_181
 299. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
 300. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
 301. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 302. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.X-Page_126
 303. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
 304. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
 305. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
 306. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 307. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.X-Page_138
 308. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XII-Page_128
 309. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 310. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
 311. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 312. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 313. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 314. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 315. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
 316. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 317. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
 318. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-Page_115
 319. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 320. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.X-Page_110
 321. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
 322. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXIX-Page_188
 323. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 324. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
 325. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
 326. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 327. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.II-Page_130
 328. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 329. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
 330. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 331. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
 332. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 333. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
 334. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
 335. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
 336. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
 337. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
 338. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XIII-Page_195
 339. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 340. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 341. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 342. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 343. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
 344. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.V-Page_121
 345. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 346. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 347. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 348. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XV-Page_181
 349. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 350. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 351. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
 352. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XIII-Page_141
 353. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 354. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 355. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
 356. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
 357. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 358. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
 359. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.II-Page_191
 360. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-Page_194
 361. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
 362. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVIII-Page_174
 363. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 364. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
 365. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 366. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 367. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
 368. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
 369. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 370. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 371. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 372. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XLIII-Page_162
 373. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
 374. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVI-Page_149
 375. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXX-Page_154
 376. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXX-Page_154
 377. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXX-Page_154
 378. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXX-Page_154
 379. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXI-Page_155
 380. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 381. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 382. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 383. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
 384. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.V-Page_144
 385. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
 386. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 387. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
 388. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 389. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
 390. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 391. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
 392. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 393. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
 394. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXI-Page_155
 395. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 396. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 397. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 398. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
 399. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 400. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
 401. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
 402. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
 403. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 404. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 405. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 406. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI-Page_163
 407. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
 408. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.IX-Page_167
 409. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXXI-Page_175
 410. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
 411. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 412. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XI-Page_179
 413. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.IX-Page_167
 414. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XIII-Page_168
 415. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVII-Page_173
 416. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXXI-Page_175
 417. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 418. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 419. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.X-Page_138
 420. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
 421. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
 422. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
 423. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 424. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 425. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 426. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 427. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
 428. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 429. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 430. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
 431. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
 432. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.X-Page_110
 433. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
 434. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.X-Page_110
 435. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 436. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.V-Page_121
 437. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
 438. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
 439. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXI-Page_155
 440. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
 441. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
 442. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 443. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 444. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
 445. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 446. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 447. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 448. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 449. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XII-Page_128
 450. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
 451. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXII-Page_201
 452. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 453. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 454. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXX-Page_154
 455. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
 456. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
 457. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 458. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
 459. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 460. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
 461. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
 462. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
 463. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 464. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.2-Page_4
 465. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXII-Page_185
 466. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 467. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
 468. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 469. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
 470. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 471. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 472. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
 473. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-Page_196
 474. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-Page_199
 475. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
 476. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
 477. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
 478. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
 479. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
 480. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 481. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
 482. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 483. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
 484. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XIV-Page_148
 485. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 486. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 487. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
 488. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_140
 489. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
 490. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.VI-Page_59
 491. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 492. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 493. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
 494. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 495. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
 496. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIV-Page_203
 497. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
 498. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
 499. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 500. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXV-Page_186
 501. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXII-Page_206
 502. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 503. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
 504. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIV-Page_203
 505. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 506. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 507. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 508. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 509. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.VI-Page_59
 510. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 511. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XL-Page_161
 512. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 513. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
 514. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 515. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 516. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
 517. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 518. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 519. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 520. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 521. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 522. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 523. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
 524. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 525. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 526. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 527. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 528. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
 529. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
 530. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 531. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 532. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 533. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 534. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 535. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXI-Page_151
 536. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXIII-Page_152
 537. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 538. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 539. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 540. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 541. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 542. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 543. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XL-Page_161
 544. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 545. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 546. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 547. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 548. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 549. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XVI-Page_78
 550. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXI-Page_151
 551. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 552. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII-Page_102
 553. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 554. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII-Page_102
 555. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 556. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
 557. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
 558. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
 559. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 560. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
 561. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 562. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X-Page_142
 563. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.V-Page_144
 564. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
 565. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII-Page_190
 566. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-Page_199
 567. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 568. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 569. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 570. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 571. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 572. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 573. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XVI-Page_78
 574. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXI-Page_151
 575. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII-Page_190
 576. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.X-Page_110
 577. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXVI-Page_204
 578. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVIII-Page_183
 579. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 580. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
 581. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 582. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 583. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
 584. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
 585. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 586. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 587. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 588. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 589. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 590. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 591. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
 592. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_140
 593. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 594. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XI-Page_127
 595. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
 596. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 597. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.V-Page_121
 598. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 599. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 600. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 601. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VII-Page_124
 602. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 603. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXIII-Page_152
 604. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVII-Page_160
 605. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXI-Page_151
 606. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
 607. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
 608. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXI-Page_155
 609. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 610. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 611. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
 612. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-Page_194
 613. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 614. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXIV-Page_207
 615. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII-Page_176
 616. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII-Page_176
 617. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 618. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 619. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 620. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
 621. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXIV-Page_207
 622. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVI-Page_182
 623. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVIII-Page_183
 624. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXIV-Page_172
 625. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
 626. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
 627. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 628. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 629. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 630. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 631. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.II-Page_191
 632. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.II-Page_191
 633. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
 634. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 635. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
 636. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 637. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
 638. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X-Page_142
 639. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
 640. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
 641. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 642. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 643. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 644. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
 645. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VII-Page_124
 646. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI-Page_163
 647. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVIII-Page_174
 648. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
 649. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 650. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 651. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 652. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 653. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 654. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVIII-Page_54
 655. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 656. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
 657. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 658. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
 659. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
 660. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 661. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-Page_194
 662. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-Page_198
 663. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
 664. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 665. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 666. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XL-Page_161
 667. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
 668. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
 669. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
 670. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
 671. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VII-Page_49
 672. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
 673. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 674. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 675. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
 676. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVI-Page_182
 677. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
 678. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 679. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 680. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 681. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
 682. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
 683. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
 684. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXI-Page_151
 685. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
 686. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 687. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X-Page_142
 688. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 689. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 690. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_133
 691. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 692. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 693. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
 694. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-Page_115
 695. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 696. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 697. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
 698. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVIII-Page_174
 699. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXXI-Page_175
 700. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
 701. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVIII-Page_54
 702. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
 703. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 704. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
 705. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
 706. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXII-Page_201
 707. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXIV-Page_207
 708. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
 709. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 710. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 711. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 712. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
 713. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 714. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 715. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
 716. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-Page_196
 717. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 718. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 719. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
 720. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
 721. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
 722. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 723. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
 724. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 725. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 726. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
 727. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
 728. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
 729. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
 730. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 731. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 732. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVIII-Page_150
 733. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
 734. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 735. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 736. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
 737. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 738. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 739. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 740. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 741. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
 742. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
 743. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XL-Page_161
 744. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.II-Page_191
 745. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
 746. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
 747. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 748. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 749. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
 750. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
 751. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
 752. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
 753. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
 754. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 755. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.V-Page_144
 756. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVI-Page_159
 757. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVII-Page_160
 758. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVI-Page_182
 759. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXIX-Page_188
 760. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
 761. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
 762. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
 763. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXX-Page_154
 764. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXI-Page_155
 765. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
 766. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
 767. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 768. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.II-Page_56
 769. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 770. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 771. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
 772. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 773. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
 774. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 775. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
 776. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
 777. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
 778. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
 779. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 780. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 781. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
 782. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
 783. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.V-Page_144
 784. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.II-Page_191
 785. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.IX-Page_193
 786. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
 787. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXII-Page_201
 788. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIX-Page_205
 789. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 790. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 791. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
 792. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 793. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 794. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 795. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
 796. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 797. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 798. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 799. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 800. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 801. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 802. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 803. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
 804. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.IX-Page_167
 805. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVIII-Page_174
 806. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 807. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 808. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 809. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
 810. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 811. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
 812. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 813. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 814. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 815. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 816. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 817. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 818. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 819. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_132
 820. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIX-Page_205
 821. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 822. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
 823. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 824. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
 825. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
 826. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.III-Page_57
 827. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
 828. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 829. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 830. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 831. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 832. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
 833. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
 834. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
 835. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 836. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 837. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
 838. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
 839. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.IV-Page_177
 840. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.IV-Page_177
 841. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXI-Page_184
 842. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
 843. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 844. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
 845. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XLIII-Page_162
 846. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XLIII-Page_162
 847. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.VI-Page_145
 848. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVI-Page_149
 849. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVI-Page_149
 850. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVI-Page_149
 851. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVI-Page_149
 852. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVIII-Page_150
 853. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XL-Page_161
 854. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXIII-Page_152
 855. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
 856. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
 857. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
 858. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 859. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
 860. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
 861. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
 862. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
 863. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XIV-Page_148
 864. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVII-Page_173
 865. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
 866. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
 867. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
 868. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
 869. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
 870. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
 871. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXVI-Page_204
 872. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
 873. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXX-Page_154
 874. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
 875. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 876. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 877. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
 878. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
 879. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 880. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 881. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 882. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 883. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 884. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 885. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 886. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
 887. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 888. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
 889. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
 890. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
 891. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
 892. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 893. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
 894. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
 895. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VIII-Page_136
 896. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
 897. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VIII-Page_136
 898. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VIII-Page_136
 899. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IX-Page_137
 900. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IX-Page_137
 901. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IX-Page_137
 902. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IX-Page_137
 903. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.X-Page_138
 904. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 905. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
 906. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
 907. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
 908. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 909. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-Page_198
 910. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
 911. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 912. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
 913. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 914. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
 915. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XV-Page_181
 916. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXV-Page_186
 917. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXIX-Page_188
 918. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.II-Page_130
 919. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.II-Page_191
 920. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
 921. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 922. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VII-Page_124
 923. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
 924. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
 925. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.IX-Page_193
 926. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-Page_196
 927. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXIV-Page_207
 928. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
 929. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
 930. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.X-Page_126
 931. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
 932. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.II-Page_130
 933. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IX-Page_97
 934. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
 935. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
 936. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
 937. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
 938. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
 939. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 940. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
 941. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
 942. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 943. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
 944. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-Page_198
 945. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
 946. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_17
 947. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 948. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 949. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 950. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
 951. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VII-Page_49
 952. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 953. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
 954. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 955. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 956. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
 957. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 958. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
 959. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVII-Page_160
 960. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 961. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
 962. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
 963. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIV-Page_203
 964. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
 965. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 966. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 967. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
 968. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
 969. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
 970. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
 971. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
 972. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
 973. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
 974. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVIII-Page_183
 975. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIX-Page_205
 976. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.X-Page_138
 977. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
 978. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
 979. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 980. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
 981. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
 982. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
 983. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_132
 984. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
 985. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.2-Page_5
 986. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
 987. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
 988. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XVIII-Page_170
 989. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
 990. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.II-Page_56
 991. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
 992. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VIII-Page_136
 993. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IX-Page_137
 994. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
 995. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIV-Page_203
 996. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
 997. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXIV-Page_207
 998. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
 999. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
1000. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_140
1001. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
1002. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
1003. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
1004. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
1005. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
1006. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
1007. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
1008. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
1009. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1010. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
1011. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
1012. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1013. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
1014. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
1015. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
1016. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
1017. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
1018. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
1019. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
1020. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1021. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
1022. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1023. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1024. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
1025. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
1026. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
1027. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
1028. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
1029. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
1030. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1031. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
1032. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
1033. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1034. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1035. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
1036. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
1037. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
1038. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XL-Page_161
1039. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
1040. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1041. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1042. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1043. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
1044. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1045. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
1046. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
1047. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVI-Page_159
1048. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVII-Page_160
1049. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVII-Page_160
1050. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
1051. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
1052. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
1053. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
1054. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
1055. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XIII-Page_141
1056. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1057. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1058. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IX-Page_97
1059. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
1060. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
1061. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
1062. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
1063. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXVII-Page_187
1064. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
1065. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
1066. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
1067. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
1068. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
1069. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
1070. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
1071. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
1072. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
1073. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
1074. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1075. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1076. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
1077. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1078. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
1079. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
1080. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XIII-Page_141
1081. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
1082. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-Page_199
1083. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIV-Page_203
1084. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
1085. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
1086. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
1087. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVII-Page_173
1088. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
1089. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1090. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
1091. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1092. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
1093. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.VI-Page_59
1094. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
1095. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
1096. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
1097. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
1098. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
1099. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.VIII-Page_178
1100. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-Page_196
1101. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
1102. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
1103. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1104. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
1105. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
1106. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
1107. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
1108. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
1109. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
1110. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XII-Page_128
1111. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-Page_199
1112. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
1113. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
1114. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
1115. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
1116. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
1117. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
1118. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
1119. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
1120. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
1121. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
1122. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
1123. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
1124. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
1125. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
1126. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
1127. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
1128. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
1129. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
1130. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
1131. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
1132. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
1133. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1134. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
1135. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1136. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1137. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
1138. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
1139. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
1140. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1141. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
1142. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
1143. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
1144. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
1145. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
1146. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
1147. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
1148. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
1149. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1150. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
1151. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI-Page_163
1152. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
1153. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.VIII-Page_178
1154. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
1155. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
1156. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
1157. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XIII-Page_180
1158. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVI-Page_182
1159. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-Page_196
1160. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
1161. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
1162. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
1163. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
1164. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
1165. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
1166. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.III-Page_57
1167. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
1168. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXII-Page_201
1169. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXII-Page_201
1170. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
1171. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XI-Page_127
1172. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1173. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII-Page_116
1174. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
1175. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
1176. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
1177. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
1178. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
1179. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
1180. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
1181. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
1182. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.III-Page_57
1183. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
1184. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.VI-Page_59
1185. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
1186. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1187. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
1188. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.III-Page_143
1189. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
1190. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_140
1191. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
1192. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
1193. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
1194. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
1195. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
1196. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XIII-Page_195
1197. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
1198. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
1199. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
1200. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
1201. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
1202. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1203. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XI-Page_127
1204. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
1205. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
1206. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
1207. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
1208. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1209. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
1210. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVIII-Page_183
1211. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-Page_198
1212. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
1213. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1214. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
1215. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
1216. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
1217. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
1218. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
1219. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
1220. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
1221. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1222. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
1223. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
1224. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-Page_198
1225. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-Page_199
1226. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIII-Page_202
1227. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
1228. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
1229. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII-Page_102
1230. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
1231. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
1232. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.X-Page_110
1233. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1234. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.IV-Page_177
1235. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
1236. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
1237. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
1238. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
1239. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-Page_198
1240. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-Page_198
1241. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
1242. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
1243. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
1244. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
1245. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
1246. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
1247. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
1248. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
1249. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
1250. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
1251. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
1252. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
1253. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
1254. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VIII-Page_136
1255. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
1256. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_133
1257. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
1258. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1259. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
1260. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VIII-Page_96
1261. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.V-Page_144
1262. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
1263. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
1264. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
1265. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
1266. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
1267. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
1268. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
1269. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XIII-Page_180
1270. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
1271. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
1272. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1273. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
1274. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
1275. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVIII-Page_54
1276. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.III-Page_57
1277. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VIII-Page_96
1278. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
1279. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
1280. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1281. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
1282. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.IX-Page_167
1283. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.IX-Page_167
1284. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XIII-Page_168
1285. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XIII-Page_168
1286. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XV-Page_169
1287. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XIII-Page_168
1288. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XV-Page_169
1289. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XV-Page_169
1290. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXIV-Page_172
1291. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXIV-Page_172
1292. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVII-Page_173
1293. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVIII-Page_174
1294. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXXI-Page_175
1295. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXIX-Page_188
1296. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIX-Page_205
1297. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
1298. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
1299. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_133
1300. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_133
1301. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
1302. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
1303. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1304. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1305. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1306. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
1307. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1308. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.II-Page_191
1309. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.IX-Page_193
1310. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.IX-Page_193
1311. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.IX-Page_193
1312. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1313. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1314. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1315. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1316. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1317. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
1318. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1319. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXI-Page_151
1320. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXIII-Page_152
1321. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXV-Page_186
1322. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
1323. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
1324. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1325. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
1326. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXIII-Page_152
1327. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXIII-Page_152
1328. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI-Page_163
1329. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
1330. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII-Page_176
1331. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
1332. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1333. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1334. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
1335. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
1336. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.IX-Page_193
1337. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
1338. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
1339. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_133
1340. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
1341. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII-Page_116
1342. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
1343. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1344. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.III-Page_57
1345. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
1346. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
1347. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
1348. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
1349. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.X-Page_126
1350. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XIII-Page_180
1351. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
1352. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
1353. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VIII-Page_136
1354. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
1355. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.X-Page_98
1356. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1357. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
1358. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
1359. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XIII-Page_180
1360. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XV-Page_181
1361. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
1362. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1363. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
1364. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
1365. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXII-Page_206
1366. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
1367. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
1368. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
1369. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
1370. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
1371. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
1372. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
1373. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
1374. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
1375. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XLIII-Page_162
1376. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
1377. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
1378. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
1379. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
1380. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
1381. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII-Page_190
1382. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XIII-Page_195
1383. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-Page_196
1384. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
1385. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
1386. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
1387. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VII-Page_49
1388. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
1389. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
1390. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-Page_196
1391. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIX-Page_205
1392. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXII-Page_206
1393. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
1394. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_401
1395. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_407
1396. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_444
1397. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXIII-Page_569
1398. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-Page_270
1399. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIII-Page_300
1400. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_446
1401. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_446
1402. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_482
1403. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLIX-Page_514
1404. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_533
1405. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXX-Page_576
1406. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVII-Page_271
1407. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_487
1408. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXLV-Page_588
1409. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXLVI-Page_589
1410. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIII-Page_243
1411. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_409
1412. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_410
1413. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_526
1414. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_530
1415. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_532
1416. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_277
1417. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXVIII-Page_325
1418. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXIX-Page_326
1419. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVII-Page_271
1420. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXIV-Page_452
1421. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_509
1422. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCLXIII-Page_593
1423. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_388
1424. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_390
1425. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXVIII-Page_572
1426. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVI-Page_248
1427. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_445
1428. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_478
1429. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXII-Page_586
1430. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLIX-Page_515
1431. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_521
1432. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_377
1433. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_484
1434. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVIII-Page_579
1435. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_416
1436. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_418
1437. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_418
1438. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_420
1439. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_483
1440. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_486
1441. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_507
1442. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_478
1443. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_480
1444. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_485
1445. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_487
1446. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIII-Page_242
1447. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIII-Page_244
1448. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXIII-Page_262
1449. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXII-Page_329
1450. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXIII-Page_331
1451. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_498
1452. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_290
1453. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVII-Page_294
1454. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCLIV-Page_591
1455. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCLXIII-Page_593
1456. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXX-Page_576
1457. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_282
1458. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_311
1459. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LII-Page_298
1460. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVII-Page_577
1461. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVIII-Page_581
1462. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_509
1463. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_512
1464. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_285
1465. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_290
1466. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXI-Page_436
1467. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_448
1468. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_450
1469. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIII-Page_362
1470. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_481
1471. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_483
1472. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLII-Page_276
1473. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_285
1474. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_541
1475. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_542
1476. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_510
1477. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_512
1478. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_513
1479. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLIX-Page_514
1480. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_513
1481. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLIX-Page_514
1482. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXLV-Page_588
1483. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_308
1484. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_312
1485. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXI-Page_319
1486. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXIII-Page_320
1487. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXIII-Page_321
1488. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXIII-Page_332
1489. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXIV-Page_322
1490. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVII-Page_345
1491. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVIII-Page_348
1492. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_459
1493. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCVIII-Page_560
1494. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCIX-Page_562
1495. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_568
1496. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXIII-Page_570
1497. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_443
1498. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_442
1499. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_445
1500. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_448
1501. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_420
1502. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_422
1503. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_301
1504. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXLVI-Page_589
1505. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCL-Page_590
1506. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_425
1507. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIII-Page_426
1508. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_539
1509. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_540
1510. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVIII-Page_251
1511. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XL-Page_273
1512. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_351
1513. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_357
1514. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXIII-Page_547
1515. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXX-Page_548
1516. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_302
1517. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_303
1518. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXI-Page_239
1519. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXII-Page_241
1520. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVIII-Page_253
1521. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIX-Page_256
1522. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCIX-Page_562
1523. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCX-Page_563
1524. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_511
1525. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_512
1526. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_498
1527. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLVIII-Page_499
1528. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_496
1529. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_497
1530. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-Page_549
1531. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-Page_551
1532. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXVIII-Page_571
1533. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVIII-Page_251
1534. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XL-Page_275
1535. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXII-Page_451
1536. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_459
1537. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_462
1538. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_303
1539. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXI-Page_327
1540. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVIII-Page_236
1541. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XX-Page_237
1542. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXII-Page_241
1543. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVII-Page_250
1544. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-Page_270
1545. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIII-Page_491
1546. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIII-Page_494
1547. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXV-Page_454
1548. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_457
1549. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_474
1550. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_477
1551. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_541
1552. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_542
1553. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_408
1554. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_526
1555. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_528
1556. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_531
1557. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVI-Page_234
1558. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVII-Page_235
1559. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-Page_267
1560. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVIII-Page_295
1561. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LII-Page_298
1562. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_377
1563. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_378
1564. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXLV-Page_588
1565. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXI-Page_327
1566. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_342
1567. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_361
1568. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_422
1569. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_423
1570. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXIX-Page_489
1571. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXII-Page_544
1572. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_312
1573. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXI-Page_328
1574. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXV-Page_246
1575. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXI-Page_260
1576. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_309
1577. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXIX-Page_553
1578. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#II_1-Page_55
1579. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXII-Page_544
1580. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVIII-Page_295
1581. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_302
1582. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_303
1583. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_538
1584. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVII-Page_294
1585. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_378
1586. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIII-Page_362
1587. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_305
1588. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_306
1589. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_505
1590. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_508
1591. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVI-Page_473
1592. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_527
1593. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_308
1594. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_309
1595. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_312
1596. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_314
1597. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CL-Page_504
1598. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCX-Page_563
1599. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_564
1600. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_564
1601. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_568
1602. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXV-Page_453
1603. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_455
1604. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_458
1605. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_459
1606. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.IV-Page_223
1607. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CI-Page_414
1608. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXIX-Page_489
1609. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_539
1610. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_543
1611. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXIII-Page_570
1612. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXI-Page_238
1613. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXIII-Page_570
1614. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XV-Page_233
1615. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVI-Page_234
1616. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_422
1617. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_423
1618. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXV-Page_472
1619. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVI-Page_473
1620. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVI-Page_234
1621. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVII-Page_235
1622. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVIII-Page_295
1623. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_377
1624. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_378
1625. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVII-Page_406
1626. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXII-Page_585
1627. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXII-Page_587
1628. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XIV-Page_232
1629. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVII-Page_271
1630. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_450
1631. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXII-Page_451
1632. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_469
1633. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-Page_549
1634. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-Page_552
1635. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXIX-Page_554
1636. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXCII-Page_556
1637. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_289
1638. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVII-Page_367
1639. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIX-Page_375
1640. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCII-Page_382
1641. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_386
1642. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_388
1643. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_390
1644. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_543
1645. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXIII-Page_545
1646. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXIII-Page_547
1647. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LII-Page_298
1648. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.III-Page_222
1649. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.IX-Page_228
1650. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVII-Page_294
1651. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_307
1652. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXI-Page_583
1653. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_462
1654. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_464
1655. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_466
1656. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_464
1657. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_465
1658. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_465
1659. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVIII-Page_253
1660. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIX-Page_255
1661. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XL-Page_275
1662. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CL-Page_504
1663. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXVIII-Page_572
1664. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_597
1665. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXII-Page_240
1666. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXII-Page_241
1667. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIV-Page_364
1668. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXI-Page_327
1669. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIV-Page_364
1670. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXV-Page_365
1671. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_568
1672. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_508
1673. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CI-Page_414
1674. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_417
1675. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_378
1676. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_455
1677. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_456
1678. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIII-Page_300
1679. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_315
1680. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_410
1681. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCVIII-Page_560
1682. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCIX-Page_562
1683. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_310
1684. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVIII-Page_346
1685. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXI-Page_436
1686. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXV-Page_437
1687. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXLVI-Page_589
1688. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_283
1689. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_284
1690. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVII-Page_345
1691. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCIII-Page_558
1692. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCVIII-Page_560
1693. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXI-Page_238
1694. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_313
1695. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CI-Page_413
1696. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXI-Page_470
1697. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_480
1698. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXIX-Page_490
1699. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVIII-Page_347
1700. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_537
1701. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_538
1702. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_496
1703. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_497
1704. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXIX-Page_553
1705. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXIX-Page_554
1706. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVIII-Page_581
1707. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXIX-Page_582
1708. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_523
1709. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_525
1710. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIII-Page_491
1711. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIII-Page_494
1712. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_512
1713. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLIX-Page_514
1714. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_519
1715. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_521
1716. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_443
1717. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_444
1718. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_534
1719. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_537
1720. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_442
1721. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_445
1722. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_446
1723. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXI-Page_470
1724. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXIII-Page_471
1725. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXI-Page_470
1726. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XI-Page_229
1727. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XI-Page_230
1728. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_540
1729. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_541
1730. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIV-Page_433
1731. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXV-Page_437
1732. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXV-Page_264
1733. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVIII-Page_371
1734. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVIII-Page_372
1735. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIV-Page_433
1736. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXI-Page_470
1737. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_354
1738. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_355
1739. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCLIV-Page_591
1740. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_468
1741. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCIII-Page_558
1742. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXX-Page_573
1743. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXX-Page_576
1744. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIX-Page_256
1745. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIX-Page_375
1746. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_523
1747. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.ii-p5.2
1748. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.IV.IX-p3.1
1749. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.XI.III-p3.1
1750. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.XI.V-p4.2
1751. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.XII.XVII-p3.1
1752. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=2#vi.XII.III-p3.1
1753. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=2#vi.XII.VIII-p4.1
1754. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=2#vi.XII.XII-p4.1
1755. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=2#vi.XIII.II-p4.1
1756. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=2#vi.XIII.IV-p3.1
1757. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vi.XIII.III-p3.1
1758. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XII-p8.1
1759. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=3#viii-p764.1
1760. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vii.1.XXXVII-p7.1
1761. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XX-p6.1
1762. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XIV-p19.1
1763. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XV-p3.1
1764. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=6#vi.XII.VIII-p5.1
1765. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XX-p5.4
1766. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vi.XII.XXII-p6.1
1767. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vi.XIII.XVII-p3.1
1768. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XVII-p8.1
1769. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XIX-p5.1
1770. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=12#vi.XIII.XVIII-p5.1
1771. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vi.XI.XXIII-p4.1
1772. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vi.XIII.XVIII-p3.1
1773. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vii.1.LV-p73.1
1774. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=15#vi.XIII.XIX-p7.1
1775. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vi.XII.II-p3.3
1776. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XX-p3.1
1777. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XXI-p4.1
1778. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=26#vi.XIII.XXII-p5.1
1779. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=26#vi.VI.III-p6.2
1780. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=27#vi.III.VII-p6.1
1781. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=27#vi.XIII.XXII-p10.1
1782. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=27#vi.XIII.XXIII-p6.1
1783. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=28#vi.XIII.XXIV-p3.1
1784. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=29#vi.XIII.XXV-p5.1
1785. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=30#vi.XIII.XIX-p5.1
1786. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=30#vi.XIII.XXV-p6.1
1787. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=31#vi.X.XXXIV-p5.1
1788. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=31#vi.VII.XII-p3.1
1789. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=31#vi.XIII.XXVIII-p3.1
1790. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=31#vi.XIII.XXVIII-p4.1
1791. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=31#vi.XIII.XXXIV-p3.1
1792. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=1&scrV=31#vii.1.LV-p90.1
1793. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.LV-p90.1
1794. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXVI-p41.1
1795. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=3#vii.1.LV-p83.1
1796. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XXI-p5.1
1797. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vii.1.CXLIII-p22.1
1798. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XXI-p13.1
1799. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=16#vi.XIII.XXXII-p5.1
1800. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=19#vi.X.XXXI-p15.1
1801. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=19#vi.IV.XVI-p7.1
1802. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=21#vi.VII.XVIII-p8.1
1803. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=3&scrV=21#vi.XIII.XV-p7.1
1804. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=4&scrV=3#vii.1.CII-p30.1
1805. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=9&scrV=3#vi.X.XXXI-p29.1
1806. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=9&scrV=27#vii.1.LXXVIII-p39.1
1807. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=12&scrV=0#vii.1.XCIII-p14.1
1808. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=12&scrV=0#vii.1.CXXXVII-p43.1
1809. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=14&scrV=3#vi.III.II-p6.1
1810. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=14&scrV=10#vi.III.II-p6.1
1811. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=16&scrV=5#vii.1.XCIII-p21.1
1812. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=16&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXV-p14.1
1813. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=16&scrV=13#vi.V.II-p6.1
1814. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=18&scrV=2#vii.1.XCV-p32.1
1815. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=18&scrV=6#vii.1.CLVIII-p23.1
1816. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=18&scrV=27#vi.I_1.VI-p4.1
1817. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=18&scrV=27#vi.X.V-p5.1
1818. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=19&scrV=1#vii.1.XCV-p32.1
1819. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=21&scrV=10#vii.1.LXXVIII-p40.1
1820. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=22&scrV=1#vi.X.XXVIII-p5.1
1821. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=22&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXXX-p9.1
1822. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=22&scrV=14#vii.1.XCIII-p129.1
1823. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=22&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXVI-p8.1
1824. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=22&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p38.1
1825. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=22&scrV=18#vii.1.XCIII-p205.1
1826. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=25&scrV=33#vi.VII.IX-p30.1
1827. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=25&scrV=34#vi.X.XXXI-p32.1
1828. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=26&scrV=0#vii.1.XCIII-p14.1
1829. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=26&scrV=4#vii.1.XCIII-p65.1
1830. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=26&scrV=4#vii.1.CXLIV-p11.1
1831. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=26&scrV=31#vii.1.XLVI-p30.1
1832. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=27&scrV=1#vi.X.XXXIV-p8.1
1833. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=27&scrV=28#vi.XII.II-p3.2
1834. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=31&scrV=53#vii.1.XLVI-p29.1
1835. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=42&scrV=0#vii.1.XCIII-p14.1
1836. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=43&scrV=0#vii.1.XCIII-p14.1
1837. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=46&scrV=27#vii.1.XCV-p33.1
1838. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=48&scrV=13#vi.X.XXXIV-p9.1
1839. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gen&scrCh=49&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXVIII-p42.1
1840. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=3&scrV=14#vi.VII.X-p6.1
1841. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=3&scrV=21#vi.VII.IX-p33.1
1842. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=4&scrV=24#vii.1.XXIII-p15.1
1843. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=5&scrV=9#vii.1.XCIII-p23.1
1844. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=6&scrV=12#vi.XI.II-p9.1
1845. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=7&scrV=0#vii.1.CXXXVII-p39.1
1846. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=8&scrV=0#vii.1.CXXXVII-p39.1
1847. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=8&scrV=19#vii.1.LV-p154.1
1848. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=12&scrV=0#vii.1.LV-p147.1
1849. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=12&scrV=13#vii.1.LV-p11.1
1850. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=12&scrV=27#vii.1.LV-p11.1
1851. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=12&scrV=35#vi.VII.IX-p33.1
1852. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=13&scrV=21#vii.1.CLXIX-p30.1
1853. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=16&scrV=3#vi.VII.IX-p29.1
1854. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=16&scrV=15#vi.I_1.VI-p15.1
1855. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=18&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXVI-p35.1
1856. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=19&scrV=0#vii.1.LV-p147.1
1857. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=19&scrV=10#vii.1.LV-p156.1
1858. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=19&scrV=18#vii.1.CLXIX-p29.1
1859. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=20&scrV=0#vii.1.LV-p147.1
1860. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=20&scrV=1#vii.1.LV-p104.1
1861. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=20&scrV=7#vii.1.LV-p95.1
1862. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=20&scrV=17#vii.1.LXXXII-p56.1
1863. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=23&scrV=15#vii.1.LV-p36.1
1864. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=31&scrV=0#vii.1.LV-p147.1
1865. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=32&scrV=1#vi.VII.IX-p31.2
1866. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=32&scrV=6#vii.1.XXIX-p12.1
1867. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=32&scrV=27#vii.1.XCIII-p23.1
1868. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=32&scrV=27#vii.1.XLIII-p54.1
1869. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=33&scrV=20#vi.I_1.V-p5.1
1870. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=34&scrV=28#vii.1.LV-p137.1
1871. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Lev&scrCh=19&scrV=18#vi.X.XXXVII-p9.1
1872. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=11&scrV=0#vi.X.XXXI-p35.1
1873. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=11&scrV=0#vii.1.CXXX-p103.1
1874. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=11&scrV=5#vi.VII.IX-p29.2
1875. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=11&scrV=25#vi.XIII.IV-p4.1
1876. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=15&scrV=35#vii.1.XXXVI-p18.1
1877. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=16&scrV=2#vi.VIII.IV-p10.2
1878. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=16&scrV=19#vi.VIII.IV-p10.2
1879. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=16&scrV=31#vii.1.XLIII-p55.1
1880. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=16&scrV=31#vii.1.LXXVI-p22.1
1881. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=16&scrV=31#vii.1.XCIII-p208.1
1882. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=16&scrV=31#vii.1.LI-p7.1
1883. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=16&scrV=31#vii.1.LXXXVII-p10.1
1884. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=16&scrV=35#vii.1.XLIII-p55.1
1885. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=21&scrV=5#vii.1.LIV-p18.2
1886. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Num&scrCh=22&scrV=28#vii.1.XCVIII-p12.1
1887. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=4&scrV=24#vi.V.III-p10.1
1888. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p104.2
1889. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=5&scrV=11#vii.1.LV-p95.2
1890. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=5&scrV=21#vii.1.LXXXII-p56.2
1891. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=6&scrV=5#vi.III.VIII-p3.1
1892. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=7&scrV=25#vii.1.XLVII-p8.1
1893. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=7&scrV=26#vii.1.XLVI-p33.1
1894. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=12&scrV=3#vii.1.CXXX-p116.1
1895. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=17&scrV=11#vii.1.XLVIII-p11.1
1896. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=29&scrV=5#vi.III.VII-p10.1
1897. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=29&scrV=29#vii.1.LXXVIII-p24.1
1898. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=32&scrV=7#vii.1.XLVI-p6.1
1899. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=32&scrV=39#vi.II_1.II-p11.1
1900. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=32&scrV=39#vii.1.CCXIX-p9.1
1901. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Deut&scrCh=32&scrV=49#vi.VII.XXI-p20.1
1902. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Josh&scrCh=6&scrV=19#vii.1.XLVI-p32.1
1903. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Josh&scrCh=10&scrV=12#vi.XI.XXIII-p6.1
1904. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Josh&scrCh=22&scrV=9#vii.1.XCIII-p103.1
1905. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Judg&scrCh=6&scrV=26#vii.1.XLVI-p31.1
1906. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Sam&scrCh=1&scrV=0#vii.1.CXXX-p119.1
1907. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Sam&scrCh=8&scrV=6#vii.1.CXXX-p104.1
1908. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Sam&scrCh=17&scrV=40#vii.1.LXXV-p9.1
1909. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Sam&scrCh=24&scrV=7#vii.1.CXXXIII-p12.1
1910. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Sam&scrCh=28&scrV=14#vii.1.CLVIII-p21.1
1911. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Sam&scrCh=11&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXXII-p18.1
1912. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Sam&scrCh=11&scrV=17#vii.1.LXXXII-p18.1
1913. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Sam&scrCh=13&scrV=14#vii.1.LXXVIII-p43.1
1914. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Sam&scrCh=21&scrV=17#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p29.1
1915. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Sam&scrCh=22&scrV=2#vii.1.LV-p165.1
1916. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Sam&scrCh=23&scrV=15#vi.X.XXXI-p33.1
1917. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Kgs&scrCh=17&scrV=0#vi.XIII.XXVI-p17.1
1918. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Kgs&scrCh=17&scrV=6#vi.X.XXXI-p30.1
1919. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Kgs&scrCh=17&scrV=22#vii.1.CXXXVII-p38.1
1920. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Kgs&scrCh=18&scrV=4#vii.1.XCIII-p24.1
1921. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Kgs&scrCh=18&scrV=40#vi.III.VII-p4.1
1922. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Kgs&scrCh=18&scrV=40#vii.1.XLIV-p21.1
1923. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Kgs&scrCh=18&scrV=40#vii.1.XCIII-p24.1
1924. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Kgs&scrCh=19&scrV=8#vii.1.LV-p138.1
1925. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Kgs&scrCh=4&scrV=35#vii.1.CXXXVII-p38.2
1926. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Chr&scrCh=12&scrV=17#vii.1.LXXV-p16.1
1927. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Chr&scrCh=21&scrV=1#vi.VIII.IV-p10.4
1928. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Chr&scrCh=16&scrV=19#vii.1.LXXV-p10.1
1929. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=1&scrV=10#vi.VIII.I-p5.1
1930. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=1&scrV=12#vii.1.CXXX-p105.1
1931. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vii.1.CXXX-p105.1
1932. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=2&scrV=13#vi.VIII.XI-p7.1
1933. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vi.X.XXXII-p4.1
1934. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vi.X.XXVIII-p3.1
1935. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p28.1
1936. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vii.1.LXXIII-p20.1
1937. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vii.1.XCV-p19.1
1938. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=9&scrV=3#vi.I_1.V-p10.1
1939. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=11&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XXIII-p8.2
1940. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=14&scrV=1#vi.III.VII-p11.1
1941. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=14&scrV=4#vii.1.CLXVI-p22.1
1942. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=14&scrV=13#vi.XIII.XIV-p6.1
1943. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=15&scrV=26#vi.VII.VII-p5.1
1944. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=23&scrV=8#vi.X.XXVI-p3.1
1945. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=28&scrV=28#vi.V.V-p3.1
1946. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=28&scrV=28#vi.VIII.I-p19.1
1947. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=28&scrV=28#vii.1.CLXVII-p31.1
1948. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=28&scrV=28#vii.1.CLXVII-p36.1
1949. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=29&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXVII-p42.1
1950. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Job&scrCh=38&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XVII-p6.2
1951. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vii.1.XCIII-p66.1
1952. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vii.1.XCIII-p198.1
1953. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vii.1.LXXVI-p12.1
1954. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.XCIII-p73.1
1955. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.XCIII-p81.1
1956. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=0#vi.IX.XII-p7.2
1957. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=1#vii.1.XCIII-p42.1
1958. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p42.1
1959. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vi.XI.XIII-p5.1
1960. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vii.1.XLIII-p58.1
1961. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vii.1.LXXVI-p6.1
1962. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=8#vii.1.LXXXVII-p16.1
1963. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=10#vii.1.XCIII-p42.1
1964. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vi.X.IV-p10.1
1965. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vi.X.XXX-p8.1
1966. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vi.VII.XXI-p4.1
1967. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=3&scrV=0#vi.V.IV-p3.1
1968. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=3&scrV=3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p38.1
1969. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=1#vi.IX.IV-p12.1
1970. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=1#vi.IX.IV-p20.1
1971. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XXVI-p11.1
1972. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=2#vi.IV.II-p4.1
1973. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXVI-p5.1
1974. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=2#viii-p368.1
1975. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vi.IX.IV-p34.1
1976. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.IX.IV-p27.1
1977. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.IX.IV-p29.1
1978. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.IX.IV-p30.1
1979. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vi.V.XIII-p3.1
1980. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vi.IX.IV-p35.1
1981. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vi.IX.IV-p37.1
1982. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vii.1.LXXV-p11.1
1983. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vi.IX.IV-p39.1
1984. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vi.IX.IV-p40.1
1985. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vi.IX.X-p7.1
1986. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=9#vi.IX.IV-p42.1
1987. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=4&scrV=23#vi.IX.IV-p14.1
1988. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XIV-p10.1
1989. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.LXXXII-p67.1
1990. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=5&scrV=12#vi.X.II-p4.1
1991. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=6&scrV=2#vi.X.XXXIII-p4.1
1992. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=6&scrV=3#vi.VIII.XII-p5.1
1993. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=6&scrV=3#vii.1.CCL-p11.1
1994. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=6&scrV=5#vi.VII.III-p6.1
1995. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=6&scrV=8#vii.1.CCL-p10.1
1996. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=7&scrV=3#vii.1.CXXX-p89.1
1997. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=7&scrV=9#vi.XIII.XIV-p18.1
1998. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=7&scrV=15#vi.II_1.VI-p6.1
1999. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=7&scrV=15#vi.II_1.VI-p8.1
2000. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=8&scrV=0#vi.i-p56.1
2001. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=8&scrV=0#vi.X.XXX-p3.2
2002. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=8&scrV=0#vi.V.III-p8.1
2003. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=8&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XV-p13.1
2004. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=8&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XV-p11.1
2005. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=8&scrV=7#vi.V.III-p9.1
2006. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=8&scrV=8#vi.XII.XXVI-p3.1
2007. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=8&scrV=28#vi.XI.XXV-p3.1
2008. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=9&scrV=9#vi.I_1.IX-p4.1
2009. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=9&scrV=13#vi.XIII.IX-p4.1
2010. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=10&scrV=3#vi.X.XXXVI-p10.1
2011. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=10&scrV=3#vii.1.LV-p52.1
2012. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=11&scrV=0#vi.V.III-p8.1
2013. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=11&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p134.1
2014. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=11&scrV=3#vii.1.LV-p56.1
2015. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=12&scrV=1#vii.1.XCIII-p152.1
2016. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=12&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p162.1
2017. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=12&scrV=7#vii.1.XXXI-p28.1
2018. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=12&scrV=7#vii.1.XCIII-p154.1
2019. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=15&scrV=4#vii.1.CXXV-p9.1
2020. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=16&scrV=2#vi.VII.XI-p6.1
2021. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=16&scrV=2#vii.1.CII-p31.1
2022. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=16&scrV=2#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p13.1
2023. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=16&scrV=3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p17.1
2024. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=16&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXIV-p10.1
2025. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=16&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXIV-p22.1
2026. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=18&scrV=1#vii.1.CCXVIII-p15.1
2027. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=18&scrV=7#vi.X.XXXVI-p7.1
2028. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=18&scrV=28#vi.IV.XV-p8.1
2029. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=18&scrV=28#vi.XIII.VIII-p5.1
2030. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=18&scrV=31#vi.I_1.IV-p4.1
2031. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=18&scrV=35#vi.VIII.I-p18.1
2032. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=0#vi.XIII.XIX-p22.1
2033. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XX-p5.1
2034. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=3#viii-p1127.1
2035. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XXV-p11.1
2036. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=4#vii.1.XCIII-p79.1
2037. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=5#vi.IV.XII-p7.1
2038. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=6#vi.V.I-p4.1
2039. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=6#vi.IX.IV-p11.1
2040. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XV-p12.1
2041. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XV-p16.1
2042. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=9#vi.IV.II-p6.1
2043. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=9#vii.1.CXLV-p21.1
2044. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=12#vi.II_1.IX-p3.1
2045. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=12#vi.X.XXXVII-p5.1
2046. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=12#vi.I_1.V-p7.1
2047. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=14#vi.VIII.VI-p3.1
2048. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=19&scrV=14#vi.IX.I-p8.1
2049. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=0#vii.1.CII-p74.1
2050. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=2#vi.I_1.IX-p5.1
2051. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=7#vii.1.CII-p76.1
2052. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=16#vii.1.LXXVI-p10.1
2053. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=16#vii.1.CII-p77.1
2054. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=25#vi.XII.XXIV-p3.1
2055. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=26#vi.I_1.I-p9.1
2056. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=26#vi.X.XLIII-p26.1
2057. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=26#vii.1.CXXX-p40.1
2058. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=27#vii.1.LI-p14.1
2059. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=27#vii.1.LXXVI-p11.1
2060. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=22&scrV=27#vii.1.CII-p78.1
2061. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=23&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XXI-p10.1
2062. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=23&scrV=5#vii.1.CLVIII-p12.1
2063. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=24&scrV=1#vii.1.XLVII-p10.1
2064. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=24&scrV=5#vi.XIII.VII-p8.1
2065. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=9#vi.VII.IX-p23.1
2066. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=9#vii.1.XLVIII-p10.1
2067. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=10#vii.1.CIV-p27.1
2068. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=11#vi.X.IV-p8.1
2069. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=15#vi.IV.VI-p3.1
2070. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=15#vi.X.XXXIV-p12.1
2071. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=15#vii.1.XLVIII-p22.1
2072. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=17#vii.1.CCXX-p24.1
2073. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=25&scrV=18#vi.VII.IX-p24.1
2074. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=26&scrV=3#vi.X.XXXIV-p19.1
2075. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=26&scrV=7#vi.XI.II-p14.1
2076. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=26&scrV=7#vi.XI.XXIX-p10.1
2077. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=26&scrV=8#vi.VIII.I-p11.1
2078. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=26&scrV=8#vi.XII.XV-p18.1
2079. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=26&scrV=12#vi.I_1.V-p11.1
2080. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=1#vi.X.XXIII-p6.1
2081. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=4#vi.XI.XXII-p6.1
2082. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=4#vi.XI.XXIX-p11.1
2083. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=4#vi.XII.XI-p14.1
2084. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=4#vii.1.CXXX-p60.1
2085. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=8#vi.I_1.XVIII-p5.1
2086. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=8#vi.IX.III-p13.1
2087. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=12#vi.III.VIII-p6.1
2088. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=27&scrV=14#vii.1.LXIV-p8.1
2089. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=28&scrV=1#vi.XII.XVI-p3.1
2090. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=29&scrV=5#vi.IX.IV-p8.1
2091. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=29&scrV=5#vi.VIII.II-p17.1
2092. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=29&scrV=9#vi.XI.II-p13.1
2093. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=30&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p31.1
2094. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=30&scrV=11#vi.VIII.XII-p16.1
2095. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=30&scrV=12#vi.XIII.XIV-p11.1
2096. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=3#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p7.1
2097. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=6#vi.VIII.II-p22.1
2098. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=10#vi.XI.IX-p3.1
2099. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=10#vi.XI.XXIX-p12.1
2100. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=14#vi.VIII.II-p22.1
2101. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=18#vi.VIII.II-p22.1
2102. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=20#vi.XIII.VIII-p8.1
2103. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=22#vi.I_1.XVIII-p12.1
2104. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=31&scrV=22#vi.X.XLI-p4.1
2105. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=32&scrV=1#vi.X.III-p7.1
2106. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=32&scrV=5#vi.I_1.V-p9.1
2107. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=32&scrV=9#vi.X.VII-p3.1
2108. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=33&scrV=6#vi.XI.V-p6.1
2109. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=33&scrV=9#vi.XI.V-p5.1
2110. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=33&scrV=11#vi.VI.XIV-p5.1
2111. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=33&scrV=15#vii.1.CLXVI-p70.1
2112. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=34&scrV=1#vii.1.CXXXI-p8.1
2113. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=34&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p39.1
2114. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=34&scrV=2#vii.1.XLVIII-p21.1
2115. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=34&scrV=5#vi.VIII.X-p9.1
2116. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=34&scrV=5#vii.1.XCII-p12.1
2117. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=34&scrV=18#vi.V.III-p5.1
2118. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=35&scrV=3#vi.I_1.V-p4.1
2119. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=35&scrV=3#vi.IX.I-p5.1
2120. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=35&scrV=10#vi.V.I-p3.1
2121. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=35&scrV=10#vi.VIII.I-p3.1
2122. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=35&scrV=10#vi.IX.I-p4.1
2123. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=35&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p7.1
2124. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=35&scrV=13#vii.1.XXXVI-p53.1
2125. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=0#vi.X.XLIII-p25.2
2126. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=0#vii.1.XLIII-p61.1
2127. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=2#vi.VIII.VII-p3.1
2128. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XV-p21.1
2129. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=6#vi.IV.IV-p7.1
2130. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=6#vi.XIII.II-p9.1
2131. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XII-p7.1
2132. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XXI-p9.1
2133. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=7#vi.IV.XVI-p14.1
2134. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=8#vii.1.CXLV-p31.1
2135. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=8#vii.1.CXXX-p111.1
2136. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=9#vi.IX.X-p5.1
2137. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=9#vi.XIII.IV-p5.1
2138. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=9#vi.XIII.XVI-p5.1
2139. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=36&scrV=10#vii.1.XXVII-p12.1
2140. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=37&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p85.1
2141. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=37&scrV=4#vii.1.CXXX-p110.1
2142. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=37&scrV=5#vii.1.CCXVIII-p10.1
2143. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=37&scrV=9#vi.VII.VII-p3.1
2144. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=37&scrV=23#vi.V.VII-p6.1
2145. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=37&scrV=23#vii.1.CCXVIII-p24.1
2146. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=38&scrV=0#vi.V.IV-p3.2
2147. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=39&scrV=5#vi.XI.XXII-p7.1
2148. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=39&scrV=11#vi.II_1.I-p4.1
2149. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=39&scrV=11#vi.VII.X-p5.1
2150. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=39&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XII-p6.1
2151. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=41&scrV=4#vi.IV.III-p4.1
2152. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=41&scrV=4#vi.V.X-p5.1
2153. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=41&scrV=4#vi.IV.XII-p10.1
2154. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=41&scrV=8#vii.1.CCLXIII-p14.1
2155. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XIII-p10.1
2156. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XII-p11.2
2157. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=2#vi.XII.XI-p13.1
2158. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XIII-p25.1
2159. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XIV-p3.1
2160. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=5#vi.IV.IV-p10.1
2161. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=5#vi.IV.IV-p11.1
2162. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XIV-p4.1
2163. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XII-p12.1
2164. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XIII-p6.1
2165. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XIII-p22.1
2166. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=10#vi.XII.XI-p13.1
2167. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=42&scrV=11#vi.X.XXIII-p7.1
2168. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=43&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XIV-p12.1
2169. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=45&scrV=2#vi.II_1.VI-p3.1
2170. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=45&scrV=11#vii.1.XCIII-p123.1
2171. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=45&scrV=13#vii.1.XXXVI-p59.1
2172. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=45&scrV=13#vii.1.XXXVI-p55.1
2173. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=46&scrV=1#vi.I_1.IX-p4.1
2174. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=46&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XIII-p18.1
2175. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=46&scrV=10#vi.IX.II-p10.1
2176. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=46&scrV=11#vii.1.LV-p102.1
2177. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=48&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p100.1
2178. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=48&scrV=3#vi.I_1.IX-p4.1
2179. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=49&scrV=0#vi.I_1.I-p6.1
2180. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=49&scrV=6#vii.1.CCXVIII-p13.1
2181. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=49&scrV=12#vii.1.XXIII-p6.1
2182. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=49&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XXIII-p4.1
2183. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=50&scrV=3#vi.ii-p7.2
2184. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=50&scrV=9#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p18.1
2185. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=1#vi.X.IV-p7.1
2186. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=5#vi.I_1.VII-p7.1
2187. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=6#vi.X.I-p6.1
2188. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=8#vi.IV.XV-p18.1
2189. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXVI-p71.1
2190. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=13#vii.1.CIV-p25.1
2191. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=17#vi.IV.III-p7.1
2192. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=17#vi.VII.XXI-p13.1
2193. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=51&scrV=19#vi.V.IX-p9.1
2194. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=52&scrV=6#vii.1.XXII-p24.1
2195. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=55&scrV=5#vii.1.XCV-p18.1
2196. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=55&scrV=6#vii.1.XCV-p23.1
2197. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=55&scrV=7#vi.X.XLIII-p20.1
2198. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=55&scrV=14#vii.1.XCIII-p116.1
2199. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=55&scrV=18#vii.1.XCIII-p183.1
2200. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=55&scrV=22#vi.X.XLIII-p22.1
2201. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=56&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p30.1
2202. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=57&scrV=1#vii.1.XLVIII-p12.1
2203. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=57&scrV=7#vii.1.LXXV-p12.1
2204. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=58&scrV=10#vi.X.XXXIV-p18.1
2205. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=59&scrV=1#vii.1.CXXX-p91.1
2206. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=59&scrV=9#vi.IV.XVI-p10.1
2207. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=61&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p110.1
2208. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=62&scrV=1#vi.VII.XXI-p17.1
2209. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=62&scrV=10#vii.1.CXXX-p32.1
2210. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=63&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XVI-p4.1
2211. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=63&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XVII-p4.1
2212. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=63&scrV=1#vii.1.CXXX-p26.1
2213. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=63&scrV=3#vi.XI.XXIX-p3.1
2214. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=63&scrV=8#vi.XI.XXIX-p5.1
2215. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=63&scrV=27#vi.X.XXXV-p3.1
2216. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=64&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XVII-p3.2
2217. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=64&scrV=10#vi.II_1.V-p3.1
2218. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=65&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XVIII-p11.1
2219. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=67&scrV=1#vii.1.XCIII-p161.1
2220. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=2#vi.VIII.X-p3.1
2221. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=5#vi.IX.XII-p11.1
2222. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=6#vi.IX.VIII-p3.1
2223. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=6#vii.1.CI-p21.1
2224. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=11#vii.1.LXXV-p14.1
2225. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=13#vii.1.XCVIII-p14.1
2226. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=16#vi.IX.III-p7.1
2227. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=18#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p13.1
2228. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=28#vii.1.CCXIII-p10.1
2229. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=68&scrV=29#vii.1.CCXXIX-p8.1
2230. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=69&scrV=3#vi.III.VI-p7.1
2231. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=69&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXVIII-p28.1
2232. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=69&scrV=26#vii.1.LXXVIII-p27.1
2233. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=69&scrV=32#vi.XIII.XXI-p14.1
2234. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=71&scrV=5#vi.VI.I-p3.1
2235. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=72&scrV=7#vii.1.LV-p59.1
2236. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=72&scrV=8#vii.1.XCIII-p67.1
2237. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=72&scrV=11#vii.1.CLXXIII-p23.1
2238. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=72&scrV=11#vii.1.LXXXVII-p21.1
2239. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=72&scrV=17#vii.1.XCIII-p75.1
2240. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=72&scrV=18#vii.1.CXLIV-p5.1
2241. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=73&scrV=7#vi.II_1.III-p12.1
2242. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=73&scrV=9#vi.IV.XII-p13.1
2243. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=73&scrV=16#vi.XI.XXII-p4.1
2244. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=73&scrV=27#vi.V.II-p9.1
2245. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=73&scrV=28#vi.VII.XI-p4.1
2246. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=73&scrV=28#vi.XII.XV-p23.1
2247. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=73&scrV=28#vi.XIII.II-p6.1
2248. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=74&scrV=16#vi.XI.II-p12.1
2249. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=74&scrV=21#vi.IV.I-p7.1
2250. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=76&scrV=7#vi.II_1.VI-p5.1
2251. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=77&scrV=2#vii.1.CXXX-p97.1
2252. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=77&scrV=10#vi.X.XXXIII-p5.1
2253. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=78&scrV=39#vi.I_1.XIII-p4.1
2254. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=78&scrV=39#vi.IV.XV-p14.1
2255. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=79&scrV=5#vi.VIII.XII-p6.1
2256. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=79&scrV=8#vi.VIII.XII-p6.1
2257. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=79&scrV=11#vii.1.XLVIII-p8.1
2258. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=80&scrV=5#vi.IX.X-p8.1
2259. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=80&scrV=7#vii.1.CXXX-p85.1
2260. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=80&scrV=17#vi.XI.II-p19.1
2261. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=80&scrV=19#vi.IV.X-p3.1
2262. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=80&scrV=19#vii.1.CXXX-p85.1
2263. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=81&scrV=10#vii.1.LXXV-p13.1
2264. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=84&scrV=2#vii.1.CLVIII-p11.1
2265. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=84&scrV=5#vi.XIII.IX-p7.1
2266. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=84&scrV=5#vii.1.LV-p144.1
2267. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=84&scrV=6#vi.IV.XII-p15.1
2268. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=84&scrV=6#vi.IX.II-p4.1
2269. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=85&scrV=5#vi.X.XLIII-p5.4
2270. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=85&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XVII-p9.1
2271. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=86&scrV=1#vi.XI.II-p7.1
2272. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=86&scrV=11#vii.1.CIV-p26.1
2273. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=86&scrV=15#vi.I_1.XVIII-p4.1
2274. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=88&scrV=1#vi.III.XI-p7.1
2275. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=88&scrV=5#vi.X.XLIII-p13.1
2276. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=88&scrV=5#vii.1.CLXIV-p14.1
2277. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=89&scrV=0#vii.1.LV-p57.2
2278. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=89&scrV=11#vi.VII.VII-p6.1
2279. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=89&scrV=30#vii.1.XXIX-p24.1
2280. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=89&scrV=39#vii.1.LV-p58.1
2281. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=90&scrV=12#vii.1.XCIII-p114.1
2282. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=90&scrV=14#vii.1.CXXX-p28.1
2283. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=91&scrV=1#vii.1.CI-p20.1
2284. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=91&scrV=11#vi.X.XXXII-p3.1
2285. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=91&scrV=13#vi.IX.XIII-p24.1
2286. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=92&scrV=1#vi.I_1.VII-p6.1
2287. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=93&scrV=20#vi.II_1.II-p12.1
2288. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=94&scrV=1#vi.IV.IV-p4.1
2289. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=94&scrV=8#vii.1.CXLVIII-p49.1
2290. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=94&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXVIII-p32.1
2291. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=94&scrV=15#vii.1.XLVIII-p12.1
2292. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=94&scrV=19#vii.1.XLI-p10.1
2293. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=94&scrV=19#vii.1.LV-p126.1
2294. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=94&scrV=19#vii.1.XCV-p5.1
2295. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=95&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XVII-p5.1
2296. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=96&scrV=4#vi.XI.I-p3.1
2297. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=96&scrV=5#vii.1.CII-p36.1
2298. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=100&scrV=3#vi.I_1.VI-p11.1
2299. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=100&scrV=3#vi.XI.XXVII-p3.1
2300. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=100&scrV=3#vii.1.CCXXXI-p16.1
2301. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=101&scrV=1#vi.IX.XII-p7.1
2302. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=101&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXVII-p63.1
2303. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=101&scrV=5#vii.1.XCIII-p39.1
2304. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=102&scrV=12#vi.VII.VIII-p3.1
2305. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=102&scrV=20#vi.III.VIII-p9.1
2306. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=102&scrV=26#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p16.1
2307. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=102&scrV=27#vi.I_1.VI-p13.1
2308. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=102&scrV=27#vi.I_1.VI-p14.1
2309. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=102&scrV=27#vi.XI.XIII-p4.1
2310. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=102&scrV=27#vi.XIII.XVIII-p15.1
2311. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=3#vi.X.III-p3.1
2312. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=3#vi.IV.XI-p3.1
2313. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=3#vi.X.XXX-p6.1
2314. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=3#vi.X.XLIII-p15.1
2315. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=3#vi.X.XXXVI-p3.1
2316. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=3#vi.XI.IX-p4.1
2317. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=5#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p40.1
2318. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=10#vii.1.XCV-p7.1
2319. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=103&scrV=14#vi.X.XXXI-p14.1
2320. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=104&scrV=2#vi.XIII.VIII-p6.1
2321. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=104&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XV-p6.1
2322. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=104&scrV=4#vii.1.XCV-p31.1
2323. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=104&scrV=9#vi.XIII.XVII-p6.1
2324. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=104&scrV=15#vi.V.XIII-p3.1
2325. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=104&scrV=24#vi.XI.IX-p6.1
2326. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=104&scrV=24#vi.XII.XIX-p3.1
2327. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=106&scrV=2#vi.IV.IV-p6.1
2328. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=106&scrV=20#vi.VII.IX-p31.1
2329. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=107&scrV=8#vi.VII.VI-p3.1
2330. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=107&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXIV-p39.1
2331. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=108&scrV=5#vii.1.XCIII-p6.1
2332. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=109&scrV=22#vi.X.XXXVIII-p3.1
2333. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=110&scrV=3#vii.1.CLXIX-p38.1
2334. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=111&scrV=10#vi.VIII.VI-p9.2
2335. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=112&scrV=10#vi.VIII.II-p21.1
2336. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=113&scrV=1#vii.1.XCIII-p199.1
2337. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=115&scrV=5#vii.1.CII-p35.1
2338. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=115&scrV=16#vi.XII.II-p4.1
2339. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=115&scrV=16#vi.XII.VIII-p3.1
2340. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=0#vi.IX.XII-p7.3
2341. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=8#vii.1.CXXX-p23.1
2342. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=9#vii.1.CXXX-p24.1
2343. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=10#vi.X.I-p5.1
2344. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=10#vi.I_1.V-p8.1
2345. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=10#vi.XI.XXII-p5.1
2346. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XXV-p3.2
2347. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=12#vi.II_1.VII-p3.1
2348. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=13#vi.VII.XXI-p16.1
2349. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=15#vi.IX.VII-p7.1
2350. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=16#vi.II_1.III-p9.1
2351. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=16#vi.VIII.I-p4.1
2352. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=16#vi.IX.I-p3.1
2353. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=116&scrV=17#vi.IV.I-p4.1
2354. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=118&scrV=1#vi.V.IX-p15.1
2355. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=118&scrV=1#vi.XI.I-p6.1
2356. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=118&scrV=22#vii.1.CLXIV-p42.1
2357. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=18#vi.X.XLIII-p23.1
2358. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=37#vi.VII.XIV-p3.1
2359. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=53#vii.1.XCIII-p112.1
2360. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=71#vii.1.CXXXI-p9.1
2361. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=85#vi.VIII.XI-p6.1
2362. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=85#vi.XI.II-p17.1
2363. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=105#vi.XIII.XIV-p5.1
2364. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=108#vi.IX.XIII-p19.1
2365. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=120#vii.1.LV-p120.1
2366. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=122#vi.X.XLIII-p25.1
2367. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=133#vii.1.CXXX-p86.1
2368. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=142#vi.IV.IX-p6.1
2369. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=155#vi.V.XIII-p4.1
2370. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=158#vii.1.XCIII-p112.1
2371. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=119&scrV=176#vi.XII.XV-p19.1
2372. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=120&scrV=3#vi.IX.II-p5.1
2373. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=120&scrV=6#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p8.1
2374. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=121&scrV=4#vi.X.XXXIV-p13.1
2375. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=122&scrV=1#vi.XIII.IX-p8.1
2376. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=122&scrV=1#vii.1.XLI-p7.1
2377. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=124&scrV=8#vii.1.C-p6.1
2378. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=125&scrV=2#vi.IX.III-p5.1
2379. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=126&scrV=1#vii.1.XLI-p5.1
2380. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=130&scrV=1#vi.II_1.III-p4.1
2381. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=130&scrV=1#vi.XI.II-p11.1
2382. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=130&scrV=3#vi.I_1.V-p12.1
2383. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=132&scrV=1#vii.1.CXXX-p88.1
2384. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=132&scrV=8#vii.1.LV-p158.1
2385. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=136&scrV=4#vi.IV.XV-p3.1
2386. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=138&scrV=6#vi.V.III-p4.1
2387. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=2#vi.IX.VIII-p10.2
2388. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=4#vi.IX.VIII-p10.2
2389. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=6#vi.XI.XIX-p3.1
2390. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=7#vi.V.II-p5.1
2391. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=7#vi.II_1.VI-p9.1
2392. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=9#vi.I_1.II-p4.1
2393. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=12#vi.XIII.VIII-p7.1
2394. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=16#vi.X.XXXI-p42.1
2395. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=21#vi.XII.XIV-p4.1
2396. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=139&scrV=22#vi.V.XII-p3.1
2397. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=141&scrV=3#vi.V.X-p6.1
2398. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=141&scrV=5#vii.1.XXVII-p17.1
2399. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=141&scrV=5#vii.1.XXVIII-p21.1
2400. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=141&scrV=5#vi.X.XXXVII-p14.1
2401. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=141&scrV=5#vii.1.XXXIII-p8.1
2402. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=142&scrV=5#vi.V.VIII-p4.1
2403. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=142&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXIV-p38.1
2404. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=143&scrV=2#vi.IX.XIII-p14.1
2405. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=143&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXVII-p40.1
2406. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=143&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXVII-p47.1
2407. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=143&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXVII-p64.1
2408. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=143&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XVII-p4.1
2409. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=143&scrV=10#vi.XII.XXXII-p3.1
2410. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=144&scrV=5#vi.VIII.II-p16.1
2411. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=144&scrV=7#vi.III.XI-p3.1
2412. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=144&scrV=9#vi.III.VIII-p5.1
2413. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=144&scrV=11#vi.X.IV-p4.1
2414. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=144&scrV=15#vii.1.CXXX-p95.1
2415. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=145&scrV=3#vi.I_1.I-p4.1
2416. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=145&scrV=15#vi.VI.X-p9.1
2417. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=145&scrV=15#vi.VI.XIV-p6.1
2418. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=145&scrV=18#vi.V.III-p5.1
2419. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=146&scrV=0#vi.III.V-p4.1
2420. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=146&scrV=8#vi.XI.XXXI-p6.1
2421. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=147&scrV=5#vi.I_1.I-p4.1
2422. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=147&scrV=6#vi.V.III-p13.1
2423. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=148&scrV=1#vi.VII.XIII-p4.1
2424. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=148&scrV=4#vi.XII.XV-p15.1
2425. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=148&scrV=6#vi.XII.XV-p7.1
2426. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ps&scrCh=149&scrV=6#vi.XII.XIV-p5.1
2427. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=1&scrV=4#vii.1.CLXVII-p18.1
2428. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=3&scrV=7#vi.VIII.I-p20.1
2429. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=3&scrV=12#vii.1.CXI-p16.1
2430. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=4&scrV=27#vii.1.CCXVIII-p11.1
2431. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=8&scrV=22#vi.VII.XXI-p10.1
2432. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=8&scrV=22#vi.VII.XXI-p10.8
2433. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=8&scrV=25#vii.1.CII-p54.1
2434. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=8&scrV=35#vii.1.CCXVIII-p23.1
2435. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=8#vi.VI.VII-p5.1
2436. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=8#vii.1.CCX-p11.1
2437. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=8#vii.1.CCX-p12.1
2438. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=8#vii.1.CCXX-p29.1
2439. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=9#iv.5-p24.2
2440. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=9#vii.1.XCIII-p60.1
2441. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=13#vi.III.VI-p13.1
2442. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=14#vi.III.VI-p14.1
2443. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=17#vi.III.VI-p14.1
2444. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=9&scrV=18#vi.III.VI-p12.1
2445. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=10&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XVIII-p14.1
2446. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=10&scrV=19#iv.4-p19.1
2447. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=13&scrV=22#vii.1.XCIII-p200.1
2448. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=17&scrV=6#vi.V.IV-p5.1
2449. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=18&scrV=18#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p33.1
2450. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=19&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p22.1
2451. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=19&scrV=21#vii.1.CIV-p21.1
2452. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=21&scrV=20#vi.VI.III-p3.1
2453. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=21&scrV=31#vi.I_1.VI-p6.1
2454. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=22&scrV=15#vi.VI.VI-p4.1
2455. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=23&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXXIII-p9.1
2456. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=26&scrV=27#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p23.2
2457. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=26&scrV=27#vii.1.XCIII-p69.1
2458. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=27&scrV=6#vii.1.LXXXII-p96.1
2459. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=27&scrV=6#vii.1.XCIII-p13.1
2460. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=27&scrV=8#vi.XII.XXVII-p5.1
2461. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=27&scrV=20#vii.1.CCXI-p19.1
2462. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=27&scrV=21#vi.X.XXXVII-p3.2
2463. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=29&scrV=19#vii.1.XCIII-p61.1
2464. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=30&scrV=3#vii.1.CII-p56.1
2465. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=30&scrV=8#vii.1.CXXX-p87.1
2466. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=30&scrV=8#vii.1.CXXX-p53.1
2467. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Prov&scrCh=30&scrV=12#vii.1.XCIII-p166.1
2468. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eccl&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vi.i-p53.1
2469. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eccl&scrCh=3&scrV=4#vii.1.XXXVI-p17.1
2470. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eccl&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vi.X.XXX-p4.1
2471. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eccl&scrCh=5&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXVII-p46.1
2472. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eccl&scrCh=11&scrV=2#vii.1.LV-p109.1
2473. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eccl&scrCh=12&scrV=7#vii.1.CXLIII-p21.1
2474. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eccl&scrCh=12&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXVI-p72.1
2475. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eccl&scrCh=30&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXXIII-p8.1
2476. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XV-p28.1
2477. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vi.IX.VII-p8.1
2478. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=1&scrV=4#vi.VIII.IV-p3.1
2479. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=1&scrV=7#vii.1.XCIII-p96.1
2480. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=1&scrV=7#vii.1.XCIII-p101.1
2481. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=1&scrV=7#vii.1.XCIII-p113.1
2482. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vii.1.XCIII-p120.1
2483. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p109.1
2484. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p115.1
2485. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=2&scrV=9#vi.XIII.XV-p27.1
2486. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=2&scrV=17#vi.XIII.XIV-p9.1
2487. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Song&scrCh=8&scrV=6#vii.1.CLXVII-p33.1
2488. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=1&scrV=16#vi.XIII.XIX-p4.1
2489. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=1&scrV=18#vi.XIII.XIX-p6.1
2490. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=1&scrV=19#vi.XIII.XIX-p4.1
2491. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vi.IX.III-p7.6
2492. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p122.1
2493. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=3&scrV=12#vii.1.XXXIII-p9.1
2494. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=6&scrV=2#vi.XII.XXII-p4.1
2495. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=6&scrV=3#vii.1.LV-p150.1
2496. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=7&scrV=9#iv.3-p4.1
2497. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=8&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXIV-p42.2
2498. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=9&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXIV-p40.1
2499. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=10&scrV=26#vi.II_1.II-p10.1
2500. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=14&scrV=13#vi.V.III-p17.1
2501. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=14&scrV=13#vi.X.XXXVI-p8.1
2502. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=20#vi.VIII.VIII-p3.1
2503. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=20#vi.XII.XVI-p4.1
2504. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=20#vii.1.XXXVI-p56.1
2505. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=28&scrV=15#vi.VI.XII-p5.1
2506. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=28&scrV=16#vii.1.CLXIV-p42.2
2507. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=32&scrV=13#vi.IV.XVI-p6.1
2508. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=33&scrV=5#vi.I_1.XVIII-p9.1
2509. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=34&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XV-p5.1
2510. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=34&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XV-p20.1
2511. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=34&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XV-p23.1
2512. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=37&scrV=16#vi.XII.XXII-p4.1
2513. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=40&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XV-p24.1
2514. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=40&scrV=26#vii.1.CLXVI-p44.1
2515. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=42&scrV=3#vi.IV.II-p3.1
2516. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=46&scrV=4#vi.IV.XVI-p15.1
2517. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=48&scrV=10#vi.X.XXXVII-p3.1
2518. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=48&scrV=22#vi.X.XXII-p3.1
2519. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=51&scrV=7#vii.1.LXXVIII-p22.1
2520. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=51&scrV=7#vii.1.CII-p73.1
2521. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=52&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XIX-p20.1
2522. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=7#vii.1.LV-p151.1
2523. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=56&scrV=8#vi.IV.XII-p4.1
2524. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=57&scrV=18#vii.1.CXXX-p14.1
2525. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=58&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XVIII-p4.1
2526. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=58&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XVIII-p6.1
2527. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=58&scrV=10#vi.X.V-p11.1
2528. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=64&scrV=4#vi.IX.X-p4.2
2529. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=66&scrV=5#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p31.1
2530. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=2&scrV=13#vi.XIII.XXI-p17.1
2531. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=2&scrV=27#vi.II_1.III-p7.1
2532. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=2&scrV=28#vii.1.CLXVII-p65.1
2533. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=2&scrV=30#vii.1.XCIII-p9.1
2534. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=4&scrV=25#vi.XII.II-p3.1
2535. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=9&scrV=24#vii.1.LV-p41.1
2536. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=9&scrV=24#vii.1.CXLV-p28.2
2537. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=12&scrV=15#vi.I_1.VI-p5.1
2538. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=15&scrV=19#vi.XIII.XX-p4.1
2539. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=17&scrV=5#vii.1.LXXXIX-p10.1
2540. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=17&scrV=5#vii.1.CCXVIII-p14.1
2541. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=23&scrV=24#vi.I_1.II-p6.1
2542. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=23&scrV=24#vi.IV.IX-p4.1
2543. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=31&scrV=31#vii.1.LXXXII-p46.1
2544. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=31&scrV=31#vii.1.LXXV-p61.1
2545. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=31&scrV=32#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p19.1
2546. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=31&scrV=34#vi.XIII.XXII-p9.1
2547. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=36&scrV=23#vii.1.LI-p6.1
2548. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=36&scrV=23#vii.1.LXXVI-p21.1
2549. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=36&scrV=30#vii.1.LXXVI-p21.1
2550. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=43&scrV=0#vii.1.CXXIII-p7.1
2551. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=51&scrV=6#vi.II_1.III-p11.1
2552. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Lam&scrCh=3&scrV=48#vi.X.XXXVII-p4.1
2553. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=14&scrV=14#vii.1.CXI-p12.1
2554. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=14&scrV=18#vii.1.CXI-p12.1
2555. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=14&scrV=20#vii.1.CXI-p12.1
2556. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=18&scrV=4#vii.1.XLIV-p33.1
2557. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=18&scrV=4#vii.1.XCVIII-p5.1
2558. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=18&scrV=14#vii.1.CCL-p7.1
2559. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=20&scrV=25#vii.1.LXXV-p64.1
2560. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=20&scrV=25#vii.1.LXXXII-p36.1
2561. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=28&scrV=3#vii.1.CXI-p11.1
2562. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=34&scrV=4#vii.1.CLXXIII-p10.1
2563. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=38&scrV=0#vii.1.CLXV-p16.1
2564. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=40&scrV=0#vii.1.CLXV-p17.1
2565. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Ezek&scrCh=43&scrV=19#vii.1.LV-p64.1
2566. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Dan&scrCh=2&scrV=34#vii.1.CLXIV-p42.3
2567. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Dan&scrCh=3&scrV=28#vii.1.CLXXIII-p14.1
2568. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Dan&scrCh=6&scrV=23#vii.1.XCIII-p68.1
2569. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Dan&scrCh=9&scrV=3#vii.1.CXI-p13.1
2570. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Dan&scrCh=9&scrV=21#vi.IX.IV-p44.1
2571. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Dan&scrCh=12&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XIX-p21.1
2572. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Hos&scrCh=2&scrV=8#vi.VII.IX-p35.1
2573. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Hos&scrCh=5&scrV=11#vi.VIII.IV-p10.3
2574. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Hos&scrCh=12&scrV=1#vi.IV.II-p9.1
2575. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Joel&scrCh=2&scrV=26#vi.V.VII-p5.1
2576. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Joel&scrCh=2&scrV=32#vii.1.CXLV-p12.1
2577. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Amos&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vi.X.XX-p4.1
2578. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jonah&scrCh=1&scrV=0#vi.II_1.VI-p11.1
2579. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jonah&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vii.1.LXXI-p12.1
2580. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jonah&scrCh=5&scrV=0#vi.II_1.VI-p11.1
2581. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Hab&scrCh=2&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p18.1
2582. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Hab&scrCh=2&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p122.1
2583. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Hab&scrCh=2&scrV=4#vii.1.CLXVII-p41.1
2584. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Zech&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vii.1.CXXV-p8.1
2585. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Zech&scrCh=12&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXVI-p69.1
2586. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mal&scrCh=1&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXVIII-p41.1
2587. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mal&scrCh=1&scrV=11#vii.1.XCIII-p74.1
2588. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mal&scrCh=3&scrV=6#vi.I_1.VI-p12.1
2589. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mal&scrCh=3&scrV=10#vi.XIII.XIII-p17.1
2590. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.CLVIII-p28.1
2591. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=1&scrV=22#vii.1.CXXXVII-p45.1
2592. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vii.1.XXV-p9.1
2593. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XII-p10.1
2594. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=3&scrV=4#vi.X.XXXI-p31.1
2595. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=3&scrV=12#vii.1.CCVIII-p13.1
2596. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=3&scrV=12#vii.1.CCVIII-p14.1
2597. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=3&scrV=12#vii.1.XCIII-p150.1
2598. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=3&scrV=12#vii.1.XCIII-p197.1
2599. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=4&scrV=1#vi.IX.IV-p3.1
2600. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=4&scrV=2#vii.1.LV-p139.1
2601. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=4&scrV=3#vi.X.XXXI-p34.1
2602. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=4&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p35.1
2603. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vi.VIII.VI-p9.1
2604. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vi.XI.I-p5.1
2605. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vi.VI.VII-p7.2
2606. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=7#vi.IX.XIII-p16.1
2607. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXVII-p61.1
2608. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vii.1.CLXIX-p13.1
2609. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vii.1.XCII-p20.1
2610. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vii.1.CXXX-p21.1
2611. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vii.1.CXLVIII-p40.1
2612. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=9#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p22.1
2613. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=9#vii.1.XLIII-p10.1
2614. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=9#vii.1.CCXXIX-p6.1
2615. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=10#vii.1.XLIV-p12.1
2616. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=10#vii.1.LXXXVII-p19.1
2617. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=10#vii.1.XCIII-p38.1
2618. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vi.XIII.XIX-p26.1
2619. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vii.1.XCIII-p121.1
2620. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vii.1.CCVIII-p16.1
2621. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=16#vii.1.XXXI-p18.1
2622. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=16#vii.1.XLI-p6.1
2623. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=16#vii.1.CXXXIII-p9.1
2624. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=16#vii.1.CXLV-p25.1
2625. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=21#vii.1.XXXVI-p25.1
2626. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=22#vi.IX.XIII-p7.1
2627. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=34#vii.1.XLVII-p6.1
2628. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=36#vii.1.XLVII-p6.1
2629. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=37#vii.1.LXXXII-p66.2
2630. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=39#vii.1.XLVI-p20.1
2631. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=39#vii.1.XLVII-p13.1
2632. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=39#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p31.1
2633. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=39#vii.1.CXXXVI-p7.1
2634. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=39#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p25.1
2635. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=40#vii.1.XCIII-p46.1
2636. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=41#vii.1.XLVIII-p7.1
2637. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=41#vii.1.CXXXIX-p14.1
2638. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=44#vii.1.C-p7.1
2639. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=44#vii.1.CCXX-p19.1
2640. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=45#vii.1.LV-p50.1
2641. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=45#vii.1.XCIII-p16.1
2642. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=45#vii.1.CCX-p6.1
2643. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=5&scrV=48#vi.IX.XIII-p5.1
2644. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=2#vi.X.XXXVII-p11.1
2645. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=5#vi.X.XXXVII-p11.1
2646. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=6#vi.VIII.VIII-p3.2
2647. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=6#vii.1.XXXVIII-p8.1
2648. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=7#vii.1.CXXX-p61.1
2649. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=8#vi.XI.I-p4.1
2650. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=12#vi.IX.XIII-p13.1
2651. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p29.1
2652. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXVII-p49.1
2653. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=13#vi.X.XXVIII-p5.2
2654. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=13#vii.1.CXLV-p37.1
2655. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=14#vi.IX.XIII-p13.2
2656. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=21#vi.XIII.XIX-p14.1
2657. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=21#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p24.1
2658. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=33#vi.XI.II-p16.1
2659. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=6&scrV=34#vi.X.XXXI-p3.1
2660. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vii.1.XCV-p14.1
2661. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXVII-p7.1
2662. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=2#vii.1.CII-p43.1
2663. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=3#vii.1.CCXI-p26.1
2664. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXXV-p6.1
2665. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=6#vii.1.XXIX-p8.1
2666. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=7#vi.I_1.I-p10.1
2667. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=7#vi.VI.XI-p3.1
2668. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XXXVIII-p3.1
2669. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=7#vi.XII.XII-p3.1
2670. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=7#vi.XII.I-p4.1
2671. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=7#vii.1.CXXX-p65.2
2672. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=11#vi.XI.XXII-p3.1
2673. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=11#vii.1.CCXVIII-p7.1
2674. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXXII-p88.1
2675. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=13#vi.VI.V-p7.1
2676. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=13#vi.VI.XIV-p4.1
2677. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=14#vii.1.XCIII-p128.1
2678. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=15#vii.1.XLIV-p11.1
2679. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=7&scrV=16#vii.1.XXIX-p19.1
2680. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=8&scrV=8#vii.1.LIV-p17.1
2681. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=8&scrV=8#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p14.1
2682. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=8&scrV=11#vii.1.XCIII-p130.1
2683. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=8&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XXIII-p10.1
2684. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=8&scrV=22#vii.1.CLXIV-p55.1
2685. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=8&scrV=22#vii.1.CLXVI-p13.1
2686. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=9&scrV=2#vi.IX.XIII-p25.1
2687. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=9&scrV=12#vii.1.CXLV-p39.1
2688. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=9&scrV=15#vii.1.XXXVI-p16.1
2689. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=9&scrV=15#vii.1.XXXVI-p19.1
2690. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=9&scrV=38#vi.XIII.XVIII-p12.1
2691. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=16#vi.XIII.XXI-p25.1
2692. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=16#vii.1.LV-p70.1
2693. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=16#vii.1.CLXVII-p17.1
2694. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XXXI-p4.1
2695. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=23#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p9.1
2696. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=29#vii.1.CLVIII-p31.1
2697. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=29#vi.IV.XIV-p5.1
2698. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=30#vi.I_1.XII-p4.1
2699. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=10&scrV=41#vi.XIII.XXVI-p16.1
2700. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=11#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p16.1
2701. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=12#vi.VIII.VIII-p4.1
2702. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=13#vii.1.LXXV-p58.1
2703. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=19#vii.1.XXXVI-p36.1
2704. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=25#vi.VII.IX-p20.1
2705. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=25#vi.VII.XXI-p19.1
2706. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=25#vi.VIII.II-p8.1
2707. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=28#vi.VII.IX-p21.1
2708. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=28#vi.VII.XXI-p18.1
2709. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=28#vii.1.LV-p103.1
2710. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=28#vii.1.XXVI-p15.1
2711. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=29#vi.VII.IX-p22.1
2712. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=29#vi.VII.IX-p25.1
2713. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=30#vi.VIII.IV-p8.1
2714. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=30#vi.IX.I-p7.1
2715. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=30#vi.X.XXXVI-p4.1
2716. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=30#vii.1.XXXI-p13.1
2717. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=30#vii.1.LIV-p7.1
2718. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=11&scrV=30#vii.1.CCXVIII-p12.1
2719. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=12&scrV=8#vii.1.XXXVI-p15.1
2720. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=12&scrV=20#vi.IV.II-p3.2
2721. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=12&scrV=28#vii.1.LV-p149.1
2722. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=12&scrV=29#vi.VIII.IV-p11.1
2723. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=12&scrV=30#vii.1.CCVIII-p24.1
2724. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=12&scrV=36#iv.4-p20.1
2725. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=12&scrV=36#vi.IX.XIII-p6.1
2726. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=12&scrV=39#vii.1.CII-p67.1
2727. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XIX-p16.1
2728. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=22#vi.XIII.XIX-p16.1
2729. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=24#vii.1.XCIII-p54.1
2730. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=24#vii.1.XCIII-p140.1
2731. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=29#vii.1.XLIII-p44.1
2732. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=30#vii.1.LIII-p22.1
2733. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=30#vii.1.LXXVI-p16.1
2734. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=39#vi.XIII.XVIII-p13.1
2735. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=43#vii.1.LXXVIII-p6.1
2736. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=13&scrV=46#vi.VIII.I-p23.1
2737. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=16&scrV=18#vii.1.LIII-p12.1
2738. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=16&scrV=19#vii.1.CCL-p6.1
2739. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=16&scrV=24#vii.1.LV-p112.1
2740. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=16&scrV=26#vii.1.CCXX-p21.1
2741. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=16&scrV=27#vi.IV.III-p6.2
2742. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=17&scrV=3#vii.1.CLVIII-p22.1
2743. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=17&scrV=5#vi.XI.VI-p3.1
2744. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=17&scrV=5#vii.1.CLXIX-p23.1
2745. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=17&scrV=17#vi.II_1.II-p3.1
2746. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=17&scrV=26#vii.1.LXXXIII-p15.1
2747. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=17&scrV=27#vi.V.III-p15.1
2748. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=7#vii.1.CCVIII-p7.1
2749. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=7#vii.1.LXXIII-p15.1
2750. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=7#vii.1.LXXVIII-p7.1
2751. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=10#vi.XIII.XV-p18.1
2752. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=10#vii.1.CXLVIII-p24.1
2753. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=15#vii.1.XCV-p12.1
2754. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=16#vii.1.CCXI-p21.1
2755. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXIII-p25.1
2756. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=18&scrV=35#vi.IX.XIII-p12.1
2757. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=8#vi.III.VII-p10.5
2758. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=11#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p23.1
2759. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=12#vi.II_1.II-p8.1
2760. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=12#vi.VIII.I-p13.1
2761. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=14#vi.I_1.XVIII-p13.1
2762. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=16#vi.XIII.XIX-p8.1
2763. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=16#vi.XIII.XIX-p11.1
2764. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=17#vi.XIII.XIX-p9.1
2765. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XIX-p12.1
2766. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=21#vi.VIII.XII-p10.1
2767. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=21#vi.XIII.XIX-p13.1
2768. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=21#vii.1.CXXX-p9.1
2769. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=22#vi.XIII.XIX-p15.1
2770. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=27#vii.1.XXXI-p19.1
2771. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=19&scrV=29#vi.VI.VII-p7.1
2772. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=20&scrV=9#vii.1.LV-p163.1
2773. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=21&scrV=12#vii.1.XXIX-p10.1
2774. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=21&scrV=25#vii.1.XCIII-p186.1
2775. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=21&scrV=44#vii.1.CLXIV-p42.4
2776. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=9#vii.1.CCVIII-p26.1
2777. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=10#vii.1.LV-p93.1
2778. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=29#vii.1.CCLXIII-p16.1
2779. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=37#vi.III.VIII-p3.2
2780. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=37#vii.1.CXXXVII-p48.1
2781. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=37#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p7.1
2782. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=40#vi.XII.XVIII-p7.1
2783. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=40#vii.1.LV-p188.1
2784. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=22&scrV=40#vii.1.CLXVII-p52.1
2785. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=23&scrV=2#vii.1.CCVIII-p17.1
2786. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=23&scrV=3#vii.1.LIII-p14.1
2787. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=23&scrV=3#vii.1.LXXVIII-p37.1
2788. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=23&scrV=8#vii.1.CLXVI-p34.1
2789. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=23&scrV=10#vi.IX.VI-p5.2
2790. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXIII-p16.1
2791. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=12#vii.1.CCVIII-p10.1
2792. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXVI-p15.1
2793. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXVII-p5.1
2794. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXVIII-p8.1
2795. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=12#vii.1.XCIII-p153.1
2796. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=14#vii.1.LIII-p8.1
2797. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=14#vii.1.XCIII-p86.1
2798. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=31#vii.1.XCIII-p151.1
2799. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=35#vi.XIII.XV-p22.1
2800. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=24&scrV=41#vii.1.CXLV-p36.1
2801. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=25&scrV=21#vi.II_1.X-p3.1
2802. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=25&scrV=21#vi.IX.X-p12.1
2803. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=25&scrV=27#vi.I_1.IV-p5.1
2804. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=2#vii.1.XXXVI-p50.1
2805. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=3#vii.1.XXXVI-p51.1
2806. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=17#vii.1.XXXVI-p52.1
2807. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=20#vii.1.XLIV-p26.1
2808. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=38#vi.VII.XVII-p6.4
2809. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=39#vii.1.CXXX-p107.1
2810. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=42#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p22.1
2811. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=52#vii.1.XCIII-p26.1
2812. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=53#vii.1.CLVIII-p20.1
2813. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=26&scrV=75#vii.1.LXXXII-p17.1
2814. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=28&scrV=1#vii.1.XXXVI-p44.1
2815. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Matt&scrCh=28&scrV=19#vi.XIII.XII-p3.1
2816. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mark&scrCh=1&scrV=44#vii.1.LXXXII-p47.1
2817. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mark&scrCh=12&scrV=30#vi.XII.XXV-p9.1
2818. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mark&scrCh=13&scrV=32#vii.1.CLXXX-p8.1
2819. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mark&scrCh=14&scrV=38#vii.1.CCXVIII-p19.1
2820. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mark&scrCh=16&scrV=2#vii.1.XXXVI-p44.2
2821. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mark&scrCh=16&scrV=12#vii.1.XCV-p29.3
2822. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mark&scrCh=16&scrV=14#vii.1.XCV-p29.3
2823. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Mark&scrCh=16&scrV=16#iv.5-p17.2
2824. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vi.XIII.IX-p5.1
2825. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=2&scrV=19#vi.V.IX-p14.1
2826. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=2&scrV=36#vii.1.CXXX-p120.1
2827. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=2&scrV=46#vi.V.VI-p5.1
2828. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=3&scrV=5#vi.IX.IV-p7.1
2829. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=3&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p17.1
2830. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=3&scrV=14#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p39.1
2831. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=3&scrV=22#vii.1.CLXIX-p20.1
2832. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=4&scrV=23#vi.II_1.VII-p5.1
2833. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.X.XXXI-p38.1
2834. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=5&scrV=32#vii.1.CII-p69.1
2835. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=6&scrV=12#vii.1.CXXX-p77.1
2836. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=6&scrV=29#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p32.1
2837. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=6&scrV=37#vii.1.CLXVII-p60.1
2838. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=7&scrV=9#vii.1.CXXXVII-p21.1
2839. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=7&scrV=12#vi.VI.I-p5.1
2840. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=8&scrV=15#vi.IX.XIII-p27.1
2841. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=8&scrV=32#vii.1.CXXX-p106.1
2842. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=9&scrV=26#vi.VIII.II-p18.1
2843. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=10&scrV=37#vii.1.XCVIII-p16.1
2844. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=11&scrV=3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p25.1
2845. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=11&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXX-p63.1
2846. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=11&scrV=9#vii.1.CXXX-p65.1
2847. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=11&scrV=20#vii.1.LV-p148.1
2848. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=11&scrV=22#vi.VIII.IV-p12.1
2849. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=11&scrV=25#vi.VIII.IV-p12.1
2850. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=12&scrV=32#vi.X.XXXVI-p9.1
2851. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=12&scrV=47#vii.1.CXI-p6.1
2852. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=13&scrV=11#vii.1.CXXXI-p6.1
2853. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=13&scrV=27#vii.1.CLXIX-p11.1
2854. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=14&scrV=14#vi.IX.III-p4.1
2855. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=14&scrV=21#vii.1.CLXXIII-p24.1
2856. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=14&scrV=23#iv.4-p61.1
2857. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=14&scrV=23#iv.5-p24.1
2858. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=14&scrV=23#vii.1.CCVIII-p26.2
2859. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=14&scrV=23#vii.1.XCIII-p18.1
2860. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=14&scrV=26#vi.VIII.VI-p11.1
2861. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=14&scrV=46#vii.1.XCIII-p90.1
2862. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=4#vi.VIII.III-p3.1
2863. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=5#vi.XII.XV-p20.1
2864. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=8#vi.X.XVIII-p3.1
2865. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=11#vi.I_1.XVIII-p7.1
2866. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=12#vi.IV.XVI-p9.1
2867. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=13#vi.IV.XVI-p11.1
2868. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=16#vi.III.VI-p9.1
2869. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=18#vi.III.IV-p4.1
2870. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=24#vi-p11.1
2871. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=32#vi.X.XXXI-p16.1
2872. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=32#vi.VIII.III-p4.1
2873. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=15&scrV=32#vi.VIII.III-p8.1
2874. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=16&scrV=10#vi.VI.X-p5.1
2875. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=16&scrV=11#vi.VI.X-p6.1
2876. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=16&scrV=16#vii.1.LXXV-p58.2
2877. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=16&scrV=16#vii.1.LXXXII-p43.1
2878. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=16&scrV=21#vii.1.LXXVIII-p29.1
2879. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=16&scrV=22#vii.1.CLXVI-p75.1
2880. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=16&scrV=23#vi.IX.III-p11.3
2881. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=16&scrV=26#vii.1.CLXIV-p20.1
2882. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=17&scrV=8#vii.1.XCIII-p88.1
2883. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=17&scrV=26#vii.1.CLXIV-p41.1
2884. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=18&scrV=1#vii.1.CXXX-p62.1
2885. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=18&scrV=8#vii.1.XCIII-p194.1
2886. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=18&scrV=11#vii.1.XXXVI-p23.1
2887. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=18&scrV=22#vii.1.XXXI-p20.1
2888. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=19&scrV=6#vii.1.LIV-p16.1
2889. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=19&scrV=9#vii.1.CXXX-p10.1
2890. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=19&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p28.1
2891. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=20&scrV=17#vii.1.CLXIV-p42.5
2892. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=20&scrV=36#vi.XIII.VIII-p3.1
2893. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=20&scrV=36#vii.1.LV-p129.1
2894. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=20&scrV=36#vii.1.CXLVIII-p23.1
2895. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=21&scrV=18#vii.1.CCLXIII-p15.1
2896. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=21&scrV=34#vi.X.XXXI-p9.1
2897. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=22&scrV=20#vii.1.LIV-p23.1
2898. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=22&scrV=43#vii.1.CXXX-p78.1
2899. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=23&scrV=34#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p35.1
2900. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=23&scrV=43#vi.IX.III-p11.1
2901. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=1#vii.1.XXXVI-p44.3
2902. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=15#vii.1.XCV-p29.1
2903. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=25#vi.IV.XII-p11.1
2904. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=44#vii.1.LXXVI-p13.1
2905. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=44#vii.1.XCIII-p77.1
2906. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=47#vii.1.LXXVI-p13.1
2907. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=47#vii.1.XCIII-p92.1
2908. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=49#vi.IX.IV-p16.1
2909. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.XI.VII-p3.1
2910. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vii.1.CXXXVII-p41.1
2911. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vii.1.CCXIX-p6.1
2912. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.VII.IX-p7.1
2913. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.VII.XIX-p3.2
2914. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vi.V.III-p12.1
2915. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vi.XI.II-p21.1
2916. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=6#vi.VII.XVII-p7.1
2917. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=7#vi.VII.IX-p8.1
2918. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vi.VII.IX-p10.1
2919. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vi.IV.XV-p10.1
2920. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vi.IX.IV-p31.1
2921. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vi.VIII.X-p8.1
2922. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vi.XIII.X-p5.1
2923. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=10#vi.VII.IX-p11.1
2924. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=10#vi.IV.XII-p8.1
2925. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=11#vi.VII.IX-p12.1
2926. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=12#vi.VII.IX-p13.1
2927. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=12#vi.VIII.IV-p4.1
2928. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vi.VII.IX-p15.1
2929. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vi.VII.XVIII-p6.1
2930. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vi.VII.XIX-p3.3
2931. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vi.X.XLIII-p18.1
2932. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vii.1.CCXIX-p6.1
2933. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=16#vi.VII.IX-p17.1
2934. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=16#vi.IV.XV-p9.1
2935. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=16#vi.VII.XVII-p7.2
2936. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=16#vii.1.LXXV-p60.1
2937. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=16#vii.1.LXXXII-p45.1
2938. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vi.XII.XVIII-p7.2
2939. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=18#vii.1.CXLVIII-p35.1
2940. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=29#vii.1.LV-p63.1
2941. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=33#vii.1.LI-p15.1
2942. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=1&scrV=33#vii.1.LXXXIX-p9.1
2943. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=2&scrV=4#iv.5-p22.1
2944. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=2&scrV=5#iv.5-p17.1
2945. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p12.1
2946. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XXI-p6.1
2947. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=5#vii.1.XCVIII-p7.1
2948. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXVI-p33.1
2949. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=18#vii.1.CII-p42.1
2950. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=20#vi.X.I-p7.1
2951. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=29#vi.IV.XV-p17.1
2952. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=29#vi.XI.VIII-p4.1
2953. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=29#vi.XIII.XIII-p19.1
2954. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=29#vi.XIII.XIII-p21.1
2955. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=3&scrV=29#vii.1.XLIV-p28.1
2956. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=4&scrV=1#vii.1.XLIV-p27.1
2957. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=4&scrV=14#vi.VI.I-p7.1
2958. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=4&scrV=14#vii.1.XXV-p6.1
2959. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=4&scrV=22#vii.1.XXIII-p16.1
2960. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=4&scrV=24#vi.III.VII-p5.1
2961. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=4&scrV=24#vii.1.LXXVIII-p11.1
2962. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=4&scrV=24#vii.1.XCII-p24.1
2963. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=4&scrV=48#vi.XIII.XXI-p7.1
2964. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vi.XI.II-p25.1
2965. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vi.IV.III-p5.1
2966. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=17#vii.1.CLXV-p9.1
2967. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=17#vii.1.CLXVI-p30.1
2968. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXV-p59.1
2969. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXXII-p44.1
2970. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=24#vii.1.LV-p12.1
2971. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=25#vii.1.CLXIV-p57.1
2972. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=5&scrV=29#vii.1.CLXVI-p64.1
2973. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=6&scrV=27#vi.IV.I-p6.1
2974. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=6&scrV=44#vii.1.XCIII-p19.1
2975. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=6&scrV=67#vii.1.CLXXIII-p22.1
2976. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=7&scrV=10#vii.1.LXXXII-p48.1
2977. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=7&scrV=37#vii.1.XXVI-p14.1
2978. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=7&scrV=39#vi.IX.IV-p19.1
2979. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=7&scrV=39#vii.1.LV-p157.1
2980. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=23#vi.XII.XXVIII-p5.1
2981. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=25#vi.XI.VIII-p3.1
2982. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=25#vi.XI.VIII-p3.5
2983. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=36#vii.1.CI-p7.1
2984. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=36#vii.1.CXLV-p9.1
2985. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=38#vii.1.CI-p8.1
2986. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=40#vi.X.XXIII-p12.1
2987. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=44#vi.XII.XXV-p4.1
2988. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=44#vi.XIII.XXV-p4.1
2989. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=8&scrV=44#vii.1.XCII-p19.1
2990. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXIV-p43.1
2991. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=12#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p16.1
2992. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=16#vii.1.XCIII-p64.1
2993. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=16#vii.1.XCIII-p126.1
2994. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=18#vi.X.XLIII-p5.2
2995. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=18#vi.X.XLIII-p14.1
2996. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=19#vii.1.CCLXIII-p11.1
2997. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=35#vi.X.XXIII-p9.1
2998. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=1#vii.1.LV-p14.1
2999. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p33.1
3000. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=10#vii.1.XLIV-p29.1
3001. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=36#vii.1.XCIII-p10.1
3002. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#vi.IV.IX-p7.1
3003. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#vi.X.XXIII-p5.1
3004. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#vi.VII.XVIII-p5.1
3005. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#vi.VIII.I-p8.1
3006. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#vii.1.XXXIII-p11.1
3007. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#vii.1.LXXV-p76.1
3008. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#vii.1.CII-p17.1
3009. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#vii.1.CIV-p29.1
3010. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=8#vi.IV.IV-p12.1
3011. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=16#vi.IX.IV-p17.1
3012. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=16#vii.1.CXLVIII-p19.1
3013. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=27#vii.1.XXXIII-p6.1
3014. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=27#vii.1.LXXIII-p19.1
3015. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=30#vi.IX.XIII-p23.1
3016. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=30#vii.1.CLXIV-p51.1
3017. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=15&scrV=2#vi.I_1.VII-p4.1
3018. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=15&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p171.1
3019. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=15&scrV=13#vii.1.CLXVII-p34.1
3020. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=16&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXXIII-p14.1
3021. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=16&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXVI-p77.1
3022. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=16&scrV=12#vi.V.V-p4.1
3023. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=16&scrV=33#vi.X.XXXI-p39.1
3024. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=16&scrV=33#vii.1.XXXIX-p9.1
3025. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=17&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXIX-p17.1
3026. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=17&scrV=17#vi.IV.IX-p6.2
3027. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=17&scrV=21#vi.X.XLIII-p11.2
3028. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=18&scrV=23#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p34.1
3029. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=18&scrV=38#vi.VII.XXI-p11.1
3030. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=19&scrV=24#vii.1.XXIII-p13.1
3031. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=20&scrV=1#vii.1.XXXVI-p44.4
3032. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=20&scrV=14#vii.1.XCV-p29.2
3033. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=20&scrV=26#vii.1.CXXXVII-p20.1
3034. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=21&scrV=17#vii.1.XCIII-p125.1
3035. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=21&scrV=22#vi.X.XXXV-p8.1
3036. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=1&scrV=0#vii.1.LXXXII-p95.1
3037. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vii.1.XCIII-p78.1
3038. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vii.1.CII-p61.1
3039. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=1&scrV=15#vii.1.XCIII-p78.1
3040. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=0#vii.1.XCIII-p78.1
3041. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=1#vi.IX.IV-p18.1
3042. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXIX-p34.1
3043. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XIX-p23.1
3044. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=18#vi.I_1.III-p4.1
3045. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=19#vi.XIII.XIII-p15.1
3046. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=24#vii.1.CLXIV-p11.1
3047. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=27#vi.X.XLIII-p5.3
3048. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=27#vii.1.CLXIV-p11.1
3049. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=2&scrV=28#vii.1.CLXIV-p25.1
3050. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=3&scrV=0#vi.I_1.XVI-p15.1
3051. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=3&scrV=0#vii.1.XCI-p8.1
3052. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=3&scrV=7#vii.1.XXV-p8.1
3053. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=4&scrV=11#vii.1.CLXIV-p42.6
3054. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=4&scrV=22#vii.1.XXV-p8.1
3055. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=4&scrV=26#vi.IX.VIII-p10.1
3056. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=4&scrV=32#vii.1.CCXI-p13.1
3057. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=4&scrV=35#vii.1.CCXI-p13.1
3058. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=7&scrV=22#vi.VII.IX-p33.2
3059. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=8&scrV=0#vi.IX.II-p3.1
3060. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=9&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p167.1
3061. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=9&scrV=5#vi.III.VIII-p8.1
3062. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=10&scrV=4#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p15.1
3063. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=10&scrV=13#vii.1.LXXV-p36.1
3064. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=10&scrV=25#vii.1.CLXVI-p36.1
3065. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=11&scrV=1#vii.1.LXXV-p37.1
3066. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=13&scrV=10#vi.VIII.IV-p10.1
3067. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vi.VIII.IV-p7.1
3068. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=14&scrV=27#vii.1.LXXV-p38.1
3069. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=15&scrV=1#vii.1.LXXV-p38.1
3070. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=15&scrV=9#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p32.1
3071. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=15&scrV=41#vii.1.LXXV-p43.1
3072. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=16&scrV=1#vii.1.LXXV-p43.1
3073. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=16&scrV=3#vii.1.LXXXII-p22.1
3074. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=16&scrV=22#vii.1.XCIII-p27.1
3075. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=17&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p36.1
3076. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=17&scrV=28#vi.VII.IX-p34.1
3077. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=18&scrV=17#vii.1.XCIII-p27.1
3078. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=18&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXV-p44.1
3079. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=18&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXXII-p23.1
3080. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=19&scrV=5#vii.1.XCIII-p185.1
3081. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=20&scrV=7#vii.1.XXXVI-p42.1
3082. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=20&scrV=11#vii.1.XXXVI-p43.1
3083. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=21&scrV=17#vii.1.LXXV-p46.1
3084. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=21&scrV=20#vii.1.LXXXII-p27.1
3085. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=21&scrV=21#vii.1.LXXXII-p25.1
3086. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=21&scrV=23#vii.1.XCIII-p34.1
3087. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=21&scrV=24#vii.1.LXXXII-p29.1
3088. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=21&scrV=26#vii.1.LXXXII-p24.1
3089. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=23&scrV=3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p36.1
3090. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=23&scrV=17#vii.1.XLVII-p14.1
3091. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=23&scrV=23#vii.1.LXXV-p47.1
3092. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=27&scrV=33#vii.1.XXXVI-p46.1
3093. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=28&scrV=14#vii.1.LXXV-p47.1
3094. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Acts&scrCh=28&scrV=30#vii.1.LXXV-p47.1
3095. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vi.V.X-p14.1
3096. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vii.1.LV-p166.1
3097. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vii.1.LXXXVII-p5.1
3098. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p48.1
3099. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.X.VI-p3.1
3100. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.X.VI-p9.1
3101. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.VII.X-p6.2
3102. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.VII.X-p7.1
3103. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.VII.XVII-p4.1
3104. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.VII.XVII-p8.1
3105. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.VII.XX-p3.1
3106. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XXI-p26.1
3107. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.CII-p13.1
3108. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=21#vi.I_1.XVIII-p6.1
3109. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=21#vi.V.III-p19.1
3110. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=21#vi.V.III-p20.1
3111. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=21#vi.V.IV-p4.1
3112. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=21#vi.VIII.I-p17.1
3113. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=21#vi.VII.IX-p26.1
3114. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=21#vii.1.CI-p9.1
3115. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=22#vi.V.III-p21.1
3116. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=22#vi.VIII.I-p21.1
3117. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vi.V.III-p22.1
3118. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vi.VII.IX-p28.1
3119. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=24#vii.1.CXLIII-p25.1
3120. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=24#vi.III.VIII-p7.1
3121. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=25#vi.V.III-p23.1
3122. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=25#vi.VII.IX-p36.1
3123. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=1&scrV=25#vii.1.LV-p62.1
3124. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=2&scrV=1#vii.1.XLIII-p24.1
3125. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=2&scrV=5#vi.IX.IV-p26.1
3126. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vi.IV.III-p6.1
3127. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p117.1
3128. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=3&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XXV-p3.1
3129. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=3&scrV=21#vii.1.LV-p140.1
3130. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vi.X.II-p5.1
3131. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XXXIV-p4.1
3132. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=4&scrV=25#vii.1.LV-p10.1
3133. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vii.1.XCIX-p6.1
3134. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vii.1.CXLV-p32.1
3135. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.IV.IV-p3.1
3136. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XXXI-p6.1
3137. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.XIII.VII-p3.1
3138. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p11.1
3139. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p8.1
3140. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.LV-p88.1
3141. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.LV-p96.1
3142. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.LXXXII-p62.1
3143. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.XCII-p5.1
3144. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.CXLV-p15.1
3145. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.CXLV-p30.1
3146. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.CCXVIII-p17.1
3147. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vi.VII.IX-p18.1
3148. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.X.XLIII-p10.1
3149. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=12#vii.1.XCVIII-p23.1
3150. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXIV-p50.1
3151. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=18#vii.1.CLXVI-p60.1
3152. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=19#vii.1.CXXX-p108.1
3153. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=20#vii.1.CLXIX-p16.1
3154. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=5&scrV=20#vii.1.LXXXII-p59.1
3155. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=3#vii.1.LV-p123.1
3156. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p20.2
3157. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p132.1
3158. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=4#vii.1.XCVIII-p21.1
3159. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p21.1
3160. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p115.1
3161. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=9#vii.1.CII-p8.1
3162. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=9#vii.1.CLXVI-p46.1
3163. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=9#vii.1.CCXX-p6.1
3164. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=17#vi.XIII.XII-p5.1
3165. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=19#vii.1.CXLV-p24.1
3166. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=21#vi.II_1.VIII-p3.1
3167. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=6&scrV=23#vi.X.XLII-p8.1
3168. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=13#vii.1.LXXXII-p58.1
3169. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=13#vii.1.CXLV-p19.1
3170. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=17#vi.VIII.X-p11.1
3171. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=18#vii.1.CCXVIII-p20.1
3172. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=20#vi.VIII.V-p9.1
3173. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=22#vi.VII.XXI-p6.1
3174. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=22#vi.VIII.V-p15.1
3175. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=23#vi.VII.XXI-p7.1
3176. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=24#vi.VII.XXI-p9.1
3177. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=24#vii.1.CI-p10.1
3178. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=7&scrV=24#vii.1.CLXVI-p17.1
3179. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=3#vii.1.CXLIII-p11.1
3180. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=3#vii.1.CLXIV-p52.1
3181. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=6#vi.V.I-p5.1
3182. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=7#vi.IX.XIII-p3.1
3183. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=10#vi.XIII.XIV-p8.1
3184. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=10#vii.1.LV-p26.1
3185. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XIV-p13.1
3186. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=11#vii.1.LV-p26.1
3187. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=13#vii.1.LV-p113.1
3188. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=16#vi.VII.XVII-p6.8
3189. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=18#vii.1.CXI-p7.1
3190. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=20#vii.1.LV-p94.1
3191. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=23#vi.IX.X-p9.1
3192. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=23#vi.XIII.XIII-p20.1
3193. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=23#vii.1.LV-p124.1
3194. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=23#vii.1.LV-p26.1
3195. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=24#vi.XIII.XIII-p4.1
3196. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=24#vi.XIII.XIV-p15.1
3197. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=24#vii.1.LV-p97.1
3198. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=24#vii.1.CXXX-p66.1
3199. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=24#vi.XI.IX-p5.1
3200. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=24#vii.1.LV-p19.1
3201. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=24#vii.1.LXIV-p7.1
3202. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=25#vii.1.LV-p124.1
3203. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=25#vii.1.CXXX-p115.1
3204. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=26#vi.XII.XVI-p5.1
3205. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=26#vii.1.CXXX-p43.1
3206. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=26#vii.1.CXXX-p100.1
3207. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=28#vii.1.CII-p27.3
3208. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=28#vii.1.CXXXI-p7.1
3209. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=31#vi.XII.I-p3.1
3210. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=32#vi.VII.IX-p19.1
3211. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=32#vii.1.XCIII-p29.1
3212. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=34#vi.IX.XIII-p11.1
3213. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=34#vi.X.XXXI-p40.1
3214. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=34#vi.IX.IV-p22.1
3215. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=34#vi.X.XLIII-p11.1
3216. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=34#vi.X.XLIII-p16.1
3217. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=34#vi.XI.II-p22.1
3218. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=35#vii.1.CXLV-p27.1
3219. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=8&scrV=37#vii.1.CLVIII-p17.1
3220. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=9&scrV=5#vi.VII.XVIII-p4.1
3221. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=9&scrV=11#vii.1.CII-p27.1
3222. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=9&scrV=12#vi.VII.IX-p32.1
3223. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=9&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXXX-p6.1
3224. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=9&scrV=15#vi.IX.XIII-p17.1
3225. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=9&scrV=15#vi.X.VI-p4.1
3226. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=9&scrV=21#vi.XIII.XIV-p21.1
3227. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=9&scrV=33#vii.1.CLXIV-p42.7
3228. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p44.1
3229. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=3#vii.1.XL-p20.1
3230. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=3#vii.1.LXXV-p68.1
3231. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=3#vii.1.CXLV-p18.1
3232. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXV-p57.1
3233. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=12#vi.XI.II-p8.1
3234. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=14#vi.I_1.I-p8.1
3235. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=14#vii.1.CXLV-p13.1
3236. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=18#vi.XIII.XX-p5.6
3237. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=10&scrV=18#vii.1.XCIII-p79.2
3238. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=11&scrV=23#vii.1.LXI-p7.1
3239. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=11&scrV=23#vii.1.LXXXVII-p23.1
3240. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=11&scrV=33#vi.IV.IV-p7.2
3241. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=11&scrV=36#vi.I_1.II-p5.1
3242. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XXV-p10.1
3243. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XIII-p12.1
3244. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XXI-p15.1
3245. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XXI-p19.1
3246. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XXII-p4.1
3247. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XXII-p8.1
3248. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p46.1
3249. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p51.1
3250. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=11#vi.VI.II-p7.1
3251. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=11#vii.1.XLVIII-p20.1
3252. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=12#vii.1.LV-p31.1
3253. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=12#vii.1.LV-p127.1
3254. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=12#vii.1.LXIV-p6.1
3255. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=15#vii.1.XCIX-p6.1
3256. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=15#vii.1.CXXX-p16.1
3257. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=16#vii.1.CXLV-p34.1
3258. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=17#vii.1.CXXXVI-p6.1
3259. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=12&scrV=17#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p24.1
3260. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=1#vii.1.C-p5.1
3261. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=1#vii.1.CCXX-p11.1
3262. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=1#vii.1.XCIII-p72.1
3263. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXXVII-p18.1
3264. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=8#vii.1.CXCII-p8.1
3265. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=9#vii.1.CLXVII-p53.1
3266. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p53.1
3267. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p9.1
3268. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=10#vii.1.LV-p190.1
3269. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=10#vii.1.LXXXII-p61.1
3270. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=10#vii.1.CXLV-p16.1
3271. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXVII-p37.1
3272. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XVIII-p9.1
3273. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XVIII-p10.1
3274. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=13#vii.1.XXII-p20.1
3275. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=13#vii.1.XXII-p8.1
3276. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=13#vi.VIII.XII-p11.1
3277. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=14#iv.2-p14.1
3278. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=14#vii.1.CXXX-p34.1
3279. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=13&scrV=23#vi.X.XXXI-p27.1
3280. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=1#vi.VIII.XII-p13.1
3281. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=3#vii.1.XXXVI-p33.1
3282. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXXVII-p13.1
3283. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=4#vii.1.XCV-p15.1
3284. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=5#vii.1.CLXXII-p7.1
3285. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=16#vi.IX.II-p7.1
3286. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=20#vi.X.XXXI-p23.1
3287. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=20#vii.1.XXXVI-p35.1
3288. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=14&scrV=23#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p50.1
3289. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=15&scrV=1#vii.1.LXII-p8.1
3290. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=15&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXVIII-p5.1
3291. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rom&scrCh=16&scrV=18#vi.XIII.XXVI-p4.1
3292. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=4#vii.1.XCIII-p145.1
3293. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=12#vii.1.CCVIII-p21.1
3294. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=14#vii.1.XCIII-p188.1
3295. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=21#vii.1.CLXIX-p14.1
3296. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vii.1.CCXXXII-p14.1
3297. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=24#vii.1.CXXXVII-p28.1
3298. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=25#vii.1.CLXIX-p14.1
3299. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=27#vi.XIII.XIX-p19.1
3300. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=27#vi.VIII.IV-p5.1
3301. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=30#vi.V.III-p14.1
3302. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=30#vii.1.CXLV-p28.1
3303. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=31#vi.X.XXXI-p19.1
3304. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=31#vii.1.LXXVIII-p35.1
3305. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XVIII-p22.1
3306. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=8#vii.1.CLXIX-p27.1
3307. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=9#vi.IX.X-p4.1
3308. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=9#vii.1.CXXX-p69.1
3309. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vi.X.III-p4.1
3310. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vi.X.V-p4.1
3311. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vi.VII.XVII-p6.7
3312. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vii.1.XCII-p7.1
3313. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vii.1.CXXX-p38.1
3314. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=12#vi.XIII.XXXI-p3.1
3315. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vi.XIII.XXIII-p3.1
3316. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.XCII-p17.1
3317. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.XCIII-p146.1
3318. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=15#vi.XIII.XXII-p12.1
3319. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=15#vii.1.CLXIX-p9.1
3320. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XIII-p7.1
3321. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XVIII-p21.1
3322. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XVIII-p23.1
3323. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p83.1
3324. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=3#vii.1.XCIII-p144.1
3325. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=6#vi.VI.IV-p4.1
3326. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=6#vii.1.XCIII-p189.1
3327. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=7#vii.1.CXLIV-p6.1
3328. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=11#vi.VII.XX-p6.1
3329. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXXII-p69.1
3330. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=3#vi.X.IV-p12.1
3331. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=3#vi.III.VII-p9.1
3332. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=4#vi.X.V-p3.1
3333. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vii.1.LXXVIII-p23.1
3334. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vii.1.XCII-p8.1
3335. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vii.1.XCV-p13.1
3336. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXX-p17.1
3337. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXX-p39.1
3338. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.XII.XXV-p8.1
3339. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vii.1.XCV-p21.1
3340. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vi.VII.XXI-p5.1
3341. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XIV-p20.1
3342. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p22.1
3343. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p29.1
3344. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vii.1.CCXVIII-p21.1
3345. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=15#vi.VIII.II-p3.2
3346. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=15#vi.XIII.XXII-p6.1
3347. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=15#vii.1.CCVIII-p20.1
3348. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.XCIII-p35.1
3349. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.CCXI-p10.1
3350. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=7#vi.VIII.I-p7.1
3351. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=7#vii.1.LV-p35.1
3352. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XIX-p10.1
3353. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=11#vii.1.XXII-p10.1
3354. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=11#vii.1.XXIX-p15.1
3355. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=12#vi.XIII.XXIII-p11.1
3356. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXVIII-p24.2
3357. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=12#vii.1.XCV-p16.1
3358. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=6&scrV=9#vii.1.XXIX-p16.1
3359. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=6&scrV=10#vi.V.IV-p6.1
3360. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=6&scrV=13#vii.1.XXIX-p32.1
3361. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vi.II_1.II-p6.1
3362. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=7#vi.VIII.I-p12.1
3363. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p19.1
3364. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=10#iv.4-p77.5
3365. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=10#vii.1.XXVIII-p15.1
3366. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=28#vi.II_1.II-p5.1
3367. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=32#vi.II_1.II-p7.1
3368. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=32#vii.1.CCXLV-p5.1
3369. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=1#vi.VII.XX-p5.1
3370. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p52.1
3371. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=1#vii.1.LV-p192.1
3372. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=1#vii.1.LXXIII-p23.1
3373. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXVII-p35.1
3374. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=6#vi.XII.XIX-p4.1
3375. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=8#vi.X.XXXI-p12.1
3376. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=8#vi.X.XXXI-p25.1
3377. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XXI-p24.1
3378. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=8#vii.1.XXXVI-p34.1
3379. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=9#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p17.1
3380. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=11#vii.1.LXXIII-p21.1
3381. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=11#vii.1.XCIII-p82.1
3382. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=8&scrV=11#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p17.1
3383. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=13#vii.1.XLI-p8.1
3384. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=15#vii.1.LVIII-p7.1
3385. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=19#vii.1.LXXXII-p86.1
3386. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=20#vii.1.XL-p16.1
3387. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=20#vii.1.LXXV-p54.1
3388. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=22#vii.1.XL-p23.1
3389. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=27#vi.X.XXXI-p6.1
3390. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=27#vii.1.XLVIII-p15.1
3391. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=27#vii.1.LXXVIII-p38.1
3392. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=27#vii.1.LXXXV-p5.1
3393. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=4#vi.VI.IV-p4.2
3394. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=4#vii.1.CLXIX-p31.1
3395. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p66.1
3396. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=13#vi.X.V-p10.1
3397. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=19#vii.1.CII-p38.1
3398. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=20#vii.1.CCXLV-p8.1
3399. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=25#vii.1.XLVII-p10.2
3400. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=28#vii.1.XLVI-p10.1
3401. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=31#vii.1.XLVIII-p18.1
3402. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=33#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p26.1
3403. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=33#vii.1.CCXXXI-p12.1
3404. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XXI-p20.1
3405. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=1#vii.1.CCVIII-p18.1
3406. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=5#vii.1.CCXLV-p6.1
3407. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=19#vi.VII.XIX-p7.1
3408. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=20#vii.1.LIV-p26.1
3409. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=20#vii.1.XXIX-p17.1
3410. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=26#vii.1.CCVIII-p9.1
3411. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=29#vii.1.LIV-p14.1
3412. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=31#iv.4-p21.1
3413. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=31#vii.1.CCIX-p18.1
3414. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=31#vii.1.CXI-p18.1
3415. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=33#vii.1.LIV-p30.1
3416. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=1#vi.XIII.VII-p4.1
3417. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=6#vii.1.XLVIII-p19.1
3418. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XVIII-p19.1
3419. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XVIII-p17.1
3420. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XVIII-p18.1
3421. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=9#vii.1.LXXVIII-p12.1
3422. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=22#vi.X.XXXI-p41.1
3423. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=26#vii.1.XLVIII-p6.1
3424. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=26#vii.1.XCIX-p8.1
3425. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=26#vii.1.CXLV-p6.1
3426. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=30#vii.1.LXXVIII-p12.1
3427. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=31#vi.XIII.VII-p4.1
3428. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XVIII-p20.1
3429. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=3#vii.1.CLXXIII-p13.1
3430. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=3#vii.1.LXXXIII-p10.1
3431. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=3#vii.1.XCIII-p172.1
3432. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p193.1
3433. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=5#vii.1.LV-p152.1
3434. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=5#vii.1.CCXI-p23.1
3435. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=5#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p25.1
3436. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=7#vi.X.III-p5.1
3437. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=8#vii.1.LV-p193.1
3438. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=11#vi.V.X-p14.2
3439. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vi.X.I-p3.1
3440. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vi.V.XIV-p3.1
3441. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vi.X.V-p6.1
3442. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vi.VIII.I-p6.1
3443. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vii.1.XXVII-p13.1
3444. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vi.XII.XIII-p3.1
3445. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vi.XIII.XV-p25.1
3446. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vii.1.XCII-p22.1
3447. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vii.1.CXLVIII-p7.1
3448. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vii.1.CXLVIII-p25.1
3449. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=14&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XIII-p13.1
3450. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=14&scrV=22#vi.XIII.XXI-p8.1
3451. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=14&scrV=33#vii.1.CLXIX-p10.1
3452. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=14&scrV=38#vii.1.CLXIX-p8.1
3453. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=9#vi.VII.XXI-p23.1
3454. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=9#vi.VIII.IV-p6.1
3455. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=12#vii.1.XCIII-p142.1
3456. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=14#vii.1.XXVIII-p16.1
3457. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=16#vii.1.XCV-p28.1
3458. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=21#vii.1.CLXVI-p59.1
3459. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=22#vi.IX.XIII-p4.1
3460. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=22#vi.V.IX-p3.1
3461. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=22#vi.X.XX-p5.1
3462. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=22#vi.X.XLIII-p5.1
3463. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=22#vii.1.CLXIX-p42.1
3464. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=24#vii.1.CCX-p8.1
3465. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=26#vii.1.LV-p60.1
3466. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=26#vii.1.LV-p128.1
3467. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=28#vii.1.CXLVIII-p55.1
3468. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=28#vii.1.CCX-p9.1
3469. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=33#vii.1.LXXVIII-p20.1
3470. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=33#vii.1.XCIII-p143.1
3471. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=34#vii.1.XCV-p27.1
3472. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=44#vi.VII.XVII-p6.12
3473. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=51#vi.IX.X-p13.1
3474. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=51#vii.1.LV-p128.1
3475. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=52#vii.1.CII-p11.1
3476. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=53#vii.1.LV-p25.1
3477. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=53#vii.1.LV-p60.1
3478. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=53#vii.1.LV-p108.1
3479. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=53#vii.1.CXLIII-p17.1
3480. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=54#vi.X.XXX-p10.1
3481. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=54#vi.X.XXXI-p4.1
3482. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=54#vi.IX.IV-p41.1
3483. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=54#vii.1.LV-p60.1
3484. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=54#vii.1.LV-p128.1
3485. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Cor&scrCh=15&scrV=54#vii.1.CXXX-p33.1
3486. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=11#vi.X.IV-p3.1
3487. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=22#vi.XIII.XIV-p14.1
3488. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vii.1.CCXI-p7.1
3489. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vii.1.LXXXIII-p5.1
3490. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vii.1.XCV-p17.1
3491. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vii.1.LXXXIII-p5.1
3492. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vii.1.XCV-p17.1
3493. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vi.III.II-p8.1
3494. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=3#vii.1.XXIX-p13.1
3495. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=6#vi.V.XIV-p3.2
3496. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=6#vii.1.CXLV-p14.1
3497. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=18#vii.1.CXLVIII-p26.1
3498. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=3&scrV=18#vii.1.CXLVIII-p29.1
3499. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vii.1.XCII-p15.1
3500. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p20.1
3501. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=16#vii.1.LV-p33.1
3502. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=4&scrV=16#vii.1.CLVIII-p13.1
3503. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=1#vi.XII.XV-p14.1
3504. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=1#vi.XII.XV-p22.1
3505. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=2#vi.X.XXXIV-p4.1
3506. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XIII-p9.1
3507. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XIII-p11.1
3508. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XIII-p9.1
3509. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vii.1.CXLIII-p15.1
3510. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vii.1.CXLVIII-p45.1
3511. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.VII.XXI-p15.1
3512. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vi.X.V-p7.1
3513. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p130.1
3514. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.CXXX-p19.1
3515. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XIII-p3.1
3516. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XXIII-p8.1
3517. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=15#vi.X.XLIII-p21.1
3518. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=17#vi.XIII.XVIII-p8.1
3519. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=5&scrV=21#vi.XII.XV-p12.1
3520. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=6&scrV=7#vii.1.LXXIII-p28.1
3521. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=6&scrV=13#vii.1.CXXX-p68.1
3522. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=6&scrV=14#vii.1.LXXVIII-p18.1
3523. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=6&scrV=15#vii.1.CCXLV-p9.1
3524. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=7&scrV=5#vii.1.LXXVIII-p31.1
3525. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=9&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXVII-p66.1
3526. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=10&scrV=17#vi.IX.XIII-p9.1
3527. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p19.1
3528. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XIII-p23.1
3529. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=9#vi.XIII.XXV-p8.1
3530. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXVIII-p15.1
3531. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=13#vii.1.LIII-p25.1
3532. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=14#vi.X.XLII-p6.1
3533. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=26#vii.1.LXXVIII-p31.1
3534. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=29#vii.1.CCVIII-p5.1
3535. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=29#vii.1.XL-p24.1
3536. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=29#vii.1.LXXVIII-p26.1
3537. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=29#vii.1.CXXIV-p10.1
3538. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=29#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p19.1
3539. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=11&scrV=33#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p10.1
3540. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=1#vi.XII.II-p3.4
3541. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=7#vii.1.XCV-p9.1
3542. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=7#vii.1.XCIII-p15.1
3543. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=7#vii.1.CXXX-p101.1
3544. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=9#vi.X.IV-p11.1
3545. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=10#vi.X.III-p8.1
3546. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=12&scrV=14#vii.1.LXXV-p15.1
3547. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Cor&scrCh=13&scrV=12#vii.1.XCII-p16.1
3548. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vii.1.LIII-p7.1
3549. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vii.1.XCIII-p89.1
3550. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vii.1.XCIII-p93.1
3551. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=10#vii.1.XXII-p22.1
3552. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=10#vii.1.CCXXXI-p11.1
3553. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vi.IX.IV-p3.2
3554. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXV-p40.1
3555. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.CLXXX-p13.1
3556. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.XL-p11.1
3557. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.LXXXII-p78.1
3558. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vii.1.XCIII-p210.1
3559. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=1#vii.1.LXXV-p41.1
3560. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=3#vii.1.LXXXII-p32.1
3561. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=8#vii.1.LXXV-p28.1
3562. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vii.1.XXVIII-p4.1
3563. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vii.1.XXVIII-p13.1
3564. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vii.1.XCIII-p139.1
3565. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=11#vii.1.CLXVI-p37.1
3566. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXXX-p11.1
3567. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.XL-p12.1
3568. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.XL-p18.1
3569. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.LXXV-p21.1
3570. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.LXXV-p41.1
3571. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.LXXXII-p13.1
3572. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=18#vii.1.XCIII-p209.1
3573. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=20#vii.1.XCIII-p31.1
3574. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=2&scrV=21#vii.1.LXXXII-p51.1
3575. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XIII-p14.1
3576. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=1#vii.1.XCIII-p137.1
3577. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=3#vii.1.XCIII-p137.1
3578. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=16#vii.1.LIII-p9.1
3579. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=16#vii.1.LXXVI-p7.1
3580. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=19#vii.1.LXXXII-p60.1
3581. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=24#vii.1.CXLV-p11.1
3582. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=27#vii.1.CII-p60.1
3583. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=3&scrV=28#vi.XIII.XXIII-p7.1
3584. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=4#vi.III.VII-p10.4
3585. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXV-p65.1
3586. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=11#vii.1.LV-p72.1
3587. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=12#vi.XIII.XXI-p22.1
3588. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=19#vi.I_1.XI-p5.1
3589. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=19#vi.IX.IX-p8.1
3590. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=19#vii.1.CLXXX-p12.1
3591. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=19#vii.1.LXXXII-p14.1
3592. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=19#vii.1.XCIII-p138.1
3593. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=24#vi.VI.IV-p4.3
3594. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=26#vi.XII.XV-p13.1
3595. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=26#vi.XII.XVI-p6.1
3596. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=27#vii.1.XCIII-p104.1
3597. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=4&scrV=29#vii.1.XCIII-p22.1
3598. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXV-p62.1
3599. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXXII-p50.1
3600. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXV-p62.1
3601. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXXII-p52.1
3602. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p49.1
3603. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p10.1
3604. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p17.1
3605. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.LXXV-p74.1
3606. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.CXLVIII-p43.1
3607. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=7#vii.1.CCXI-p9.1
3608. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=13#vii.1.XXIII-p5.1
3609. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=15#vii.1.XCV-p22.1
3610. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=17#vi.X.XXIII-p3.1
3611. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=17#vi.VIII.V-p7.1
3612. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=17#vii.1.CXLIII-p14.1
3613. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXV-p62.1
3614. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=18#vii.1.LXXXII-p53.1
3615. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=19#vii.1.XXIX-p20.1
3616. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=19#vii.1.XCIII-p191.1
3617. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=5&scrV=22#vii.1.XXIX-p21.1
3618. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=1#vii.1.XXII-p14.1
3619. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=1#vii.1.CCXIX-p7.1
3620. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=3#vi.X.XXXVII-p12.1
3621. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=3#vii.1.CCXIX-p7.1
3622. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=4#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p37.1
3623. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=5#vii.1.LXXXVII-p12.1
3624. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=14#vii.1.CCVIII-p19.1
3625. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=14#vii.1.LV-p114.1
3626. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=6&scrV=15#vii.1.LXXV-p74.1
3627. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Gal&scrCh=7&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXXII-p90.1
3628. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.IX.IV-p15.1
3629. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.XII.XI-p11.1
3630. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vi.X.XLII-p4.1
3631. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=2&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XIV-p7.1
3632. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p22.1
3633. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=2&scrV=10#vi.XIII.XXIII-p5.1
3634. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=2&scrV=15#vi.V.IX-p4.1
3635. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=2&scrV=15#vi.V.IX-p5.1
3636. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=3&scrV=14#vi.XIII.VII-p5.1
3637. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=3&scrV=17#vii.1.LV-p118.1
3638. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=3&scrV=20#vi.X.XXX-p7.1
3639. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=3&scrV=20#vi.VIII.XII-p14.1
3640. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=3&scrV=20#vii.1.CXXX-p126.1
3641. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=2#vii.1.XLIV-p31.1
3642. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=2#vii.1.CCX-p7.1
3643. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=3#vii.1.XLIII-p51.1
3644. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=3#vii.1.LXI-p6.1
3645. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p12.1
3646. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XIII-p16.1
3647. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=10#vii.1.CII-p57.1
3648. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=13#vi.V.V-p6.1
3649. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=14#vi.IV.XIV-p7.1
3650. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=20#vii.1.LXXVIII-p36.1
3651. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=26#vi.IX.IV-p24.1
3652. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=26#vii.1.XXXVIII-p9.1
3653. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=4&scrV=32#vii.1.XLVIII-p14.1
3654. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=1#vii.1.CXLVIII-p13.1
3655. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.IX.IV-p32.1
3656. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.VIII.X-p6.1
3657. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.XIII.II-p8.1
3658. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.XIII.X-p3.1
3659. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XII-p14.1
3660. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XIV-p7.1
3661. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.XIII.XIV-p17.1
3662. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vi.VIII.V-p13.1
3663. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vii.1.CLXIV-p56.1
3664. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=19#vii.1.XLVIII-p17.1
3665. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=27#vi.X.I-p4.1
3666. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=27#vii.1.XCIII-p156.1
3667. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=5&scrV=39#vii.1.CXXX-p35.1
3668. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=6&scrV=12#vii.1.CCXX-p27.1
3669. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=6&scrV=13#vii.1.LXXV-p8.1
3670. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Eph&scrCh=6&scrV=16#vii.1.XLVIII-p16.1
3671. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=1&scrV=15#vii.1.XCIII-p55.1
3672. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=1&scrV=15#vii.1.XCIII-p187.1
3673. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vii.1.XCIII-p187.1
3674. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=1&scrV=18#vii.1.XCIII-p55.1
3675. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vii.1.CLVIII-p9.1
3676. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vii.1.LV-p121.1
3677. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p27.1
3678. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=1&scrV=27#vii.1.CXXII-p5.1
3679. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vi.X.XLIII-p12.1
3680. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vi.IV.XII-p12.1
3681. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vi.VII.IX-p16.1
3682. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=8#vi.X.XLIII-p12.1
3683. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=9#vii.1.CLXIV-p33.1
3684. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=12#vii.1.CCXVIII-p22.1
3685. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=13#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p32.1
3686. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=13#vii.1.LV-p89.1
3687. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=15#vi.XIII.XVIII-p7.1
3688. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=20#vii.1.LXXVIII-p44.1
3689. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=21#vii.1.CCVIII-p8.1
3690. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=21#vii.1.LXXXIII-p9.1
3691. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=21#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p24.1
3692. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=2&scrV=27#vi.IX.III-p6.1
3693. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXIX-p6.1
3694. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=8#vii.1.XL-p22.1
3695. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=8#vii.1.LXXV-p70.1
3696. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=12#vii.1.LV-p131.1
3697. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=13#vi.IX.X-p3.1
3698. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=13#vi.XI.XXIX-p8.1
3699. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=13#vi.XI.XXX-p4.1
3700. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=13#vi.XIII.XIII-p8.1
3701. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=14#vi.XI.XXIX-p9.1
3702. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=15#vii.1.XCIII-p160.1
3703. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=15#vii.1.CXLVIII-p14.1
3704. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=19#vi.XIII.XXVI-p3.1
3705. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=3&scrV=19#vii.1.XXIX-p31.1
3706. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXXIII-p10.1
3707. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXII-p7.1
3708. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vii.1.CXXX-p73.1
3709. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=7#vii.1.CXXX-p112.1
3710. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vii.1.CCXXXI-p13.1
3711. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=9#vii.1.XLVIII-p23.1
3712. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=10#vi.XIII.XXVI-p6.1
3713. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XXVI-p7.1
3714. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=11#vi.X.XXXI-p13.1
3715. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=13#vi.X.XXXI-p17.1
3716. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=14#vi.XIII.XXVI-p9.1
3717. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=15#vi.XIII.XXVI-p13.1
3718. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=17#vi.XIII.XXVI-p15.1
3719. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Phil&scrCh=4&scrV=18#vi.XIII.XXVI-p5.1
3720. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=1&scrV=6#vii.1.CCVIII-p23.1
3721. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=1&scrV=16#vi.XII.XXII-p5.1
3722. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=1&scrV=18#vii.1.LV-p27.1
3723. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vi.V.IX-p4.2
3724. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=3#vi.X.XLIII-p24.1
3725. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=3#vi.XI.II-p23.1
3726. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=5#vi.XII.XVI-p6.2
3727. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=8#vi.VIII.II-p4.1
3728. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=8#vi.III.IV-p7.1
3729. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=12#vii.1.LV-p20.1
3730. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vi.IX.XIII-p21.1
3731. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vi.VII.XXI-p12.1
3732. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vi.X.XXXI-p26.1
3733. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=2&scrV=17#vii.1.CII-p70.1
3734. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=1#vii.1.LV-p23.1
3735. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=3#vii.1.CII-p58.1
3736. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=3#vii.1.LV-p24.1
3737. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=3#vii.1.CXXX-p25.1
3738. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p57.1
3739. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=5#vi.VIII.XI-p5.1
3740. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=5#vii.1.XCIII-p56.1
3741. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=9#vii.1.LV-p34.1
3742. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=10#vi.VI.III-p6.1
3743. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=10#vi.XIII.XXII-p11.1
3744. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=10#vii.1.XCII-p14.1
3745. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=13#vii.1.CXLVIII-p12.1
3746. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=2&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXVI-p15.1
3747. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vi.XIII.XXII-p7.1
3748. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=2&scrV=12#vii.1.CLXVI-p7.1
3749. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=2&scrV=13#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p6.1
3750. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=3&scrV=12#vii.1.XLIII-p7.1
3751. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=4&scrV=12#vii.1.CCLXIII-p10.1
3752. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=4&scrV=14#vi.IX.IX-p9.1
3753. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.XIII.XIV-p17.2
3754. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vii.1.CCXI-p30.1
3755. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vii.1.CCXIX-p5.1
3756. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=5&scrV=17#vii.1.CXXX-p72.1
3757. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=5&scrV=17#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p27.1
3758. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=5&scrV=19#vii.1.XCVIII-p9.1
3759. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Thess&scrCh=5&scrV=23#vi.VII.XVII-p6.1
3760. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Thess&scrCh=1&scrV=11#vii.1.CII-p27.4
3761. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Thess&scrCh=2&scrV=1#vi.XI.II-p10.2
3762. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vi.IX.XII-p4.1
3763. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vi.XII.XVIII-p6.1
3764. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vii.1.LV-p189.1
3765. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vii.1.LXXXII-p85.1
3766. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXX-p96.1
3767. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vii.1.CLXVII-p32.1
3768. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vi.XII.XVIII-p5.1
3769. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vi.XII.XXV-p6.1
3770. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vi.XII.XXX-p4.1
3771. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vii.1.CXLV-p17.1
3772. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=15#vi.IV.XII-p9.1
3773. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vii.1.CXLVIII-p39.1
3774. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.XCIII-p36.1
3775. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.CCXX-p9.1
3776. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.CCXXXI-p17.1
3777. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=5#vi.VII.XVIII-p3.1
3778. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=5#vi.X.XLIII-p4.1
3779. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=5#vi.XI.XXIX-p6.1
3780. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXXVII-p30.1
3781. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=1#vii.1.LV-p183.1
3782. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=3#vii.1.XXVIII-p14.1
3783. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=4#vi.X.XXXI-p24.1
3784. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=4#vii.1.XLVII-p10.3
3785. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=4#vii.1.LXXXII-p83.1
3786. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vi.IV.XV-p4.1
3787. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=12#vii.1.XXII-p21.1
3788. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=4#vi.IX.IX-p7.1
3789. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXX-p7.1
3790. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXX-p121.1
3791. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.CXXX-p31.1
3792. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vi.XIII.XXI-p11.1
3793. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=9#vi.IX.IX-p7.1
3794. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=10#vi.V.IX-p10.1
3795. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=10#vi.IX.IX-p7.1
3796. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=14#vi.IX.IX-p7.1
3797. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=20#vii.1.XCV-p11.1
3798. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=5&scrV=23#vii.1.CXXX-p36.1
3799. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=6&scrV=6#vii.1.CXXX-p52.1
3800. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=6&scrV=16#vi.XII.XI-p3.1
3801. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=6&scrV=16#vii.1.XCII-p11.1
3802. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=6&scrV=16#vii.1.CXLIII-p19.1
3803. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=6&scrV=16#vii.1.CXLVIII-p36.1
3804. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=6&scrV=16#vii.1.CLXVI-p12.1
3805. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=6&scrV=17#vii.1.CXXX-p11.1
3806. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Tim&scrCh=6&scrV=20#vi.XIII.XXI-p16.1
3807. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vii.1.CII-p27.2
3808. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=1&scrV=16#vi.XIII.XXV-p7.1
3809. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vi.XII.XVIII-p4.1
3810. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=15#vi.VI.III-p5.1
3811. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=17#vii.1.LV-p30.1
3812. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=17#vii.1.LXXIX-p7.1
3813. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=20#vii.1.LXXXII-p98.1
3814. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=21#vi.VIII.IV-p13.1
3815. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=24#vii.1.LIII-p26.1
3816. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=2&scrV=25#vii.1.XLIII-p8.1
3817. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p9.1
3818. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=3&scrV=6#vii.1.CXCI-p8.1
3819. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=3&scrV=8#vii.1.LV-p153.1
3820. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=3&scrV=13#vi.VIII.V-p5.1
3821. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=2#vii.1.XXXV-p9.1
3822. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Tim&scrCh=4&scrV=16#vi.XIII.XXV-p9.1
3823. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vii.1.XXXV-p9.2
3824. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=1&scrV=9#vii.1.XXXIV-p9.1
3825. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=1&scrV=10#vi.VIII.X-p4.1
3826. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=1&scrV=13#vii.1.CXXX-p48.1
3827. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=1&scrV=15#vi.X.XXXI-p22.1
3828. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=1&scrV=15#vii.1.LV-p184.1
3829. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=2&scrV=7#vii.1.CCXI-p29.1
3830. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=2&scrV=14#vii.1.XCIII-p131.1
3831. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.CXXXIII-p11.1
3832. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Titus&scrCh=3&scrV=10#vii.1.XLIII-p6.1
3833. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.III.VII-p10.3
3834. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=1&scrV=3#vi.IV.XII-p12.3
3835. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=1&scrV=7#vii.1.XCV-p31.2
3836. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=4&scrV=13#vi.X.II-p3.1
3837. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=5&scrV=0#vi.XIII.XVIII-p23.3
3838. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.XI.XIII-p5.2
3839. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=5&scrV=12#vi.XIII.XVIII-p23.2
3840. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=6&scrV=4#vi.XIII.XII-p11.1
3841. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=11&scrV=6#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p47.1
3842. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=11&scrV=8#vi.III.VII-p8.1
3843. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=11&scrV=40#vii.1.CLXIV-p26.1
3844. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=12&scrV=1#vi.X.XL-p5.1
3845. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=12&scrV=6#vii.1.CXI-p17.1
3846. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Heb&scrCh=12&scrV=14#vii.1.CXLVIII-p58.1
3847. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vi.III.VI-p6.1
3848. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vi.IV.XV-p11.1
3849. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p24.1
3850. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=1&scrV=17#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p27.1
3851. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=1&scrV=20#vii.1.CCL-p12.1
3852. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=2&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXVII-p9.1
3853. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=2&scrV=6#vii.1.CLXVII-p10.1
3854. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=2&scrV=8#vii.1.CLXVII-p58.1
3855. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=2&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXVI-p4.1
3856. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=2&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXVII-p6.1
3857. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=2&scrV=10#vii.1.CLXVII-p29.1
3858. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=2&scrV=13#vi.IX.XIII-p15.1
3859. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=2&scrV=13#vii.1.CLXVII-p59.1
3860. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.LXXIII-p24.1
3861. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXVII-p28.1
3862. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.CLXVII-p55.1
3863. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=4#vi.I_1.XIII-p6.1
3864. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.I_1.I-p5.1
3865. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.IV.III-p17.2
3866. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.VII.IX-p3.1
3867. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.IV.XV-p13.1
3868. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vi.X.XXXVI-p6.1
3869. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p84.1
3870. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vii.1.XCIII-p193.1
3871. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=11#vi.XIII.XXIII-p9.1
3872. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=4&scrV=14#vi.I_1.XIII-p4.2
3873. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Jas&scrCh=5&scrV=12#vii.1.LXXXII-p66.1
3874. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=1&scrV=23#vi.IV.XI-p4.1
3875. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=2&scrV=1#vi.I_1.I-p11.1
3876. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vi.IV.I-p5.1
3877. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XXV-p10.3
3878. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=2&scrV=4#vii.1.LV-p67.1
3879. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=2&scrV=5#vi.VIII.XII-p4.1
3880. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=2&scrV=9#vi.XIII.XIX-p18.1
3881. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=3&scrV=18#vi.XI.II-p10.1
3882. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=3&scrV=18#vii.1.CLXIV-p7.1
3883. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=4&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXIV-p29.1
3884. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=4&scrV=1#vii.1.XXIX-p29.1
3885. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vii.1.CLXIV-p29.1
3886. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=4&scrV=6#vii.1.CLXIV-p58.1
3887. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p33.1
3888. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vii.1.XCIII-p170.1
3889. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=4&scrV=17#vii.1.CLXIV-p59.1
3890. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vii.1.CCIX-p16.1
3891. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.I_1.I-p5.2
3892. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.IV.III-p17.1
3893. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.VII.IX-p3.2
3894. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vi.IV.XV-p13.2
3895. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vi.VII.XXI-p21.1
3896. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1Pet&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vii.1.LXXVIII-p17.1
3897. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Pet&scrCh=1&scrV=19#vii.1.CXXX-p20.1
3898. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Pet&scrCh=2&scrV=19#vii.1.CXLV-p8.1
3899. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=1&scrV=1#vi.XIII.XIX-p24.1
3900. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vi.VII.X-p3.1
3901. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vii.1.XCII-p9.1
3902. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vi.IX.XIII-p5.2
3903. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vi.X.XXXVII-p13.1
3904. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vii.1.CLXVII-p27.1
3905. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=1&scrV=8#vii.1.CLXVII-p48.1
3906. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=2#vii.1.XCIII-p148.1
3907. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=4#vi.III.VI-p4.1
3908. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=15#vii.1.CCXX-p16.1
3909. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=15#vii.1.CCXX-p22.1
3910. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vi.i-p57.1
3911. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vi.X.XXXIV-p3.1
3912. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vi.X.XXX-p3.1
3913. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vi.V.III-p8.2
3914. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vi.X.XXXV-p4.1
3915. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vi.X.XXXVII-p7.1
3916. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=16#vii.1.CXLV-p7.1
3917. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=2&scrV=19#vii.1.XCIII-p124.1
3918. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XIII-p24.1
3919. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XV-p26.1
3920. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XV-p29.1
3921. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vi.XIII.XVIII-p24.1
3922. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.LXIV-p5.1
3923. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.XCII-p13.1
3924. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.CXXX-p22.1
3925. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=2#vii.1.CXLVIII-p41.1
3926. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=3#vi.XIII.XIII-p23.2
3927. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=15#vii.1.CCXI-p27.1
3928. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=3&scrV=16#vii.1.CCXXVIII-p12.1
3929. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vii.1.CXLVIII-p57.1
3930. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=4&scrV=8#vii.1.CCXIX-p10.1
3931. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=4&scrV=12#vii.1.CXLVIII-p20.1
3932. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=4&scrV=16#vii.1.LXXIII-p27.1
3933. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=4&scrV=16#vii.1.CXLVIII-p15.1
3934. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=4&scrV=16#vii.1.CCXIX-p10.1
3935. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=4&scrV=18#vii.1.CXLV-p22.1
3936. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=4&scrV=18#vii.1.CCXVIII-p16.1
3937. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=5&scrV=19#vii.1.XCIII-p147.1
3938. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=5&scrV=21#vii.1.CII-p37.1
3939. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=21&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p161.1
3940. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=1John&scrCh=21&scrV=11#vii.1.LV-p161.1
3941. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=3John&scrCh=1&scrV=2#vi.IX.IV-p36.1
3942. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=1&scrV=5#vii.1.CLXIV-p24.1
3943. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=2&scrV=1#vii.1.XLIII-p47.1
3944. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=2&scrV=4#vii.1.XLIII-p48.1
3945. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=3&scrV=5#vi.II_1.VII-p4.1
3946. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=5&scrV=5#vii.1.LV-p65.1
3947. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=6&scrV=14#vi.XIII.XV-p5.2
3948. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=7&scrV=9#vii.1.XCIII-p132.1
3949. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=8&scrV=3#vi.X.IV-p6.1
3950. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=12&scrV=3#vi.VII.XXI-p22.1
3951. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=12&scrV=4#vi.V.III-p18.1
3952. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=21&scrV=2#vi.VII.XXI-p14.1
3953. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Rev&scrCh=22&scrV=11#vii.1.LXXVIII-p46.1
3954. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Tob&scrCh=4&scrV=0#vi.X.XXXIV-p7.1
3955. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Tob&scrCh=12&scrV=8#vii.1.CXXX-p125.1
3956. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Tob&scrCh=12&scrV=12#vii.1.CXXX-p74.1
3957. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Tob&scrCh=12&scrV=16#vii.1.CLVIII-p24.1
3958. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=2&scrV=26#vi.V.II-p7.1
3959. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=3&scrV=6#vii.1.CLXXXIX-p20.1
3960. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=4&scrV=9#vii.1.CCXVIII-p6.1
3961. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=5&scrV=3#vii.1.LV-p53.1
3962. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=5&scrV=6#vii.1.LV-p49.1
3963. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=6&scrV=17#vii.1.CI-p13.1
3964. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=7&scrV=22#vii.1.CLXIX-p24.1
3965. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=7&scrV=27#vi.IX.X-p10.1
3966. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=7&scrV=27#vi.VII.XI-p5.1
3967. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=8&scrV=1#vii.1.CXXXVII-p29.1
3968. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=8&scrV=2#vi.VI.XI-p7.1
3969. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=8&scrV=20#vii.1.CCXVIII-p9.1
3970. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=8&scrV=21#vi.X.XXIX-p4.1
3971. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=8&scrV=21#vi.X.XXXI-p10.1
3972. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=8&scrV=21#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p34.1
3973. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=8&scrV=21#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-p44.1
3974. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=8&scrV=21#vii.1.CXLIV-p8.1
3975. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=9&scrV=15#vi.VII.XVII-p3.1
3976. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=9&scrV=15#vii.1.CXXXI-p5.1
3977. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=9&scrV=15#vii.1.CXLIII-p16.1
3978. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=10&scrV=1#vii.1.CLXIV-p18.1
3979. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=10&scrV=21#vi.VIII.V-p4.1
3980. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=11&scrV=20#vi.V.IV-p7.1
3981. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=13&scrV=1#vi.VIII.I-p14.1
3982. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=13&scrV=9#vi.V.III-p3.1
3983. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=13&scrV=9#vii.1.LV-p45.1
3984. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Wis&scrCh=16&scrV=21#vii.1.LIV-p18.1
3985. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Bar&scrCh=3&scrV=37#vii.1.CLXIV-p46.1
3986. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Macc&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vii.1.XL-p21.1
3987. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Macc&scrCh=7&scrV=1#vii.1.LXXV-p69.1
3988. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=2Macc&scrCh=7&scrV=18#vii.1.CXI-p15.1
3989. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=1&scrV=4#vi.XII.XV-p9.1
3990. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=1&scrV=4#vi.XII.XV-p10.1
3991. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=3&scrV=1#vii.1.XXXVI-p37.1
3992. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=3&scrV=17#vi.XIII.XXI-p23.1
3993. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=3&scrV=27#vi.VI.XII-p6.1
3994. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=4&scrV=21#vii.1.XCIII-p207.1
3995. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=5&scrV=8#vii.1.CCXX-p13.1
3996. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=6&scrV=18#vii.1.CCXVIII-p5.1
3997. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=10&scrV=9#vi.VII.XVI-p4.1
3998. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=10&scrV=13#vi.VIII.VI-p9.3
3999. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=11&scrV=7#vii.1.XLIII-p26.1
4000. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=18&scrV=6#vii.1.CXXXVII-p10.1
4001. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=18&scrV=30#vi.X.XXXI-p11.1
4002. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=19&scrV=1#vi.IX.VIII-p8.1
4003. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=22&scrV=6#vii.1.LXVIII-p8.1
4004. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=23&scrV=6#vi.X.XXXI-p20.1
4005. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=23&scrV=6#vii.1.CXXX-p90.1
4006. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=27&scrV=12#vii.1.LV-p48.1
4007. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=27&scrV=29#vii.1.LXXXVIII-p23.1
4008. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=34&scrV=25#vii.1.CLXXIII-p19.1
4009. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=36&scrV=4#vii.1.CXXX-p84.1
4010. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=36&scrV=18#vii.1.CXXX-p84.1
4011. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=38&scrV=16#vii.1.CCLXIII-p12.1
4012. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3?scrBook=Sir&scrCh=39&scrV=21#vi.VII.XII-p3.2
4013. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-p46.1
4014. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p13.2
4015. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-p1.2
4016. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-p10.1
4017. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.5
4018. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-p36.2
4019. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-p11.4
4020. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.7
4021. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-p39.1
4022. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXV-p10.2
4023. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-p17.2
4024. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XL-p25.1
4025. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-p28.1
4026. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-p131.2
4027. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-p4.2
4028. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.9
4029. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-p54.2
4030. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-p5.5
4031. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-p11.2
4032. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-p3.1
4033. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.III-p3.2
4034. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p51.1
4035. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-p12.2
4036. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-p12.2
4037. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-p3.1
4038. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.VI-p6.3
4039. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.2
4040. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VIII-p3.2
4041. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VIII-p3.6
4042. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p69.1
4043. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p75.1
4044. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-p4.4
4045. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.3
4046. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCII-p21.1
4047. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-p133.1
4048. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VIII-p3.3
4049. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-p166.2
4050. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-p10.2
4051. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p5.1
4052. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p427.1
4053. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-p23.4
4054. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-p43.3
4055. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p33.1
4056. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-p6.1
4057. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.4
4058. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-p10.4
4059. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-p3.2
4060. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-p10.3
4061. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p675.1
4062. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XVI-p4.1
4063. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XVI-p3.1
4064. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-p11.2
4065. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-p31.2
4066. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-p6.9
4067. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-p74.2
4068. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.V-p4.1
4069. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-p11.2
4070. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-p20.1
4071. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LI-p16.1
4072. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-p10.5
4073. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-p10.2
4074. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-p6.1
4075. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p767.1
4076. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1020.1
4077. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1053.1
4078. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-p8.3
4079. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1084.1
4080. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1137.1
4081. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1234.1
4082. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1268.1
4083. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1090.1
4084. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1091.1
4085. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCII-p22.2
4086. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-p36.2
4087. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-p19.2
4088. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-p11.4
4089. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.1
4090. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXV-p8.2
4091. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-p24.2
4092. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-p31.2
4093. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-p11.3
4094. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-p36.3
4095. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-p31.3
4096. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-p90.1
4097. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCVIII-p23.2
4098. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-p120.2
4099. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-p10.7
4100. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-p10.4
4101. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-p5.1
4102. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-p4.4
4103. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-p43.2
4104. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-p10.2
4105. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.VI-p6.2
4106. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-p3.4
4107. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-p100.1
4108. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXII-p17.1
4109. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXVIII-p6.1
4110. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-p30.1
4111. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-p32.1
4112. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVIII-p3.3
4113. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.10
4114. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-p6.3
4115. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-p6.11
4116. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-p10.2
4117. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.8
4118. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VIII-p3.4
4119. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-p6.9
4120. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-p6.1
4121. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVIII-p4.1
4122. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-p3.2
4123. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p24.6
4124. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-p59.1
4125. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-p11.5
4126. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-p7.3
4127. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-p3.1
4128. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-p11.1
4129. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-p56.2
4130. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-p6.2
4131. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-p4.3
4132. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-p6.10
4133. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-p6.8
4134. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-p7.4
4135. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-p6.2
4136. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-p10.3
4137. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-p5.3
4138. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.III-p3.3
4139. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-p10.5
4140. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p5.2
4141. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p715.2
4142. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-p7.2
4143. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-p7.5
4144. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p5.3
4145. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVIII-p3.2
4146. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-p5.2
4147. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-p10.6
4148. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p715.1
4149. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-p10.9
4150. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-p1097.1
4151. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXIV-p4.1
4152. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p13.3
4153. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p31.2
4154. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p27.3
4155. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p42.4
4156. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p27.6
4157. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p6.2
4158. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p21.1
4159. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-p3.5
4160. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-p3.3
4161. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.2-p36.4
4162. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-p3.1
4163. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XI-p7.3
4164. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-p6.4
4165. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XI-p7.2
4166. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p27.11
4167. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p42.2
4168. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.2-p36.1
4169. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-p16.2
4170. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.2-p36.2
4171. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#i-Page_iii
4172. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#ii-Page_v
4173. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#ii-Page_vi
4174. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#ii-Page_vii
4175. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iii-Page_ix
4176. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv-Page_1
4177. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.1.I-Page_2
4178. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.1.III-Page_3
4179. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.2-Page_4
4180. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.2-Page_5
4181. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.2-Page_6
4182. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-Page_7
4183. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-Page_8
4184. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-Page_9
4185. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.3-Page_10
4186. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_11
4187. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_12
4188. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_13
4189. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_14
4190. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_15
4191. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_16
4192. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_17
4193. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.4-Page_18
4194. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.5-Page_19
4195. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.5-Page_20
4196. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.5-Page_21
4197. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.5-Page_22
4198. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.5-Page_23
4199. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#iv.5-Page_24
4200. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#v-Page_25
4201. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi-Page_27
4202. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.i-Page_29
4203. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.i-Page_30
4204. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.i-Page_31
4205. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.i-Page_32
4206. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.ii-Page_33
4207. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#I_1-Page_45
4208. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.II-Page_46
4209. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.V-Page_47
4210. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VI-Page_48
4211. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.VII-Page_49
4212. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.IX-Page_50
4213. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XII-Page_51
4214. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XIV-Page_52
4215. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVI-Page_53
4216. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.I_1.XVIII-Page_54
4217. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#II_1-Page_55
4218. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.II-Page_56
4219. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.III-Page_57
4220. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.V-Page_58
4221. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.II_1.VI-Page_59
4222. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III-Page_60
4223. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.II-Page_61
4224. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.IV-Page_62
4225. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VI-Page_63
4226. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_64
4227. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VII-Page_65
4228. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.VIII-Page_66
4229. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.III.XI-Page_67
4230. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV-Page_68
4231. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.II-Page_69
4232. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.III-Page_70
4233. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.IV-Page_71
4234. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.VII-Page_72
4235. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.X-Page_73
4236. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XII-Page_74
4237. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XIV-Page_75
4238. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_76
4239. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XV-Page_77
4240. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IV.XVI-Page_78
4241. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V-Page_79
4242. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.II-Page_80
4243. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.III-Page_81
4244. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.V-Page_82
4245. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VI-Page_83
4246. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.VIII-Page_84
4247. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.IX-Page_85
4248. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_86
4249. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.X-Page_87
4250. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.V.XIII-Page_88
4251. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI-Page_89
4252. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.I-Page_90
4253. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.II-Page_91
4254. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IV-Page_92
4255. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.V-Page_93
4256. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VI-Page_94
4257. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VII-Page_95
4258. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.VIII-Page_96
4259. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.IX-Page_97
4260. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.X-Page_98
4261. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XII-Page_99
4262. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XIV-Page_100
4263. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VI.XVI-Page_101
4264. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII-Page_102
4265. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.I-Page_103
4266. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.III-Page_104
4267. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.V-Page_105
4268. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VI-Page_106
4269. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.VII-Page_107
4270. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_108
4271. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.IX-Page_109
4272. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.X-Page_110
4273. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIV-Page_111
4274. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XVII-Page_112
4275. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XIX-Page_113
4276. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XX-Page_114
4277. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VII.XXI-Page_115
4278. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII-Page_116
4279. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.I-Page_117
4280. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_118
4281. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.II-Page_119
4282. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.IV-Page_120
4283. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.V-Page_121
4284. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_122
4285. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VI-Page_123
4286. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VII-Page_124
4287. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.VIII-Page_125
4288. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.X-Page_126
4289. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XI-Page_127
4290. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.VIII.XII-Page_128
4291. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX-Page_129
4292. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.II-Page_130
4293. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.III-Page_131
4294. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_132
4295. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IV-Page_133
4296. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VI-Page_134
4297. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VII-Page_135
4298. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.VIII-Page_136
4299. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.IX-Page_137
4300. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.X-Page_138
4301. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_139
4302. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XII-Page_140
4303. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.IX.XIII-Page_141
4304. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X-Page_142
4305. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.III-Page_143
4306. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.V-Page_144
4307. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.VI-Page_145
4308. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.VIII-Page_146
4309. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.X-Page_147
4310. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XIV-Page_148
4311. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVI-Page_149
4312. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XVIII-Page_150
4313. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXI-Page_151
4314. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXIII-Page_152
4315. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXVII-Page_153
4316. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXX-Page_154
4317. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXI-Page_155
4318. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXII-Page_156
4319. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXIV-Page_157
4320. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXV-Page_158
4321. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVI-Page_159
4322. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XXXVII-Page_160
4323. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XL-Page_161
4324. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.X.XLIII-Page_162
4325. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI-Page_163
4326. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.II-Page_164
4327. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.III-Page_165
4328. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.VI-Page_166
4329. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.IX-Page_167
4330. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XIII-Page_168
4331. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XV-Page_169
4332. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XVIII-Page_170
4333. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXII-Page_171
4334. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXIV-Page_172
4335. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVII-Page_173
4336. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXVIII-Page_174
4337. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XI.XXXI-Page_175
4338. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII-Page_176
4339. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.IV-Page_177
4340. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.VIII-Page_178
4341. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XI-Page_179
4342. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XIII-Page_180
4343. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XV-Page_181
4344. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVI-Page_182
4345. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XVIII-Page_183
4346. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXI-Page_184
4347. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXII-Page_185
4348. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXV-Page_186
4349. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXVII-Page_187
4350. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXIX-Page_188
4351. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XII.XXXII-Page_189
4352. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII-Page_190
4353. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.II-Page_191
4354. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.VI-Page_192
4355. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.IX-Page_193
4356. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XI-Page_194
4357. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XIII-Page_195
4358. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XV-Page_196
4359. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVII-Page_197
4360. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XVIII-Page_198
4361. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XX-Page_199
4362. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXI-Page_200
4363. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXII-Page_201
4364. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIII-Page_202
4365. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIV-Page_203
4366. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXVI-Page_204
4367. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXIX-Page_205
4368. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXII-Page_206
4369. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vi.XIII.XXXIV-Page_207
4370. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii-Page_209
4371. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.i-Page_211
4372. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.i-Page_212
4373. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.i-Page_213
4374. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.I-Page_219
4375. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.I-Page_220
4376. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.III-Page_221
4377. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.III-Page_222
4378. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.IV-Page_223
4379. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.VII-Page_224
4380. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.VII-Page_225
4381. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.VII-Page_226
4382. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.IX-Page_227
4383. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.IX-Page_228
4384. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XI-Page_229
4385. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XI-Page_230
4386. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XIII-Page_231
4387. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XIV-Page_232
4388. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XV-Page_233
4389. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVI-Page_234
4390. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVII-Page_235
4391. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XVIII-Page_236
4392. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XX-Page_237
4393. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXI-Page_238
4394. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXI-Page_239
4395. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXII-Page_240
4396. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXII-Page_241
4397. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIII-Page_242
4398. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIII-Page_243
4399. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIII-Page_244
4400. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIII-Page_245
4401. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXV-Page_246
4402. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVI-Page_247
4403. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVI-Page_248
4404. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVII-Page_249
4405. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVII-Page_250
4406. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVIII-Page_251
4407. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVIII-Page_252
4408. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXVIII-Page_253
4409. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIX-Page_254
4410. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIX-Page_255
4411. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIX-Page_256
4412. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXIX-Page_257
4413. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXI-Page_258
4414. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXI-Page_259
4415. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXI-Page_260
4416. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXIII-Page_261
4417. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXIII-Page_262
4418. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXIV-Page_263
4419. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXV-Page_264
4420. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXV-Page_265
4421. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-Page_266
4422. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-Page_267
4423. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-Page_268
4424. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-Page_269
4425. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVI-Page_270
4426. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVII-Page_271
4427. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XXXVIII-Page_272
4428. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XL-Page_273
4429. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XL-Page_274
4430. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XL-Page_275
4431. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLII-Page_276
4432. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_277
4433. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_278
4434. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_279
4435. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_280
4436. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_281
4437. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_282
4438. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_283
4439. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_284
4440. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIII-Page_285
4441. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_286
4442. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_287
4443. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_288
4444. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_289
4445. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLIV-Page_290
4446. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVI-Page_291
4447. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVII-Page_292
4448. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVII-Page_293
4449. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVII-Page_294
4450. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XLVIII-Page_295
4451. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LI-Page_296
4452. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LI-Page_297
4453. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LII-Page_298
4454. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIII-Page_299
4455. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIII-Page_300
4456. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_301
4457. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_302
4458. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LIV-Page_303
4459. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_304
4460. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_305
4461. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_306
4462. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_307
4463. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_308
4464. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_309
4465. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_310
4466. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_311
4467. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_312
4468. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_313
4469. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_314
4470. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_315
4471. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LV-Page_316
4472. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LVIII-Page_317
4473. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LX-Page_318
4474. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXI-Page_319
4475. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXIII-Page_320
4476. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXIII-Page_321
4477. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXIV-Page_322
4478. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXV-Page_323
4479. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXVI-Page_324
4480. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXVIII-Page_325
4481. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXIX-Page_326
4482. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXI-Page_327
4483. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXI-Page_328
4484. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXII-Page_329
4485. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXIII-Page_330
4486. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXIII-Page_331
4487. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXIII-Page_332
4488. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXIII-Page_333
4489. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_334
4490. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_335
4491. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_336
4492. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_337
4493. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_338
4494. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_339
4495. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_340
4496. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_341
4497. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_342
4498. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXV-Page_343
4499. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVI-Page_344
4500. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVII-Page_345
4501. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVIII-Page_346
4502. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVIII-Page_347
4503. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXVIII-Page_348
4504. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXIX-Page_349
4505. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_350
4506. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_351
4507. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_352
4508. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_353
4509. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_354
4510. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_355
4511. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_356
4512. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_357
4513. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_358
4514. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_359
4515. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_360
4516. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXII-Page_361
4517. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIII-Page_362
4518. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIII-Page_363
4519. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIV-Page_364
4520. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXV-Page_365
4521. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVII-Page_366
4522. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVII-Page_367
4523. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVII-Page_368
4524. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVII-Page_369
4525. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVIII-Page_370
4526. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVIII-Page_371
4527. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVIII-Page_372
4528. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXVIII-Page_373
4529. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIX-Page_374
4530. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIX-Page_375
4531. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.LXXXIX-Page_376
4532. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_377
4533. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_378
4534. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_379
4535. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCI-Page_380
4536. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCII-Page_381
4537. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCII-Page_382
4538. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_383
4539. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_384
4540. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_385
4541. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_386
4542. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_387
4543. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_388
4544. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_389
4545. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_390
4546. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_391
4547. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_392
4548. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_393
4549. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_394
4550. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_395
4551. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_396
4552. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_397
4553. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_398
4554. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_399
4555. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_400
4556. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIII-Page_401
4557. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCV-Page_402
4558. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCV-Page_403
4559. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCV-Page_404
4560. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVI-Page_405
4561. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVII-Page_406
4562. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_407
4563. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_408
4564. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_409
4565. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCVIII-Page_410
4566. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.XCIX-Page_411
4567. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.C-Page_412
4568. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CI-Page_413
4569. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CI-Page_414
4570. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_415
4571. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_416
4572. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_417
4573. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_418
4574. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_419
4575. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_420
4576. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_421
4577. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_422
4578. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_423
4579. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_424
4580. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CII-Page_425
4581. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIII-Page_426
4582. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIII-Page_427
4583. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIV-Page_428
4584. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIV-Page_429
4585. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIV-Page_430
4586. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIV-Page_431
4587. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIV-Page_432
4588. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CIV-Page_433
4589. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXI-Page_434
4590. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXI-Page_435
4591. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXI-Page_436
4592. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXV-Page_437
4593. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVII-Page_438
4594. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_439
4595. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_440
4596. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_441
4597. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_442
4598. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_443
4599. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_444
4600. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_445
4601. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_446
4602. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_447
4603. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_448
4604. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_449
4605. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXVIII-Page_450
4606. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXII-Page_451
4607. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXIV-Page_452
4608. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXV-Page_453
4609. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXV-Page_454
4610. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_455
4611. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_456
4612. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_457
4613. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_458
4614. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXVI-Page_459
4615. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_460
4616. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_461
4617. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_462
4618. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_463
4619. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_464
4620. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_465
4621. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_466
4622. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_467
4623. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_468
4624. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXX-Page_469
4625. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXI-Page_470
4626. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXIII-Page_471
4627. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXV-Page_472
4628. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVI-Page_473
4629. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_474
4630. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_475
4631. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_476
4632. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_477
4633. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_478
4634. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_479
4635. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_480
4636. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVII-Page_481
4637. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_482
4638. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_483
4639. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_484
4640. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_485
4641. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_486
4642. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_487
4643. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXVIII-Page_488
4644. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXIX-Page_489
4645. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXXXIX-Page_490
4646. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIII-Page_491
4647. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIII-Page_492
4648. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIII-Page_493
4649. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIII-Page_494
4650. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLIV-Page_495
4651. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_496
4652. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_497
4653. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLV-Page_498
4654. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLVIII-Page_499
4655. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLVIII-Page_500
4656. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLVIII-Page_501
4657. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLVIII-Page_502
4658. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXLVIII-Page_503
4659. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CL-Page_504
4660. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_505
4661. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_506
4662. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_507
4663. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_508
4664. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLI-Page_509
4665. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_510
4666. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_511
4667. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_512
4668. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLVIII-Page_513
4669. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLIX-Page_514
4670. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLIX-Page_515
4671. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_516
4672. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_517
4673. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_518
4674. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_519
4675. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_520
4676. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIV-Page_521
4677. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXV-Page_522
4678. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_523
4679. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_524
4680. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_525
4681. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_526
4682. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_527
4683. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_528
4684. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_529
4685. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_530
4686. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_531
4687. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVI-Page_532
4688. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_533
4689. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_534
4690. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_535
4691. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_536
4692. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_537
4693. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_538
4694. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXVII-Page_539
4695. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_540
4696. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_541
4697. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_542
4698. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXIX-Page_543
4699. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXII-Page_544
4700. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXIII-Page_545
4701. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXIII-Page_546
4702. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXIII-Page_547
4703. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXX-Page_548
4704. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-Page_549
4705. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-Page_550
4706. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-Page_551
4707. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXVIII-Page_552
4708. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXIX-Page_553
4709. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CLXXXIX-Page_554
4710. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXCI-Page_555
4711. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CXCII-Page_556
4712. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCI-Page_557
4713. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCIII-Page_558
4714. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCVIII-Page_559
4715. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCVIII-Page_560
4716. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCIX-Page_561
4717. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCIX-Page_562
4718. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCX-Page_563
4719. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_564
4720. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_565
4721. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_566
4722. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_567
4723. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXI-Page_568
4724. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXIII-Page_569
4725. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXIII-Page_570
4726. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXVIII-Page_571
4727. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXVIII-Page_572
4728. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXX-Page_573
4729. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXX-Page_574
4730. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXX-Page_575
4731. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXX-Page_576
4732. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVII-Page_577
4733. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVIII-Page_578
4734. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVIII-Page_579
4735. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVIII-Page_580
4736. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXVIII-Page_581
4737. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXIX-Page_582
4738. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXI-Page_583
4739. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXI-Page_584
4740. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXII-Page_585
4741. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXII-Page_586
4742. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXXXII-Page_587
4743. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXLV-Page_588
4744. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCXLVI-Page_589
4745. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCL-Page_590
4746. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCLIV-Page_591
4747. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCLXIII-Page_592
4748. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#vii.1.CCLXIII-Page_593
4749. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_597
4750. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_598
4751. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_599
4752. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_600
4753. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_601
4754. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_602
4755. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_603
4756. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_604
4757. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#viii-Page_605
4758. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#ix-Page_610
4759. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf101/cache/npnf101.html3#ix-Page_611